AN ANALYTICAL STUDY OF THE ORIGINS AND

DEVELOPMENT OF THE JATAKAS

THESIS S U B M I TTED FOR THE DEGREE OF

mortor of $lbiloopbp
IN

ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY, CULTURE AND ARCHAEOLOGY

By

Gihyun Rwon
Supervisor

Head

Pro/. Dr. P. C. Pant

Dr. P. K. Agrawala

DEPARTMENT Of ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY, CULTURE

AN 0 ARCHAEOLOGY
BANARAS HINDU UNIVERSITY
VARANASI-22100S
INDIA

Enrolment No.-209897

1997

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'/"1,,,. Of/if''': t:nTl:lrtlA lIilld" l:nh'nt'lI:iff,

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,." ,1 tf,

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Department 0\ Ancent IlJdiHl Ili<,fnry, Culture & Archaeology

RANARAS HINDU UNIVERSITY

Ilnfe ..................... .

This is to certify that Mr. GIHYUN KWON has worked for the full
period under the Clause 3.1 of the Ph. D. ordinance and has completed his
research

under

my

supervision.

ANALYTICAL STUDY OF THE

His

thesis

under

the

title

of

ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT

"AN
OF

THE JATAKAS" embodies the result of his own investigation conducted

during the period he worked as Ph. D. research scholar.

G{lLAf

Or. P. K. AGRAWALA

Supervisor

CONTENTS

Acknowledgements
Introduction
Abbreviations

I
III
VII

C-JPl
L Historical background and the aim of the Jatakas

IT.Three specific problems regarding the Jatakas

IT -1. The date of the ]atakas

II-2. Authorship of the ]atakatthakatha

19

IT-3. Actual number of ]ataka stories

26

Ill. The origin of Jataka Books and the stories

31

m...;1. The meaning of the word ]ataka

31

ill- 2. The original nature of the Jatakas

33

ill- 3. The place of the ]atakas in the Pali Canon

38

ill-4. The archaeological evidence

43

ill-5. The ]ataka Gathas and Atthakathas

49

ill-6. Literary construction and analysis

72

IV. Later development of the Jataka tales

and the Avadanas

N -1. The technical term Avadana

84
84

N-2. Similarity and defference between the Pali Jatakas

and the Sanskrit Avadanas

87

N -3. A survey of the A vadanas

89

N -4. The Avadanasataka

91

N -5. The Divyavadana

94

N -6. The ]atakamala

99

N -7. The Mahavastu

102

N -8. The Avadanakalpalata

106

v. The Jataka stories as depicted in Indian art

108

V-1. The Bharhut, Sanchi, and Bodhgaya sculptures

108

V-I-a. The Bharhut Stupa

-

108

V I b The Sanchi Stupa

117

V-I-c. The Bodhgaya temple

125

V-2. The Stupa of Amaravati, Nagarjunakol).Qa and Gall

131

V -2-a. The Amaravati Stupa

132

V-2-b. Nagarjunakol).Qa

137

V-2-c. Goll

141

V-3. The Mathura school of art

144

V-4. The Gandhara school of art

150

V-5. The Ajanta and the Bagh caves

154

V-5-a. The Ajanta caves

154

V -5-b. The Bagh caves

166

VI. An analytical study on the substance of

the Jataka stories

169

VI -l. Philosophical and ethical thoughts

169

VI-2. Karma and rebirth motifs

178

VI-3. The Bodhisattva ideal

190

VI-4. The Paramita concepts

207

VII. The Jataka tales outside India

226

Vll-l. Literary tradition

226

Vll-2. Art tradition

234

VIll . Conclusion

Bibliography
Appendix
List of illustrations
Plates

245

256
I
IV

I-XLV

- I -

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

My interest in jataka stories began when I came to see the

books of jataka stories of Prof. E. B. Cowell's version. At the same
time I happen to see the jataka scenes which are depicted on the
Bharhut stone railings and exhibited in the Indian Museum, Calcutta.
Both of these sources greatly appealed to me not only for their
aesthetic and cultural evidence but also for the richness of the
literary material extant. Furthermore, my first interest grew later into
the present enquiry regarding the origins and development of the
jatakas in their various aspects and contributions to Buddhist culture
through the age.
I wish to express a very special thanks to all the teachers in the
Department of A.IH.C. & Archaeology, Banaras Hmdu University for
their indispensable aid and encouragement from time to time. Specific
mention may be made of Prof. P. Singh, Prof. V. C. Srivastava, Prof.
P. C. Pant, and Prof. Maheshwari Prasad. Also my thanks are due to
all the staff members of the Department and its library; Mr. Baron
Kumar Sinha, the photographer, is to be specially thanked for his
help in photo preparations.
I am grateful to the officials of the American Institute of Indian
Studies, Ramnagar, Varanasi, specifically for deriving much help from
their library and Photo Archives; also to the authorities of the Bharat
Kala Bhavan and the Central Library, BHU.
Real credit for the completion of this work must be attributed to
my most respected and learned supervisor, Dr. P. K. Agrawala, a son
of the great Indologist V. S. Agrawala. He has been really kind
enough to act as my guide and supervisor in this work. At every
stage of this research project, it was his unreserved help and learned

- 1I -

guidance

with

very

thought-provoking

sharp

and

directions

specific

suggestive
that

have

criticism
been

and

able

to

accomplish this work otherwise impossible for me. In fact, he gave

me

research

rudimentary
and

analytically and

made

training
me

in

the

understand

academic
the

pursuits

present

of

research

higher
topic

minutely. I have also to express my indebtedness to

his personal kindness and affection, which sustained me throughout

my endeavour during moments of hardships and odds. I can never
pay the debt I owe to him.

- III -

INTRODUCTION

In

the

sacred

tradition

of

India

the motif

of

recollection

of

previous lives is a common feature with respect to the histories of

the saints and heroes. From the later Vedic period, Sarpsara or the
doctrine of transmigration appears to have played an important part
in the consciousness and religious character of the people so much so
that even in early Buddhism and its canonical literature one finds the
belief

in

the

ages

of

the

past

as

inherited well

to

attribute

an

authentic legendary background to the historical life of its founder.

As the Buddhist texts inform, it was not easy for the Lord
himself to become a Buddha in one life, for attaining such a position
he had indeed

to pass

through a

long series of existences ever

dedicated to imbibe the most heroic virtues and ideals. From such a
probation even

Sakyamuni

was not to be exempted Thus, we have

the series of his previous lives given in the form of his Birth Stories
or the jatakas enumerating some

550

incarnations the Great Soul is

said to have taken through his successive births as a bird, a beast, a

human being or a divinity.

The importance of the jatakas can hardly be under-estimated.

From a general
folk-tales,

viewpoint they are, no doubt, simple stories. All

originating

as

they

do

amidst

the

vast

and

varied

traditions of the people, reflect their common life and ideals. They
are of inestimable value as pieces of folk literature and provide at
the

same

time

much

interesting

information

with

regards

to

the

evolution of human culture and thought. Through all these centuries

past

the

Buddhist

Jatakas

have,

likewise,

enriched,

directly

or

indirectly, the literature of India and her neighbouring peoples and

are,

therefore,

literature.

of

singular

importance

for

the

history

of

world

Similarly, the art of India and also of the other Asian

- IV -

countries was enriched by the ]ataka illustrations. They belong to

the oldest group of subjects that were portrayed in the Buddhist art
of India while they are still there as fonning the favourite themes for
inspiring sculpture and painting in

all the contemporary Buddhist

countries even today as in the past.

Phenomenal findings of the

]ataka material in India, Sri Lanka, and the countries on the Silk
Route, in Burma, Thailand, China and ] ava, etc. have, thus, sparked
unparalleled interest in the modern world. They have penetrated deep
into the minds of the people who have inherited them through past
many centuries. Even today the popularity of the ]ataka narratives
among Buddhist people is unrivalled.

The

present

study

was

taken

up

with

the

intention

of

investigating closely and analytically the Origins and Development of

the Jatakas. In the first instance, the main emphasis of this work has
been to analyse the historical origins and subsequent growth of the
]atakas with regards to their literary composition and style, as well
as ethical and philosophical value. Secondly, it was also the aim to
throw some light on their representation in ancient art and allied
cultural

phenomena

during

successIve

periods

and

styles.

Furthermore, a brief survey was thought to be attempted with a

view to see the ]ataka tradition in the Buddhist

countries outside of

Indian frontiers where it came to be popular along with other major

traits of Buddhist religion and culture.

Accordingly,

the

present

thesis

has

been

divided

into

eight

chapters. The frrst chapter deals with the historical background and
the primary aim of the ]atakas. It is shown that the preachers of
diverse religious sects in India ever took interest in her age-old folk
tradition

of story-telling and story-hearing,

and thus an extensive

use was made by them of such stories to inculcate their tenets to

the people at large. This historical fact fairly answers the questions
why and how Gautama the Buddha accepted and utilised for his own
purpose the same hoary tradition of didactic and moral stories.

- v .-

The second chapter deals with, from a historical viewpoint, three

specific problems regarding the Jatakas. It is divided in three parts.

t4ere

is a brief discussion on the date of the Jatakas

relationship

with the two great epics. The second part

In the first part

and their

deals with the authorship of the Jatakatthakatha which was based on

an earlier

Singhalese

commentary

on the Jatakas.

The third

part

refers itself to a discussion on the actual number of the ]ataka tales

and connected literary traditions.

The

third

chapter

makes

detailed

study

of

the

subject

regarding the origins of the ]ataka Book and the stories contained in
it. It is worked out under six parts. Our discussions are primarily
based

on

the

archaeological,

historical

and

literary

evidences;

the

sections here refer to the meaning of the word Jataka, the original
nature of the Jatakas, the place of the Jatakas in the Pall Canon,
archaeological evidence, and the literary construction and analysis of
the Jatakas including Jataka Gathas and Atthakathas.

The fourth chapter concerns mainly to the later development of

the Jataka tales and the Avadanas. It consists of eight parts. The
Jatakas and the Avadanas are two similar types of literary activities
which more or less co-related with each other. Both were modelled
to

show

examined

the

all-pervading

closely

the

power

theories

of

already

Karma.
current

Herein
and

we

more

or

have
less

established with regards to the nature and inter-relationship of these

two types of literary styles, and attempted to supplement the factual
position with specific details.

The

fifth

chapter treats one

of the

essential

aspects of this

subject. The depiction of Jataka stories in Indian art makes a theme

of wide interest and is of great art-stylistic and archaeological value
for the various periods during

which

it occurs

and recurs.

It is

analysed under five sections. There are some examples of fascinating

]ataka tales shown and sometimes also inscribed with labels in early
sculptures and paintings; they are of outstanding significance both

- VI -

historically and aesthetically, and include such major monuments as

are extant at Bharhut, Sanchi, Bodhgaya, AmaravatI, Nagarjunak01:l<;la,
Goll, Mathura, Gandhara, Ajanta, and so on.

The sixth chapter is an analytical study on the essential theme

and substance of the Jataka stories. It consists of four parts with an
enquiry into the philosophical and ethical significance of the Jataka
legends as utilised by their authors or compilers to bring in focus
the main Buddhist tenets and moral teachings. The main subject
headings of this chapter are the Karma and rebirth motifs, the
Bodhisattva ideal and the Paramita concepts in the Jatakas.

In the seventh chapter is made a brief survey of the Jataka tales

and their tradition as found in several countries outside India. It is
divided into two portions. The Jataka tales became equally popular
well outside the borders of India proper as we find them deeply
ingrained both in the literary and art traditions of many Asian
countries through the centuries.

The conclusion added at the end gIves a resume of the entire

work indicating briefly the important point of discussion made with
specific remarks about some of the main results arrived at.

- VII -

ABBREVIATIONS

AN

Anguttara-Nikaya

BB

Buddhist India, by T. W. Rhys Davids

BBS

Buddhist Birth Story, by T. W. Rhys Davids

BHU

Banasras Hindu University

CR

Calcutta Review

DN

DIgha-Nikaya

DP

Dhammapada

DPPN

Dictionary of Pali Proper Names

EB

Encyclopaedia of Buddhism,

ERE

Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics

Ga.

Gatha

HIL

'
History of Indian Literature, by M. Winternitz

IA

Indian Antiquary

IAV

Indian Art, by V. S. Agrawala

!BC
IRQ
JA

International Buddhist Conference

Indian Historical Quarterly
Journal Asiatique

Ja

Jataka

JAC

Jataka Stories, ed. by E. B. Cowell

JAF

The Jataka, ed. by V. Fausboll

JAOS

Journal of the American Oriental Society

JGJC

"Jataka Gathas and Jataka Commentary", by M. Winternitz

JPTS

Journal of the Pali Text Society

"'"'

- VIII -

]RAS

]oumal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain

and Ireland

KN

Khuddaka-Nikaya

MN

Majjhima-Nikaya

NGGW

Nachrichten von der kg!. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften

PTS

Pali Text Society

SAP

Studies in the Ajanta Paintings, by D. Schlinghoff

SBB

Sacred Books of the Buddhists

SBE

Sacred Books of the East

SB]

Studies in the Buddhist ]atakas, by M. L. Feer

SED

Sanskrit-English Dictionary

SI]

Significance and Importance of Jatakas, by G. De

SN

Samyutta-Nikaya

SPS

The Saddharma-PUI:l(;larika Sutra

VP

Vinayapitaka

WZKM

Wiener Zeitschrift fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes

ZDMG

Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft

zn

Zeitschrift fur Indologie und Iranistik, herausg. von der

Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft

- I -

Chapter I.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND THE AIM

OF THE JATAKAS

While discussing the background of the Buddhist Jataka stories,

it is necessary to have a general idea about the date of the Jatakas
for some of their verses and prose narratives appear to reach back to
a great antiquity, even to Vedic times. I)

It also does not seem

possible to assign a definite date to the stories themselves. In this

context,

we

following

will

have

chapter.

occasion

Roughly

to

discuss

speaking,

more

these

details

literary

ID

the

activities

presumably covered a long period, starting from the 5th century B.C.
and

ending

remarked,

with

"it

is

the 5th
so

century A.D.2)

As Prof.

Rhys

Davids

full of information on the daily habits and

customs and beliefs of the people of India, and on every variety of

the numerous questions that arise as to their economic and social
conditions,

that

it

is

of

the

utmost

importance

to

be

able

to

determine the period to which the evidence found in this book is

applicable".3)

H. BUhler writes, "the descriptions of the political, religious and

social conditions of the people clearly refer to the ancint time before
the

rise

Mauryas,
Jatakas

of

the

when
mention

great

Eastern

Pataliputra had
neither

the

dynasties
become

one

nor

of
the

the

the

Nandas

and

the

capital of India. The

other,

and

they

know

nothing of great empires which comprised the whole or large parts of

India. The number of the kingdoms, whose rulers play a part in the
Stories, is very considerable.

The majority of the names, as Madra,

1 . I t has been di scussed by many scho l ars : R. N. Metha, Pre-Buddhist India,

p. 23 ; H. Oldenberg, Buddha: His Life, His Doctrine, His Order, p.l04 ; T. W .
Rhys Dav i ds , Buddhist India, p. 207, etc.
2. On the date o f the Jatakas see Chapter 11.
3. T. W. Rhys Davids, op. c i t. , p. 1 89 , Cf. G. De, Si gnificance and Importance
of Jatakas, p. l 06.

- 2 -

the

two Paficalas,

those

mentioned

Kaliilga
Epics

and

and

Kosala, Videha, Kasi and Vidarbha, agree with

in

the

Assaka,

in

Vedic

occur,

PaJ).ini's

literature;

while

few

in Brahminical literature,

Sutras.

The

characteristic

others

like

first

ill

the

names

of

the

Andhras, the PaQ.Q.yas, and the Keralas are not mentioned."4)

With respect to the social conditions in North-India at the time

of the Jatakas, we may note that, though the mention of a principal
political centre is wanting in them, frequent statements regarding the
instruction of certain young Brahmins and nobles show that there
was then a leading intellectual centre in Takkasila, the capital of
distant Gandhara And it is very credible that Gandhara, the native
country of PaQ.ini, was a stronghold of Brahmanical learning certainly
in the fourth and fifth centuries B.C., and perhaps even earlier.

"The

information regarding the contemparary religious condition of India in

Just as the Three

the Jatakas also point to an equally early period.

Vedas

are

religion

is

the

basis

that

of

of

the

the
path

higher
of

instruction,

works

with

its

so

the

prevalent

ceremonies

and

sacrifices, among which several, like the Vajapeya and the Rajasftya,
are specially and repeatedly mentioned.

Side by side with these

appear popular festivals, celebrated, when the Nakshatra had been

proclaimed, with general merrymakings and copious libations of sura,
as well as the worship of demons and tree, all of which go back to
the earliest times."5)

However, it is also quite strange that there are remarkably a

few

traces

of

Buddhism

in Jataka stories,

and that they

do not

describe the condition of India in the third or the fourth century B.C.,
but an older one.

Why do they not contain contemporary accounts if

they were supposedly compiled about the third century B.C. ?

This

matter will be further discussed in the third chapter.

It is

a significant fact that all the Jatakas as preserved today

4. H. Blihler, Indian Studies,

p. 203.
5. Ibid, p. 295.

p.

294. Vienna, 1895,

cf. Rhys Davids,

op.

c i t. ,

- 3 -

begin with some prose and continue in that style linking the verses
together as supplying their narrative contents which are put into the
mouth of the Buddha.
accepted?
times

may

How it had come to be thus induced and

For a long time the strictly Buddhist Theras of ancient

have

perhaps

story-telling of the monks.

revolted

against

approving this

type

In many places of the Pali canon6)

of
the

monks are even forbidden from narrating stories of kings, robbers,

ministers, arms, wars, women, gods and ghosts, marine adventures,
etc. But soon they appear to have yielded to this generic style of
composition. For even in one of the Buddhist Sanskrit texts, the
SaddharmapuJ)QarIka7)

we

read

that

the

Buddha

knowing

the

differences in faculties and energy of his numerous hearers, preaches

in many different ways, tells many tales, amusing, agreeable, both
instructive and pleasant tales by means of which all beings not only
become pleased with the law in this present life, but also after death
will reach happy states.8) In the same book, it is stated that "the
Buddha

teaches both

Jatakas."9)

by

sturas

and

stanzas and by legends and

It is, indeed, likely that Gautama Buddha himself made

use of popular tales in preaching his teachings to the people at large.

It is, however, presumable that certain Buddhist monks and preachers
did so in his footsteps.10)

This conclusion

IS

also arrived at by Prof. Wintemitz when he

6. VP, PTS, ed. by H. O ldenberg, Vol . I , Mahlvagga, ch. V, p. 3 : DN, PTS, Vol . I ,
p. 1 7, etc.
7. It is an i mportant text of h i gh l i terary value among the MahlYlnasutras. I t
was transl ated i nto French as earl y as 1852 by Burnouf and i n 1 884 an Engl i sh
transl at i on by Kern appeared i n the Sacred Books of the East Series. The
Sanskri t text was edi ted at St. Petersburg i n 190B in the B i bl i otheca Buddhi ca
Seri es under the joint edi torshi p of the Dutch schol ar Kern and the Japanese
professor Bunyi o Nanj i o. Transl ated into Chi nese i n A. D. 255, and l ater. The
earl iest part ( chaps. i -xx ) may bel ong to the first century B. C. whi l e the
suppl ementtary chapters ( xxi -xxvi ) date from the thi rd century A. D.
B. Cf. N. Dutt , ed. Saddharamapu4ari ka-Sutra, chapter 11, Verse No. 45. and H.
Kern, The Lotus of the True La w, SBE, Vol . 21 , p. 120.
9. N. Dut t , ibid, p. 44.
10. " In the curious descri pt i on of the Buddh i st grove i n the Harsha-cari ta,
vi i i . , Baa mentions owls which repeated the Bodhisattva ' s Jatakas, having
gai ned i l l uminati on by cont inual l y hearing them reci ted " . Cf. JAC, Vol . I ,
Preface. p.vi i i .

- 4 -

thus observes on the point in a general manner: "Now the Buddhist

monks would not have been true Indians, if they had not taken into
account the need, so deeply rooted in the soul of the Indian people,
of hearing and relating stories, and if they had not utilised this need
to gain followers for their religion. Not only the Buddhist monks, but
the preachers of all sects in India, have always done what the
Christian monks of the West did centuries later."l!)

This device of

story-telling appears to have been throughout regarded in early India

as the most effective and successful means of inculcating Dharma or
religion amongst the common masses. In fact, the prophets of every
religion in the past took recourse to this method for instructing their
following into the norms and tenets of their respective religion. Most
probably, all the edifying detiriIs of ancient myths and legends appear
to have something to do with this religious technique of codifying
their notions and creeds into divine as well as human narratives of
common appeal.

In fact, we know that the preachers of all religious sects in

India always took advantage of her folk tradition of story-hearing
and story-telling, and made extensive use of stories in preaching to
the people, much in the same way as the Christian preachers in the
Middle ages introduced 'examples' into their sermons to attract the
attention of their hearers,12)

They sometimes invented pious legends,

but more frequently

took fables, fairy

they

tales,

and amusing

anecdotes from the rich storehouse of popular tales or from secular

literature, altering and adapting them for the purposes of religious
propaganda,13)

The

Bodhisattva

dogma,

In

connexion

with

the

doctrines of rebirth and Karma, was an excellent expedient for

turning any popular or literary tale into a Buddhist legend. In his
numerous existences, before he came to be born as

Sakyamuni

destined to be the Buddha, the Bodhisattva had been born, according

11. M. Wi nterni tz, " Jat3ka Gathas and Jataka commentary " , p. 1 7.
12. Such works as the Ges ta Romanorum; see note 15, below.
13. In the Jatakat thakath every J ataka i s put i nto the mouth of the Buddha
dhammadesana, i . e. 're l igious instruct ion ' or 'sermon ' . Cr. J . S. Speyer,
Ja takama ia , Introduction, p. XXIV.

a
The

as

- 5 -

to his Karma,

sometimes as a god, sometimes as a king, or a

merchant, or a nobleman, or an out-caste, or a monkey, an elephant,

or as some other person or creature. It was thus only necessary to
identify the hero or any character of a story with the Bodhisattva, in
order to turn any tale, however secular or even frivolous, into a
Jataka.

The Indian sages and authors had also invented a good number
of didactie tales which are found in the Mahakavyas, Purat).as, Epics,
etc. For example, in the Mahabharata "the

Santi and Anusasana

sections are replete with such stories or episodes which have come
out from the lips of different personalities on different occasions to
turn up the high values of the Brahmanic religion in the mind of the
people." 14)

In a like manner the Jesus and the great savants of

Christianty

are

known

to

have

propagated

the

essence

religion by narrating sometimes stories and parables.l5)

of

their

Even the

Muslims were used to the folk tales like Arabian Nights for the
same purpose. Gautama the Buddha was perhaps not an exception to
this. To popularise the essence of his Dhamma the Buddha and his
able disciples had to narrate a number of inspiring and instructing
tales. These older tales were, no doubt, the source of the vast Jataka
and Avadana literature in Buddhism. The former type is preserved in
Pall and the latter in Sanskrit or widely known as the Buddhist

Sanskrit texts.

The Jatakas

and

the Avadanas are indeed most

charming and colourful blossoms in the fertile valley of Indian culture

and wisdom.

The form of most of these tales is that of a common Indian one

as akhyana. It is presumable that some of the tales, when they were
first adopted or adapted into the Buddhist tradition (that is certainly
14. S. C. Sarkar, A Study on the JiJ. ta kas and the Avadana, Introduction, p. 1 .
Cf. Paficatantra stor i es were used t o the same purpose i n l ater period.
15. " In fact there i s a s i ngul ar para l l e l to thi s in the 'Gesta Romanorum ' ,
which was compi l ed by an uncertain author i n the 14th century and contains
nearly 200 fabl es and stories tol d to i l lustrate various v i rtues and vices, many
of them winding up wi th a rel igious appl icati on. " E. B. Cowel l , JAC, Vol . I ,
Preface, p. VI I I .

- 6 -

not later than the beginning of the third century B.C.), were already
old.l6)

Of

course,

the Pali jataka verses

constitute

the

most

authentic portions of high antiquity as being already included in the

early Buddhist Canon.

"Most of the jatakas were based on popular

stories current among common people then; it is natural that between

jataka stories and Epic stories there are many similarities."17)

Prof.

Cowell thus expressed his opinion in the preface to the jataka stories
translated from the Pilii original,

"Some of the birth stories are

evidently Buddhistic and entirely depend for their point on some

custom

or

idea

peculiar

to

Buddhism;

but

many

are

pieces

of

folk-lore which have floated about the world for ages the stray waifs
of literature and are liable everywhere to be appropriated by any
casual claimant."18)

It may be a beast fable, a story of common

life, or a folk tale told in prose, with the climax or essential part of
the dialogue being in verse. Such tales existed before Buddhism.
However, no deliberate effort was made to adopt these tales as a
device to instruct any moral in the pre-Buddha period.
Under the circumstances it may be presumed that the jatakas
had some common source, and the composers and compilers of the
jataka tales had sometimes to change the character or theme of their
subject-matter to suit their specific purpose, that is of preaching
primarily the Buddhist theory of Kamma and Vipaka. Sometimes
allied notions such as Paramita and Bodhisattva idealsl9) had crept
into it but quite silently and covertly.

How far they underwent

changes and how much the affinities they came to have with the
aims and objectives of the religious needs of the Buddhist faith and

16. Several stories are shown by the bas-re l i efs on the Bharhut Stupa to have
been a l ready i n exi stence i n thc second century B. C. And i t i s true not only of
the verses but al so of the prose for several bas-re l i efs refer to the prose
Cf. Barua and Sinha, Barhut Inscriptions: H. Lilders,
porti ons of the tales.
Bharhut Inscriptions, and E. Hul tzsch, "Bharhut lnscript i ons Indian Anti quary,
21 , 1892.
17. H. Nakamura, Indian Buddhism: A Survey wi th Bibl iographi cal Notes, p. 48.
18 . E. B. Cowel l , op. c i t. , p. IX.
19. "The doctrine is that the Bodhi sattva, before he reaches h i s goal , has to
practise the Parami tas ( Perfectionary Vi rtues ) through a prol onged success ion of
bi rths " . B. M. Barua, Studies i n Buddhism. p. 257.

- 7 -

philosophy

are

the

investigate

closely and

following chapters.

mam

aspects

which

we

illustrate against a

have

proper

attempted
setting

to

in the

- 8 -

Chapter IT.

THREE SPECIFIC PROBLEMS

REGARDING THE

JATAKAS

IT-I. THE DATE OF THE ].ATAKAS

The first appearance of the Jataka stories in their present fonn

IS

a moot point which can hardly be fixed to any particular date. It

IS

also not definitely known to the tradition as to when the present

collection was fully formed and incorporated in the Buddhist Canon.

The reason is that the clear-cut dates of early Indian literature are
mostly obscured in the antiquity. Moreover,

the Jatakas must be

said to have been compiled from various sources as well as their

corpus passed through several stages of evolution. No single date
may be presently assigned to the whole collection of these stories as
the problem of their literary chronology has been variously handled
and debated by the modem authorities in their several enquiries made
so far.

In most part the data

featured

by

available at hand remam vague and

paucity of scientific

basis. As Dr.

B.

C.

Sen has

observed, "The dates of such compositions of most of the works

which represent ancient tradition, are either unknown or are subjects
of

keen

speculation.

In

India

tradition

is

quickly

formed

but

unfortunately it is rarely preserved in its original shape. It goes on

receiving accretions from age to age, so that ultimately the gulf is
widened between fact and its legendary representation, between the
original story and the mass of accumulated wisdom in which it
gradually loses itself, some times beyond recognition."l) Our Ja.takas
also are part of the same cultural and literary tradition. Their present
fonn which we have is a sort of commentary, which is supposedly a
work of one scholar of the 5th century A.D., or compiled in totality
1 . B. C. Sen, Studies in the Buddhist J4 takas,

pp.

2-3.

- 9 -

even later, though being based on a nucleus which is said to be very

old.

To ascertain the original nature and source of the Jataka Book

we are first to take into account a few Jatakas which are embodied
in the Pali Suttanta and Vinaya texts. From the existence of these
Vinaya Jatakas we can evidently infer that some tales were known
as Jatakas even before the compilation of the Jataka-Atthakatha.2)
Such

stories

are

surely

older

than

the

present

"commentary"

collection. There are many Jataka-like stories of which the earlier

sources are untraceable yet and they are not found incorporated even
in the extant Jataka Book. It may be assumed that the Jataka Book,
which we have at present, is not complete in itself and has not
contained

all

the Jataka

stories

current.

The

oldest

form

of the

Jatakas was like very simple fables, parables or legends and had
presumably

no definite framework and

essential verses

associated

with them. In this connection, Rhys Davids has observed that the
stories of ten Jatakas which are traced in the different Nikaya and
Vinaya literature were not specially Budhhist in character. 3) These
older

tales

or

episodes

were

modified

and

coloured

to

suit

the

Buddhist teachings and ethics.

However, many Jataka stories or parables without the essential

outer framework of the Jataka Book style may be traced back to the
earlier Pali literature like the Vinaya and Suttanta texts. Prof. Rhys
Davids and E. W. Burlingme give two lists of these Jatakas. Both
the

lists

are

furnished

below

in

tabulated

form

for

better

comprehension:

Rhys Davids' s Table4)

1.

Ja. No.

1,

ApaIJ.I)aka

is based on DIgha IT, 342

2. S . C. Sarkar, Studies in the COIll/IJOI1 Ja taka and Avadana Tales, p. 9.

3. For i nstance, the Mahasudassana Jataka is nothing more than a popul ar l egend
of the Sun worshi p. Cf. Rhys Davids, op. c i t. , p. 88.
4. Rhys Davids , Buddhist India, p. 1 95.

- 10 -

2. la. No.

9, Makha-deva

is based on Majjhima I1, 75

3. la. No.

10, Sukha-viharl

is based on Vinaya, I1, 183

4. la. No.

37, Tittira

is based on Vinaya, IT, 161

5. la. No.

91, Litta

is based on Digha, I1, 348

6. la. No.

95, Maha-sudassana is based on Digha, I1, 169

7. la. No. 168, SakuI)agghi

is based on Sarpyutta V, 146

8. la. No. 203, Khandha-vatta

is based on Vinaya, rn, 109

9. la. No. 253, MaI)i-kaI)tha

is based on Vinaya, rn, 145

10. la. No. 405, Baka-brahma

is based on Sarpyutta, I, 142

Majjhirna. I, 328

Burlingame's TableS)

Original

Jataka

1.

Cicre-Siren motif

D. I1, 342

4.

Panthakas-Mouse-Merchant

A. cm, 129-135

9. (541)

Makhadeva

M. I1, 75

37.

Partridge, Monkey and Elephant Vino I1, 161

91.

Two dicers

D. IT, 348

95.

Maha-Sudassana

D. IT, 169

168.

Hawk and quail

S. V, 146

182.

Nanda(Story of Present)

A. cm, 190-192

203.

Snake charm

Vino I1, 109

253.

Dragon Jewel-neck

Vino rn, 145

405.

Baka-brahma

541.(9)

Nimi

Nidanakatha

Sujata

M. I, 328; S. I, 142
M. IT, 75
A. cm, 239-241

These stories are probably older than the 'present collection of

the JatakatthavaI)I)ana. The oldest form of the Jatakas was simply
that of folk tales and parables which had perhaps no compulsion of
an outer framework or of any verse portion. The SakuI)agghi Jatak

E. W. Bur l i ngame, "Pa. l i originals of some Ja.taka stories

JAOS, Vo!. 38 ,
191 8, p. 267. Here he expressed the opinion that many stor ies o f the Ja.taka Book

5.

must be traced back to the earl ier Pa.l i l i terature.

n,

- 11 -

a, 6) traced in the Sarpyutta Nikaya, is a stock example of this type.

Here the Sutta is marked by clear absence of verse. Though M. L.
Feer has printed a set of two lines,7) as if it formed a verse; an
examination by Rhys Davids of these lines indicated that there is no
real verse here. But in the Saku:o.agghi Jataka the older story has
become a real Jataka with all its constituent parts. Otherwise we
have this Saku:o.agghi Jataka as incorporated in the Jataka-book quite
identical with the Sarpyutta-story and even every word tallies with
that of the other. But in this Jatakatthakatha version two verses are
added, one occurring in the fable, and the other in the framework.
The antiquity of this story is thus assumed to go back to the Canon,
as the introductory part of the Jataka quotes the name and chapter
of the very passage of the Sarpyutta Nikaya. Thus, this Saku:o.agghi
Jataka may claim a greater antiquity than the other Jatakas of the
later period.8) Likewise, the other Jatakas, which are shown in both
the

tables,

may

be

claimed

to

have

great

antiquity

for

their

incorporation into the canonical literature.

Accordingly R. L. Metha, who has made a significant attempt of

reconstructing Pre-Buddhist history of India as based mainly on the
Jataka stories, cogently remarks in his book, "Some of the poems
and prose narratives must reach back to a great antiquity, even to
the V edic times. Some of the saymgs, legends and ballads may
belong to pre-Buddhist days."9)

It is an important point with respect to the source of the Jatakas

that many of the Jataka-tales bear direct reflections of the two great
Indian epics, viz., the RamaYat:la and the Mahabharata.10) Let us now
6. Sakuaggh i J ataka, ( Ja. No. 168), JAF, Vol . 11,
SN, PTS, Vol . V, pp. 146-148.

pp.

58-60; also i t occurs i n

7. "Ko pana te ' l apa gocaro sako pet t i ko v isayo ' t i yadidalJl nangalakanhakaram
leQQut thananti " , SN, Vol . V , p. 146.
8. Rhys Davids , op. c i t. , p. 206.
9. R. L. Mehta, Pre-Buddhist India, p. 23. Cf. Thi s :idea was a l ready gi ven by
many schol ars.

10 . "Some of the characters of the RamayaQa such

mentioned in the Vedic l i terature.

as

Dasaratha and Rama are just

The RamayaQa uses several words such as

Tathagata, Adharma, whi ch are used in Buddhi s m " K. B. Tripathi , "The RamayaQa

- 12 -

take up the Dasaratha jataka.U)

This unique jataka has created stir

in the world of Buddhist scholarship as to the comparative antiquity

of

this

Jataka

and

RamaYaI)a---which

of

the

RamaYaI)a.

The

original

ValmIklya

began with the 5th canto of the Bala Kar;tc;la

(--Book I) and ended with the Yuddha Kal)c;la (--Book VI)

Rama' s

return

from

Lanka

and

installation

as

the

with

king

of

Ayodhya---is considered to be Pre-Buddhistic in origin, that is to

say, it belongs to a date prior to 500 B.C. 12)

Here

we shall content ourselves with an enumeration of the

various parallelisms which may be noticed regarding some of the

traditions preserved in the jatakas and those contained in the great
epics,

relating to the

ancient Indian princes,

without commenting,

however, on specific claims as to their priority or the vexed question

of their origin or source. Here

are

noted some major points of the

Dasaratha jataka and the RamaYaI)a. The Dasaratha ]ataka gives a

version of the RamayaI)a legend, but according to it Rama PaI)c;lita's
mother was dead when his father took another wife whose son was
Bharatakumara Rama had one uterine brother named LakkhaI)a and a
sister called SIta. There is no reference to his contact with LaIika or
RavaI)a. As a matter of fact, according to the Dasaratha ]ataka, the
exiled princes Rama and LakkhaI)a (LaksmaI)a) together with their
sister SIta had never gone to the South, but to the Himalayas where
they lived in the forest. Dasaratha has been mentioned as a king of
Kasi(Banaras) and not of Ayodhya, which is probably due to the fact
that the ]atakas, as a rule, as we have shown elsewhere, are inclined
to show special favour to this country. At the expiration of the full
term, i.e. 12 years (instead of 14 years) of his exile Rama returned to
his kingdom, married his sister and assumed the crown.13)

Many

scholars

made

critical

studies14)

on

the

inter-relation

and Buddhist Jatakas", p. 219.

1 1 . JAF, Vo l . IV, ( Ja. No. 461 ) , pp. 123-130.
12. Cf. R. Gombrich, "The Vessantara Jataka, The Ramayal}a and The Dasaratha
Jataka", JAOS, Vol . 1 05, p. 427.
1 3. B. C. Sen, op. c i t. , p. 20.
1 4. R. O. Franke, .. Jataka Mahabharata paral lelen",

WZKM , vol . XX, p. 317 : A.

- 13

between

the jatakas

and the epic. Their

first viewpoint that the

Dasaratha jataka is the older as well as the source of the RamayaI)a

episode seems to be weak. According to Weber, this jataka is an
older version of the RamaYaI)a and not the only source. Thus he
wrote that "the Dasaratha jataka is the old Buddhistic Saga of pious
prince Rama which glorified him as an ideal of Buddhistic equanimity
afterwards cast by the skilful hand of ValmIki into a form," etc.l5)
Following him, others viz., D. C. Sen16) and G. A. Grierson17) with
fresh materials opine that it is just an older version and not a source
of the RamaYaI)a. With regard to this opinion, Prof. Winternitz has
observed that "the authors of the ancient Buddhist texts in the fourth
and third centuries B.C. had as yet no knowledge of the RamaYaI)a,
but they knew ballads utilised by Va1rnIki for his Rama epic and.....on
the other hand, the RamaYaI)a was influenced, at least indirectly, by
Buddhism."18)

According to Keith, "the jataka is an attempt to turn the Rama

story to pious purposes, and it cannot be held to be an older version
or source of the RamaYaI)a" 1 9) In regard to a verse that has been
found in the jataka agreeing with another in the RamaYaI)a, Jacobi
has concluded that "the epic is the source of the Pali verse, while.
Weber, "Ober das RamaY&,1a", Eng. trans. by D. C. Boyd, Indian Antiquary, Vol . 1.
Bombay,
Bengali

1 872:

A.

Ritm ityal)a,

B.

Kei th,

"The date o f RamaY&,1a",

Calcutta

Univ. ,

1920,

JRAS,

191 5 : D.

pp. 7-23. ( including

an

C. Sen,
Engl ish

transl at i on of the Dasaratha Jltaka, pp. 9-1 5 ) . : G. A. Grierson, Review o f D. C.

Sen ' s work, JRAS, London,

1 922: N. B. Utigikar,

"The s tory of the Dasaratha

Jataka and of the RamaY&,1a", JRAS, London, 1928: H. Liiders,

"On the rel ation

between the Jataka tales and the Mahabharata epi sodes SBA, 1929: B. C. Sen.
Studies in the BUddhist Jittakas, Calcutta, 1974: K. B. Tripathi . "The RamaY&,1a
and Buddhist Jatakasw , i n BUddhism and Jainism, Orissa. 1976 : R. Gombrich, "The
Vessantara Jataka, The R amaY&,1a and The Dasaratha J ataka" . JAOS, 1984, etc.
15 . A. Weber, "Ober das RamaY&,1a w , trans. by D. C. Body, lA, Vol . l , p. 122: In
thi s art i c l e Weber refers to D ' Alwis and Burnel l who hel d identical view with
him.
1 6. I bi d, pp. 37-40. He supports Weber and seeks to find out certain defini te
factors other than Buddh i s t i c

that possibly contributed to the making of

Val m i ki ' s Ramayaa.

17. G. A. Grierson, whi l e rev i ewing D. C. Sen 's work. JRAS . London. 1922. p. 135.
18. M. Winterni tz. History of Indian Li tera ture. Vol . 1 1 , p. 5l0.
1 9 . A. B. Ke i th. "The date o f Ramayaa" . p. 323.

- 14 -

the opposite theory has been maintained by others."20) Liiders argues

for a Prakrit original for the old verses in such cases.21) According
to this group of scholars the Dasaratha Jataka is neither an older
version nor a source of the Ramayat;la and the prose version of the
Jataka of the Rama-story represents a later and more confused form
of the legend than the RamaYaI)a.

On the other hand, Prof. Rhys Davids held the VIew that "the
Rama-epic in its present from did not take its shape at the time of
the compilation of the Tipitaka, i.e., in the 4th or 3rd century B.C.
This seems much more sound as the Rama-ballad would have been
floating even before the compilation of the ValmIki-RamaYaI)a"22)

Some other Jatakas containing information about Rama and the

Ramayat;la are mentioned here. We have allusions to Rama, once in a
Gatha of the Jayadissa Jataka23) and the other in a Gatha of the
Vessantara Jataka24) The former describes that Rama/s mother won
salvation for her son who was absent in the Dat;lc;1aka The other
verse is uttered by MaddI, the wife of Vessantara and describes SIta
and Rama as husband and wife even they started for the forest life.

Particularly, the Vessantara Jataka has more similarity in story

with

the

Ramayat;la25)--

both

stories

concern

prince,

an

heir-apparent, who being banished from his kingdom, goes into exile
in the jungle accompanied by some of his family members, and there

20. H. Jacobi , Das Rmyapa, Geschi ch te und In hal t, Introducti on, p. 4.

21 . H. Liiders , "On the rel ation between the Jataka tales and the Mahabharata
epi sodes", p. 40.
22. Rhys Davids , Buddhist India, p. 206.
23. "Yam DB.x;lc.lakariifiagatassa maU, Ramass ' aka sotthanam sugatU . . . " , JAF, Vol .
V, ( Ja. No. 513 ) , p. 29 , Verse No. 17.
24. " . . . tan caham fiat i mafiiia mi Ramam S i ta v 'anubbata " , JAF, Vol . VI ,

( Ja. No.

547 ) , Verse No. 541 , p. 557. Cf. R. Fick ( a l so F. Jacobi , op. c i t. , p. 145) having
compared the di fferent vers i ons has shown that the Jatakamal a used probably an
earli er versi on than that of the Pal i Jataka. Cf. M. Wintern i tz, ibi d p. 1 52.
25. On thi s poi nt, Prof. Winterni tz wri tes : "The description of Vessantara ' s
.

departure reca l l s vividly that of departure scene of Rama of RamaY8J;1a. " , op.
c i t. , p. 1 5 1 .

- 15 -

he has adventures, ansmg from the wicked designs of a stranger on

some of those family members, which test the hero's virtues to the
utmost and from which he returns triumphant to assume his royal
birthright.

The

adventures

undergone

in

exile

and

the

virtues

displayed are completely different. Vessantara brings to the highest

pitch the Buddhist virtue of generosity when he gifts away his
young son and daughter to a heartless old Brahmin who wants them
for servants. On the one hand, Rama displays perfection in all the
roles in which fate has cast him: as king and warrior, as son,
brother and husband.26)

Other characters of the RamaYaIJ.a could also be traced m other

Jataka

stories.27)

The

personage (BalakID).Q.a,

story

cantos

of

sage

Eysrnga,

9 and 10), is seen

in

PurID).ic

the

Nalinika

Jataka(Ja. No. 526) and the Alambusa Jataka(Ja No. 523) in suitably
modified forms.28) The story of Sama in the Sama Jataka29) has for
its prototype the story of

SravaIJ.akumara

in the RamaYaIJ.a In the

Mahajanaka Jataka30) there appears King Janaka of. Mithila.31)

26.

Cf.

R. Gombri ch,

"The Vessantara J ataka, The RamaY8.I)a and The Dasaratha

Jataka p. 427. Here he expressed his opinion to conclude that w I doubt whether
ei ther text has been consciously model led cn the other. However, al l I can claim
wi th confi dence i s that Vessantara J ataka, once it had come i nto existence, took
a place in Buddhist cul ture comparabl e to that held by the RamaY8.I)a among
Hindus. W
27. R. Mehta has traced elaborately the l inks o f di fferent personal i t i es l i ke
king, pri nces , ministers w i th those of the J ataka tales ; op.
1- Il,

cit. ,

chapters

3-32.
28. H. Lilders having compared and analysed the yas rga-tale w i th i ts di fferent
pp.

versi ons appearing i n Indian l i terature arrived at the conclus i on that the
Jatakas preserve a more anci ent form of the s tory, because in the Buddhi st
story,

i t was the princess, who brought over the sage from the forest. Thi s

topic of seducati on, a s Lilders thinks. i s the original trai t of the story; op.
cit
p. !.
29. JAF. Vol . VI . ( Ja. No. 540 ) . pp. 68-95. H. Oldenberg has made a comparative
.

study wi th the epic tale and has shown that the J ataka-story is more simple and
less subtle than that of the Ramayaa as regards i ts s tyle; op. c i t. , p. 456; see
M. Winterni tz. op. ci t. , p. 483.
30. JAF. Vol . VI , ( Ja. No. 539 ) . p. 30-68. Cf. s. Lev i , IHQ. , Vol . VI , p. 597.
31. K. B. Tripathi mentions in h i s conclus i on that i t wou l d be reasonabl e to
hol d that not only o f the Dasaratha J a.taka and of the Ja.takas speci fi ed above.
the hero was mode l l ed out on the bas i c materials from the RamaY8.I)a. op. ci t . .

- 16 -

An attempt is made further to indicate such other Jataka-tales

which have partial affinity with some of the episodes occurring in
the Mahabharata They also supply some striking parallels between
the

two

texts.

Pat:lc;lava-story,

The
though

KUJ).ala-Jataka32)

gives

version

unsatisfactorily.

Here

the

of

the

P8.Q.c;lavas

are

mentioned as the sons of PaQ.c;lu. Ajjuna is depicted as the eldest son.

DraupadI of the epic story becomes here Kar.ilia, the posthumous
daughter

of the king

of Kosala.

She

was obtained by

the five

Paoc;lava brothers at a Sayambara-Sabha arranged by the king of

KasI. KaQ.ha is depicted here as a most passionate woman whose
wickedness compelled Ajjuna and his four brothers to take Pabbajja,
i.e. renunciation. The disloyality of the wife made them distressed
and they ultimately renounced the world in utter disgust. But it is to
be noted here that this story does not refer to the great event of the
great war of the Mahabharata, the name of Lord Kp;;Q.a and the
death of Jarasandha.33)

The

story

Mahabharata,

of
is

Dubyanta
traced

in

and

the

Sakuntala,

Katthahari

sub-plot

Jataka34)

of

the

But

the

compactness of the story of the Mahabharata is not maintained there

and the Jataka takes a good turn to Buddhism deviating from the
Mahabharata-episode.35) The Jataka story is summarised below: Once
the king Brahmadatta was roaming about and looking for fruits and
flowers in a park. All of a sudden he caught sight of a woman
engaged in picking up flowers in the grove. The king fell in love at
first sight and in course of time became intimate with her and an
offspring was conceived. The king gave her the signet ring from his
finger and told her that if a son were born she was to bring the
p. 218.
32. JAF, Vol . V, ( Ja. No. 536 ) , pp. 412-455 : see al so Divyavadana ( story No. 27 ) ,
ed. by P. L. Vai dya.
33. Cf. N. B. Ut igikar, "The story of the Dasaratha J ataka and of the RamaYaQa" ,
JRAS, London, 1 928, p. 128 : H. Llider, "On the rel ati on between the Jataka tales
and the Mahabharata epi sodes", p. 269.
34. JAF, Vol . I , ( Ja. No. 7 ) , pp. 133-136.
35. Mahabharata, Adi parva, pp. 62-69, cri tical edi t i on. Poona, 1933-39.

- 17 -

nng and the child to him. Thus passed a few years. The hermit girl
went to the court of the king with her son. But king refused to
recognize the child conceived at a chance encounter.

The mother

throws the child up in the air as an Act of Truth saying if he was

not the father the child may be killed. The son stayed in mid-air.36)
The

Devadhamma

jataka37)

reminds

us

one

of

the

famous

incidents of the Mahabharata.38) This story relates the encounter of

the PffiJ.Qavas with the Dharmaraj a who assumed the

disguise of

'Vaka' .

Mahimsasa,

The

king

Brahmadatta

had

three

sons,

viz.

Prince Moon, and Prince Sun. They retired to the forest consequent
to a political intrigue. In course of their journey they halted at a
place where the eldest brother took his seat at the foot of a tree and
asked the Prince Sun to fetch water from a neighbouring pool. The
prince was caught by the water-spirit when he failed to answer his
question, "Do you know what is truly godlike" ? This was repeated
to the lot of the Prince Moon. At last the eldest prince, Mahimsasa,
came in quest of his missing brothers. He replied satisfactorily and
got his brothers released by his great intelligence and liberality.

However, the jataka materials can be safely traced to the art of

the 2nd century B.C. which is more important than the mere literary
antecedants. It can not be denied that many stories in the collection
preserve even older material. This evidence comes from the precious
monuments, viz. the Sanchi Stupa,
second century

B.C.

The

reliefs

and the Bharhut Stupa of the

portrayed

on

the

stone

railings

around these Stupas are historically very important as they provide

the first undoubted evidence of the jataka stories. There are found
well

depicted

jataka

stories.

scenes

as

well

Sometime the

as
titles

inscribed

prose

labels

from

the

of the jataka as inscribed at

Bharhut are the same as occurring in the jataka Book though in

several other cases they are different yet easily recognisable with the
contents as portrayed and described in the text.39)
36. Thi s siory i s very s im i l ar to the story of sakuntala.
37. JAF, Vol . I , ( Ja. No. 6 ) , pp. 1 26-133.
38 . Mahabharata, Arayakaparva, Vol . Il l , pp. 295-299.

- 18 -

These reliefs prove a prior currency of a number of stories

which are to be found in the present ja.taka collection. It means that
they must have been known in India popularly under the very
technical word of 'ja.taka' before roughly 200 B.C. and regarded as
the Bodhisattva Birth-stories. We may also assume that many jataka
stories might have gradually evolved and popularised at this juncture
of time. On this point we would have an occasion to comment
further in the chapter concerning the jataka stories as depicted in
Indian art.
Regarding the date of jatakas it can be thus concluded from the
above

evidence

that

the prose

stories

of

the jataka-Atthakatha

compiled about the latter part of the 5th century A.D., are to be
looked upon as expansions or vittharas of the older jataka verses,
many of which were indeed as old as the time of the Buddha
himself.

Some

pre-Buddhist

of
ages.

them

were

Thus,

the

even

still

older,

jataka-Atthakatha

going

back

to

represents

compendium of fables ranging in date from the time of their earlier

origin up to that of their final redaction, i.e., from pre-Buddhist times
down to the 5th century A.D. We even venture to maintain that,
except in a few rare cases, the claLrn to pre-Nikaya antiquity of the
verses constituting the real kernel of the jatakas should be generally
accepted.
The question of the relationship between the Buddhist tradition
on one hand, and the PurfiI)ic and epic history on the other, has also
been tackled by some eminent scholars, both European and Indian. It
is difficult to ascertain whether the jataka tales were borrowed from
the epics or PuraI)ic stories or not. Keeping this problem aside for
the present study it would suffice here to believe that both these
literary traditions might have influenced each other. Anyway, it is
also most probable that some of the current historical narratives or
39 . In thi s respect the Ja takas of Bharhut render a good help for our subject.
Here we can meet many t i t l es of the Jataka stories. Cf. B. M. Barua. Barhu t: J .
Marshal l . Guide to Sanchi . etc.

- 19 -

folk-stories had also come to be successively incorporated in the

later jataka compilation, now known to us in its Buddhaghosa ' s or
some other scholar ' s jatakatthakatha version only.

ll-2. AUTHORSHIP OF THE JATAKATTHAKATHA

The

text

of

the

jataka-Book,

as

now

received

among

the

Southern Buddhists, is the jatakatthakatha which consists not only of

the

story

verses,

but

also

an

elaborate

commentary

being

an

exposition of the verses by which the stories are made attractive for
the moral they contain, along with an introduction to each of them,
giving the incident on the occasion of which it is said to have been
originally

narrated,

and

conclusion

explaining

the

connexion

between the personages in the 'contemporary' introductory story and

the characters in the ' past' Birth story.

From the arrangement of the Book itself it is also easy to infer

that it was an edition by a later hand of the earlier stories and in its
true sense it must be called the full-fledged commentary on the
jatakas as it is befittingly called by its author, viz. jatakatthakatha.

There
also. It
definite

IS

IS

a pertinent question as to the authorship of this book

to be noted that like the date of the jatakatthakatha no

view

as

regard

its

authorship

be

established.

Opinions

variedly differ among the scholars on the subject of the authorship of

the book. Unfortunately only the name of the last editor as well as
the date of this book can now be ascrtained beyond doubt.

According to the Gandhavarhsa,40) a book of considerably later

40 .

The Gandhavamsa: A history of Pa li Li tera ture, ed. J. M inayeff, JPTS, 1 886,

Eng. Trans. by B. Kumal , 1 972. A l ate Pa l i work wri tten in Burma. I t relates,
in bri ef. the hi story of the Pal i Canon and gives accounts of post-canoni cal
Pa l i books wri tten in Burma and Ceyl on. The col ophon states that the work was

- 20 -

age ( 17th century A.DJ, it was compiled by Buddhaghosa.41)

V.

Fausboll, who is the first modem editor of its original Pali, does not
support the statement of the Gandhavamsa In his words, "to be sure,
we are told by the writer of the Gandhavamsa that Buddhaghosa is
the author, but on this you can scarcely rely".42)
Buddhaghosa

has

written

PapaficasudanI,

Visuddhimagga,

SaratthappakasinI,

Samantapasadika,

for

this

clearly

It is certain that
SumaI'lgalavilasinI,

Manorathapurru:n

appears

from

the

and

Introductory

verses to these commentaries, but that he, beside these voluminous

works, should have written six others equally large whose author he
is supposed to be, is very incredible, especially if he only stayed for
three

years

in

Ceylon,

and was

not barely

a translator,

but an

independent writer.43)

Prof. M. Wintemitz thinks about its author that "it is the work
of an unknown Singhalese monk who took his materials from an
earlier commentary on the ]atakas, the ]atakatthakatha"44)

But he

has not altogether rejected the opinion of Franke and his remarks
run

as follows: "When considered as a whole, the personal production

of a single ' author' who not only put them together, but very often
composed them himself, adapted, altered and patched them up, and in
fact

endowed

the

complete

work

with

the

stamp

of

his

own

individuality. If we change the word 'author' into compiler or editor,

there is some truth in these words of Franke; for the compilers of
Indian literary collections have never scrupled to alter the verses of
other poets and to add verses of their own composition, to them."45)
Therefore he is not eliminating the possibility that the ]ataka Book is
not the work of a single, individual author, but is the product of the

composed by a forest-dwe l l ing El der named Nandapafifia. At the end of each chapter
the work i s referred to as Cu1 1 agandhavamsa: perhaps what we have now i s an
abridged edi ti on of a l arger work.
41 . "Jatakassa at thakathagandho atthadass i Buddhami ttabuddhapiyasankhatehi t i hi
thereni ayaci tena Buddhaghosacariyena kato . . . . . " . ibid. p. 6.
42. D. Andersen. Index to the J taka, JAF. Vol . VI I , Postscriptum. p. 8.
43. Ibid.
44. M. Winterni tz . op. c i t. , pp. 1 1 1 - 1 1 2.
45. Ibid. , p. 1 1 7, footnote No. 2.

- 21 -

labours of several compilers.

W.

Geiger also expressed his doubt on the authorship of the

Jatakatthakatha.

He therefore writes, "Jataka-commentary is In my

opinion the work of a priest of Ceylon, be he Buddhaghosa, or some

other scholar not far from him in time" .46)

Thus, Prof. Rhys Davids while discussing the authorship of the

book observed, "We do not know either the name of the author or
the date when it was composed. The meagre account given at the
commencement of the work itself contains all our present information
on these points.

Childers, who is the translator of this passage, has

elsewhere ascribed the work to Buddhaghosa; but I venture to think

that this is, to say the least, very uncertain".47) He refers to the
thirty-seventh

chapter

of

Mahavarhsa,48)

the

possibly

contemporaneous account of Buddhaghosa 's literary work, where it is

clearly

recorded

that

"after

writing

in

India

the

'AtthasalinI ' ,

commentary on the DhammasailgaI)i, he went to Ceylon (about 430

A.DJ with the intent of translating the Singhalese commentaries into
Pali.

There

he

studied

under

proved his efficiency by his

the

Thera

Sailghapali,

great

work,

'The Path

and

having

of Purity or

Visuddhimagga ' , he was allowed by the monks in Ceylon to carry

out his wish and translate the commentaries. The Chronicle then
goes on to say that he did render "the whole Singhalese Commertary
into Pali".49)

4S. W. Gei ger, Pal i Li tera ture and Language, p. 31 .

47. Rhys Davids , Buddhist Birth s tories, Introduct i on, p. LVI I I .
48. The Great Chronicle o f Ceylon. The f i rs t part of the work- - i . e. to the time
of king Mahasena--i s attributed to Mahanama Thera.

The continuati on of the

Chronicle i s cal led the Culavamsa. There i s a commentary on the Mahavamsa cal l ed
the

Vamsatthappakas i n i .

Early

in

contempl at i ng a new and revi sed

Mahavamsa,

1908
edi tion

pub I i shed in 1 837 and reprint L.

publ i shed in 1 889.

the
of

Government
Turnour ' s

of

Ceylon

translation

of

the

C. Wijes inha ' s Mahavamsa edi tion

I t has been edi ted w i th 2 vol s. by W. Gei ger, PTS,

repri nted 1 958 and again transl ated w i th 2 vols.

repri nted wi th Addendum by G. C. Mendis, 1980.
49. W. Ge i ger, Mah avamS a , Vol . 1 1 , p. 1Sl .

were

by the edi tor, PTS,

1908,
1912,

- 22 -

But it by no means follows, as has been too generally supposed,

that he is the author of all the Pall Commentaries we now possess.
He translated, it may be granted, the Commentaries on the Vinaya
Pitaka and on the four great divisions of the Sutta Pitaka; but these
works, together with those mentioned above, would amply justify the
very

general

expression

of

the

chronicler.

The

Singhalese

Commentary being now lost, it is impossible to say what books were

and what were not included under the expression as used in the
Mahavarhsa; and to assign any Pali commentary, other than those
just mentioned, to Buddhaghosa, some further evidence more clear
than

the

ambiguous

words

of

the

Ceylon

Chronicle

should

be

required.50)

Buddhaghosa could scarcely have commenced his labours on the

]ataka Commentary, leaving the works we have mentioned--so much
more important from his point of view--undone. Three elders of the
Buddhist Order are there mentioned with respect but neither the
name of Revata, BUddhaghosa' s teacher in India, ' nor the name of
Sailghapali, his teacher in Ceylon, is even referred to; and there is
not the

slightest allusion either to Buddhaghosa' s conversion, his

journey from India, the high hopes he had entertained, or the work
he had already accomplished ! This silence seems to us almost as
convicing as such negative evidence can possibly be.5!)

If not however by Buddhaghosa, the work must have been

composed after his name; but probably not long after. It is quite
clear from the account given in the Mahavarhsa, that before he came
to Ceylon, the Singhalese cOIn..'llentaries had not been turned into
Pall; and on the other hand, the example he had set so well will
almost certainly have been quickly followed. We know one instance
at least, that of the Mahavarhsa itself, which would confirm this
supposition; and had the present work been much later than his time,
it would not have been ascribed to Buddhaghosa at al1.52)
50. Rhys Davids , BBS, p. LIX.
51 . Ibid, p. LIX-LX.
52. Ibid, p. LX .

- 23 -

However, from a companson of the style of the other works of

Buddhaghosa Prof. Rhys Davids had reached the conclusion that
Buddhaghosa is not the author of the ]atakatthakatha. Burlingame in
consonance with the arguments of Rhys Davids observes:
]ataka Commentary and the Dhammapada Commentary
widely

In

language

and

style

from

the

genuine

"The

differ so
works

of

Buddhaghosa as to make it in the highest degree improbable that he

is the author of either of them ..... Buddhaghosa is not the author of
the ]ataka Commentary or of the Dhammapada Commentary. Their
authors are unknown."53)

On

the

other

hand

Prof.

Mabesh

Tiwari

opmes

that

the

authorship of Buddhaghosa cannot be denied on the ground of the

differences of style and language in the ]atakatthakatha from the
other works of Buddhaghosa According to him this difference in
style was due to the difference of subject matter. In his words, "Yab
to bhartiya parampara hai ki yaban ke visishta lekhaka apne lekhana

vaisishtya-vilasa ke karaI)a vishaya ke anusara vibhinna prakara kI

bhasha evam shailI ka prayoga karate hain."54)
For specific proof he refers to the two works of S rIha First
one the Khru:l<;la Khadya, being a philosophical treatise differs greatly
in style and language from the second one,
Therefore,

VIZ.

Naiadhacaritarp.

he concludes that it is natural that the language of

Visuddhimagga must differ from that of the ]atakatthakatha. He thus

53. E. W. Burl ingame, Buddhis t legends, Part I , p. 60, ( Harvard Oriental Series,
Vo! . No. 29 ) .
54. " I t i s Indian tradi t ion that some di fferent kinds of l anguage and style are
being used by the part icul ar wri ters due to the i r own particular wri ting
intention according to the subject , " M. Tiwar i , Nidanakatha, p. 25.

Nidanakatha

is the introductory chapter of the Jataka Commentary. I t g ives the story of the
Buddha in three secti ons : the Durenidana from the time of his b irth, as Sumedha,
up to the birth in the Tus i ta world: the Avidureni dana from his death in the
Tus i ta and his bi rth as Si ddhattha, son of SUddhodana, up to his Enl ightenment :
and the Santikenidana, which contains his story up to the dedication of the
Jetavana by Anil.thapiQ ika.

- 24 -

maintains that Buddhaghosa is the compiler of the jatakatthaVaI;ll:lana

in its present form.55)

That the jatakatthavGU,ll)ana is the latest development of the

jataka

or

Cariya-stories

may also be

assumed from the Nidana

portion of the AtthavGU,ll)ana In the Nidana the verses

thus:

run

"Tani Sabbani ekajjham aropentehi samgaham

jatakam nama samgltaril dhammasamgahakehi yam
Buddhavamsassa etassa icchantena ciratthitirh
yacito abhigantvana therena Atthadassina
Asamsatthaviharena sada saddhiviharina
tath' eva Buddhamittena santacettena vififiuna
Mahimsasakavamsamhi sambhutena nayafifiuna
Buddhadevena ca tatha bhikkunna Suddhabuddhina
Mahapurisacariyanam anubhavam acintiyam
tassa vijjotayantassa jatakass' AtthavGU,ll)anam
Mahaviharavasinam vacanamagganissitarh
bhasissam bhasato tarn me sadhu gGU,lhantu sadhavo. "56)
The name of the author remains

unmentioned

here. But the

author in order to make the history of Buddha's birth permanent

went to the Thera AtthadassI and wise Buddhamitta, the Bhikkhu
Buddhadeva belonging to the Mahlrhsasaka school and being directed
and advised by dwellers of the Mahavihara compiled the works based
on

the

Cariya-illustrations

and

many

other

great

deeds

of the

Great-Being. It is also evident that the Jatakas were already uttered

and

compiled

by

the

'Dhamma-saIigahaka

Theras'

in

order

to

illustrate the Cariya of the great sage. (Jatakarp nama sangltiarp

55. M. Tiwar i , i b i d, pp. 25-26.

56. JAF, Vol . I , P. l . I proceed to reci te a Commentary upon thi s Ja.taka,
i l lus trat ing as i t does the infini te effi cacy of the act i ons of great men-- a
Commentary based upon the method of expos i ti on current among the i nmates of the
Great Monastery. And I do so at the personal request of the elder Atthadassin,
who l ives apart from the world and ever dwe l l s wi th his fraterni ty, and who
desi res

the

perpetuati on

of

thi s

chronicle

of

Buddha:

and

l ikewi se

of

Buddhami tta the tranqui l and wi se, sprung from the race of Mahisa.saka, ski l led
in the canons of interpretat i on; and moreover of the monk Buddhadeva of clear
intel l ect. May a l l good men lend me the i r favourabl e attention whi le I speak

!"

- 25 -

dhammasamgahakehi YaIll) .
These Dhammasarilgahakas were not traced even in the 1st, 2nd,
or in the 3rd council. That the whole of the Tipitaka was rehearsed
is held by H. Kern from the authenticity of the Sasanavarilsa.57) In
his book, H. Kern writes, "In the reign of Abhaya Vattagamani, the
reputed founder of the Abhayagiri monastery, the canonical texts
were reduced to writing. This event, falling somewhere in the last
century B.C. is thus described in the oldest chronicle: Before this
time, the wise monks had orally handed down the text of the
Tipitaka and also the Atthakatha. At this time the monks, perceving
the decay of beings, assembled and in order that the Law might
endure for a long time, they caused the Law to be written down in
books."58) Thus from the accounts of the Sasanavarhsa we are
informed that in the reign of Vattagamini, I.e.
B.C.

the

Tipitakas

with

the

Atthakathas

were

the last century

written

by

the

Ceylonese monks.

The unknown author of the Atthakatha refers definitely to this

council and to the belief that every Jataka of the Atthakatha was not
treated as the birth-story of the Buddha. The author, however, with
the consultations of the great sages newly shaped the Atthakatha
consisting of 5 parts, viz. Paccuppanna vatthu, Atita vatthu, Gatha,
Veyyakarat)a and Samodhana.

From the evidence discussed above it is apparent that the author

of the ]atakatthakatha can not definitely be ascertained. The available
data help us to surmise that the ]atakatthakatha, its present and final
form, was written or compiled by an unknown Singhalese monk
57. Cf. The Sasanavamsa ostensi bly a history of Buddhist Rel igion was wri tten in
1 861 A. D. by Pafifiasami , a Burmese monk, who was a prol i fic wri ter: i t deals wi th
the

growth and expansi on of Buddhi sm i n Burma. I t was edi ted by Dr. Mabel H.

Bode as early as in 1897 based on two palm- l eaf manuscripts preserved in the
Bri t i sh Museum and publ i shed i n Roman script by PTS. ,
translated i t in Engl ish,

publ i shed i n 1952.

Dr.

B.

C.

Law has

Again i t has been edi ted

Devanagari script by S. C. Upasak i n Nava Nalanda Mahavi hara seri es in 1961 .

58. H. Kern, Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 120.

in

- 26 -

during

the

time

(some

years

before

or

after)

of

the

great

commentator Buddhaghosa.
There are still some difficult questions which remain: How far,
then, did our unknown author vary from the tradition handed down
to him ? How far had that tradition, with respect at least to the
historical inferences suggested by it, preserved the tone and character
of that much more ancient date to which the verses themselves can
be assigned ?

It can only be finally solved when, by a careful and

detailed study of the whole of these volumes, we shall have been

able to discover every case of probable age, and to weigh the
general result to be derived from them all.

IT-3. ACTUAL NUMBER OF J.ATAKA STORIES

As regards the total number of the Jataka-stories there is agam

a controversy in the tradition itself. These stories, as edited by
Fousboll, number 547. But under some of these numbers, several
stories are included, while others only contain references to later
Jatakas, and sometimes the same stories recur in different versions,
the figure 547 does not agree exactly with the actual number of the
stories recounted in the Book.

One of the Pali canonical books, namely

the Culla-Niddesa,59 )

59. N i ddesa: A commentatori al work included in the Canon as part of the Khuddaka
Nikaya.

I t i s general ly divided into two books :

the Cul la-Ni ddesa and the

Maha-Niddesa. The Cul l a-Ni ddesa contains comments on the Khaggavi sa.na Sutta and
the s ixteen suttas of the Para.Y/iJ;la Vagga of the Sutta Nipata,
Maha.-Niddesa deal s
signi fi cant

that

w i th

the

s ixteen suttas

of

whi l e the

the At thaka Vagga.

the Cul la-Niddesa contains no comments on

the

It

is

fi fty-six

( Vatthugatha ) i ntroductory stanzas which preface the ParaY/iJ;la Vagga as found at

present in the Sutta Nipata. Thi s l ends support to the suggest i on that at the
time the Cul l a-Niddesa was wri t ten the Para.yaQa Vagga was a separate anthology,
and that the Khaggavi sana Sutta did not hel ong to any particular group. Simi l ar

- 27 -

refers to a collection of 500 jataka stories

(Paflcajataka-satanD .60)

The reference is apparently to the canonical jataka book included In

the Sutta-Pitaka. The stories presupposed by the carvings differ In
details from those in the Sutta-Pitaka collection, and approach those

in the jataka commentary, compiled in the 5th century A.D., if not

later.61 )

An old commentary (probably of the 1 st or 2nd century

B.C.) on the ParaYaI).a Vagga of the Sutta Nipata speaks of 500

jatakas, too.62)

When the great Chinese pilgrim Fa-Hien had visited Ceylon in

early part of the 5th century AD., he had seen representations of 500
Birth-stories

round

the Abhayagiri monastery in

Ceylon.

He has

written in his itinerary, "when this proclamation is over, the king

exhibits,

so

as

to line both

side of the road,

the

five hundred

different bodily forms in which the Bodhisattva has in the course of

his history appeared: Here as Sudhana,
king of elephants,

and then as

there as Sama; now as the

stag or a horse."63) Thus

the

number of 500 representations tallies with the total given in the

Culla-Niddesa

VVhen the jatakatthakatha was compiled, the traditional total

number of the Birth-stories was 550 in number. Buddhaghosa, who
is supposed to be the compiler of the jatakatthakatha, himself knew
this to be the total number and his narration of the jatakas, may be
well supposed, was evidently based upon the Mahavihara recension
of the earlier Singhalese jatakatthakatha.

is the case wi th the Maha-Niddesa and the A t thaka Vagga. The comments i n the
Ni ddesa seem to have been mode l l ed on exegetical explanati ons such as are
attributed here and there in the P i rakas to Maha Kaccana and to Sariputta. There
i s a tradi ti on whi ch ascribes the authorship of the Ni ddesa to Sariputta.
60 . Ibid, Vol . 1 1 , p. 80. Cul l a Niddesa, ed. by W. Stede, 191&, repri nted 1 988,
and the Niddesa Commentary, ed. by A. P. Buddhacatta w i th 3 vols. , Vol . I , 1931 ,
Vol . 1 1 , 1 939, Vol . I l l , 1 940 i n PTS.
61 . Cf. B. M. Barua, "Mul t i pl i cat i on of Jatakas ", IHQ, Vo l . I l , p. 623 .
62. Ibid.
63. Fa-Hi en, A Record of Buddhist Kingdoms, Trans. by J. Legge, p. l06.

- 28 However, R. L. Metha does not agree with the number as 500 or

550. He thinks that the collection is obviously incomplete. In his

current at

words, "It does not, and could not, include all the stories

the time of its final redaction or compilation, probably in the 5th

century A.D., neither does it include all the inscribed episodes still to
be seen on the remains of the Bharhut railing, nor does it include all

Ja.taka-like
informed

stories to be found in other canonical works".64) As

by

B.

Hodgson,

the

Sanskrit Ja.takamrua. of

Nepal

is

composed of five hundred and sixty five texts.65) Thus, the mean
number generally accepted seems to be about five hundred and fift
y. 66)

There

are

several

yet

differing

Ja.takatthakatha.

manuscripts

extant, viz. Grimblot' s MSS. collected from Ceylon; Bigandet' s MSS.

collected from Burma, both copies contain only the text, that is to
say the verses of the Jatakas; Phayre' s copy of the above mentioned
MSS., which consists of fifteen volumes, which contain almost all the
tales: it is incomparably fuller and better preserved than the other
two.67)

From an examination of the MSS. of this collection we are

to note some striking differenes as to the actual number of the

Ja.taka-stories given by each of them. On this matter, M. L. Feer

observes:

/I

As for myself, on examining at the Bibliotheque Nationale

the MS. in the Singhalese language and script which had belonged to
Burnouf(preserved in Singhalese character), I found it comprised only
five hundred and twenty-seven."68)

It is very interesting as well as a queer fact how did the

number from 500 increase up to 550 or 565.

Prof. B. M. Barua

64. R. N. Mehta, op. c i t . , p. XIX.

65. H. Hodgson, Essays on the Languages of Li terature and Religion of Nepal and
Tibet, p. 17.

66. C. F. Koeppen, Die Rel igion des Buddha und ihre Entstehung, p. 319. Here a
long di scuss ion i s made on the variations of the number of the Jatakas.
67. M. L. Feer, A Study of the J4 takas, p. 2. ( Being the Eng. trans. by G. M.
Foul kes from the French art i c l e wLes J atakas w , Journal Asia tique, 1875 ) .
68. Ibid. As he refers, Westergard could only number five hundred and
thi rty-nine texts in the Copenhagen copy.
twenty-nine in his copy.

Upham found only five hundred and

- 23 -

discussed critically and elaborately this problem. He has shown the

following seven ways to have been operative in an increament of
their numbers:
(A). Repetition of the same story under the same or different
titles, e.g. Kapota jataka (ja. No. 42), Lola (274), Kapota (375) and
Kaka (395); Indasamanagotta (161) and Mittamitta (197); Bhojajanlya
(23)

and Ajafifia

(24);

Aramadusaka

(46)

and Aramadusa

(268);

Losaka (41), Mittavinda (82), Mittavinda (104), Mittavinda (369) and

Catudvara (439); Phala (54) and Kimpakka (85) ; Nandi-Visala (28)
and Sarambha (88); Parosahassa (99), Parosata (101), Jhanasodhana
(134) and Candabha (135); Saketa (68) and Saketa (237); Mahapanada
(268) and Suruci (489); Ekaraja (303) and MaI)ikUI).Qala (351); Kakati
(327) and Sussondi (360); Akatafifiu (90) and Hiri (363); Makkata
(173) and Kapi jataka (250).
(B). Repetition of the same story conveying slightly different
morals, e.g. Khararuya (15) and Tipallattha (16); Vanarinda (57) and
Kumbhtla jataka (224).
(C) Repetition of the same story with changes in the personal,
e.g. Rucira (275) and Kapota (42); Ghata (355) and Ekaraja (303);
Veluka

(43)

and

Indasamanagotta

(161);

Migapotaka

(372)

and

Somadatta jataka (410).

(D) Manipulation of different stories to impress the same moral,
e.g.

Sujata

(352),

Matarodana

(317),

Ananusocanlya

(328)

and

Mattaklli).Qali jataka( 449).

(E) Development of different stories with the same plot, e.g.
Kurudhamma (276) and Vessantara jataka(547).
(F)

Multiplication

of

the

stories

with

the

same hero,

e.g.

Alambusa (523) and Nalinika (526); Vidhura-PaI)Qita (545), Dhumakari

(413) and DasabrahmaI)a jataka(495).
(G) Separation of parts from a whole, e.g. KakaI).taka (170),
SirikalakaI)I)i

(452),

Devatapafiha

(360),

Khajjopanaka

(364),

Bhuripafiha (452), MeI)Qaka (471), SirimaI)Qa (500) and PaficapaI)Qita

(508) from Mahaummagga (546); KaI)Qari (351) Culla-KUI).ala (464)
from

KUI)ala

(536);

Catuposathika

Vidhura-PaI)dita jataka (545).69)

(441)

from

PuI)I)aka

or

- 30 -

We may conclude from this that the actual number of the

]atakas was expressed by a figure which was not less than five
hundred and varied at times to as high a counting as five hundred
and sixty-five. The mean number of five hundred and fifty is very
close with Fausboll' s one.

In the present state of things, the official

figure of five hundred-and-fortyseven, as found arranged in the

printed edition, is to be accepted for all working purposes and that
may not be far from the real number as evolved in the main-stream
tradition.

69. B. M. Barua, op. c i t. , p. 624. Cf. The numbers referred to are Fausbol l 's
edi t i on.

- 31 -

Chapter ID.

THE ORIGIN OF JATAKA BOOKS AND

THE STORIES

ill-I. THE MEANING OF THE WORD JATAKA

By the term ']ataka' we definitely mean the collection of tales

which the Buddhists regard as accounts of the previous births of the
Buddha

It has been interpreted and described at different times and

in various ways by many scholars. This is a very important point

with regards to the question of their nature. It is all the more
significant for the word ']ataka' is conspicuously absent in the early
Nikayas referred to above in connection with the stories which recur
as ]atakas in the ]ataka Book. The word ']ataka' occurs in the
Ailguttara Nikaya only in connection with the nine-fold divisions of
the doctrine of the Master)

As a matter of fact, even the stories of

the Suttantas which are associated with the past lives of Gotama the
Buddha

are

not

called

]atakas

though

they

retain

all

the

characteristics of a ']ataka' in the generally accepted sense of the

term.
However, the etymology of the term ]ataka as found in the
Saddanlti,2)

late

text

on

Pali

grammar,

is

very

interesting.

According to this text the ]ataka would mean any incident connected
with any life or birth the usual meaning being derived from the root
1.

i dhavuso Sariputta bhikkhu dhammam pariyapuati suttam geyyam veyyakaraam

gatham i ti vuttakam j atakam abbhutadhammam veda l l am, AN, PTS,

Vo! . I l l , Chap.

LI , p. 361 . Cf. MN, PTS, Vol . I , p. 1 33: V, PTS, Vol . I l l , p. 8 , etc.

2. An i mportant grammat i cal work by Aggavamsa of Pagan. A few years after i ts
completion i n 1 1 54 , Uttaraj i va v i s i ted the Mahav i rhara i n Cey l on, and took w ith
him, as a gi ft, a copy of the Saddan i t i , whi ch was recei ved wi th enthus iast i c
admirat i on. Cf. Malalasekera, Dictionary o f Pl i Proper Nnames, Vol . 1 1 , p. l015.

- 32 -

' Jan' .3) In his Sanskrit dictionary, Monier-Williams

interprets the

term

'brought

' Jata'

in

existence by
Buddhist
Buddha' .4)

general

connotation

something' ,

context as

and

' the

as

'born'

or

into

the word of Jataka in a specific

story

of a former

birth

of Gautama

He further explains the term 'Jataka' as the ' Stories of

former births' or 'Bodhisattva stories' .

He observes that "this is the

usual and probably correct explanation of the word ' Jataka' which is
derived from Jata, birth."5)
Prof. H. Kern translates the term 'Jataka' by ' Little-story ' .6)
Following Prof. Kern, ]. S. Speyer writes, "In translating Jataka by
'Birth-story ' , I comply with the general use and official interpretation
of the term by the Buddhist church.

The original meaning must

have been simple 'tale, story' as Prof. Kern has demonstrated in his
History of Buddhism in India "7)

In the words of Childers,

Jatakas are tales of the former birth of Buddha

"the

The reciter of these

tales is Buddha himself and all these stories contain a moral, a

warning, or an example, and in each the Bodhisattva plays the best
and prominent part."B)
Here is now a pertinent question as to which of the births the
There is a common and firm

phrase Jataka is primarily concerned.

belief among the Buddhists that to achieve ' Bodhi' or knowledge one
is to pass through a chain of existences and in each existence by
performing

noble deeds

one

attains

to

perfection.

Gautama

the

Buddha also had to take numerous births in which he acted either as

the hero or as some other charater, or sometimes only as an
onlooker of a series of incidents. In each of such on existence or
birth he is called a Bodhisattva.
represent

such

numerous

The Jataka-tales are thus to

Bodhisattva-stories

which

are

though

different in their setting yet always related to certain colourful,

inspiring and exemplifying events of his earthly existences before his
3. S. C. Sarkar. op. c i t . . p 3.
.

4. M. Moni er-Wi l l i ams. Sanskri t-Engl ish Dictionary. pp. 417-418.

5. M. Wi nterni tz. HIL. Vol . I I . p. 1 13.

6. Ibid . . Footnote I .
7 . J. S . Speyer. Jatakamal a , Introduction p. XXI I .
8. R . C. Chi l ders. A Dictionary of Pal i Language. pp. 166-167.

- 33 last

existence

as

Siddhattha

Bodhisattva,

reaching

finally

the

Buddhahood.
In short, the name Jataka in its generally accepted explanation
denotes a birth -story as well as the person in that existence. The
word is derived from Sanskrit 'Jata' in the sense of 'birth' or the
one who is 'born'. Thus, it came also to be suitably used as the title
of the collection of the Jatakas or "former birth-stories" of the
Buddha, included in the Tipitaka, and subsequently elaborated in the
Jatakatthakatha commentaries.

III- 2. THE ORIGINAL NATURE OF THE J.ATAKAS

As to the original nature of the Jatakas it may be said that a

Jataka originally consisted of a verse or several vyrses embodying in
a concise form a past episode.

This episode was to be realised in

its fuller details by a narrator often through a prose narration which

was naturally to undergo changes according to the person, time and
circumstances of such a narration. At first it was perhaps thought
not necessary to give to such stories the form of a Jataka as we
have them now.

"A considerable number of the tales that are

included in the Jataka Book are also found in more or less similar
forms in other parts of the Pitakas. Several such birth stories have
been already noticed. For instance, the Mcu.ri Kat:ltha Jataka(Ja. No.
253) is taken from a story which is in both the Pali and the Chinese
versions of the Vinaya Pitaka"9); the Tittira Jataka (Ja. No. 37)
occurs almost word for word in the Culla Vagga; the Khandhavatta
Jataka(Ja. No. 203) is a slightly enlarged version from the Culla
Vagga; and the Sakul)agghi Jataka(Ja No. 168) from a parable in the
Satipatthana Vagga of the Sarpyutta Nikaya" lO)

Only later they

9. There are tll'O more Ja.takas , viz. , D i gh i t i hosa1a Jataka( Ja. No. 371 ) and
Kosambi Jataka( Ja. No. 428 ) , i n Mahavagga, X , 2, pp. 3 -20: Rhys Davids, SBE, Vo l .
1 7 , p. 293.

- 34 -

were made into regular ]atakas.

But not all

the ]atakas

were

included in the Canon before the process began to combine them into
a book. After this collection of the ]atakas as a separate book it was
incorporated in the Khuddaka Nikaya of the Pali Canon. However, it
is difficult to determine how much portion of the ]ataka Book we
have, belonged originally to the Canon, for we do not possess the
older

composition

of

the

canonical

]atakas,

but

merely

later

commentary on the original Gathas which is at present our primary

source for knowing the birth-stories only in their evolved versions.
Prof. G. De has drawn our attention to a significant fact that
"with

the introduction of Bodhisatta-ism every tale of the early

Nikaya or Vinaya, whether previously connected or unconnected with

a past life of Gatama, came to be recognised as a past existence of
the Buddha fulfilling the conditions of Buddhahood under the special
designation

of

'Jataka'

which

therefore

emanating

from

the

Suttanta literature marks the beginning of the Jataka collection in the

whole field of Buddhism.

The notion therefore, that a Jataka is a

previous birth story of only Gatama Buddha while passing as a

Boddhisatta, is inevitably bound up with this assertion." 1 1 )

According to the Buddhist tradition, the general opinion in favour

of assigning the Jatakas a purely Buddhistic origin seems to be
based on the assumption that they originated some time after the
compilation of the first four Nikayas (except Khuddaka Nikaya), in
which some of them are found only as moral stories without any
reference to the Bodhisatta. While discussing their origin in the

Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Prof. Winternitz writes, "it was

thus only necessary to identify the hero of any character of a story
with the Bodhisatta in order to turn any tale however secular or
even frivolous into a ]ataka." 1 2)

Also

the ]atakas which were

connected with the six predecessor-Buddhas from Vipassi to Kassapa

10. Rhys Davids,

BBS,

p. xlvi i i ,

footnote,

1.

Cf.

E.

or iginals o f some Jataka stories N, JAOS, Vol . 38, p. 267.

1 1 . G. De, SIJ, pp. 47-48.
12. J . Hast i ngs , ed. , ERE, Vo l . VI I , pp. 49 1-492.

W.

Bur l inggame,

HPa l i

-35 -

were

bereft

of

the

Bodhisatta-idea

and

from

these

stories

the

Even the Jatakas which

Bodhisatta Jatakas had developed later on.

are traced on the Bharhut and Sanchi Stupas might have been devoid
of the Bodhisatta-idea and they are only illustrations of the morals
taught by the Buddha.

may

It

further

be

Dhammapadatthakatha,

stated

i.e.,

the

that

the

Jataka

commentary

on

stories

the

of

the

Dhammapada,

which is regarded almost contemporary with the Jataka commentary,

have been employed to teach the morals which are contained in the
Dharmmapada verses,

especially those that bear on the theory of

Kamma. They have nothing to do with the Bodhisattva-theory. As it

has been remarked, "It is interesting to note that the stories of the
Jatakatthakatha

were

exclusively

manipulated

for

illustrating

the

previous births of Gotama Buddha as a Bodhisattva but on the other

hand the Dhamm apada commentary was used in different purpose.
This type of stories may be taken as the original nature of the
Jatakas.
study

In explaining the original nature of the Jatakatthakatha the

of

the

jataka-tales
also.

The

Dhammapadatthakatha

have

been

different

incorporated
constituent

is
in

essential
the

parts,

as

many

of

the

Dhammapadatthakatha

e.g.,

Paccupannavatthu,

Veyyakaraua, Samodhana, etc. were not deemed to be inseparable in

the original form of the Jatakas as then even the Bodhisatta-idea of
11
the Jataka did not develop. 13)

Regarding the problem of the original form of the Jatakas Prof.

Winternitz gives some clues based mainly upon his close analysis of
the Jatakatthakatha text itself. He remarks that: not one, but several
literary types are represented in the Jataka collection.

(1). There are some Jatakas which were prose stories with only
one or two or a few verses containing either the moral or the gist of
the tale.

(2). Another type of Jatakas is that of the Campu in which the

story itself is related alternately in prose and verse, in which case
13 . G. De, op. c i t . ,

pp.

5-8.

- 36 -

the commentary is often an expansion of the original prose text.

(3). But there are other jatakas which originally consisted of
Gathas only: some of them ballads in dialogue verses and narrative
stanzas, others again epics or fragments, and some even mere strings
of moral maxims of some topic.

In all these cases the entire prose

belongs to the commentary)4)

Prof. G. De has to offer more points from his comparative study

of the jataka-tales of the Dharnrnapadatthakatha. They consisted of a
verse or more verses that embodied hints to the past-episode, the
narrative

portion

circumstances.

being

subject

to

variation

"The theory of Paramita was quite

according

to

unknown to this

type of original jataka and this was, perhaps, borrowed from the
Mahayana doc1rine.
shape."15)

He

Thereafter the jataka-collection assumed new

has

further

grouped

the

stories

of

the

Dharnrnapadatthakatha to show the different stages of development of

the book according to the following scheme: 16)
(I)

The stories with morals only, e.g., the Latukika <la. No.

357) and Vattaka jataka (Ja No. 35) in which it is pointed out that
'united we stand, divided we fall ' .17)
(In The jatakas in addition to moral teachings, refer to the past
story of a character or characters other than the teacher determining
their present characters, e.g., Kutidllsaka jataka refers to the conduct
of Mahakassapa and of his two disciples)8)
(Ill ) The stories of the previous careers of his disciples with
which his own past careers were related, e.g., Kunn'lgamiga jataka
refers to Devadatta' s attempts to murder the Buddha in his anterior
birth.l9)
14 . M. Winterni tz, NJataka Gatha and Jataka CommentaryN , IHQ, IV, March, 1928.
pp. 13-14. Cf. J. Hastings, op. c i t. , p. 492.
15. G. De, op. c i t . , p. 29.
16. Ibid, pp. 38-44.
17. He shows more deta i l ed exampl es which are Upasal haka, Va loUaka, Mandhatu,
Uraga, Matuposakanagaraj a Jatakas , etc.
18. Detai l ed examples : Pingala, Ubhatobhat tha,
Kumbha,

Udda,

Parasahassa,

Natai tthi ,

Mahi l amukha Ja. takas , etc.

19. It gives more detai l ed exampl es ,

Sukara,

Tud i l a,

A l inaci tta,

Kat ahaka,

which are Lakkhaa,

Kaka,

Sal ika,

Bahubhani ,

Vi raka,

Garu \ a,

- 37 -

(IV) The tales on the preVlOUS careers of the teacher in which

he played the role of the hero, e.g., Cullasetthr Jataka. The narrative
portion of this Jataka itself constitutes an independent story and the
Samodhana part in which the hero is
result of

identified seems to be the

after-thought.20)

an

The stories regarding the exalted life of the Bodhisatta.

(V)

These are the real Bodhisatta-]atakas with a short note on the moral
contained in each of them, e.g., Devadhamma jataka in which the
Bodhisatta
younger

as

Mahirhsasaka-kumara

brothers

from

the

saved

clutches

of

the

lives

of

powerful

his

two

Yakkha

by

instructing him in the Devadhamma or the religion of gods.21 )

We have discussed here the subject as elaborately as possible. It

may be concluded by adding a short note further. The jataka stories
are

commonly

thought to

be

of

pre-Buddhistic

probably taken from the then current fork-lore.

origin

and

were

A few of the tales,

with the same key verses but with very archaic prose, are found in
the Vinaya; these appear to be

survivals of the jatakas as they

existed before the establishment of the Stupa of Bharhut in 2rd

century B.c.

Each story of these sculptures is supposed to teach

moral ideas prevalent among the masses though some of the stories
depict only the life of the Master to illustrate the progress

and

attainment of his life which is narrated in the Nidanakatha, the very

introduction to the Jataka collection.

It appears that originally the verse-jatakas existing in the form

of an anthology like the verses of the Dhammapada, had no distinct
titles to distinguish them from each other. Certain individual authors
when utilising them in their works, gave such titles to them as, in
..

their opinion, suited best to their narrative parts which were earlier
Vi rocana, Javasakuna, Kahausabha, Nandivisala, kUQakas indhavapotaka Jatakas ,
etc.
20 .

I t sho.....s more exampl es :

Kappata,

Rukkhadevata ,

Babhu,

Akalarav ikukkuta,

Nigrodha, Varanakat thabhafija, Sakha, Cul l adhanuggha, Godharaj a, Vatamiga, Suva,

Kuddalapi ta, Kesava, Somadatta Jatakas, etc.
21 .
It
shows other examples :
Hatthi naga,
Kurudhamma, Khadi rangara Jatakas , etc.

Mahapaduma,

Duggatagahapat i ,

- 38 -

mostly implicit rather than explicit.

ID -3. THE PLACE OF THE JATAKAS

IN THE pALl CANON

The Pa.li Canon consists of three Pitakas or baskets (Tipitakas) :

Vinaya

(rules

of

the

order),

Sutta

(gospels)

and

Abhidamma

(theology). While the Vinaya Pitaka includes Maha.vagga, consisting

some of the oldest parts of the Buddha legend, the first two sermons
at

VaraI)aSI

and

Gaya,

and

the

Cullavagga,

the

stories

of

Ana.thapiI)tjika, Devadatta, etc., it deals mainly with the rules and

regulations for the guidance of the Buddhist Sailgha and precepts for
the daily life of the Bhikkhus and Bhikkhunis. The Sutta Pitaka is
by far the most important of the three Pitakas. The Sutta Pitaka is
divided into five sections or Nika.yas: the DIgha, Majjhima, Sarhyutta,
AIiguttara and Khuddaka Nikayas. The Buddhist doctrines and rival
philosopical

thoughts

are properly

elaborated

AIiguttara Nika.yas. The Majjhima Nika.ya has

in

the
152

Dlgha

and

sermons and

dialogues on religious and social themes such as on caste, etc. The

Khuddhaka

Nika.ya

has

many

literary

gems( 15)

such

as

the

Dhammapada, Theragatha, TherIgatha. and jatakatthakatha and so on.

According to the Pali tradition, it is true that the ja.taka books
grew up gradually, having no single author, but this was because the
Canons were first recorded from memory and were orally transmitted
from generation to generations in their versions covering

very long

period of time. The gists of the jataka stories as verses were used
to be kept alive in the memory through repeated recitations held in
the earliest of the congregations.
First of all we should concede that there were in existence
several collections of the ]a.takas besides several isolated ]a.takas. In

the presently available collection some stories form part of the other
books in the Canon while others do not. One may thus reVIew In
turn the following various branches of them: 1. Canonical Collection,

2. Non-Canonical Cllection, 3. Isolated Jatakas, 4. Collections of the

Jatakas in Buddhist Sanskrit.

The

canonical

collection

of the Jataka forms

the

10th

book

among fifteen of the Khuddaka-nikaya(Collection of the small texts)

of the Sutta Pitaka in the Pall Canon. Also it is one of the nine
parts (AI'lga)22) of the Buddha' s teaching arranged in conformity with
the

subjuct

matter.

DIpavarhsa, there was

"According
a

to

the

Singhalese

chronicle

school of monks, namely the MahasangItikas,

who rejected some portions ( we are unfortunately not told which) of

the Jataka Book as non-canonical. The Dharmaguptas had also a
Jataka Book in their canon".23)

The canonical ]ataka Book consists of Gathas or stanzas only,

and

is

divided

into

22

sections

(Nipatas),

which

are

arranged

according to the number of stanzas belonging to or forming a Jataka.

"This system of classification by number is a very popular one

In

India. For instance, the Theragathas are also classified according to

the number of verses. The first section is supposed to contain 150
Jatakas, each verse belonging to a separate story; 100 Jatakas, with
two verses each; the third, 50 ]atakas, with three verses each, and
so on, each successive nipata having a larger number of stanzas and
a smaller number of Jatakas. Now, the number of Gathas does not
22. I n the Tipi taka i tsel f there i s mention of a division of the Canon i nto 9
Angas or l imbs : ( 1 ) Sutta: Prose sermons. ( 2 ) Geyya: Sermons in a mixtures of
prose and verse.

(3 ) Veyyakarcm.a :

Expl anati ons or Commentari es .

( 4 ) Gatha:

Stanzas. (5) Udana: P i thy sayings. ( 6 ) I t i vuttaka: Short speeches beginning wi th

the words : ' Thus spake the Lord Buddha ' , ( 7 ) Jataka: Stories of former bi rth of
Buddha.

( 8) Abbhutadhamma: reports o f mirac les.

( 9 ) Vedal la: Teaching in the

form o f questions and answe.s,

Thi s divi s i on does not al l ude to

Canon compl ete in i tsel f. or to defini te

books. but i t i s only meant to classi fy the vari ous types of Buddhist texts
according

to

thei r

form

and

contents.

A l so

simi l ar

i s found i n Sanskri t Buddhist texts.

23 . M. Anesaki , The Four Buddhist Agamas in Chinese. p. 8.

Dharmapravacanas

divi s i on

in

12

39

- 40 -

by any means always t.ally with the title of the sections in question.
It has some confusion with section and number of stanzas."24) But,
why this disorder ? On this subject we will have further comments
to make in the 5th chapter.

It

should

be,

however,

surmised

that

the

original

verse-Jataka the number of verses must have tallied exactly with the
title of the section (Eka-Nipata, Duka-Nipata, etc.) , otherwise why
and how the Pakir,lr,laka-Nipata or Great Section, which contains only

10 stories, each consisting of a very large number of Gathas, had

come to be placed at the end, as Section XXII. "The only explanation
of this is, that the classification as based on the verse-Jataka, and
not on the Jataka commentary, and that the verse-Jataka of canon
contained a far smaller number of Gathas."25)

In many cases these Gathas are poetic tales, ballads, or epIC

poems ; but very often, more especially in the ftrst section, they are
quite

unintelligible

by

themselves,

and

must

be

understood

as

belonging to some prose tales. Why these prose stories did not attain

to canonical dignity we do not know. Probably they were supposed

to be well known, therefore left to the improvisation of the preachers.
It is only in a more or less interpolated form that the prose parts of
the

Jatakas

have

been

preserved

in

the

commentary

that

was

composed or compiled at some later period, without doubt after the

ftnal redaction of the Canon.

J. Hertel has pointed out that "There are certain pafichatantra

and HitopadeSa containing only the verse, and the collection of Jataka
Gathas in the Tipitaka is nothing but an extract from an older MS.
which contained both the verses and the prose parts of the Jataka.
But

the

relation

between

prose

and

verse

in

works

like

the

pafichatantra is quite different from that between the Jataka Gathas

and the prose of the Jataka commentary. Beside the Gathas, many

24. M. Wi nterni tz, op. c i t . , p. 1 1 4 .

25. Ibid.

- 41 -

jatakas do not need any prose at all. " 26)

A huge prose commentary in which the Gathas are embedded,

or the jatakatthavaI)I)ana as it is

called, is

a recast of an older

jatakatthakatha. The latter had been translated into Singhalese, only

with

the verses

being

left in

the

original

Pali.

This

Singhalese

version was afterwards retranslated, or rather recast, into Pali.27)

However, some of the stories which were afterwards turned

into jatakas are told in the Suttas as

simple tales,

without

any

reference to the Bodhisattva On the other hand, there are some real
jatakas included in the Suttas; for example, the Kutadanta-sutta and
Mahasudassana-sutta in the Drgha Nikaya and the Maghadeva-sutta
in the Majjhima Nikaya That the jatakas formed an essential part of
the Buddhist Canon as the 7th Ariga is shown by the fact that they
are included in the list of the Nine Arigas into which the sacred
books of the Buddhists were divided according to the subject matter.

There

are

other

groups,

which

are

labelled

jatakas

in

the

non-canonical Pali literature and isolated. They occur in numerous

passages of different exegetical works composed in Ceylon. It seems,
in ancient times it was not yet thought necessary to give to all the
stories the form of Jatakas. In such contexts we still find individual
stories, for example Hmt of 'Drghavu' (prince Long life) narrated in
the

Vinaya-pitaka,

without

the

hero

being

identified

with

the

Bodhisatta. Only later was it made into a jataka. Yet we also find
individual real Jatakas in the collection of the Suttas. In the late
book of Milindapafiha two or three jatakas are mentioned, which can
not

be

traced

in

the

collection;

Dhammapada commentary.

It is

such

is

also

the

case

in

the

probable, though not yet proved,

"that a book of jatakas as contained in the Pali canon was not the
exclusive possession of this particular school, but belonged to ancient
Buddhism in general."28)
26. Cf. J. Hastings, ERE, p. 491 .
27. I t i s said i n the Nidanakatha that other commentaries ( A t thakatha ) were used
for the JatakatthavaQQana bes i de the Ja takat thakatha.

- 42 -

There is another group of the jatakas in Buddhist Sanskrit

literature. Many jatakas occur in the Mahavastu both in prose and in
verse, in mixed Sanskrit. Some of them are variants of the Pali
jatakas, although there are others not found in the Pall collection.
Also many jatakas are closely related to the Avadanas(Apadana),
which belong partly to the literature of the Sarvastivadins, partly to
the Mahayana literature. Avadanas are edifying , tales of glorious
deeds of saints, illstrating the law of Karma, i.e. showing that 'black
deeds bear black fruits and white deeds white fruits ' . The difference
between Avadanas and jatakas consists in the fact that in a jataka
the Bodhisatta is always either the hero or one of the characters
occurring in the story, while any saint may play his part in an
Avadana.29) But there are many Avadanas in which the Bodhisatta is
the hero. These are called Bodhisattvavadanas, and may as well be
called jatakas. Many jatakas known from the Pall collection are also
found in the Avadana collections such as the AvadanaSataks and the
Divyavadana.

Bodhisattvavadanamala, or

'Garland of Bodhlsattva tales'

is

another title of the work better known as jatakamala,30) a Sanskrit

poem of high poetical merit, composed by the poet
There have been several jatakamalas but

Aryasura

Aryasura's

or SUra.

work is the

best known. It is a florilegium of 34 Jatakas, most stories occurring

also in the jataka Book and twelve in the Chariyapitaka

Aryasura

probably flourished in the 4th century A.D. Stanzas of the jatakamrua

are inscribed on the frescoes found in the caves of Ajanta, and the
Chinese pilgrim I -tsing mentions the jatakamrua among the works
that in his time were very popular in India.
28. Cf. M. Wintern i tz , HIL, Vo l . I I , footnote, p. 1 1 1 .
29. S . Ol denburg, "On the Buddhi st Ja.taka", Eng. trans. by H. Wenzel ,

JRAS,

1892, p. 335.
30. The Ja.takama.l a. has been edi ted by H. Kern ( Harvard Oriental Series, Vol . I ,
Cambri dge, Mass . , 1891 ) and translated by J . S. Speyer. , SBB, Vol . I , London,
1895. Aryas ura has worked on the same ( or a simi lar ) col lection of Ga.thil.s as we
See Speyer ' s synoptical table in his book, which we have
menti oned above. pp. 304-337.
have in the Tipi taka.

- 43 -

The jataka and Avadana stories are also found in Asvagho$a's

Sutralarilkara
Kalpalata;

50

Alarilkara)31 ) ,

(called

jatakas

Ra9trapruaPfccha;

etc.

are

and

in

mentioned

As regard to

Kgemendra' s
in

the

the Avadanas,

Avadana

Mahayanasutra
we will

write

more in the following chapter, called Later development of jataka

tales and Avadanas.

ill - 4. THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

Ancient India has preserved a considerable mass of texts but a

restricted number of sculptures. This means that for our knowledge
for its early civilization we possess many more written documents
than carved monuments. In the present context, the latter deserve all
the more our attention for their undoubted antiquity as illustrating
the ancient jataka tales with contemporary labels.

It is important to notice that the fact of a Book of Birth Stories

having existed at a very early date is confirmed, not only by such
stories being found in other parts of the Pali-pitakas, but also from
the art material traced back to the 2nd century B.C. which is more .
important and anterior than the language of the prose in which they
are writtten. It can, however, be not denied that the major part of
the

stories

Wintemitz

in

the collection

admitted

in

the

preserves
face

of

older material.

archaeological

Even

evidence

Prof.
of

compelling character, that in the prose, too, much that is old may
have been preserved.32) Now let us assess the relation " evidently to
be seen between the ]ataka Book and the early Buddhist Stupa
representations of such stories.

31 .

Th is Siitra was transl ated i nto French by E.

Kumaraj iva, Par i s, 1 908.

32. M. Winterni tz, HIL, Vol . 1 1 , p . 1 20.

Huber from the Chi nese of

- 44 -

The jataka narratives had attracted no doubt the admiration of

all such classes of the people as monks, kings, merchants, nobles,
other lay-devotees and so on. It is well presumable that during the
life time of the Buddha his great personality attracted different types
of people who embraced Buddhism.
with

such

zeal

that

the

Many people had patronised it

religion

got

widespread

footing

throughout the whole of northern India. Even after the passing away
of the Lord Buddha his teachings and his images did not die out in
the memory of the people.

The essence of his teachings for the

masses was the notions about the Paramita, Karma and Sarpsara,
etc.

These thoughts had been well illustrated in the jatakas, which

served as a vehicle for conveying in the most simple way the highly
intrinsic nature of the religion to the common masses. Numerous
people including kings and other noble classes took great advantage
from the wider preachings of Buddhism through such popular tales.
Not

only

for

the

Indian

Buddhist

but

also

for

the

non-Indian

Buddhists it come to be the most popular way of preaching the

religion through the narration and exhibition of the Jataka stories.

For this

obvious reason, when the Srupas, Caves and other

Buddhist monuments came into existence, the jataka stories found

their

logical

which

representation on

appeared

on

the

them.

Stopa,

The carvings

railings

and paintings,

and gateways,

inside

the

Chaitya-caves and Viharas were indeed the results of the patronage

given

by

the

kings,

merchants

and

other

classes

of people

in

furtherance and propagation of Buddhism.33) These portrayals included

the jataka tales and had actually started even in the age when the
representation of the Lord Buddha was still non-iconic and based
only on symbols. Such is the case in the art of the Bharhut Stupa of
the

SUilga

period built during the 2nd century B.C. and successively

also at Sanchi, early AmaravaU and the Bodhgaya monuments as

well as the Western Indian Caves with both sculpture and painting

33. There i s a l arge number of vot i ve inscriptions engraved on the rai l ing which
serve

as

l abels to the rel iefs carved on i t and record the names of the donors

who provi ded funds for the construct ion of the d i f ferent parts.

- 45 -

such as at Aj anta (Caves IX and X). With the Buddha being shown
through his image and symbol from the 1st-2nd century A.D. the
stone sculptures of Mathura, and Gandhara, Andhra and elsewhere
followed the

tradition of portraying

the Jataka

stories

and

this

practice of popular favour no doubt continued through the subsequent

ages in sculpture and painting.
Among

the

most

interesting

and

important

archaeological

discoveries in India are undoubtedly the Buddhist carvings on the

stone railings round the Stupas of Sanchi, Amaravati and Bharhut.
Prof. Rhys Davids has thus observed regarding this outstanding
material, "there have been found, very boldly and clearly sculptured
in deep bas-relief, figures which were at first thought to represent

merely scenes

ID

Indian life. Even so their value as records of

ancient civilization would have been of incalculable value; but they

have acquired further importance since it has been proved that most
of them are illustrations of the sacred birth stories in the Buddhist
Jataka Book--are scenes, that is, from the life of Gotama in his last
or previous births."34)

This fact is now well established in many

cases of these carvings, not only from their details represented but
also from certain inscribed titles of the Jatakas found attached to a
number

of the

bas -reliefs

themselves

on

the railing pillars

at

Bharhut.

These ancient bas-reliefs afford indisputable evidence about the

Jataka birth stories being already in the second century B.C. widely
popular

and

considered

so

eminent

that they

formed the main

subjects to be represented on the foremost Buddhist monuments, and

also for the actuality that they were already popularly known under
the technical name of the Jataka.35)
34 . Rhys Davids , BBS, p. l iv.
35. However, G. De, after a minute pxaminati on of the Bharhut Jataka l abels,
comes to the concl us i on that W the Jatakas of Bharhut have to be taken i n their
ordinary sense meani ng stories of fables told by the Master in i l l ustration of
hi s Doctrine and not in the speci a l sense in whi ch the Buddhi sts used them i n
later t i mes implying bi rth stor i es of the Bodhi sattva before he became the

- 46 -

Prof. H. Akira has thus remarked, on this point, "Stupa worship

had a social as well as a religious dimension. It began immediately
after the Buddha' s death, and through the support of its adherents,
StUpa worship gradually began to flourish. The Stupa erected in
various areas were thronged with worshippers and pilgrims. To erect
a Stupa, land had to be contributed by individuals. .... Carvings on
the fence and on the gates to the Stupa illustrated incidents from the
Buddha' s biography and the good deeds and selfless acts he had
performed in his past lives. Religious specialists who explained the
Jataka tales and the biography of the Buddha to the worshippers
probably

resided at the

Stupa,

as

did people

who

managed the

lodgings for the pilgrims."36)

One remarkable fact apparent from the Bharhut Stupa will be

found to

be that the birth stories are sometimes called in the

inscriptions occurring over the bas-reliefs by names quite different

from those as one may guess the particular scenes were given in the
Jataka Book, now contained in the PaJi Canon. This would seem, at
first sight, to show that, although the very stories as we have them
were known at the time when the bas-reliefs were carved, yet the
present collection, in which the names at times somewhat different
from the carved ones occur clearly given at the end of each story,
did not then perhaps exist. However, we must not forget, on the
other hand,

that in

the Jataka Book itself there

is

found

some

uncertainty as to the story names--the same or a similar story being

called in different parts of the Book by different titles.37) Moreover,
Buddha.

Cf, wBharhut Jatakas in a New Light ', CR, Aug. 1 929, pp. 257-264. But

thi s view can hardly be accepted in i ts total i ty.

.
36. H. Aki ra, A History of Indian Buddhism; from $8.kyamuni to Early Mah8.Y8.na,
Eng. trans. and ed. by P. Groner, p. 273.
37. Thus , Ja. No. 41 is cal l ed both Losaka Jataka and Mi tta-vindaka Jataka: Ja.
No. 439 is cal l ed Catudvara Jataka and also Mi tta-vindaka Jataka: Ja. No. 57 is
cal l ed Vanuri nda Jataka and also Kumbhi la Jataka : Ja. No . 96 i s cal l ed Telapatta
Ja taka and also Takkasi l a Jataka : Ja. No. 1 02, there cal led Pika Jataka, i s
the same story as Ja. No. 217, cal led Seggu Jataka: Ja. No. 30 there cal led
Mu i ka Jataka, is the same story as Ja. No. 286, cal led Saluka Jataka: Ja. NO.
215, the Kacchapa Jataka, is cal led Bahu-Bhai Jataka in the Dhammapada(P. 4 1 9 ) ;

- 47 -

one

of

these

very

bas-reliefs

at Bharhut

itself

is

remarked

by

Cunningham to be actually inscribed over it with two distinct names

or labels in full.38)

The reason for this is very plain. For an outstanding example,

let us further refer to the Gut:m Jataka story. Once upon a time the
Bodhisattva was a Lion living in the mountain. One day there was a
deer eating grass. the Lion thought "1 will have that deer ! " ; and

with

lion I s leap he sprang from the hillside towards it; but down

on the mud he fell by mistake, and sank in it. Then a jackal chanced
to see him. The lion told him that he shall do great service if he got
him out somehow. The jackal rescued the Lion, who out of gratitude
made him a friend. Then they came to settle together at nearby
places with their own family.

One day the lioness got jealoused of

the she-jackal, and plagued and terrified her. The j ackal wished to
go back to the place where he lived before. The Lion explained to
the lioness the whole matter, how his life was saved by the j ackal.
Then the lioness made peace with the j ackal ' s wife. At the end the
maxims given are in praise of friendship.39)

For this Jataka about a lion and a jackal when told to show the
advantage of friendship

and good character,

it was necessary

to

choose one such short title from the several possible ones like 'The
Lion Jataka' or 'The Jackal ]ataka' or even 'The Good Character
Jataka' , etc. Likewise, when a fable was told about a tortoise, to
show the evil results which follow from talkativeness
Kacchapa Jataka),40)

(as

in the

the fable might have been well called

'The

and Ja. No. 1 57 i s cal led GUQa Jataka, S i ha Jataka and Siga l a Jataka, etc.
38. A. Cunningham, The Stiipa of Bharhut, pI . xlvi i . The carvi ng i l l ustrates a
fab l e of a cat and a cock, and i s l abe l l ed both B i dala Jataka and Kukkuta Jataka
( Cat Jataka and Cock Jataka, Ja. No. 383 ) .
39 . JAF, Vol . 11, ( Ja. No. 1 57 ) , pp. 23-30.
40. JAF, Vol . 1 1 , ( Ja. No. 21 5 ) , pp. 79-81. I ts story i s that How a tortoi se was
conveyed through the air,

b i ting w i th hi s teeth upon a s t i ck :

and how he

answer8u to a taunt , and fel l . I ts story i s carved on fragment of a rai l pi l l ar

in

Mathura.

expl anati on.

Cf.

P.

K.

Agrawala,

Ma thura Railing Pi llars,

pI .

No.

8 w i th

- 48 -

Chatterbox ]ataka' or 'The Tortoise ]ataka' ; it is thus not strange

that the fable is referred to accordingly by both these appropriate
names. It must have been always difficult, if not impossible, to fix
up a short title which should refer to the hero in the story as well
as at once characterize the lesson to be taught. Different names
would have thus evolved even in case of the same story and might
have conveniently become interchangeable in early tradition itself.
The

scenes

at

Bharhut

Stupa

are

of

great

archaeological

importance since most of them are accompanied with contemporary

inscriptions representing the oldest alphabet of Central India.41) M.
Foucher thus observed in a general manner, "On one of the jambs of
the eastern gate, found in situ, we read, in a somewhat later script,
a mention of the ephemeral suzerain dynasty of the SUl'lgas, which
succeeded the Mauryas towards the year 180 B.C., it relates to the
erection of the gate, or to be more exact, the replacement of an old
wooden model by a stone-work;

and thus we feel certain that

towards the end of the second century the final touch must have
been given to the decoration of the Stfipa, commenced, no doubt,
during the third." 42)
As observed by Prof. V. S. Agrawala, "The subjects represented
m

the Bharhut sculpture include about twenty Jataka scenes, half a

dozen historical scenes, more than thirty statues of Yakshas and

Yakshinis, Devatas and Nararajas, --one half of which are inscribed
with their names, and representations of animals and trees."43) He
4 1. The evi dence for determining the date of the Rai l ing ( vedika ) and Gateway
( toraQa) o f the Bharhut Stupa consi sts o f both the contents and palaeography of
the Brahmi inscr iptions found there. Suffice it to say here that according to
the dedicatory i nscript i on on one of i ts supporting pi l l ars, the gateway was
caused to be erected by Dhanabhut i ' during the reign ( or i n the dominions ) of
the sUngas ' ( Suganam raje ) . Founded by the general Puyamitra who supplanted the
Mauryas, the sungas referred to in thi s i nscription formed a dynasty that ruled
over port i ons of northern and central India between 187 and 72 B. C. Cf. See V.
S. Agrawal a, lA, p. 148.
42. M. Foucher , The Beginnings of Buddhis t Art, p. 34.
43. V. S. Agrawal a, lA, p. 1 33. Here he has offered more detai led classi fication
and expl anati ons wi th eight categori es of such themes which are as fol lows,

- 49 has

further

indicated

that

"this

provides

the

epIC

basis

of

the

religious content of the Stupa. A Stupa was a dynamic conception

profound and living like the Tripitakas themselves.t;44)

ID-5. THE JATAKA GATHAS AND ATTHAKATHAS

The

]atakatthakatha

is

composed

in

prose

and

verse.

This

admixture of prose and verse of the Jatakatthakatha has led some

scholars to think as to the simultaneous antiquity of the prose and
verse section of the Jataka.

A large number of the Jataka in the combined style of prose

and

verse

was

probably

due

to

the

liking

composition by the ancient Indians. Dr. S. C.

for

this

mode

of

Sarkar thinks that

"They accepted this method in order to make the prose narrative

more lively by insertion of verse. The prose was either used to
explain the verse or to introduce an incident. The moral of the story
was generally retained in versical fonn. This is true in respect of the
two great epics, viz., the RamaYaIJa and the Mahabharata which are
held as compilations of the narratives of the ballad poets and the
singers

who would recite the verses

and narrate the prose,

and

naturally as they were passed from one lip to another the prose
portion of the story would take its natural change but the verse
would remain intact. The narrators of the story often used to alter
the prose narration to suit the environment".45) Sometimes they would
connect

the

verse

with

the

current

popular

events.

It

is

most

probably also true in the case of the Jataka.

This character of the Jataka presumably led Prof. H. Oldenberg

I . Superhuman Beings : Z. Human Bei ngs : 3. Ani ma l s ; 4 . Trees and Fru i ts : 5. ScuIptured
Scenes in Bas-rel i e f : 6. 0bjects of Worshi p : 7. Decorat ive ornaments: 8. Bui ldings.
44 . Ibid. . p. I 47.
45. S. C. Sarkar. op. c i t . . p. Z4 .

- 50 -

' Akhyana-theory'46) of the Ja.takas. According to this

to form his

theory, the Ja.takas are the illustrations of the .Akhyana-literature47)

which is claimed to have existed from the Vedic period onward. This
type of literature is composed in a mixture of prose and verse of
which the verses only were committed to memory and handed down

in their settled fonn while the prose story was left to be narrated by
every reciter largely in his own words.

On

the

Ja.taka-ga.tha.s

problem

of

the

comparative

antiquity

of

and the Jataka-cornmentary Prof. Winternitz

the

writes,

"Buhler,48) Fick,49 ) Rhys Davids50) and Mrs. Rhys Davids51 ) were of

opinion that the jatakas

such as we have them give a picture of

Indian life in the days of Buddha, that is, in the sixth and fifth
century B.C., or at least at the time of the redaction of the canon in
the third century B.C. Since then, however, it has become the almost
general opinion of scholars that only the jataka-ga.thas can claim
canonical authority, and be regarded as documents of the 3rd or even
the 5th century E.C., while the jataka-cornmentary, as we have it,
can claim no

higher antiquity than the 5th or 6th century A.D.,

though in its prose parts it contains old traditions which in many

cases

may

go

back

to

the

same

early

period

as

the

Gathas.

Moreover, it was generally believed that the original canonical jataka,

consisting of Ga.thas only, was preserved to us in the Phayre MS. of
]a.taka-verses" .52)

From the Ceylonese tradition53) we know that the jataka book

46.

Cf.

"The Prose and Verse Type of Narrative and the Jatakas w,

JPTS ,

19 1 0- 1 912.
47. "The J atakas bel ong to the Akhyana type of Indian l i terature out of which
the l ater epi c poems evolved " , G. P. Malalasekera and Oldenberg, "Pal i
l i terature of Ceylon " , p. 1 1 7, JPTS. 1 9 1 0 , p. 1 9.
48. On the Origin of the Indian Brahma Alphabet, 2nd ed. , Strassburg, 1898.
49. Die Sociale Gl iederrung in Nordostlichen Indien zu Buddhas Zei t, Ki e l , 1 897,
Trans. by S, K. Mi tra from the original as The Social Organisa tion in North Eas t
India in Buddha 's Time, Calcutta, 1 920.
50 . B I . p. 201 .
51 . "Notes on Early Economi c Condi t i on i n Northern India
JRAS, 1 901.
52. M. W i ntern i tz, JGJC, rHO, March, IV, 1928. p. 2.
53. Cf. Note at the end of the Mahasupina-Jataka ( Ja. No. 77 ) , "But after the
H ,

- 51 -

was first in a versified form, and the Birth-stories In prose are

nothing but a commentary upon them.

Dr. Weller on the basis of the different manuscripts54) has

expressed his doubts on the very existence of the Verse-Jataka. He
is of the opinion that "all these manuscripts of Jataka-verses only
contain extracted and copied form from the Jataka commentary, and
by no means represent the ancient verse Jataka of the canon".55)
Prof. ]. Hertel also has suspected the existence of the Verse-Jataka
and holds . that the manuscript may be only an extract from the
commentary. He advocates this view on the ground that certain
Paficatantra manuscripts, which contained only the verses, are also
copied from the complete MSS. of the Paficatantra.56)

But this argument does not seem acceptable to Prof. Wintemitz

for the reason that the words 'Lapuni sIdantIti'57) at the beginning of
the

Jataka

may

JatakatthavaI)l).ana.

also

be

Again

a
the

mistake
number

of
of

the

MSS.

. dreams

of
of

the
the

Mahasupina-Jataka is mentioned as sixteen,58) but the five lines

beginning with 'Labuni sIdanti'59) indicate only the last five dreams.
Therefore Prof. Winternitz thinks, "if really the canonical Jataka only
contained the lines beginning with ' labuni' , the original Jataka would
only have related a story of five dreams, and the Jatakatthakatha
would have given an enlarged version of an older story".60)

He

further argues that "Samodhana gatha which is supposed by Weller

to have been imitated from the commentary cannot be touch stone
for establishing the fact that the Verse-Jataka collection was taken
passing of the Great Redact i on put the three f i rst l ines i nto the Commentary,
and making the l ines from ' And gourds that sank ' into one stanza ( therew i th ) ,
the whol e story i nto the first book w . JAF, Vol . I , p. 345.
Phayre MS and two Mandal ay MSS of Jataka-Gathas, ZI I . IV, 1926, p. 54.
M. Winterni tz, HIL, Vol . 1 1 , p. 1 1 7, footnote, No. 3 : IHQ, IV, 1928, p. 3.
Cf. WZKM, 23, 1909, p. 279 : ZDMG, 64, 1 910, p. 58.
JAF, Vol . 1 , p. 334.
Cf. In the T i betan and Chi nese versi ons of thi s Jataka story there are not

put
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.

sixteen, but only ten dreams ment i oned. S. d 'Oldenburg, JRAS, 1893, p. 1 09 .
59. JAF, Vol . I , p. 336.
60. M. Wi ntern i tz, JGJA, IHQ, IV, 1 928, p. 5.

- 52 -

from the original jatakatthakatha".6 1 )

In

support

commentary

of

of

his

the

opinion

Prof.

jataka(Ja.

Suka

Wintemitz
No. 255 )

refers

where

to

the

the
word

' agiddhita' appearing in the verse is commented thus: "PallYaIll pana

agiddhima ti likhitarp tato aYaIll Atthakathapatho va sundarataro".62)
Therefore

he

observes:

"In

the

commentary

itself,

however,

distinction is often made between Pali and Atthakatha, and in this

case 'Pali' cannot refer to anything but the verse-jataka Moreover,
the fact that the principle of division of the jaataka-book in 22
sections (Eka-nipata etc.) is based upon the verse-jataka, and no
longer agree with the number of verses in the jataka-commentary, is
further proof of the existence of the canonical verse-jataka".63)

He further comments

that "in the

original

verse-jataka the

number of verses must have tallied exactly with the title of the
section

(Eka-nipata,

PakiIJoaka-nipata,

Duka-nipata

etc.)

otherwise

Section of mixed number of verses,

would

the
not

have been inserted after Section XXll" .64)

It is generally believed that the jatakatthakatha is the work of

an unknown Singhalese monk who had his materials from an earlier
commentary on the jatakas, written in Pali. This original Pall jataka
Book

was

translated

into

Singhalese

language

and

again

was

retranslated into Pall by the compiler of the jatakatthakatha It was

possible that the prose-section was translated into the Singhalese
language and then translated back again into Pali. The Gathas were
preserved unchanged in Pali. This belief may further be substantiated
by the words of Prof. Wintemitz who writes that "this tradition is
probably correct in so far as both prose and verse originally came
down orally; but the prose naturally had a less stable form than the

61 .
62.
63 .
64.
nf

Ibid.
JAF, Vol . I I , p. 294 .
M . Wi ntern i tz , HIL, Vol . I I , p. l l S.
I b i d. , p. 1 1 9 , footnote No. l : for other arguments in favour of the antiqu i ty
the Verse-Jataka, see, JGJC, pp. 6-S.

- 53 stanzas, so that when the canon was compiled, and later on, when it
was

written

down,

only

the

verses

retained their

original

form,

whilst, in the case of the prose, the rendering of it was at first

entrusted to the reciters, and it was only at a later period committed
to writing by commentators".65)

The

older

Indian

frame-work of prose,

Literature

was

of

narrative

the verses were inserted to

type.

In

the

emphasise the

contents. For the conventional mode of such narratives one had to

learn the verses and teach them. Therefore, the wordings of the
prose did not stand really firm, but in course of time the prose did
undergo changes as one generation of narrators yielded place to the
next. The original prose work if any was gradually merged in the
sea of oblivion. But the verses kept their genuine nature as they
were handed down carefully through faithful memorisation.
with

the

newer

editions

of

the

prose-work

the

verses

Thus,
became

intelligible. A similar thing perhaps took place in the case of the

Jatakas. For instance, in the Ucchitthabhatta-Jataka66) there are only
two verses which are archaic and unintelligible without any prose
commentation.

Definitely

none can derive joy

by repeating

these

verses only unless it is followed by the prose-commentary which

comes to rescue the inherent meaning. The prose commentary gives
the following

account:

On

served

to

lover.

food

her

the absence of the Brahmin his

This

was

noticed

by

wife

beggar.

Unexpectedly the Brahmin returned. The lover hid himself in the

storeroom. The wife covered the cold stew with new stew. The stew
below was cold, that on the top hot. This astonished the Brahmin
and he uttered the first verse, "Hot at top, and cold at bottom, not
alike it seems to be: I would ask you for the reason, come my lady,
answer me ?" 6 7)
Brahmin.

Then

Naturally the mendicant was suspected by the

and then only mendicant clarified the incident as

noticed by him in the second verse. "I

am

a tumbler, your honour.

65. Ibid. p. 1 1 7.
66. Ja. No. 212. JAF. Vo l . 1 1 . p. 166.
67. "Alliio upari mo vaQQo alliio VaQQO ca he nhi mo. brahmaQi tveva puccha.mi : k i m
he ! tha ki n c a upar i t i " . JAF . Vo l .

1 1 . p. 1 68.

- 54 -

Begging came I hither. But he whom you seek hath slunk away into
the storeroom" .68)

The inevitable distress occurred to the lover and

the wife got the beating that was due to her lot.

The commentator of the jataka-book thus narrates the tale in

prose and adds verses where they are needed for the context. If the
jatakas

are

taken

to

be

the

compositions

of

unintelligible

jataka-verses, as shown above, they will be of no use to us. Thus,

these unintelligible jataka-verses have led Prof. Oldenberg to hold his
theory of the Akhyana-type of jatakas.

The Akhyana is

a narrative type of literary composition in

which we often have the admixture of prose and verse. Oldenberg

thinks that the Akhyana type of jataka, as illustrated by him, is the
oldest specimen of the jataka literature. His supposition appears to be
true when we actually find this type of mixed literary works of
verse and prose in the Vinaya69) and other works70). In fact the
Buddhist Sanskrit texts like the Mahavastu and the jatakamrua are
true

illustrations

of

such

type

of

literature.

These

texts

are

interwoven with verses here and there. Further it is remarked that

the inscribed letters on the Bharhut railings were in prose and not in
verse. These inscribed letters also lead us to hold that the originally
early jataka text was a mixed work of prose and verse, otherwise
versified inscriptions would have been found on the sculpture.

On
According

the other hand, R.

to

him

both

the

O.

Franke upheld a different VIew.

prose

and

verse

jatakas

were

contemporaneous. He finds it quite improper to regard the creation of

the

jataka-gathas

and

that of the jataka-prose

as

two

separate

works. Franke establishes his theory from a comparison of the two

jatakas, viz., the Mahajanaka (Ja. No.539) and the Mahapalobhana
68 .

" Ahalp nato ' smi bhaddante, bhikkhako ' smi i dhgato, ayam hi kOHham otit}t:to
ayalp so yalp gavesas i ti " , ibid, p. 1 69.
69. Brahmayacanakatha, Vinaya, I . 4-7; Ahi rajapari ttam Vinaya. 1 1 . 1 1 0 etc.
70. At:tgul i ma l asutta. MN. 1 1 . pp. 97-105; Vasalasutta. Suttanipata. pp. 21 -25 ; Mara
Samyutta. SN. I . pp. 1 03-127.

- 55 -

<la. No.507), and specially from two lines of a verse and a prose
portion.71 ) But Oldenberg disagrees with him and remarks as follows,
"We only needed to regard this prose as the substitute, similar only
on the whole, for the prose that was in the mind of the author of
the

verse.

In

just

the

case

before

us,

it

is

true,

the

whole

consideration seems to me to fall away; yet not in the sense, that

what it would take away from the power of Franke' s hypothesis to
prove the contemporaneity of the prose in question and the verses,
remains to the credit of the prose. For it was hardly the original
intention of the author of the verses so to divorce the upa<;lc;lhagatha
162 from the following verse by means of the prose, as we see it in
the text that is now before us. On the contrary verses 162 and 163
contained

one continuous

description

of the

entire incident

and

apparently there was no room, in the ancient form of the passage,

for the now interjacent prosem, which precisely according to Frank,
would have been the origin of the 'bhattakaIe upatthite' of the
verse..... .It is in my opinion, certain that this 'bhattakaIe upatthite' is
not

suited

to

be

the

foundation

of

hypothesis

concerning

of

contemporaneity of the prose and the verse".72)

On the other hand, Fick is of opinion that "the verses and the
prose portion of the Jataka stories have been hardly altered from the
state when they were handed down from mouth to mouth among the
early Buddhists".73)
We have noticed above that the verse-Jatakas were anterior to
prose ones. But we cannot, however, dismiss the view of Oldenberg
altogether.

In

support

Mat).ikalJ.tha-jataka <la

of

his

No.253).

contention

we

may refer to

the

This Jataka with three verses74)

71 . ZOMG, LXII I , Leipzig, 1 909, p. 13.

72. JPTS , 1910-12, p. 25.
73. R. F i ck, The Social Organisation in North Eas t India in Buddha 's Time,
preface, p. XI .
74. l . Mam ' annapanamvipu l am u \ aram
uppajjat i massa mai ssa hetu
tan te na dassam, at iyacako s i
n a capi t e assamam agami ssam

- 56 -

along with prose frame-work occurs in the Vinaya-pitaka (vo!. Ill,

p.147) also.

In the jataka only the word 'MCU,likassa' stands for

'MCU,lissa' of the Vinaya. But in respect of the prose narration it is

noticeable that the prose style of the Vinaya is more archaic than
the commentatorial prose of the jatakas. This leads us to infer that
the prose and verse jataka form was firmly rooted in the literary
consciousness of India It may, therefore, be highly probable that the
prose and verse jataka of the jatakamala of

Aryastira

was a direct

production through . the influence of the earlier prose and Pali verse
jatakas.
Again the existence of prose and verse form of the jataka is
of great significance for the fact that events of Buddha' s attainment
of Buddhahood in the Mahavagga is narrated in mixed form of verse
and prose.
verse.

The

The Suttanipata is also found replete with such pose and

existence

of

such

mixed

type

of canonical

Suttas,

therefore, urged Oldenberg to hold that " it is quite too narrow a

conception that only a prose form, or only a poetic form, can justify
its existence, and that, when a mixture of both is found, it must
follow that a prose-writer is quoting a poetic text. The mixed form
has deeper roots",75)
From Oldenberg' s discussion it appears that the Jataka is the
prose-poetic-Akhyana76) and indeed this type of Akhyana literature is
found in the later Vedic age, in the Upaniads as well as the
BrahmaIJ.a texts, This type of mixed literary work came later to be
known as Akhyayika. Similarly, in the Buddhist literature also the
2.

Susu yatha sakkharadhotapai

tases ' i mam selam yacamano
tan te na dassam. ati racako s i
n a capi t e assamarn agam issan

3.

Na tarn yace yassa piyam j igirnse

desso hot i atiyacanaya
nago ma i rn yaci to brahmena

adassanarn yeva tad ' ajjhagama t i . JAF. Vol . I I . pp. 284-285.

75. JPTS. 1910-12. p. 39-40.
76. Wi nterni tz has classi f i ed the d i f ferent kinds of narrative compos i t ions
embodi ed i n the J a taka l i terature.

HIL. Vol . I I . p. 124.

- 57 -

matter handed down in different styles was linked together so as to

form a special type of literary works evolued in the mixed nature of
verse and prose.77)

In spite of such bold arguments held by Oldenberg his theory

remained unacceptable to such scholars as Rhys Davids78) and R.
Kirnura.79) On the other hand Geiger, however, opines in general tone
that "only the verses were regarded as canonical, the prose narrative
was

left more or less to the discretion of the reciters".80) In the

opinion of Fausboll.
jataka,

being

"the AtItavatthu is

originally composed in

the oldest element of the

verse,

and Gautama Buddha

usually did quote verse or verses followed by prose narration".81 )

An attempt has so far been made to give Views of different

scholars regarding the origina! form of the jataka and it is seen that
most of the scholars have accepted the versified composition as the
oldest one. This also fmds corroboration from the internal evidences
of the jatakatthakatha There are, however, a few jatakas which are
quite intelligible from the verses only. One can understand the story
easily minus the prose or commentary section. This may be true
about the jatakas which consisted of smaller number of verses. Most
probably these verses were so current and familiar that one could
easily recall the incident or episode connected with those verses. The
people, therefore, did not essentially require the prose or Atthakatha
portion as the episodes were still fresh in their mind either through
direct perception or through narration of their predecessors. But with
L'1e passing of time when the stories and episodes were lost in the
direct memory of the people then and then only the prose narration
was added for proper understanding of the verses or Gathas.
77. A. B. Kei th, however, holds that there i s no cogent evidence that

any

part

of the Jataka col l ection i s a real Akhyana. JRAS, 191 1 , p. 179.

78. Cf. BBS, P. LXXII -VI .
79. R. Kimura, HA Historical Study of the term Mahayana and Origin of Mahayana
Buddhi sm " , Journal of the Departments of Let ters, Calcutta Univ. , VD! . X I I ,
p. 1 28.
80 . W. Geiger, Pill i Li tera ture and Language, p. 21 .
8 1 . JAF, Vol . VI I , Index, Postcriptum, p. IV.

- 58 -

Therefore, it appears reasonable to think that the versical type

of jataka was the oldest canonical collection and the verses had
greater antiquity than the prose narration. Even in case of certain
bigger jatakas their verses only convey the hints of the jataka story.
For example, the Sivi jataka (ja. No.499), Mahamorara ]ataka (ja.
No.491 ),

KUIJala

No.537),

Samaka ]ataka

]ataka

(ja.

No.536),

Mahasutasoma

(]a

No.529).

All

these

]ataka

]atakas

(ja.

provide

indication to the fact that these jatakas were largely in verse in the
original.
If we accept the theory of early existence of the verse ]atakas,
..

the pertinent question arises as to how the ]atakas came to have

prose portion in their developed fonn. We have to find a logical
answer

explaining

why

and

under

what

circumstances

the

verse-jataka did evolve into a ]atakatthakatha. For this we can take

help by referring to the Culla-Niddesa, probably compiled in the
second century B.C., wherein the total number of the ]atakas IS
stated to be 500. But this number had got increased to 550 or so at
the time of Buddhaghosa.82)
Prof. Rhys Davids thinks that "This is merely a round number
reached by an entirely artifical arrangement, and gives no clue to the
actual number of stories. It is probable that our present collection
contains altogether (including the Introductory Stories where they are
not mere repetitions) between two and three thousand independent
tales, fables, anecdotes and riddles. Nor is the number 550 any more
exact (though the discrepancy in this case is not so great) if it be
supposed to record, not the number of stories, but the number of
distinct births of the Bodhisattva".83)
But there is another OpInIOn held by Prof. De on this matter.
According to him, a bigger ]ataka which itself was a selected piece
82.

"ApaakaJatakadini

pafifiasadhikani

ved i tabba" , N . Dutt, SPS, Vol . I, p. 28.

83. Rhys Davids , HBS, Introduction, p. lxxiv.

pafica

j atakasatatni

J atak3fl

ti

- 59 -

was divided into more than one pieces, each of which would yet be
a jataka and vice verse.

This will be further evident from the

several ways in which jataka nomenclature was made from time to

time and also from the fact that its number varied with the fact of
some overlapping with those of others and increasing the number as
time went on.84) Prof. De gives some examples to illustrate this point
observing that "the jataka piece known under the designation of
Vitura PuJ)akiya jataka in the Stupa of Bharhut85) and agreeing with
' Vidhura PuJ)I;ta jataka'
divided

into

two

in

jatakas,

the
VIZ.,

Milinda

Paiiha86)

'Vidhura

was eventually

PaJ)<;lita

jataka'

III

jatakatthakatha and ' PuJ)J)aka jataka' in Buddhaghosa' s Commentary

on the Majjhima Nikaya. Conversely, the combination of several
jatakas one of which is definitely the Yavamajhakiya jataka87) of
Bharhut Stupa, is evident in the Mahaummagga jataka(Ja. No. 546)
of jatakatthakatha".88)
The jatakas as a collection of selected verses or .Akhyana
literature presumably go back to the very origins of the Sakyan
doctrine and their such antiquity will not preclude the possibility of a
prose interpretation attached to them in the light of the model taught
by the teacher himself from the very beginning.

There is ample

evidence in support of the opinion that such ancient Indian literature

was in verse, more so in folk-lore style of Akkhanas; the Buddha,
who is said to have enjoined his disciples not to use them in
practical life,89) could not have entirely done away with their common
application and in the absence of developed Buddhist literature must
have had recourse to such passages from these Akkhanas as seemed
helpful to the propagaticn of his Doctrine of Moral Virtue and Karma

84. Cf. Al husa Jataka ( Ja. No. 523) and Nal inika Jataka ( Ja. No. 526 ) .

85.

For the l i st i n the has-re l i efs o f Bharhut , whi ch are arranged from A.

Cunningham, Stiipa of Bharhut. See, BBS, Appendix, Tabl e VI I I .

86. Mi l indapaftha, p. 372.
87. See, N. G. Majumdar, A Guide to the Sculptures in the Indian Museum, Part 1 .
p. 38-9.
88. G. De, op. ci t. , p. 67.
89 . "Tam akkhanam yasmin thane kathi yati tattha gantum na vattati " , DN, Vol . 1 1 ,
p. 277.

- 60 -

and used many of them by rruxmg In them his own preachings and
interpretations safeguarding against the influx of vulgar ideas and
misconceptions. These early verses explained into fuller narratives by
various reciters

came

to provide indeed

the

prose of the jataka

composition and this process may be said to have begun from the
time of their origin itself and continued onwards.90)

It seems highly probable that all those Birth Stories which are
not only found in the

so-called jataka Book itself, but are also

referred to in other parts of the Pall Pitakas, are at least older than
the Council of Vesali.91)

The Council of Vesali was held about a hundred years after the
Mahaparinibbana to settle certain disputes on points of discipline and
practice which had arisen among the members of the Order. The
exact

date

of

Gotama' s

Death

IS

uncertain;

regarding the length of the interval between

and

the

tradition

that event and the

Council, the la hundred years' is of course a round number. Anyway,

we can roughly accept the date of the Vesali Council within a range
of thirty years of 350 B.C.

At this Council, of the Buddhist Order of Mendicant Monks, the

members were divided into two parties.

One group advocated the

relaxation of the rules of the Order in ten particular matters, while

the

others

adopted

the

stricter

view.

From

the

account

of

the

deliberations which we have at present only from the successors of

the stricter party (Theravadins), it is acknowledged that the monks
of

the

90.
91 .

G. De,

other,
op.

I.e.,

c i t . , pp.

the

laxer

side,

were

In

the

majority

68-69.

Cf. On thi s point Prof. Rhys Davids has s i m i l ar opinion that *th i s wi l l hold

good though the Buddhavasa and the Chari ya Pi taka shoul d turn out to be l ater
than most of the other books contained i n the T i pi taka.
contai n have al ready become Jatakas,

whereas

i n most o f the other cases above

quoted the stories sti l l only parables or bal l ads ,

concl u s i on :

That the stories they

woul d seem to l ead to thi s

and the fact that they have preserved some very anci ent forms may

merel y be due to the fact that they are o l der, not i n matter and i deas, but only
in form.

BBS,

Introduc t i on, p. l i ,

footnote,

1.

- 61 -

(MahasaIilghikas) ;

and that when

the

older

and

more

influential

members of the Order decided in favour of the orthodox VIew, the

others held a council of their own and they called the same as the
Great Council from the number of those who attended it.

According

to

the

Dlpavrup.sa,

what

occurred

at

the

Great

Council, was as follows, "The monks of the Great Council turned the
religion upside down. They broke up the original

scriptures,

and

made a new recension. A discourse put in one place they put in

another.

They

distorted

the

sense

and

the

teaching

of

the

five

Nikayas. Those monks knowing not what had been spoken at length,
and what concisely, what was the obvious, and what was the higher
meaning. Attached new meaning to new words, as if spoken by the
Buddha, and destroyed much of the spirit by holding to the shadow
of the letter. In part they cast aside the Sutta and the Vinaya so
deep, and made as imitation Sutta and Vinaya, changing this to that.
The Parivara abstract,

and the

Six Books

of Abhidhamma

The

Patisambhida, the Niddesa, and a oortion of the Tataka So much they

put aside, and made others in their place 1 ..."92)

The animus of this description is sufficiently evident and the

Dlpavarpsa, which cannot have been written earlier than the fourth
century

is

but poor in

giving

evidence of the

events

of

seven

centuries before. It is acknowledged in the text to have been based

on earlier sources, and this much

is at least reliable that, according

to the Ceylonese tradition, a book called the ]ataka existed at the

time of the Councils of Vesali. Thus, it can be well conceded that
the ]ataka stories were already there as popu1=rr folk-tales or ballads
illustrating the doctrine of Karma and had been incorporated into the
Pall

Agama

or

Pitakas

by

the

time

of the

Vesali

Council,

say

roughly 350 B.C.

From

the

evidence

available

presently

the

most

probable

explanation for the early rise of the ]ataka Book seems to have been

92 . D i pavasa, Vol . V, p. 32.

'

- 62 -

the religious faith of the Indian Buddhists of the third or fourth

century B.C., who besides preserving and recounting a number of
parables and stories, in turn ascribed their authorship to the Buddha
himself. They were given a peculiar sanctity and also a religious
significance by identifying the best character in each of them with
the Buddha himself in some previous birth. With this specific setting
being accepted for each of the narratives,-- what had been handed
down from the stock of popular parables or stories came to form a
collection of the

'Jatakas ' ; it was a word used to distinguish the

stories thus sanctified and not perhaps for other common tales of
ever floating folklore tradition.

The

Jatakas

in

themselves

indeed

represented

many

tales

already well known to the masses and thus there was little effort
required on the part of the Buddhist teachers to convey the moral
lesson implied in them to their respective hearers. This also affords
an explanation to the fact that their fuller elaboration in prose had
originally remained for the most part implicit rather than explicit. A
little verbal explanation as per the Buddhist message here and there
was sufficient to guard them against any infiltration of vulgarity or
misappropriation due to repeated handling by successive narrators.

As the Jataka in its original form was handed down in oral

transmission, later amplification or interpolation s into it could not,
however, be strictly checked. This is

true mainly in case of the

prose portion which was indeed known as vatthu or vitthara. The

identification of the characters related in the stories may have at
times witnessed changes in its prose versions. It is also probable,
that with the passing of time the interpretations imparted to the
Jataka

stories

underwent

modifications

which

had

come

to

be

incorporated often in the light of changing circumstances. This may

be

indeed

said

to

have

helped

the

gradual

development

of

the

Jataka-vatthu or the prose portion in several presumable ways.

The early ]atakas were primarily meant to serve moral lessons

- 63 -

to the people in general through the examples

they gave of the

doctrine of Karma. The literature of every description was perhaps

utilised in India for this purpose. But it must not have been always
possible

to

shape

them

as

conforming

in

every

respect

to

the

Buddhist attitude.

The emergence of the Bodhisatta Paramita theory at a little

.

later epoch also seems to have contributed to the development of

prose portion in the Jataka In such developments very often the
purport of the original verses underwent distortion. Let us take an
example. A comparison between the two versions of the same story
based on a Jataka as found in the Dhammapada Atthakatha and the
Jataka

Atthakatha

development of

will

the

' Kulavaka Jataka'

fully

illustrate

Jataka prose.

In

this

point

these

two

regarding
versions

such

of the

(Ja. No. 31), the verse which embodies the key

proper to the Jataka is as follows: "Kulavaka Matali Simbalismirh

Isamukhena

parivajjayassu/

Kamam

ma-y-ime dija vikulava ahesun ti"/j93)

cajama

asuresu

parJari1

This verse refers to the

characteristics of Indra, the king of gods, showing great consideration

for the sanctity of animal life. The Buddhist used this in the Jataka
to illustrate the efficiency of the virtue of Ahirhsa which was a
floating ideal in the pre-Buddhist

Indian folk-lore. On this point

Prof. De is of opinion that "The verse in question is the chanted

summing up of the story of Indra or rather of an episode in it which
is in the background.

The

'Vatthu'

as it is called,

though it is

difficult to divulge its earliest form, is almost the same in both the
works, Dhammapada Atthakatha and Jataka Atthakatha so far as the
main outlines are concerned, with this difference that while in t.e
former

the

artistic

side

has

been

developed,

in

the

latter

the

descriptive or the practical side for impressing the average mind has
been worked out nicely in conformity with the Bodhisatta ideal. Both
are intent upon showing the past merit of Indra by dint of which he

93.

"Let a l l the forest ' s nes t l i ngs. Mata l i .

o ffer UP.
not .

a wi l l i ng sacri f i c ,

through me.

escape our a l l - devouring chariot.

my l i fe to yonder Asuras :

from out the i r nests be torn. " JAF.

these poor bi rds

I . p. 203.

shal l

- 64 -

attained his position of emmence which according to Dharnmapada

Atthakatha is the final culmination and in the jataka Atthakatha is
imperfect and defective".94)

In

the

very

beginning

of

the

Vatthu

the

Dharnmapada

Atthakatha directly refers to the field of action of Magha, then the

Indra

to

be.

Here

Macalagame

follows

Magho

the

nama

passage:

Mauavo

"Atite

Magadharatthe

gama-karnmakarar.latthanarp

gantva attano titthanatthanarp padena parpsurp. viyuhitva ramanIyarp

katva atthasi")E)
Magha is

But in the jatakatthakatha this young Brahmru:la

represented

as

a Bodhisatta and a long

description is

furnished on the early career of the Bodhisattva. Therefore in place

of

the

above

Magadharatthe
Bodhisatto

short

Rajagahe

yatha

Macalagamake
mahakulassa

description

etarahi
nibbatti

putta

eko

it

Magadharaja

Sakko

purime

evarh

hutva

has

following:

rajj arh

attabhave

tasrnim

nibbatti

the

yeva

"AtIte

karesi.

Tada

Magadharatthe
macalagamake

namagahaI).adivase

c ' assa

maghakumaro tv-eva namarh akarhsu".96)

At first it appears strange in the jataka Atthakatha to find how

heedlessly

the idea of Bodhisatta has been thrust upon a previous

existence of S akka, the permanent (aj aramara) ruler of gods who did
exist in the time of Bhagavan himself and

can

by no stretch of

imagination be identified with his Bodhisatta stage. It is so wisely

shunned in the more scholarly work Dhammapada Atthakatha. The
above seems definitely to be a departure or a later development in
the jatakavatthu. Moreover, it is important to mention here that the
jatakatthakatha has no vivid description of the city of Sakka as we
find in the Dharnmapadatthakatha.97)
94. G.

De,

op. c i t. , p. 73.

95. Dhammapada,
96.

I,

pp. 256-257.

Cf.

G.

De,

op. c i t. , p. 73.

"Once on a t i me there was a king of Magadha reigning at Rajagaha in the l and

of Magadha.

And just as he who is now Sakka came to l i fe in hi s preceding b i rth

in the hamlet of Macala in the land of Magadha,

even so was i t in the sel fsame

haml e t that the Bodhi satta came to l i fe in those days as a young noble. When the
day for h i s naming came,

Vo l . I ,

p. 199.

he was named young prince Magha" ,

( Ja.

No.

31 ) ,

JAF,

- 65 -

Prof. De thinks that this was, perhaps, intentionally done by the

compiler of the jatakatthakatha for it was thought unsuitable to
serve

the purpose of the

jataka Atthakatha.98)

Therefore,

the

omission or commission of facts pertaining to a jataka depended

largely on how its authors took a non-Bodhisatta or a Bodhisattva
standpoint. In the early composition of the jataka the Vedic Indra is
retained in its original form99) in respect of his prowess, liberality,
custodianship of virtue, etc. But with the growth of Buddhism this
ve:ry Indra was given the status no better than that of a virtuous
devotee or a subordinate god having the Buddha as his refuge. This
has a clear evidence in the Sakka-pafiha Suttanta.lOO)

Here, the

Buddha has been held responsible for the number of the gods in the
realm of Indra for the reason that the Buddha' s disciples only are
reborn in Indra' s heaven after death.
Prof. De is perhaps right in his conjecture that in the original
jataka-story, the greatness of Indra and his regard for animal life,
described in verses of the Kulavaka jataka, were subsequently lost in
the advocacy of the practice of Buddhist Paficaslla or Five Percepts.
97.

"Devasurasangame

pana

asuresu

paraj i tesu

. . . . .

evam

mahantam

yasam

anubhavanto Sakko devaraja v icarat i " , Dhammapada, I , pp. 272-274.

98. Cf. G. De, op. c i t . , p. 75.
99. Cf. Kaka J ataka, JAF, I , pp. 497-99. Here the introduction of the character
of Bodhi satta has become extremely l udicrous and contradi ctory to the original .
100. "Apariyosi tasappo vicikicchi kath kathi
Vicari d i gh addhanam anvesanto Tathagat
Yasu mafifiami samae pavivitta-viharino
Sambuddho i t i mafifiano gacchami te upasi tu
Katham aradhana hoti kath hoti vi radhana
I t i put tha na sambhonti magge pat i padasu ca
Tyassu yada m j ananti Sakko devanam agato
Tyassu eva puddhant i Ki katva papuni ida
Tesam yatha suta dhamma desayami jane sut
Ten 'ass ' attamana honti dit tho no Vasavo ti ca
Yada ca Buddh addakkhi vicikiccha vi tar
So 'mhi vi tabhayo ajja Sambuddha parirupasiyu
Tha sal l assa hantara Buddham apat ipuggal
Aha vande mahaviram vandam ' adi cca bandhunam" . Sakka-paiiha Suttanta
Vo l .

I l , p. 289.

o f DN,

- 66 -

Thus every jataka-story as we find now presumably much deviated

from the original by the general introduction into it of the Bodhisatta
motif. 1 Ol )

Thus,

we

can

well

endorse

that

the

introduction

of

the

Bodhisattva-ideal came largely to contribute towards a development

of the jataka-vatthu. The original verse might have referred to any
tale or jataka of the initial folk-lore type. But when it was fully
accepted

and

converted

in

the

Buddhist

literary

style

of

the

jatakatthakatha, its prose narrator had naturally took advantage of

essentially

shaping

it

in

its

newer

form,

now

extant

in

this

full-fledged commentary setting.

Almost every jataka story appears to have been more or less

improved or modified by the introduction of the Bodhisattva motif
into it. We may take here one example. In the Kaka jataka102) we
are told that a certain female crow perished in the waves of a sea;
the crows collected on the land above in their effort to empty the
sea of all water. But the water thus thrown out trickled down to the
sea again. After a time, when their jaws began to ache they spoke
the

jataka verse:

"Api

nil

hanuka

santa,

mukhafi

ca parisussati,

Oramama na parema, po.rat' eva mahodadhiti". 103)

Evidently they were about to retire at this

stage when the

Bodhisatta who was the sea-god at that time assumed a fearful form
and dispersed them. Now, the part played by the Bodhisattva here is
extremely

ludicrous

not

to

speak

of

the

damage

done

to

the

simplicity and the effectiveness of the whole story as if but for the
Bodhisattva' s intervention the poor sea would have been dried up by
the

mighty

crows

In

all

deference

to

those

who

advocated

Bodhisattva thoughts in the jatakas may one put a simple query: Did
101 .
102.
103 .

G. De,

op.

Ja. No.

ci t. ,

1 46 ,

JAF,

pp. 79-80.
Vol .

I , pp 497-498.
.

"Our jaws are achi ng and mouths are becoming dry.

were before:
ibid. , p . 498.

whi l e the sea i s be i ng

We are exactly where we

fi l l ed w i th the water

( we are drawing ) " ,

- 67 -

Bodhisattva in this existence perform a work of piety by saving the

sea from the onslaught of crows ?
The intrinsic worth of many a Jataka seems to have been lost
m

this way by the introduction of an unwanted Bodhisatta but for

whom the main outlines of the ' Vatthu ' can be perhaps taken as
original and trustworthily older.
Generally speaking, "the growth of prose, i.e., the story proper
depended largely on two main factors being ( 1 ) the nature or the
type of the Jataka itself and (2) its capacity for developing the
Buddhist religion in its diverse aspects. Hence Jatakas varied in size
according

as

they bore

on

society,

politics

or religion.

Topics

referring to social matters or royal functions were generally cut short

in as small compass as possible but those that seemed to help the
establishment or propagation

of the

doctrine

either by

way

of

criticism or support were unduly lengthened often to the point of

exhaustion" . 104)
Examples of the first type are the Jatakas like Gijjha ]ataka
(Ja No. 164), Nakula Jataka (Ja. No. 165), Sakunagghi Jataka (Ja.
No. 168), Rohini Jataka (ja. No.

45),

etc., which are contained in the

greater part of the first, second and third volumes of Fausboll' s

edition

while

those

Citta-Sambhutta

of the

Jataka

second

(Ja

No.

type being

498),

Sivi

the Jatakas

Jataka(Ja.

No.

like
499),

Campeyya Jataka (ja. No. 506) , Hatthipala Jataka (Ja No. 509),
Sarabhailga Jataka (ja. No. 522), etc., comprise bulk of the fourth,
fifth and sixth volumes.
The

development

of

Jataka

into

story

replete

with

Paccuppannavatthu, Atttavatthu, Gatha incorporating the Jataka itself,

Veyyakarm:la and Samodhana as a rule does not seem to have taken
place even as late as the time of Buddhaghosa in the earlier part of
the
1 04 .

5th
G.

De ,

century
op.

c i t. ,

A.D.
p. S1 .

It

appears

from his

commentary

on

the

- 68 -

Majjhima Nikaya that he did quote verse or verses105) when a

reference to a jataka was essential to the context. Such a quotation
of verse strengthens the theory that the Jatakas were originally
composed in verse and the prose narration with other constituent
parts of the jatakatthakatha did develop at a late period. 1 (6)
Hence the study of how a jataka came to be considered as a
of the Bodhisatta with

story

the agglomeration

of Paccuppanna

Vatthu, AtIta Vatthu, VeyyakaraI)a and Samodhana becomes all the

more interesting.

It is reasonable to concede that any aspect of the Doctrine

contained either in a Gatha or a jataka or an Udana has an
importance of its own and it must have some natural context in the
passage as regards its expositor, recipient and purpose. In fact, every
Suttanta developed on the principle of making an exposition of some
cardinal point or points of the Doctrine. "The author of the discourse
no other than the Teacher himself makes clear some points of the
Doctrine with as elaborate exposition in certain circumstances that
culminate in the conversion of the recipient taking refuge with the
Buddha, Dharma and Sailgha The desire to preface a doctrine with a
statement of circumstances leading to the effect it produced on its
hearers was predominant from the very beginning".107)

105.

Cf.

WTi tthiyanam pana Baveru Jatake kakassa viya l abhasakkaro parihayi ttha.

Yath ' aha:

Adassanena morassa s i khino mafijubhani no
Atha l abho ca sakkaro t i tthiyanam ahayathaW , MN,

A t thakatha ,

PTS,

part

I l , p. 3.
106. The port i ons from the J ataka thus quoted by Buddhaghosa not only testi fy to
the i r forms be ing in verse but def i ni tely prove that -the i r avowed purpose was
primar i l y the satting up of mora l s for mankind.
connect i on i s

One noti ceab l e feature i n this

that wherever Buddhaghosa menti ons any act o f the Bodhi satta as

narrated in a J ataka story he does i t by saying that such a thing happened in

the t i me of the Bodh isatta born as so and so omi tt i ng the word J a taka from his
statement. Prof.

107. G.

De,

op .

G. De

gives more detai led examples on his aspect . S I J , p. 8 1 -2 .

ei t. , p . 83.

- 69 -

Again

the

grammatical

placement,

forms 1 08)

style,

of the

and

diction

]ataka verses

especially

also

lead

archaic

us

to

the

conclusion that the verse-form of the ]atakas was the earliest one.
This argument may further be strengthened by Fausboll' s valuable
observation:

liOn

the

complicated

system

I think we must admit that such a

whole,

as

that of Gotama Buddha' s

is

scarcely

one

man ' s work, but must indeed have had its forerunners. And that a
large old poetic literature in

Pali

has existed before Gotama Buddha

is proved by the many identical fragments of verses that recur in

different ]atakas, in fact in all

Pali

books, and seem to have been

common property at the time" . 109)

Even in the Tipitaka literature the development of the ]atakas
into stories from original versical composition, which is supposed to
be lost, be traced in the Suttanta portion of the Mahagovinda and
Mahasudassana Suttas of the DIghanikaya Further it is remarkable
"The

that

Makhadeva

Sutta

is

seen

to

possess

the

portion

of

Samodhana i.e., the identification of the characters of the AtIta and

Paccupannavatthu, though other constituent parts like VeyyakaraI).a,
Gatha

etc.

are

wanting.

Therefore,

these

Suttanta

stories

are,

perhaps, the nucleus of the ]atakatthakatha", 1 10)

Another most important thing which contributed much to the

development of the ]ataka-stories is the theory of

Paramita.

In later

period the works like the Cariyapitaka and the Buddhavarpsa came
into existence to illustrate the various munificient and self-sacrificing
activities

of

the

Bodhisattvas

recorded

earlier

in

the

]atakas

as

simple stories. The ]atakas of extraordinary type were accepted as

the

Cariya-stories

of

the

teacher

possibly

without

having

any

modification. As it is probable that the Jataka-stories found in the

108.

Fausbol l has i l lustrated wi th a good number o f exampl es the o l dness o f the '

verses,

i . e.

pecul i ar i t i es ,

the

vers ica!

Ja. taka

text,

as

thei r

l anguage

bears

many

espec i a l l y o l d forms which do not occur i n the prosai c Pa. l i and

some of whi ch are found i n the Vedas due to metre or some other causes.

JAF,

Vol . VI I , Postcriptum, p. IV-VI I I .

109.

Ibid. .

p. X I .

Cr.

a l s o Anderson ' s l i s t o f paral l e l verses referred to by

Fausbo l l .

110.

S . C . Sarkar, op.

cit. ,

p. 4 4 .

- 70 -

Ja.taka-commentary Book were written in a form developed from the

Ja.taka-verses,

original

Paccupanna

the

Vatthu

and

Samodhana

portions can be taken as added at a later period. But they were

addedlll ) to the Ja.taka-stories presumably not much later than the
style

of

the

Bodhisatta-paramita.

theory

being

introduced

to

the

Ja.taka Book. When the Paccupanna and AtItavattus were narrated

and connected with the life of the Boddhisatta then obviously the
Samodhana of identification portion was added.

The Veyyakaral)a or the explanatory portion probably came into

being after Samodhana. The Veyyakaral)a was used only to explain
the archaic terms of the verses. It is but natural that these terms of
the

verses

were

explained

in

consonance

with

the

Buddhist

philosophy. Thus, for example, the 'Dhamma ' in the original jataka
is used in its general sense but the 'Veyyakaral)a' portion explains it
as nine kinds of transcendental conditions. We can cite one more
example. The word ' satthar' is found in ordinary prose literature as
always meaning the Master but in the jataka its . application is met
with frequently in the sense of

an ordinary teacher who can show

the way to heaven (Sagga maggasa desitatta Sattha.) 12) In fact, a

vocabulary of these terms with original and especial meanings in the
jatakas does by itself form the subject of a separate thesis; a few of
them,

however,

will

suffice

maintain

in

the

present

case

that

'Veyyakaral)a' was essential to the understanding of the text.

"Thus
comprising

towards
only

the

the

end

verses

of the 5th
of old

century

fledged

into

A.D.
a

jataka

story

full

in

combination with the Paccuppanna Vatthu, Atrta Vatthu, Veyyakaral)a

and Samodhana as its inseparable parts giving an account of the
author, the recipient and the avowed purpose, with an important of
its own; in fact, forming a miniature Suttanta with this difference
111.

WPassages i n the Paccuppanna Vatthu which introduces a Jataka i nd i cate i ts

purpose to have been general moral i aat i on in v i ew of some past happeni ng,
the Samodhana be l onging to i t brings i n ,
uncal l ed

for,

to the

f i e l d as

i n a formal way,

the master of

whi l e

the Bodhi satta qui te

the s i tuat i on. W Cf.

G.

De,

SIJ,

p. 8 9.

1 1 2.

JAF,

Vo ! .

exampl es. S I J ,

V,
p. 90.

Ja.

No.

537,

p. 503.

Cf.

Prof.

G.

De,

who shows

four more

- 71 -

that while in

the

Suttanta the jataka form was quite lost or

modified, in the new full-fledged story it was retained intact")1 3)
We may conclude from the above that there were at least five
stages in the development of the jataka Vatthu. They are to be
stated thu s :114)
.... ' -

-'

,..

(1). Encased between the Paccuppanna Vatthu ana the Samodhana

a jataka

appeared in

its

simple form

as

conveying

the moral

teachings; of this stage some of them are found in the reliefs of the
SWpa of Bharhut.
(2). The jatakas as developed into the Suttanta stories wherein
the old real jataka form when applied to the Buddha was lost or
largely modified; of this category they are presered in the Suttanta
literature.
(3) . The jatakas further improved in their make-up and now
represented as Cariya stories and those of ghosts and angels in
poetical forms, as we have some of them preserved now in the
Cariya Pitaka, etc.
(4). The ]atakas found as Cariya stories contained in the Cariya

Pitaka but of later writers. (See Nidana-Katha in jatakatthakatha,

Vo!.

and

also

the

commentary

on

the

Cariya

Pitaka

by

Dhammapala).
(5). The ]atakatthakatha versions in their final garb consisting in
a full-fledged and set schema of the Paccupanna Vatthu, AtIta
Vatthu, Gatha, Veyyakarru:la and Samodhana as in jatakatthakatha of
c. 5th century A.D.
We have seen above how the original verses of the jataka
remained more or less unaltered through the ages right up to the ehd
of the 5th century A.D. when the ]ataka commentary is known to
have got its final form now comprising in the set of five constituent
parts for each of the jataka narratives.

113.

G. De,

114.

Ibi d. , p. 92 - 3 .

op.

c i t. , p. 91 .

- 72 -

We

have

referred

so

far

to

the

historical

questions

of

chronology and style concerning the jataka Gatha and Atthakatha. In

the next chapter, we shall devote ourselves to a study of the main
thoughts as found represented in the jataka literature. Before we do
that, a few remarks may be added here with respect to an analysis
of its literary contents.

ID -6. LITERARY CONSTRUCTION AND ANALYSIS

A large number of the jatakas will be found to represent a

combination of prose and verse which was probably due to a special
liking for this style by the ancient Indian.U5) Here we propose to
analyse the literary construction of the jataka-book as available now
in its mixed up commentary form of the jatakatthavaI)1Jana. The
jataka

text

consists

of

twenty-two

sections

or

Nipatas,

viz.,

Eka-nipata, Duka-nipata, Tika-nipata, etc. which is chiefly based on

the number of verse or verses each of them contains. The first
section is supposed to contain 150 jatakas with as many verses, thus
implying that

each one of the verses belongs to or represents a

separate story; the second section, 100 jatakas, with two verses each;
the third, 50 jatakas, with three verses each, and so on. In each
subsequent section the number of verses increases, whilst that of the
stories decreases. The initial or first sections are those which contain
the greater number of them.

To make this clearer we give here the table of the Nipatas:

1. Eka-nipata
2. Duka-nipata
1 1 5.

(1 gatha)
(2 gathas)

150 texts
100 texts

15 vaggos.
10 vaggos.

See above, chapter 1 1 , on the origin and devel opment of the Jataka Book and

the stor i e s .

- 73 -

3. Tika-nipata

(3 gathas)

50 texts

5 vaggos.

4. Catuka-nipata

(4 gathas)

50 texts

5 vaggos.

25 texts

2 vaggos.

5. Paftca-nipata

(5 gathas)

6. Cha-nipata

(6 gathas)

20 texts

2 vaggos.

7. Satta-nipata

(7 gathas)

21 texts

2 vaggos.

8.

Attha-nipata

(8 gathas)

10 texts

9. Nava-nipata

(9 gathas)

12 texts

10. Dasa-nipata

(10 gathas)

16 texts

1 1 . Ekadasa-nipata

( 1 1 gathas)

9 texts

12. Dvadasa-nipata

(12 gathas)

10 texts

13. Terasa-nipata

(13 gathas)

10 texts

14. Pa..ldnnaka-nipata

( 15 gathas)

13 texts

15. Vlsati -nipata

(20 gathas)

14 texts

16. Tirhsa-nipata

(30 gathas)

10 texts

17. CattalIsa-nipata

(40 gathas)

5 texts

18. PaI)I)asa-nipata

(50 gathas )

3 texts

19. Chatthi-nipata

(60

2 texts

20. Sattati-nipata

(70 gathas

2 texts

21. ASlti -nipata

(80 gathas)

5 texts

gathas)

22. Maha-nipata

10 texts
547 texts

Total

The defect in this arrangement is striking: if a particular Jataka

is a fragment or a resume of a longer one it may be found far away
from

it.

The

relationship,

texts

their

are distributed,

natural

affinity,

not
but

according
according

to
to

their inner
an

entirely

extraneous circumstance, their number of verses or length. Moreover,

th designation of the texts is cumbersome and awkward.

An important thing to be noted here is that

11

even

such

division of the texts is not uniform in all the Nipatas. One may
observe that in the Ekanipata 14 of the 150 Jatakas have at present
more than one Gatha1 l6) : Nos. 1, 25, 31, 35, with 4, Nos. 4, 40, 62,
116. The Gathas in the who l e of our Jataka commentary occur sometimes i n the
Paccuppannavatthu( The story of present ) , sometimes ( most frequent ly ) i n the

- 74 -

with 5, Nos. 67, 70, 78, 132, 150 with 2 Gathas each, No 12 with 10,
and No. 96 with 11 Gathas. In the Dukanipata 6 of the 100 Jatakas
have more than two Gathas: No. 159 with 4 Gathas (but the third
and fourth are only repetitions), No. 203 with 5, 211 with 3, 220 and

240 with 7 each, and 243 with 10 Gatha.s (7 of which are quoted
from the Vimanavatthu, and one is an Udana). In Nos. 203 and 220
all

the

Gathas

have

the

average

number

and

are

the

Atrtavatthu....The Vlsatinipata consists of 14 Jatakas which ought to

have contained from 20 to 29 Gathas., but No. 499 has 31, 506 has

44, and 507 has 30 Ga.thas. The TiIllsanipata has 10 Jatakas, 3 of

which

514

(Nos.

to

516)

have

more

than

39

Gathas .. .. .In

the

ASltinipata with 5 Jatakas, we find 3 (Nos. 534, 535, 537) which have
more than 90 Gathas. There is no reason why No. 543 with 103
Gathas, and No. 537 with 123 Gathas, should not be included in the
Mahanipata, where we fmd No. 538 with 120 Gathas. " 1 17)

This disorder in the number of Gathas or verses with that of

the

respective

sectional title led Professor Wintemitz

to observe:

"This arrangement of the Jatakas according to the number of gathas

cannot be based on our ]a.taka-commentary. The probability is that
there was an ancient and canonical Verse-Ja.taka which was thus
divided into twenty-two section and that this division was kept up in
the

commentary,

ga.tha.s

though

in

so

very many cases

the number of

no longer tallies with the titles of the Sections.

It may,

therefore, be assumed that in the original verse-Jataka the number of

verses did actually correspond exactly with the title of the section,
otherwise

the

inclusion

of

the

two

sections,

viz.,

Pakll:tIJakanipata(rnixed Section) or Mahanipa.ta(Great section), would

have been useless. " 118)

At i tavatthu ( The story of past ) .

some t i mes partly in the one and partly in the

In the Veyyakaraa ( expos i tory words of each verse ) a l so some verses are

other.
quoted.

1 1 7.

M.

art i c l e ,

1 1 8.

W i ntern i tz

has

JGJC, pp. 9-1 1 .

Ibid. ,

HIL,

Vol .

II,

i l lustrated

p. 1 19 .

more

than

footnote No. 2 .

two

hundred

exampl es

in

hi s

- 75 -

In this jataka commentary, every single jataka consists of the

following five constituents, viz.,

(D

Paccuppannavatthu:

story

of

the

present

time

or

an

introductory story, relating to occasion when the Buddha himself told

the jataka in question to the monks.

(ll) Atrtavatthu: story of the past or a prose narrative, in which

a story of one of the former births of the Buddha, in other words a
Bodhisatta story, is told.

(liD Gathas: i.e., stanzas, which, as a rule, form part of the story
of the past, but which are very often found to belong in part also to
the

story of the present time' . The commentary generally calls these

verses Abhisambuddha Gathas, i.e.

'verses

spoken by the Buddha

after his enlightenment' , which give the moral in archaic language

and sometimes, in brief. 119)
(iv) VeyyakaraIJ.a:

short commentary In which the Gathas are

explained word for word. 120)

( v)

Samodhana:

the

connexion

( again

by

Buddha himself) the personages of the ' story of the present'

are

In

which,

finally

identified with those of the ' story of the past' . 121 )

For analysing the above contents in a proper sequence, we may

quote here a jataka story. The following is an abstract of a typical
jataka.

THE BANYAN-DEER BIRTH STORY122)

1 19.

The

commentary general ly

cal l s

these

verses

Abhisambuddha Gatha,

"verses spoken by the Buddha after h i s enl i ghtenment " .

9 , t.
120.

XVI I ,

p. 385.

Cf.

M. Wintern i tz, op. c i t . , Vol .

E.

Senart ,

JA,

i . e. ,

1 901 ,

Ser.

1 1 , p. l l l , footnote No. 2 .

Mos t l y i n the Veyyakar8.J}a i s the word-far-word commentary to the Gathas ,

but sometimes a l so
these

terms

of

the

i n other parts
verses

were

of

the commentary.

exp l ained

in

It

consonance

i s but
wi th

natural
the

that

Buddhi s t

phi l osophy. A s a matter of fact, w e have n o means o f d i s t i ngui shi ng between the
di fferent parts of the Jatakat thakatha.

The d i s t i ncti on made by Fausbol l

edi t i on by pr inting the Paccuppannavatthu i n smal l er type

and has no chronol ogica l

meaning.

It

i s poss i b l e that

i n hi s

i s qui te arbi trary,

the VeyyakaraQa may be

l ater, but i t has never been proved.

121 .
122.

As a rul e t he Samodhana is i n prose, but verses a l so occur here and there.

N i grodhami ga - Jataka,

( Ja. No.

12),

JAF, Vol .

I , pp. 1 45 - 1 53.

- 76 -

'Follow rather the Banyan Deer. ' This the Master told when at
Jetavana about the mother of Kumara Kassapa, and so on.

There follows the story of this lady, how first being wrongly
found guilty of immoral conduct, she had been afterwards declared
innocent through the intervention of the Buddha. Then it is said that
as the brethren were talking this matter over at eventide, the Buddha
came there, and learning the subject of their discourse said: Not now
only has the Tathagata proved a support and protection to these two
(the lady and her son); formerly also he did the same. Then, on
request, he revealed that matter, concealed by change of birth.

Once upon a time, when Brahmadatta was reigning in Varat)asl,

the Bodhisattva was reborn as a deer, a king of the deer, by name
the Banyan Deer, and so on.

This is the Jataka proper. It tells how there were two herds of
deer shut in the king ' s park. The king or his cook went daily to
hunt for deer for venison. For each one killed many were wounded
or harassed by the chase. So the golden coloured Banyan Deer, king
of one of the herds, went to the king of the other herd, the Branch
Deer, and persuaded him to make a compact that lots should be cast,
and thot, every day, the one deer on whom the lot fell should go
voluntarily to the cook' s place of execution, and lay his head upon
the block. And this was done. And so by the daily death of one the
rest were saved from torture and distress.

Now one day the lot fell upon a pregnant doe in Branch Deer's
herd. She applied to the king of that herd to order that the lot,
"which was not meant to fall on two at once," should pass her by.
But he harshly bade her to go to the block. Then she went to king
Banyan Deer and told her piteous tale. He said that he would see to
it, and he went himself and laid his head on the block.

- 77 -

Now the king had decreed immunity to the two kings of the
respective herds. When the cook saw king Banyan Deer lying there
with his head on the block, he went hastily to his king and told him
about it. The latter mounted his chartiot, and with a great retinue
went to the spot, and said: "My friend, 0 king of the deer, did I not
grant your life ? Why are you here ?" Then the king of the deer
told him all. And the man-king was greatly touched, and said: "Rise
up ! I grant you your lives, both to you and to her !" Then the
rejoinder came: "But though two be thus safe, what shall the rest of
the herds do, 0 king of men ?" So they also obtained security. And
when the Banyan Deer had similarly procured protection for all the
various sorts of living things, the king of the deer exhorted the king
of men to justice and mercy, preaching the truth to him "with the
grace of a Buddha."

And the doe gave birth to a son, beautiful as buds of flowers,

and he went playing with the Branch Deer ' s herd. Then his mother
exhorted him in a verse:
"Follow rather the Banyan, dear;
Cultivate not the Branch !
Death, with the Banyan, were better far,
Then, with the Branch, long life."
And the Banyan Deer made a compact with the men that where
ever leaves were tied round a field the deer should not trespass, and
he made all the deer keep to the bargain. From that time, they say,
the sign of the tying of leaves was seen in the fields. This is the
end of the Jataka proper, i.e. the "Story of the Past."

Then the Teacher identified the characters in the story as being

himself and his contemporaries in a former birth. "He who was then
the Branch is now Devadatta, his herd the members of the Order
who

followed

Kassapa' s

Devadatta in his

mother,

the

deer

she

schism,

the

doe

gave

birth

to

Kumara Kassapa, the king of the men

the king of the deer, was I myself. " 1 23)

IS

is
is

now
now

Kumara
her

son

now .Ananda, but Banyan,

- 78 -

In this story we have first the outer framework, constituted by

the introductory episode and the concluding identification. Encased in
this we have the }ataka proper, the "Story of the Past", as it is
called in PalL

The vast majority of the }atakas are made up on the lines we

have just sketched. Some depart from it to a greater or lesser extent,
but they are the exceptions, and we always find in them some of the
general features of the master plan. It can, therefore, be generally
stated that every }ataka gives these six kinds of information:

1. The title.

2. The beginning of the text.

3. The placement of the story of the present.

4. The occasion of the story.

5. The placement of date of the story of the past.

6. The identification of the characters.

It

is

clear

from

this

that,

for a

perfect

knowledge

of

the

elements of a }ataka, it is necessary to assemble all this information

and all these characteristics. In the first part of this exposition, what
we can guess is that without the elaboration in the commentary, the
text

of

the

stanzas

is

generally

very

difficult

to

understand,

sometimes even absolutely unintellgible. In the portion of our work

which we have described so far the stanzas have been contributed
fairly generously. They are furnished in the beginning of the text
and also have a share in the title. Their role is ended under the
above-noted constituents Nos.l and 2.

All the information which remams further to be gathered is

furnished by the commentary. The information under Nos . 3 and 5 is
analogous in that it refers to the names of placesl24); that under No.
123.

The

severa l

bas-re l i efs

scenes

of

thi s

Jataka

story

are

wel l

from the Bharhut and other Buddh i s t monuments.

The Stiipa of Bharhut,

124 . On th is po i n t ,

pI . XXV. ,
Prof.

V.

fig. I ,
Fausbol l

i l l ustrated
Cf.

A.

in

the

Cunningham,

etc.
remarks ,

" The tales of the A t i tavatthu

- 79 -

3 relating to the scenes of actions contemporary with the Buddha

and supposedly historical; and, that under No.

relating to the

scenes of action in much earlier times, known only to

the

supernatural memory of the Buddha, and belonging more particularly

to the realm of invertion. For each of these categories there is a
place which surpasses

all

others in importance; this is ]etavana for

the stories of the present, and Varat).asI for the stories of the past.
"Four hundred and ten ]atakas are said to have been pronounced at
Jetavana. By adding six others pronounced at SravastI we arrive at a
figure of four hundred and sixteen. There are three hundred and
seventy two which give Varat).asl as the scene of the stories of the
past. We see, therefore, that these two places stand out in a
remarkable manner. However it does not necessarily follow from the
mention of them that the actions recounted should have taken place
there exclusively or even absolutely."l25)
At ]etavana the Buddha often narrated the stories of the past
regarding actions that took place far from this 'Vihara', but which
had been reported to

him.

Varat).asI, in the stories of the past, is

cited more as a date, on account of the king who reigned then, than
as the true scene of the events narrated. That is so true that very
often, after citing it, another place is immediately mentioned. Finally,
several stories of the past do not relate to any definite locality. They
are connected only with some period of vague date, but sufficient for
the Buddhists. To this point we shall return later in our discussion.
After ]etavana, Veluvana near Rajagrha, is the place most often
referred

to

in the stories of the present. "Forty-nine ]atakas are said

to have been pronounced there. Five others are said to have been
. pronounced at Rajagriha itself, or in its neighbourhood. we find,
further, four ]atakas pronounced at Vaisali, five at Kapilavastu, four
at Kausambhi, and a fifth in the country of which this town was the
p l ay most l y

i n the northern and western part

o f Ind i a ,

and the tales

Paccuppannavatthu princ i pal l y i n the eastern India. W Cf. JAF , Vo l . VI I ,

Ja takas, Postscri ptum,

1 25. L . M .

Feer,

of

Index

p. VI I I .

Study

of

the Ja takas,

trans. by

G.

M. Foulkes, pp.

the

20- 21 .

of

- 80 -

capital,

three

at

Alavi,

three

in

less

well-known place called

Kundaladaha, two at Kusinagar, two in Kosala, two in Magadha, one

at Migadaya(Sarnath), one at Mithila, one at Latthivanuyyarta not far
from Rajagriha, where the king of Magadha received the Buddha on
his arrival from Varanasi. One on the banks of the Ganges, one in
the Deccan(Dakkinagirijanapada) and so on." 1 26) Here we should not
press this enumeration any further for one would feel that there is
taken undue interest in knowing famous places of Buddhism with
which the various jatakas are connected.

What concerns the stories of the past

Besides Var8l)aSI,

and

IS

no less interesting.

sometimes together with this

famous city,

these stories are connected with other places of greater or lesser

repute, more or less definite. "There are twenty-two which are said
to have Mithila as their setting. We can say, however, that of these

twenty-two nearly half are no more than extracts from a longer

Jataka Twelve jatakas are said to have been set in Rajagriha, seven
ill

the

town

of

Indraprastha,

seven

ill

the

kingdom

of

Kuru (Kururattha), five in the kingdom of Gandhara, five in the town

of

Aritthapura,

five

in

the

town

of Uttarapaficrua,

three

in

the

kingdom of Kapila. We find only one Jataka which mentions Sravasti,

and only one which menO tions Kusavatt The Himavat is mentioned
seven times but in a certain number of stories where Varanasi or
some other town is mentioned at the beginning of the AtItavatthu, it
is stated that the action took place in the region of the Himavat. If
we assemble all those containing this particular we arrive at the
number of twenty-eight." 1 27) We should close here this enumeration,
which is perhaps too long already. It is yet interesting that only one
of the jatakas is connected with the island of Ceylon with its capital
of the

Yakkhas.

We pass now to No. 4 in the different kinds of infonnation

furnished by the jatakas, that is to say, to the circumstances which

126. Ibid .
127. Ibid .

.
.

p. 21 .
p. 22.

- 81 -

inspired the Buddha' s

teachings contained in the ]atakas. This is

surely one of the most important elements in this type of text. This
information, which is always introduced by the verb 'arabbha' (having
taken as a point of departure), either identifies a person designated
by his

name(Devadatta, Aj ataSatru), or by his

status(a Bhiku,

Brahmin), or by his virtues or vices ( 'ekam alasiyam bhikum' , a

lazy Bhiku, ' ekam matuposakam bhikum' , a Bhiku who nourished
his

mother),

or

common( 'rajovadam' ,

some

circumstance

' the king ' s

fault'

or

which

IS

' asadisadanam '

less
'a

gift

without comparison ' , etc.). It is clear that if the identity of the titles,
the

identity

of

the

beginning

of

the

texts,

the

identity

of

the

placement of dates may be a reason for matching or comparing the

texts of the same character,

so

also is,

to

a higher degree,

the

identity of the element with which we are now concerned. For many
of the ]atakas were occasioned by the same circumstance and the
same time, and for those which are in one of such categories, the
stories of the past are almost the same with that of the present.
Moreover, it is this circumstance which determines the nature of the
instruction given in the ]ataka Amongst the texts which have a
common theme, that is to say the circumstance, the cause giving
occaSlOn

to

the

teaching

which

they

contain,

has

very

close

relationship with each other and it deserves to be given specific

attention. In order to emphasise the importance of this point we may
recall some important features.

Among the characters referred to by name as having occasioned

some of the tales of the ]atakas, Devadatta occupies the place of
honour (or of opprobrium in which we would expect to see him).
"His name recurs fifty-one times at the beginning of the ]atakas.
Twenty-four times alone, thirteen or fourteen times with a reference
to his attempts to murder of the Buddha. Four times referring to his
targic end. Anathapil).<;lika is mentioned eleven times, four times alone,
seven

times

Ananda

is

in

regard

mentioned

to

actions

fourteen

or

times,

persons

that

twice

alone.

concern

him.

Sariputta

is

mentioned eleven times, three times alone. Maudgalana is mentioned

- 82 -

twelve times, eight times alone, twice in regard to matters

that

concern him, twice in common with Devadatta. The two principal

disciples,

Sariputta and Maudgalana,

are mentioned together once.

Ajatasattu five times.......One was occasioned by an Upasika. Finally,

when we have added that one was occasioned by a slave, we shall
have said all that seems most interesting in regard to the names and
status of the characters who appear on the scene." 1 28)

If

consider also the actions, and only the persons, we see

we

immediately thirty-one jatakas the occasion of which is expressed

thus:

' UkkalJ.thitabhikum arabbha' ,

'having

taken

as the starting

point a longing Bhiku' . We find that this longing is the result of an

infatuation which causes the person to be anxious. To these Jatakas
should be added seventeen instances in which the starting point is
expressed thus: 'Puraoa-dutiya palobhanm arabbha', haveing taken as
the starting point the seduction of the messenger of Puraoa' ; and
probably

SIX

others

which

begin:

'Thulla-kumari

palobhanam

arabbha' , 'having taken as the starting point the 'seduction of a fat

girl' . This makes, if we are not mistaken, fifty-four Jatakas that
have as their subject the ravages caused in the hearts of the Bhikus
by love. However, it is certain that a portion, at least, of these
jatakas concerns certain Bhikus. Is it always the same individual ?
Probably not, but what is sure is that in this supposed state of
virtue in which all passion is repressed and human nature is maimed
and

turned

against

pleasure,

the

passions

which

are

combated

without being tamed manifest themselves in all their intensity.

As we have remarked, the Buddha ended each story of the past

by saying that such and such a person of that time was such and
such an individual of this time (Devadatta, Sariputta, etc,), such and
such other was He himself. " Often in some Jatakas only one person
is identified, but this is a fairly rare exception. Generally, at least
two characters are identified, usually more. Sometime the number is
considerable and may be as high as fifteen or seventeen. Some of
1 28.

L. M. Feer ,

op. ci t. ,

p. 24.

- 83

these characters appear only once, others are identified very often
and appear in fairly diverse fonns. To cite a few examples; Ananda
undergoes one hundred and fifty-four identifications (of which seven
are

as

Brahmin,

sixty-five

as

king,

etc. );

Devadatta

seventy-nine; Maudgalana forty-two; Sariputta ninety-nine. As for

the Buddha, who plays a part in the five hundred and forty-seven
Jatakas,

he

is

naturally identified five hundred

and forty-seven

times. " 129)

The above noted several points regarding the different kinds of
information contained in the Jatakas are quite apparent and can be
gathered quite easily from the work. A general picture of the ]ataka
contents shows up, in keeping with the fixed order of the standard
edition published by V. Fausboll, almost each one of the ]atakas to
have: 1 . its number, 2. its title, 3. the opening words of its text, 4.
the name of the place of the story of the present, 5. the occasion of
the story of the past, 6. the place or date of the events, and 7. the
identification of the characters of both the present and the past
stories on the conclusion.

1 29 . I b i d

p. 2 8 .

- 84 -

Chapter N.

LATER DEVELOPMENT OF
THE JATAKA TALES AND THE AVADANAS

IV- I . THE TECHNICAL TERM AVAD.ANA

Closely related to the Jatakas are the Avadanas, which belong

partly to the literature of the Sarvastivadins, partly to the Mahayana
literature.

The term ' Avadana' has been interpreted variously by

different modem scholars. Some of the interpretations are as follows.

In the Sanskrit Dictionary, the term generally means "a great or

glorious act, achievement."l}

According to Prof. Wintemitz, "Avadana

means ' a noteworthy deed' . The term generally means a ' feat ' , a
'glorious

achievement' ,

achievement.

From

this

perfectly

view-point,

great
the

religious

Avadana

or

literature

moral
is

history of great achievements in the past (Karrnavrttarp, ativrttarp ) ."2)

Another explanation

of Winternitz

shows that "an

Avadana is

' heroic deed ' (Parakrama), 'pure deed' ( Suddharp kanna); "3) and lastly
he renders it in the sense of occurrence or history (ItiVJ1;tarp).

In
Takhata

his

introduction

has

discussed

to
the

the

Ratnamalavadana

different

edition,

explanations

of

the

Kunga
word

Avadana with a special reference to the meanings as found in the

Chinese

translations

where

Avadana

means

either

"a

events of karmic development of the holy disciples."4)

parable

or

In conclusion

he also adds that "the original meaning of Avadana is rooted in the

root

' dai (to

purify) ,

and

that

the

interpretation

of

Avadana

as

'karman or katha' may be taken as later derivations."5)

1 . M. Mon i er-W i l l i ams,

A Sanskri t-Engl ish Dictionary,

p. 99.

2. M. Wi nterni tz. HIL, vol . l I t p . 226.

3.

I b i d. ,

p. 227.

4 . K. Takhata, ed. , Ratnama l avadana, Tokyo, 1 954 , Introduct i on, p. XXV, Cf. also
As okavadana, ed. , S. Mukherjee,
5.

I b i d.

I ntroduct i on, p. LXI I I .

- 85 -

Besides the special use of the term ' Avadana' in the sense of
, glorious deed' , we find also the term ' Apadana' in Pali.

The two

terms Avadana and Apadana are identical as a commentary on the

Amarakosa
Avadana

says,

' apadanamiti

interpreted

IS

'Bho.tapo.rvarp caritarp' ,
But

in

the

later

pathab' .

as

i.e.

literature

In

the

' Karmavrttarp' ,

same

I.e.,

dictionary

'history '

or

' Story of (Buddha' s) previous life.6)

the

term

' Apadana'

is

not

generally

Moreover, it is difficult to outright ascertain Pali Apadana

noticed.

to be Sanskrit Avadana. As J. S. Speyer in his introduction to the

Avadanasataka7) observes, "It is not likely that the term Avadana
should have its origin in a misunderstood

' Apadana'

of the Pali

Therefore, it would be wise to suggest that two slightly

Tipitaka.
different

words

may

have

existed

of

old

text

to

each

other."S)

Speyer even questions the etymology of the two terms and holds
that the meaning of the terms cannot be identical.

He opines Lhat

"Avadana and Apadana both originate from the root ' da' prefixed by
and

Ava

Apa

respectively.

Avadana

(Apadana)

therefore

IS

' something cut off' and indirectly it would mean the ' havis ' offered

In common speech this word indicative of something

to the deities.

' selected, taken apart' went to signify ' notorious feats' or 'glorious
achievements. "9)

In spite of this interpretation E. ]. Thomas thinks of the two

terms, Avadana and Apadana, that "as literary works they are quite
different from each other. The collection of Pali Apadana known as
the Apadana, is a work in verse of a uniform character. Neither of

6. P. Si vadatta, ed. , Amarakosa, Bombay, 1 9 1 5 ,

Dictionary of the Sanskri t Language, w i th an
annotati ons by H.

7.

T.

Books ,

F i rs t trans l ated i nto Chinese i n A. D.

No.

223-53.

menti oned in i t dates i t around early second century A. D.

are Mahayani s t

i n spi r i t ;

Speyer,

Kosha or

ed. , Avadana s ataka,

I ntroducti on. p. VI I .

S. Speyer, ed. , Avadanasataka, Preface, p. I I I .

I
b
i
d.
, p. IV.
9.

1 324 in B.

The word

and

Nanj i o ' s

' d i nara ' as

The f i rs t ten stories

the rest bel ong to the H i nayanR..

Bodhisa t tva Doctrine in Buddhist Sanskri t Li terature,

8. J .

p. 23.

i nterpreta t i on

Col ebrooke. p. 52.

Avadanas ataka is ' A Century of i nstruct ive Stories ' .

Catal ogue.

I ll .

Engl i sh

Cr.

Appendix,

H.

Dayal ,

p. 383 :

J.

The
S.

- 86 -

them possesses the features of the Sanskrit Avadana. " lO)

From

the

aforesaid

discussion

it

is

evident

that

the

term

Avadana may be employed in two broad senses--one designating the

Buddhavacanani and the other as the name of a particular type of
writings)! ) In the Buddhist Sanskrit literature there is actually a
mention of Avadana at the seventh place in the twelve types of
Dharmapravacanas. 1 2 )

From the viewPoint of literary compositions, an Avadana treats

the fruits of actions or moral law of mundane existence.

Like the

Avadanasataka, the Divyavadana13) and many other Avadana stories

are intended to show that "black deeds bear black fruits, and white
deeds white fruits." 1 4)

In short, the Avadana texts are really nothing but the stories of
Kannic
ideals.

achievement,

i.e., individual

In a general context they may mean

viewPoint

of

the

followers

of

authentic words of the Buddha

actual

attainments

events,

related

by

the

the

Buddha

in

terms

of holy

legends but in
they

are

treated

the
as

The Buddhists regard them as

Buddha

himself

and

are

just

as

authentic as words of the Buddha (Buddhavacana) in a Sutra. They

are as good as Pali Jataka sermons. Also, it may be suggested that
Avadana stories are in essence similar to the Jataka stories of the

10. E. J. Thomas, Avad4na and Apad4na, p. 35.

1 1 . J. S. Speyer, op. ci t. , Preface , p. l .
1 2 . The Twelve fold c l ass i fi cation o f the teachings o f the Buddha i s an extens i on
on the very o l d Pa l i Nava-anga c l ass i f i cation aud was made by the Sanskri t
schoo l s of Buddhism to accommodate their three works, viz. , Ni dana, Avadana and
Upades a. But the Avadanamal a., i . e. , l ater vers ical Avadanas are not counted
under thi s divi s i on. The Twelvefold classi fication has Sutra, Geya, Vyakaraa,
Gatha, Udana, Nidana, Avadana, l t ivr ttaka, Jataka, Vaipulya. Adbhutadharma,
Upades a.
13. Di vyavadana i s ' The Heavenly Stori es ' . Nos. 1343, 1 344 i n B. Nanj i o ' s
Catal ogue. The oldest porti ons date from the second century A . D. ; they were
incl uded i n the Vinaya of the Mul a-Sarvastivadin sect. The f i nal redaction may
be assigned to the sixth century A. D. ( th i rd century, according to M.
Wi nterni tz ) . Mai nly Hi nayana, cf. A. B. Keith, A History of Sanskri t Li tera ture,
p. 45; J. K. Nari man, Li terary History of Sanskri t Buddhism, p. 53.
14. "Ekantakr Qanamam karmanamekantakno vipaka ekantasukl a.namekantant - asuklo
vya. t i m i s raQam vyatimi s ra H , J . S. Speyer, op. c i t. , p. 22 6
.

- 87 -

earlier stratum.

IV -2. SIMILARITY AND DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE

pALl JATAKAS AND THE SANSKRIT AVADANAS

The Jatakas and the Avadanas are related to the biographies or

the lives and achievements of the Bodhisattva. In this respect no
great distinction exists between the two. But the Pali Jatakas contain
tales of the previous existences of Gautama the Buddha while the
Avadanas deal not only with the accounts of the past lives of the
Buddha but also with both the past and the present lives of his
distinguished disciples. Both of them belong to the same type of
literary

works.

These

two

kinds

of literary

compositions

were

written for popularising the religious ideals of Buddhism among the

common folk and as such both of them presumably evolved almost
side by side, one in Pali and the other in Mixed Sanskrit (Buddhist
Sanskrit). This special form of Sanskrit was cultivated in the North
Western provinces of undivided India{Mathura and Kashmir region) .lS)
According

to

contribution

Thomas,
of

the

this

"Avadana

Sarvastivada

literature

Buddhist

is

sect

chiefly

the

smce

the

Mahavyutpatti contains much Sarvastivada materials." 16)

In nature

these two types of works are, therefore, inseparably related to each

other.

Thus, the Jatakas and the Avadanas are two similar types of
literary activities which more or less co-related with each other. The
stories

of both

these

literary

compositions

were

largely

inculcating moral precepts as revealed by the Buddha.

modelled

to

show

the

all-pervading

power

of

used

for

Both were

Karma,

which

15. Later, many Avadana tal es were compi l ed and the genre f l ouri shed. However,
many detai l s in the process of such compi l ations are sti l l uncl ear.
1 6 . E. J . Thomas , The History of Buddhis t Though ts, p. 277.

- 88 -

determines the fortune and future of a creature

III

its forthcoming

existence.

Here are noted some major points of agreement and distinction

between a ]ataka and an Avadana.

A ]ataka must possess the Bodhisattva as one of the

(1)

dramatic personae, but in an Avadana it may not be essentially so.

(ID

In a great number of our Avadana stories the role of

Bodhisattva is even represented.

(ID)

Every Jataka may, therefore, be called an Avadana but not

the vice-versa.
(IV)

In the Avadana there is a good number of invented stories

of a trivial kind which are seldom met with among the Jatakas
proper.
(V)

The Avadanas, too, like the jatakas, have a ' story of the

present' and a

story of the past'. The jatakas always describe a

prevlous existence of the Buddha, whereas the A vadana, as a rule,

deal with the life of a saint, an Arahant.
(VI) The PaccupannavatUlU of a jataka is generally shorter than
that of

an

Avadana tale,!7)

Not only the Buddhist used ' Avadana' in the sense of illustrious
actions and feats but in the Classical Sanskrit world also it was
widely accepted in the same denotation. It is further remarkable to
note

that

the

authors

of

this

literature

presumably

played

significant role in the early development of Mahayana thought. It

would be revealing here to enquire how these authors made their
living, what type of place they lived in, and what type of people they
associated with. Answers to these questions would contribute greatly
to our understanding of the background in which the Mahayana
Buddhism arose.

1 7. Based on Feer ' s introduction to French transl at i on of the Avadanas ataka,

p. XI I . Cf. J. S. Speyer, op. c i t . , Preface, p. IV-VI I I .

- 89 -

IV -3. A SURVEY OF THE AVADANAS

The origin or seed of some Avadana legends may,

however, be

traced in the Vinaya and Suttanta literature, as some of the episodes

of the Avadana type sporadically occur in these texts. Thus, the
Divyavadana has many legends which are traced back to the Pali
Canon. 18)

Again, some of the Avadanas seem to owe their origin to

the Pali ]atakas and at times to certain other earlier Avadanas. Even
some tales of the AvadanaSataka, an early Avadana text, have been
found to

serve verbatim

source for some later poetical Avadana

works. For example, the Salipm;;pavadana (story No.5), Suklavadana

(story

9),

No.

HiraI)yapat:)i

Ratnamruavadana19)
found

in

the

were

Avadana

possibly

Avadanasataka.20)

(story

composed
The

No.83)

after

very

the

first

and

the

models

as

story

of

the

Kalpadrumavadanamrua is just a later versioIl of the older story of

Sundara. 21 )

With

the

spread

of

literary

activities

the

metrical

Avadana

compositions exemplifying, like the Purat:)ic literature, the Mahatmya

or

glorification

poetical
compiled

of

the

works,

known

or

composed

Bodhisattvas,
after
after

Kalpadrumavadanamala,
Dvavirhsatyavadanamrua,

as

came

the
the

into

existence.

Avadanamrua,
canonical

Ratnamruavadana,

were

These
either

Avadanas.

The

Asokavadanamrua,

Bhadrakalpavadanamrua,

MaIJicu.ejavadana,

18. Cu4apak avadana, ( story No. 35 ) , may be compared with the J a . I ( story No.
35 ) ,

the

Mai tra-kanyakavadana,

Divyavadana,

38,

and

story

No.

36

in

Avadanas ataka : PurQavadana ( Divyavadana, story no. 2 ) may b e compared w i th the

PuQQasutta of the SN, IV, p. 60, etc.
1 9 . A tal e has been transl ated from the text by M. L. Das ,

in JBTS. ,

1 894,

part - 3.
20. See story Nos. 53 , 63, 73, 83 in Avadanasataka.
21 . Cf. Story of Sundara ( story No. 100 i n Avadanas ataka ) and Synops i s given by
R.

L.

Mi tra,

The

Sanskri t

(Kal padruma.vada.namal a story No. 1 ) .

Buddhis t

Litera ture

of

Nepal,

p. 290

- 90 -

etc. belong to this category. These works were mostly written in

Classical Sanskrit.

Some of these books are now accessible only

through their Tibetan and Chinese translations.22)

Raj endralala Mitra has given a list of these texts; even contents
of some of these works are narrated in his book on the Sanskrit
Buddhist literature of Nepal. The jatakamala of
Haribhatta,

Aryasura,

and of

and the Bodhisattvavadanamala of emendra are also

worthy to be mentioned for a class of such poetical compositions by

individual poets.

From the classification of Speyer the whole of the Avadana

literature may thus be grouped under the following three heads:

(1). The (canonical) class comprises texts of the Avadana type

met with in the Vinaya or Sutras in the way of episodes giving
examples of rules or tenets taught. These exist as anthologies of
such portions of the Tripitaka The so-called Divyavadana is, in fact,
such an anthology.

(n). The second canonical class is made up of pure Avadanas

either single or compiled into collections, that formed part of the
Sutrapitaka.

The

Avadanasataka

and

KarmaSataka

belong

to

this

category.

(ID).

The third group compnses all other Avadana collections or

single Avadanas which makes a literature of enormous extent; the

remnants

of it now

available in Sanskrit constitute but a small

portion of what once existed. This class covers the post-canonical

Avadanas.23)

Of the so far printed Avadana texts the most important ones to

name

are

the

Divyavadana,

AvadanaSataka,

Mahavastu-avadana,

22. Feer, French trans l ation i n Anna les du Musee Guimet, I ntroduction, p. 442.
Another T i betan trans l ation of the Avadana, the original Sanskri t of which i s
lost, i s
for

The wise Man and

Chi nese

tr.

see,

the Fool : German trans l ation lJer Weise und der Tor:

JRAS. ,

1901 ,

p. 447.

Unfortuantel y

Karmas ataka is not found in the Catalogue of Buniyu Nanj i o.

23. J . S. Speyer , op. c i t. , Preface, p. XIV.

mention

of

the

- 91 -

Suvarl)avaI1)avadana,24)

(Bodhisattvavadanamala),

]atakamala

MaoicuQavadana,25)

Avadanasarasamuccaya,26)

etc.

Beside

these

hitherto published texts, there is a good number of Avadana works

mostly in verses or in mixed character of verse and prose. These are
embodied even now In manuscripts preserved in different parts of the
world.

IV-4. THE AVADANA SATAKA

The

Avadanasataka,27)

or

the

collection

of

'the

hundred

Avadanas I , is supposed to be the oldest of the Avadana literature.

According to M. V. Wassilief, "it belongs to the first preaching
period

of

antiquity."28)
24.

Sakyamuni

and

therefore

the

text

indicates

high

The text was translated into Chinese29) as early as the

Suvart}avart}avadana,

ed. , S i taram Roy,

K.

(Hi storical Research Ser i es , vol . VI I , Patna,

P.

Jayaswal Research Insti tute ,

1 971 ) ,

the palm- l ea f MS of the

text was brought by Pt. Rahul a Sankr tyayana from Tibet.

25. Ed. by Ratna Kandurakande, Buddhist Studies, vol . V. March. 1 976 : Transl ated
text wi th synops i s is a l so found i n SBB. vol . XXIV, London. A revi ew of the text
is made i n the Indo-Iranian Journal.

vol .

XI I I ,

No.

2,

1 971 ,

pp.

1 40-143.

synops i s i s al so given by R. L. Mi tra, op. ci t. , p. 1 57.

26. Studies in Indo Asian Art and Cul ture, vol . I . being a commemorati on volume
on the 69th birthday of Acharya Raghu V i ra,

ed.

by Pera l a Ratnam ( synopsi s

furni shed by R . Handurakande ) . I ts MS l i sted i n the catalogue o f the Buddhist

Sanskr i t Manuscripts

( 1 4 stori es )

in

the Cambr idge Universi ty Li brry,

C.

Bendal l , 1 883. Thi s Avadana i s a l so l i sted by Hodgson under Sanskri t Buddhist

Scriptures ( No. 48 ) i n his Essays on the Language, Li tera ture and Religion of

Nepal and Tibet,

London,

1 874.

But the manuscript here contains only five

stori es.
27. Edi ted by J. S . Speyer ( Indo Iranian Reprints ) , Indo Iranian Journal I I l ,
Netherlands, 1 958 : origina l l y publ i shed i n Bibl iotheca Buddhica I l l , Petersburg,
1 900-1 909 :

P.

L.

Vai dya,

Buddhi st Sanskri t

texts Series ,

No.

19,

M i thi la

Insti tute, Darbhanga, 1958: trans l ated i nto French by L. Feer i n the Annales du

ftlusee Guimet. vol . 18. Paris, 1891 .

28. M. V. Wass i l i ef, Sketch of Buddhism, p. 302.
29. B. Nanj i o ' s Catal ogue, No. 1 324 : the work i s st i l l extant in the Chinese
Tri p i taka under the t i t l e Chuan-chi-pai -yuan-ching which means ' Selected and
co l l ected satavadana Sutra ' .

- 92 -

first half (according to H. Dayal, 223-253 A.DJ of the 3rd century

It was also rendered into Tibetan language. The Tibetan

A.D.

translation of the Avadanasataka is found in vol. XXIX, Tanjur Mdo.

It has been compared with the Sanskrit original by Burnouf and M.
Feer also published a translation of the whole work in French along
with the Tibetan text.30)

The Avadanasataka consists of ten groups (vagga) , each group

contains ten stories each treating of a different theme. The first
group mentions the nature of acts, the performance of which enables
a man to become a Buddha or Pratyeka Buddha. All the narratives
of the first group and for the great part also of the third group are
of the nature of prophecies (vyakaraI).as). In the third group the story
is told of pious deeds by which a person, a brahmin, or a princess,
the

son of an usurer,

a rich merchant,

a gardener,

a king, a

ferryman, a little girl or so on, worships the Buddha, eventually a

miracle

takes place, and the Buddha proclaims that the person

concerned will be the Buddha or a Pratyeka Buddha in a future age.

The second and fourth groups contain stories of the Buddha in his
former existences but the nature of the two vaggas is different. In
the second, the story of the present is the main tale, in the fourth
that of the past. The stories of the fourth group contain heroic
deeds. The fifth vagga or group is a kind of Pretavastu and is akin
to Pali Petavatthu. A Saint, usually Maudgalyayana, proceeds to the

world of spirits and observes the sorrows of one of its denizens

(pretas) , male or female. He asks the cause of his or her sufferings.
The spirit refers him to the Buddha, and the latter then narrates the
history of the 'black-deed' --either the refusal to give dIns, or an
offence

to

saint,

etc., --which

this

creature committed

in

its

previous birth.31 )

The sixth group contains the tales of men and animals who
owing to the merit of some pious deeds, gained svarga or heaven in

30 . J . S. Speyer, op. ci t. , Introduct i on ( Prel iminary ) , pp. V-VI.

31 . J . K. Nari man, op. c i t . , pp. 47-48.

- 93 -

the next birth.

In the last four groups or vaggas(i.e., from seven to ten) the

heroes become Arhats. The Arhats of Book VII are all derived from

Sakya-clan,

the

those of Book VIII are all women, those of the Ninth

are persons of irreproachable conduct, and those of the Tenth are

men

who

in

former days

committed

evil

deeds

and

suffered

In

consequence and subsequently owing to an act of virtue attained to

the state of an Arhat. In describing the characteristics of the book
Speyer observes, "The Avadanasataka is a sanskrit HInayana text. It
is revealed by the complete absence of Mahayana concept, by the
relative simplicity of its numbers and its details as to the audience
and attendance of the Lord, and by the conformity of the spirit that
pervades it with the Holy Writ of the so called Southern Buddhist.
Moreover the method of arranging the tales in a certain number of
groups discriminated by exterior characteristics, and the numerous
repetitions of the selfsame formulas and patterns, point in the same
direction. "32)

The Avadanasataka and the Divyavadana contain matters which

are

common

to

them

both.

describing the Buddha' s

smile,

The

parallel,

stereotyped

passages

the attributes of the Buddha,

t.e

virtues of Arhathood, of the prosperous country with her king, etc.,

are found both in the Divyavadana and the Avadanasataka.33)
specimens

of

stereotyped

passages

claim

greater

These

antiquity

for

similar passages are also found in the canonical Vinaya texts.

On the authorship of the Avadanasataka there is a difference of

opinion amongst the scholars. R. L. Mitra takes NandIsvara Acarya
as the compiler of the text.34) From the colophon,35) Speyer concludes

32. J . S. Speyer, op. c i t. , Preface, p. XVI .

33. Cr. Avadanas ataka 43 ; Divyavadana 1 38, AS 41 ; Divy.
1 80 - 1 8 1 , AS. 1 83- 1 84 ; Divy. 436, etc.
34 . R. L. Mi tra, op. c i t. , p. 1 7.
35. "Samaptam ca Avadanasatakam hyatrayam

1 43,

sugatabha i tam

AS.

1 2Z ; Divy.

thaI;lt;li s varacarya

purvacaryapurvam i dani m praka s i tam " , Avadanas ataka, vol . ! ! , p. 206.

- 94 -

that NandIsvara must be the man who rescued the old text from
oblivion36) but he is not the composer and the reviser of this text as
held by Feer.37)
The Avadanasataka being the earliest of the Avadana texts had
been a source to the Avadana works of later period, and, in fact, the
Karmasataka, Divyavadana, etc. had borrowed many of the stories
from

this

earlier

text.

Speyer

In

his

introduction

to

the

Avadanasataka has traced out a number of stories which were

borrowed from the Avadanasataka by the compilers or authors of
later

Avadana

works.

For

exanple,

the

frame

story

of

Kalpadrumavadanamala (story no. 1 ) is identical with the 100th story

of

the

AvadanaSataka38)

few

Avadanasataka occur even In the

of

Pall

the

narratives

of

the

Apadana text. Thus, for

instance the Rtrapala story39) corresponds partly to the Ratthapala

Apadana.4O)

IV -5. THE DIVYAvADANA

The Divyavadana4I) is one of the most informative and valuable

36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41 .

J. S. Speyer, op. c i t. , Preface, p. XX.

L. Feer, op. c i t. , Introducti on, p. XXI I I .
J . S . Speyer, op. c i t. , Introduct i on ( Pre l i m inary ) , pp. V-X.
Avadanas ataka, story No. 9, p. 84.
Apadana, vol . I, p. 63. Cf. also Rat thapal a-sutta, MN, vol . 1 1 , pp. 54-74.
The Divyavadana : A col lect i on of Early Buddhist Legends has been f i rst

edi ted from the original Nepalese Sanskr i t MSS i n Cambr idge and Pari s by E. B.
Cowel l and R. A. Nei l , 1 886. Some passages are transl ated by

E. Burnouf in h i s

Introduction a 'l ' his toire du Bouddhisroe Indien: for cri t i cal notes on the text
see J.

S.

Speyer,

Divyavadana" ,

JAGS,

WZKM,
vol .

vol .
48,

16,
1 928,

1 902,
p. 48.

p. l03:
R.

J.

R.

Ware,

"Stud i es i n the

L. M i tra described a manuscri pt

cal l ed Di vyavadanama l a ( Nepalese Buddhist Li teature, pp. 302-314 ) whi ch greatly

dev i ated from Cowel l ' s edi t i on i n respect of number of the stories and sometimes
i n respect of the contents of the tales al so. Par i s manuscri pt harmoni zes only
part i al l y wi th Cambr idge edi t i on manuscri pt. Also i t i s contai ned i n B. Nanj io 's
Catal ogue, Nos.
Ser i es ,

No.

20,

1343, 1 344. See P.

L.

Vaidya, Di vyavadana,

( Buddhist Sanskr i t

Publ i shed by Mi thi l a Insti tute ) . Cf. J . K. Nari man, op.

eit. ,

- 95 -

books

of

the

Buddhist

Sanskrit

literature.

This

book

is

highly

honoured among the Buddhists. It is a collection of Avadanas later

than

the

Avadanasataka.

This

collection

of

stories

is

of

great

importance for the history of Indian sociology also. It begins with the
Mahayanistic

benediction-- 'Orh

srI-sarva-Boddhabodhisattvebhyab'
Buddhas
accretions

and

--

Bodhisattvas ' --and

the

III

Mahayanistic

namab

' Orh, reverence to all the exalted

contains
sense.

few

Though

obviously

it

begins

later

in

the

Mahayanic spirit yet the book as a whole belongs to the HInayana

school. Many of the Sanskrit canons and canonical texts like the
Dlrghagama,

Udana,

Sthaviragatha, etc.

are frequently quoted42) is

this text. As for the examples of Mahayanic interpolations we may

refer

to

chapter

No.

34,

the

VIZ.,

Mahayana-sutra

DanadhikaraI).amahayanasutra).

This

story

commences

regular Mahayana benediction

'Namo Ratnatrayaya'

(or

with

the

and ends with

the line--"srIdivyavadane danadhikaraI).amahayana-sutrarh samaptam.

"43)

In the tale of the

SardulakarI).avadana

(chap. xxxiii) the great

Sa<;lakarIvidya or the famous Tibetan formula of. 'Orh maI).i padme

hum' occurs.44)

Some

narratives

Avadanasataka
AvadanaSataka

and
are

therefore,

seems

materials

from

of
the

common

text

similarly

frequently

plausible
a

this

to

met
think

source,

begin

exactly

steretyped
with

in

that
i.e.

the

both

the

as

In

the

phrases

of

the

Divyavadana
of

them

It,

utilised

Vinayapitaka

of

the

Sarvastivada school. Prof. Cowell and Neil hold the view that this
Avadana forms a part of the Vinaya.45) Their view is substantiated
when

we

find

in

the

KotikarI).avadana

(story

no.

1)

that

some

p. 53.
42. Sanskri t Mii l a Sarvast i vada V inaya- texts found from Central As i a and the
Vi nayas of the Mah i sasakas and other school s , are ment i oned in the Divyavadana.
See, H. O l denberg, ZDMG, vol . 52, 1 895, pp. 653- 655.
43. Cowe l l and Nei l , op. c i t . , p. 484.
44 . J. K. Nari man, op. c i t. , pp. 53-54.
45. Cf. "Many of our l egends bel ong to the Vi naya- p i taka, as they cont i nua l l y
bring i n some re ference t o a point o f disc i p l i ne " , Divyavadana, Cowe l l and Ne i l ,
Preface, p. VI I I .

- 96 -

amendments

are

pennitted

by

the

Lord

at

the

request

of

Sror:lakotikaIl)a.

Prof. Levi, on the other hand, modifies the above statement. He

on the strength of some fragments of the Sarhgharakitavadana found
in Eastern Turkistan holds that the Divyavadana formed a part of
the Vinaya of the Mula-Sarvastivadins.46) But the Vinayavastu edited
and published by Dr. N. Dutt in the Gilgit Mss. vol. rn, helps us to
infer

that

the

Avadana

is

an

important

constiuent

part

of

the

twelvefold teaching of the Buddha, whether it is the Vinaya or the

Sutra. Thus, it is to be seen that the Avadana stories are included
On this point Prof. P. L.

both in the Sutra and the Vinaya.47)

Vaidya particularly refers to the story of Mandhata (story no. 17),

which though occurs in the Vinayavastu in brief, is most elaboratety
enumerated in the Rajasarhyuktakanipata of the Madhyamagama.48)
The story of MahasudarSana49} is also referred to the Dlrghagama.50)

From the above observations it would be unwise to declare that

the Divyavadana owes its origin to the Vinaya only. It is one of the
constituent parts of the Buddha' s teaching. Therefore, the source of
the Divyavadana should be traced to the sacred literature of the
Buddhist Sanskrit in general and not wholly to the Vinaya. Moreover,
one

story,

great

viz., the Maitrakanyakavadana

similarity

in

style

with

that

of

(story no. 38)

Aryaura,

the

shows a
author

of

}atakamala.51)

The Divyavadana consists of 38 stories. The literary qualities of

these Avadanas vary considerably, and contain elements of old tales
46.

Les el ements de format i on du D i vya.vadana i n T'oung Pao,

VI I I , 1907, p. l 05.

( Pl'of.

ser i es I l , vol .

Levi has shown that more than one-hal f of the stories

is borrowed from the Vi nayap i laka of the Sarvasti vada ) . Cf. Cowel l and Nei l , op.
cit. , Preface, p. VI.
47. Cowe l l and Nei l , op. c i t . , Preface, p. VI I I .
48. N . Dutt, Gilgi t MSS, vo l . I l l , Part I , p. 93.
49 . Thi s story is not compi led in the Cowe l l ' s edi t i on.
50. P. L. Vai dya, Divya.vadana, I ntroduc t i on, p. XXI I ( Buddhi s t Sanskr i t Series,
NO. 20 , Publ i shed by Mi thi l a Insti tute ) .
5 1 . I bi d. , p. XX I l I .

- 97 -

Puraoic style, tales from the sacred literature, tales of classical

style mingled with dramatic elements as in story No. 26, tales in

semi-classical style as in story No. 22, and tales in purely classical
style as in No. 38. It is composed of much varied materials. It has
no principle of division, nor it is uniform with regard to language
and style. Most of the legends are written in good simple Sanskrit
prose which is only here and there interposed by Gathas.52)

This

may be further substantiated from the following remarks of Prof.

Winternitz, "There is no sign of any principle of arrangement. The
language and style, too, are by no means unified. Most of the
legends are written in good, simple Sanskrit prose, only interrupted
here and there by Gathas. In a few of the pieces, however, we also
find the metres of ornate poetry and the genuine Kavya style with
its long compound words."53)
Cowell and Neil in their introduction of t..lJe text also made the
following

observation,

"Many

of

our

legends

belong

to

the

Vinaya-pitaka as they continually bring in some reference to a point

of discipline. They are not direct translations of any Pali original, but
seem

to

come from

an

independent

source.

They

are

isolated

fragments which alone survive from what once was large literature.
"54)

Like other Mahayana texts there is no frequent mention of

MafijUSli, AvalokiteSvara, Vidyas or of Dharal)IS in the Divyavadana.

This fact has guided Prof. P. L. Vaidya to write, "All this indicates
that this book belongs to a period of transition from Hmayana to
Mahayana."55)
belongs

to

But A.
the

C.

Banerjee

Sarvastivada

opines

school.56)

that the
Prof.

E.

Divyavadana
Burnouf

has

translated a good number of the Avadanas of this work into Frenc

h.57)
"The Divyavadana unlike the Mahavastu,
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.

J. K. Nari man. op. c i t. , pp. 54-55.

M. W i ntern i tz, HIL, vol . I I , p. 285.
Cowe l l and Nei l , op. c i t . , Preface, p. VI I .
P . L. Vai dya, op. c i t. , Introduc t i oD, P. X.
A. C. Banerjee, Sarvas t i vada Li tera ture, p. 260.
E. Burnouf, op. c i t . , Introduction, p. IV.

lS

generally written

- 98 -

fairly correct Sanskrit; some part of it indeed might ahnost be taken

as a model of an unaffected prose style; simple as it is, it has a
force of its own from its artless pathos and directness. There are
sometimes gross

grammatical faults but these are more generally

found in the speeches."58) On this matter A. C. Banerjee opines that

"We find also many oft-quoted passages both in the Divyavadana
and in the Avadanasataka. Many of the stories open and close just
in the same way as the Avadanasataka. Therefore they are probably
derived from a common source, the Vinaya of the Mula-Sarvastivada
school."59) As noted above, Prof. Levi also held that many of the
legends

had

been

borrowed

from

the

Vinaya

of

the

MUla-Sarvastivada school.

As regards the title of this book it might be mentioned that out

of six manuscripts, only in two60) the title Divyavadana is found. One
colophon61 )

reads-- ' iti

sli

Divyavadanoddhrta

but,

tmIvratamahatmyakusavadanam' ;

unfortunately,

Kusavadana is missing in the present Avadana Book.62)

in

the

description

of

the contents

this

R. L. Mitra

of the manuscript includes

versical text, named Divya.vadanamrua, which diverges greatly from

Cowell' s edition. The want of Kusavadana in the text as well as
wide

divergences

amongst

the

Mss.

have

thus

enhanced

the

uncertainty as to the title of the text. Therefore, it may not be

improper to infer that the present work is an incomplete collection.63)

As to the time of the composition of this Avadana it is more or

less certain that different stories were written at different epochs.
Some Avadana tales of this book were written in pure Buddhist
Sanskrit- -one in the model of Mahayana- sutra in pre-Gupta style,
some in semi -classical style, and some, particularly for example the
58. Cowe l l and Ne i l , op. c i t . , Introduct i on, pp. VI I -VI I I .
59. A. C . Banerjee, op. c i t. , p. 261 .
60. Mss. from the As i at i c Soc i ety of Par i s and Bibl i otheque Nat i onal ,
read- - ' i t i divyavadana ' .
61 . Mss. o f the V i ra Kus avadana i n the Cambri dge Uni vers i ty l i brary.
62. Cowe l l and Nei l , op. c i t . , Preface , p. VI I I .
63 . R . L . Mi tra, op. c i t . , p. 31 4 .

Paris,

- 99 -

Candraprabha-bodhisattvacaryavadana

and

Maitryakanakavadana

In

purely classical style.64)

IV-6. THE JA.TAKAMALA.

The ]atakamala65) is also called Bodhisattvavadanamrua, as the

phrase Bodhisattva-Avadana is synonymous with ]ataka. The ]atakas
are truly Avadanas when they possess Bodhisattva as the hero.
Consequently the works like Sutrruailkara and the ]atakamrua have
much in common with the texts of the Avadana literature. Its author
is Aryasura. We know very little of him and his exact date. He was
no doubt one of the forerunners among the classical poets of chaste
and ornate Sanskrit.66)
Dr.

A.

C.

Banerjee

In

his

introduction

to

the

SubhaitaratnakaraI)Qakakatha writes, "There were very likely two

individuals of the name of AryaSura One was the author of the
]atakamrua

and

the

other

was

that

of

the

SubhaitaratnakaraI)Qakakatha. The author of the ]atakamrua perhaps

was the earlier of the two."67)
According to Prof. Winternitz, "The ]atakamrua or Garland of
Birth-stories resembles the KalpanamaI)Qitika very closely as far as
the story is concerned. 'The ]atakamrua or Garland of Birth-stories'
is,

however,

really

a generic

term.

Various poets have written

]atakamruas, Le., they have produced free renderings of selected

]atakas in ornate poetical language, in

mixture of prose and verse.

64. J . K. Nari man, op. c i t. , pp. 56 -57.

65. The JiJ. takamiJ. 1 iJ. or The Garland of Birth-stories, H. Kern, Harvard Ori ental
seri es , vol . I , 1 s t ed. 1 890, Cambri dge, Massachusetts , 1948: Other Edi t i ons , P.

L. Vaidya, Buddhi s t Sanskri t Texts, No. 21 , Darbhanga, 1 951 : Eng. trans. by J.

S . Speyer, i n SBB, vol . I, 1 895.
66. Cf. J. K. Nariman, op. ci t. , PP. 41 -42.
67. A. C. Banerjee, Subha i taratnakaragakakatha, Introduct i on, p. l l .

- 1 00 -

Our poet practically did not invent any new story but the stories
were re-modelled by him and told in a new method. The style, both
"68)

in the prose and the verse, is the Kavya style, higher and refined. It
is more artistic than being artificial. Like the jatakas which were
told by the monks to preach the Dharma, the legends of jatakamala
also were intended for this purpose of the preacher. This work
consists of 34 stories of the past life of the Buddha as Bodhisattva.
All these stories are the illustrations of Paramita or the Doctrine of
Perfection helping to the attainment of Bodhi. At the very beginning
of each story the purpose of introducing the story is mentioned in
set phrases. Thereafter follows 'tadyathanusruyate' . Every epilogue
begins with the stereotyped 'tadevarh' .69)
H. Kern has expressed doubts on the genumeness of these
epilogues as they show a style different from the others. For a better
comprehension we may quote here his words, "Most of these
epilogues, in my opinion, are posterior to Sura. Apart from the
arguments offered by some remarkable discrepancies in style and
language and the monkish spirit pervading them,

think it highly

improbable, that, after the author had put at the head and at the end
of each jataka the moral maxim he desires to inculcate upon the
minds of his readers by means of the account of a certain
marvellous deed of the Bodhisattva, he should himself add different
indications for other employments to serve homiletical purpose. It is
more likely that these accessories are of later origin and were added
when the discourses of Sura had gained so great a reputation as to
be admitted to the Canon of Sacred Writings, and had come to be
employed by the monks as a store of holy and edifying sermons for
the purposes of religious instruction."70)
Kern' s

analysis

gives

us

some reasons

to

question

the

genumeness of these eqilogues and to declare them spurious or later

68. M. Wi nterni tz, HIL, vol . 1 1 , pp. 273-274.
69. S. D ' Ol denburg, N On the Buddhist JatakaN, Eng.
1 892, pp. 306-309.
70 . H. Kern, Jatakama l a , Introduct i on, p. XXVI I .

trans. by H. Wenze i , JRAS,

- 1 01 -

additions. But Dr. P. L. Vaidya differs from him on this subject. He

holds, "They are intrinsically part of the story, though modern mind
does not like to expressly state the moral to illustrate which a story
is narrated."71 )
The Jatakamala owes its ongm to different works like the Pali
Jatakas, the Cariyapitaka and the Apadana. Many stories were drawn
upon the Vinayapitaka of Sanskrit version, available in fragments and
published from the Gilgit manscripts and the Mahavastu.72) The first
story, viz., the VyaghrI-Jataka deserves special mention

in

this

respect. This story is nowhere found in any of the Pali Jatakas. Here
we see a Bodhisattva dedicating his body as food to save the newly
born young ones of a tigress. This story occurs frequently in the
Mahayanic literature or in the literature belonging to the period of
transition from the HInayana to the Mahayana. Likewise the story
Nos. 8 (Maitrtbala), 12 (BrahmaIJa), 13 (UnmadayantI), 1 8 (Aputra)
also do not possess any similar ]atakas. Prof. Kern has given a lis
t73) of the stories which are borrowed from the Jatakas and other
Pali sources. But a few tales of this book are supposed not even to
be Buddhistic. For example, the Vartaka-]ataka has close affmity

with the Saraflgakopotakhyana in the Mahabharata.74) The story of

UnmadayantI

is

told

thrice

in

the

Kathasaritsagara.

The

Satapatra-Jataka is drawn on a well-known fable of ancient Egypt.75)

It is interesting to note that some of the stories are also found

depicted in the bas-reliefs of the Bharhut Stupa and later in the
frescoes of the Ajanta caves; in the last case some of them even
bear the verses inscribed from the ]atakamala itself. This fact goes
undoubtedly to prove that this excellent poetic composition of
ArYaSura had already gained wide popularity before the age of Lhe
Ajanta pictures, roughly datable around 500 A.D.76)
71 . P. L. Vai dya, Jatakamal a, Introduction , r. VI I I .
72 . For example, Mahavastu, vo! . I I I , the K antivadi Jataka.

73.
74.
75.
76.

H. Kern, op. c i t . , pp. VI I I -IX.

Mahabharata, Bombay edi t i on, vol . I , p. 229.
A. Weber, op. c i t . , p. 128. Cf. JAF, vol . V, p. 12.
See P. K. Agrawala, Gupta-kal ina Kala evam Vas tu, Varanasi , 1 994 , pp. 17,

64,

- 1 02 -

IV-7. THE MAHA.VASTU-AVADA.NA

The Mahavastu or Mahavastu-Avadana77) is the title met with

m

the colophons of the text. The very title Mahavastu indicates that

it is an encyclopaedia of Buddhist legends and doctrines. It is

primarily known as the Vinaya text of the Lokottaravadins,78) a sect
of the Mahasanghikas. The book was first edited by the French
savant Mon. E. Senart in three volumes. The very title of the text
had been a source of various explanations put forward by different
scholars. The title is translated as the 'Great Subject' 79) or the
'Great Story' ,80) and this great story obviously refers to the incidents
of the Master' s life. From the Chinese context, Beal rendered it as
'Great thing or compilation' .8! )
Prof. V. Poussin explains the term 'vastu' as 'legend'.82)

his

In

words, 'Mahavastu-Avadana' means 'the legends pertaining to the

main subjects of the Vinaya'. His interpretation seems to be proper
as the Vastu in the Vinaya literature itself preserves the meaning of
etc.
77. Le

Mahavastu,

Sanskri t

text,

was pub l i shed

for the

fi rst

t ime

wi th

introduction by E. Senart, 3 Vol s . , wi th a detai l ed conspectus of contents i n

the I ntroduction,
London,

1 949-1 956.

Paris,

1 822-1 897.

Transl ated i nto Engl i sh by J.

Text wi th Bengal i

transl at i on is edi ted by R.

J.

Jones ,

G.

Basak ,

Calcuita, 1 963-1 968. Other studies and treati eses on the work: E. Windisch, The

Composi tion of the Mah4 vastu,

Maha. vastu,

Cal cutta,

1 930;

R.

Leipzig,
G.

Basak,

1909;

B.

C.

Law,

A Study of the

A Study on the Maha. vas tu,

Calcutta

Uni versi ty, 1 960 ; Bhikkhu T. Rahula, A Cri tical Study of the Maha. vas tu, De lhi ,
1 978 ; See also, Aldra Yuyama,

"A Biblography of the Mahilvastu-Avadilna",

Indo

Iranian Journal, vol . XI , No. 1 . A conspectus of the contents is given by R.

L.

Mi tra in h i s Nepalese Buddhist Li tera ture, pp. 1 13-1 6 1 .

78. " I t i aryamahasilnghi kilnam Iokottaravadi nam pa thena i t i Sr imahavastu avadanam
samaptam " , Mahavastu, vol . I l l , p. 461 .
79. M . Wi nterni tz, HIL, vo l . 1 1 , p. 239, footnote 3.
80. E. J . Thomas, The History of Buddhist Though t, p. 280.
SI . S. Beal , Roman tic Legends of Buddha, Introducti on, p. V I , footnote, 1 .
82. ERE, vo l . VI I I , p. 32S.

- 1 03 -

' subject of Vinaya' and the 'event related In connection with this
subject' .83)
E.

Windisch,

on

the

basis

of

companson

of

the

first

twentyfour chapters of the Mahavagga with those of the Mahavastu,

established

the

theory

that

the

Mahavastu

originated

Mahavagga.84) "The Pali term vatthu connotes

from

the

also the rules or

subject-matter of the Vinaya discipline."85) Here we have a pertinent

question as to the propriety of the text to be called as a part of the
Vinaya, chiefly for the reason that "at the end of the work the
colophon

(Iti

SrImahavastu

aryamahasarighikanarh

lokottaravadinam

pathena

avadanarh

Mahavastu,

rn,

samaptarh,

vol.

iti

p.461 .)

describes the composition as a text of the Lokottaravadins only and

makes no allusion to the Vinaya at all and secondly this voluminous
work of 1300 pages has only twenty pages devoted to disciplinary
matters. "86) This very nature of the work has initiated the critics not
to accept it as a Vinaya text. In this connexion we quote here the
observation of J. ]. Jones, "Although it is styled a ' 'Vinaya' it almost
seems as if, in the course of the period of its compilation, all the
elements characteristic of Vinaya were deliberately omitted."87)
Dr. N. Dutt also shares the same VIew and adds that "apart
from a few rules relating to ordination it has nothing to do with the
disciplinary matters."88)

As a rejoinder to the above criticism of the text, Bhikkhu T.

Rahula has rightly quoted the remarks of E. J. Thomas that the
introductory statement of the Mahavastu has been misunderstood.89)
According to V. Poussin the text is a treatise originally meant to be
not the sole representative of the Vinaya, but only the beginning of
83.
84.
85.
86.
87 .
88.
89.

Ibid.
E . Wind i sch, The Composi tion of the Mahil vastu, p. 476.
M. W intern i tz , HIL, vol . 1 1 , p. 239 , footnote, 3.
ERE, vol . VI I I , p. 329.
J. J. Jones , The Mahil vastu, vo l . I , Introduct i on, p. Xl l l .
N . Dutt, Buddhist Sects in India, p. 33.
E. J. Thomas , op. c i t. , p. 280.

- 1 04 -

the opining of it. 90)

Apart

from

designating

the

Mahavastu

Vinaya

book

of

Lokottaravadins the text is described as an Avadana as In many

places

the

title

SrI

reads

Mahavastu -Avadana

SrI

or

Mahavastu -Avadana-Katha. It is thus confusing as to determine to

which class of the two this work should fall. In the text itself the
term

'vastu '

is used to mean a story.90 In

annotating the term

Avadana we have shown how it may mean a story or a legend. If

we equate this Vastu with 'Avadana' there is, perhaps, no harm in
designating the Mahavastu as an Avadana which is frequently met
with in the text itself and when, in fact, in later periods, the text in
its

final

form

Lokottaravadins

was

regarded

may be

seen

to
to

be
have

an

Avadana

shaped

it

although

originally

the
as

Vinaya text.92)

That the Vinaya should possess the Avadana-story is proved

from the Vinaya texts of the Northern Buddhism also. Cowell and
Neil think that lithe Avadana class of literature originally belonged to
the Vinaya itself."93) Therefore Bhikkhu T. Rahula writes, "Whatever
the theme and moral of the story may be, an Avadana is not barred
from being related to the Vinaya, and actually the variety of the
religious

subjects

religious

teachings

or
of

studies
the

makes
Buddha

it

along

compilation
with

the

of

different

biographical

accounts."94)

The subject matter of the book is composed in such a confused

form that it is very difficult to come out from the labyrinth of the
legends which have been so mixed up with other accounts of the
Buddhas or Bodhisattvas. The heterogenous character of this large
collection seems to have resulted from the additions of stories from

90.
91.
92.
93.
94.

Bhikkhu T. Rahul a, A Cri tical Study of the Mah4vastu, p. 4.

Cf. Abhiya vastu. Mah4 vas tu. vol . I, p. 4S: Mal l i niye vastu, I. p. 3 1 7.
R. G. Basak. A Study on the Mah4 vastu, pp. 34-39.
E. B. Cowel l and R. L. Nei l . Divyavadana. Introduction, p. X.
Bhikkhu T. Rahul a. op. cit . . p. 3.

- 1 05

time to time through which the text came to have the present shape.
That is why "in many places it is difficult to anive at the correct
interpretation. The arrangement of the topics discussed in the book is
most disorderly and the text is full of repetitions."95) Apart from the
birth-stories of Gautama the Buddha the book embodies the account
of interminable lists of the Buddhas having thus diverse literary
materials compiled or added sometimes without any systematic plan.
Besides this, the book, however, contains some philosophical tenets of
Buddhism

like

the

Paramita,

Daabhumi,

Madhyamapratipad,

Pratltya-samutpada, Caturaryasatya, etc.96)

The first volume starts with an enumeration of the epithets of
the Bodhisattvas, especially with regard to their conduct (carya).
Here we have a special reference to the DlpaIi.kara Buddha, his birth
and enlightenment, and the story of Megha and Meghadatta
The second volume records the history of Gautama the Buddha,
his life, lineage, renunciation, attainment of Bodhi; etc. All these are
connected with the story of the present (pratyutpannavastu). Some of
the events are explained through stories known as Jatakas.
The

third

volume

is

really

compilation

of

the

proper

Jataka-stories, which are connected with the previous lives of the

Buddha Even the stories of his disciples are included in this section.
Bhikkhu T. Rahula in his study of the Mahavatu has critically
classified the contents of the text into four groups which are as
follows:

( 1 ) Biographical accounts pertaining to the Buddha' s career

(2) Stories relating to his former existences

(3) Stories about his disciples and devotees (Avadana)

(4) Discourses and expositions (Sutra, VyakaraI)a).97)
95. B. C. Law, A Study of Mahit vastu, Introduction. p. I 1 .
96. J . K . Nariman. op. c i t . . pp. 1 7- 1 8.
97. Bhikkhu T. Rahul a. op. c i t . : here author has made a detai l ed study of the
contents , pp. 7-1 2 .

- 1 06 -

IV-B. THE AVADANA-KALPALATA

The Avadanakalpalata98) is the work of the famous Kashmirian

poet emendra, who flourished about 1040 A.D.

It enjoys high

reputation in Tibet.99) A colophon 1 00) reads a different title of the

text. According to Winternitz the book is completed in 1052 A.D.
While

Commenting

on

the

virtues

of the

writer of this

work

Winternitz writes, "emendra is a prolific writer and a verse-maker

of astonishing . .....Yet he is distinguished not so much by genius and
taste, but by an iron determination. The huge collection of legends
too, in which Kemendra has recast the Buddhist Avadanas in the
style of ornate court poetry, contains more edifying stories than
skilfully and tastefully
self-sacrifice

is

narrated ones.

The Buddhist tendency to

here brought to climax with

such

subtlety, the

doctrine of Karman is applied so clumsily, and the moral is pointed

in such as exaggerated manner, that the story often achieves the
reverse of the desired result. " 10! )
The Avadanakalpalata is a collection of 108 legends narrating the
noble deeds of the past as well as of the present life of the Buddha
It

is

said

that

the

last

chapter

was

added

98.

F i rst Tibetan-Sanskri t bl i l ingual edi t i on o f S. C.

to

L.

Vai dya,

i n Buddhi st Sanskri t Texts Series ,

Ins t i tute. Darbhanga,

1959 :

work

Das and Pt.

Vi dyabhusan was pub l ished i n B ib l i otheca Indica, Cal cutta,

by P.

the

1888-1912:
Nos. 21 -22,

by

Hari mohan
al so ed.
Mi th i l a

Bengal i trans . o f S . C . Das was publ i shed by Bangiya

Sahi tya Pari shed, Calcutta, 1 319 ; a summary of the Mss found from Nepal has been
gi ven by R.

L.

Mi tra.

in his

The Sanskri t Buddhist Li tera ture of Nepal.

pp. 56-77. A number of l egends are transl ated i n JBTS , vol s . I - IV. 1893-1897.
T i betan transl at i on of the text was prepared under the gui dance of Lakm i kar

n9.
in

1274

under the auspi ces of the Mongol Emperor Kub l a i Khan, and the poetry was

cons i dered a masterpiece i n Tibetan l i terature.

1 00 . Samapta Bodhi sattvavadanakal pa l ata. The Sanskri t Buddhist Li tera ture of
Nepal, p. 76.

101 . M. Wi nterni tz. HIL. vol . 1 1 .

p. 293.

- 1 07 Kemendra' s son Somendra at the instruction of the Lord Buddha.

The stories are almost borrowed from the older Avadanas or
such other sources. Thus the PadmavatI Avadana is found in the Pali
commentaries; and that of Ekapiga corresponds to the B.yasrnga
legend.

Both

the

stories

are

again

found

in

the

Mahavastu.

Somendra' s introduction to his father' s work throws light on some

points connected with the history of Kashmir which enable us to
determine the date of its composition, which is now finally settled as

1051 A.D. The first 48 sections of the Avadanakalpalata were lost in

India but they have been discovered in Nepal. The origianl Sanskrit
text found in Tibetan script was indistinct and unintelligible, but the
Tibetan translation helped much in correcting the Sanskrit text. 102)
Scholars differ as to Kemendra' s acumen as a poet. Some hold
that emendra was not a poet of the first rank. There is no
uniformity in his style. His artistic skill is marred by his imitating
the epic-style. Still it is not difficult for us to rank him high with
the classical poets. In Kemendra' s critical assessment Prof. Vaidya
observes, "He handles figures of speech beautifully, though we cannot
say that he has added his own to the already known varieties of
these figures. His vocabulary is vast, but he uses set phrases every
now and then. " 103)

1 02. J. K. Nar i man. op. ci t. , pp. 62-63 .

1 03. P. L. Vai dya, Avadanakal palata, vol . I , Introduct i on, P. X.

- 1 08 -

Chapter V.

THE JATAKA STORIES AS DEPICTED

IN INDIAN ART

V-I. THE BHARHUT, SANCHI,

AND BODHGAYA SCULPTURES

V-I -a. THE BHARHUT STUPA

The Jataka stories had greatly attracted the admiration of all

classes of people consisting of kings, merchants, nobles, lay-devotees
and

so

on.

During

his

life-time

the

Buddha' s

great personality

attracted different types of people to his preachings and following.

Many people came to patronize Buddhism with such a zeal that it
soon widely

spread throughout India, and even after the passing

away of the Lord his images never died out in- the memory of the
people. The essence of his teachings for the populace included the
Karma and the Paramita concepts which appear no doubt to have
formed the base and main inspiration of the stories found in the
Jatakas. These served as potent vehicles for conveying to the masses
the intrinsic nature of the religion in the simplest way. Not only the
Indian
beyond

people
the

but,

through

frontiers

of

the

India

corridors
accepted

of

time,

Buddhism

many
as

nations

their

state

religion and appear to have largely retained their interest in this

age-old tradition of the Birth- stories utilising them as forceful ways
of

preaching

the

religion

through

their

suitable

narration

and

exhibition.

For this very purpose indeed the Jataka stories came to be

represented

on

the Stupas,

caves

and other Buddhist monuments

erected through the ages. The carvings and paintings shown on the
Stupa

railings,

gateways

and

cave-walls,

etc.

were evidently the

- 1 09 -

outcome of the patronage given to Buddhism by numerous kings,

merchants and other classes of people in furtherance and propagation
of the Buddha' s teachings) Such representations in fact started with
non-iconic portrayal of the Lord Buddha in the art of Bharhut SWpa
of the Sunga period during the 2nd century B.C. and continued
through the sculptures of the Sanchi, Amaravati, Gandhara, Mathura
as well as the Gupta art including great Ajanta paintings.
Of them the earliest representations in Buddhist art are traced at

present in the reliefs on the stone railing around the Bharhut SWpa
which are of utmost importance as affording the inscribed historical
evidence of ]ataka portrayals as early as the 2nd cent. B.C.
Bharhut is a small village in the Nagod Tahsil of the Satna
district in Madhya Pradesh. It is situated six miles to the north-east
of Uchahara al1d nine miles to the south of the Satna Railway

station. "It was on the ancient route which connected the north
Kosala country with Chedi and Dakshiz).a-Kosala and was one of the
most frequented highways which picked up the Magadha sector
through the Son Valley. As indicated by the inscriptions the rich
merchants and householders dedicated their wealth in raising one of
the most impressive monuments of Indian art at the centre point of
this ancient highway of trade."2)
As it is further remarked by Prof. V. S. Agrawala, "The other
parallel route lay towards the west connecting Mathura with Vidisa
on

the VetravatI in Central India and with Pratishthana on the

Godavart in the south. Here the SWpa of Sanchi occupied a position

similar to that of Bharhut and the two together furnish proof of
some

intercontinental

planning

ordained

by

the

exigencies

of

commercial and religious life. The two SWpas are closely interrelated
not

only

1 . Prof.
Buddhism,

H.

by

their

massive

architecture

but

by

exhaustive

Aki ra has wel l di scussed in his famous work. A History of Indian

that how l aymen had supported to the bui l ding o f Stupas and how the

Stupa worshi p helped the r i se of Mahayana Buddhi sm. pp. 270 -274.
V. S. Agrawala, lA, p. 128.

2.

the

- 1 10 -

documentation of religious ideas and art forms and especially the

traditional folk cults and motifs depicted on an epic scale. Both of
them adequately illustrate the art movement which submerged the
country during the Suriga period as the natural outcome of the art
consciousness generated during the Mauryan age."3)
An important point highlighted by Prof. V. S. Agrawala in the
present context relates to the Bharhut and Sanchi portrayals of the
Jatakas, "At Bharhut the number of Jataka scenes are much more in
excess than at Sanchi; whereas the Bharhut sculptors took pleasure
in depicting a number of minor Jatakas, the Sanchi artisans only

concentrate on the great Jatakas and those also limited in number-for

example,

Vessantara

Jataka,

Chhaddanta

Jataka(repeated

several

times), Syama Jataka and Mahakapi Jataka The number of Buddha' s

life scenes i s much in excess at Sanchi and even there th e sculptors
are more fond of depicting the miracles of the Master, e.g. his
walking in the air, on water and the miracles in the hermitage of
Ka.syapa. The historical scenes also may be said to be more frequent
at Sanchi; for example, we fmd the visit of AjataSatru and Prasenajit
Kosala to the Buddha and of Prasenajit visiting the mango tree at
SravastI,

AjataSatru

visiting

the

Amravana

of

JIvaka,

king

Suddhodana going to meet the Buddha, and Asoka' s visit to the

Bodhivriksha at Bodhgaya and the Naga SW.pa at Rrunagrama. The
life episodes of the Buddha had become very much standardised at
Sanchi, being frequently portrayed in the form of the worship of the
Bodhi Tree, Dharmachakra and Stupa."4)
In 1873-74, A. Cunningham discovered the remains of a Buddhist
Stupa at Bharhut, which was made of brick and finished with a coat
of plaster on the outside.

Although its major part had already

destroyed. Cunningham was able to recover portions of the great

stone railing (Vedika) and also the eastern Gateway (ToraIJ.a), which he
removed to the Indian Museum in 1875, as present from the Raj a of
3 . Ibi d.
4. V. S. Agrawal a, lA, p. 164.

- 1 11 -

Nagoda.5)

After Cunningham,

a few dozens

of more pleces

were

collected by Sri Braj Mohan Vyas from Bharhut and its neighbouring
villages for the Municipal Museum, Allahabad. A few additional stray
pieces

had

also

found

their

way

to

other museums

and

private

collections.6) Several scholars like Hultzsch, Hoernle, Lliders, Foucher,

Coomaraswamy, Agrawala, Barua, Bajpai and others have commented
upon and identified a number of ]ataka scenes, their inscribed lables
and the art, architecture and palaeography of Bharhut. Their valuable
contributions shed a flood of light on the early Buddhist art and the
socio-religious life during the

Sunga

period.

Of the Stupa base only a part on the south east side was found
to a height of 6 ft. and a length of 10 ft. This surviving portion
preserved a coating of plaster on the outside and thus indicated that
the whole Stupa had been similarly treated. The lower half was plain
while the upper half was omamented with a succession of triangular
recesses for the whole circumference. The SW.pa, circular in form,
was

surrounded

by

splendidly

carved

stone railing

with

four

openings towards the four cardinal points. It was divided into four
quadrants, each of which consisted of sixteen pillars, jointed by three
crossbars (SUCIS) and covered by a massive coping stone(ua). At
each

entrance

the

rail

was

extended

to

form,

as

Cunningham

believed, a gigantic Swastika or mystic cross. On each side was a

splendid ornamental arch})

The Stupa again consisted of cylindrical base(medhi) on which

was built the hemispherical dome(aIJ.Qa) leaving a terrace as its base.
The terrace, which was approached by a flight of steps surrounded
by

a railing,

formed the

upper processional path(pradakiIJ.apatha).

The dume was truncated at the top and on the flat space rested a

5. A. Ghosh, Remains of the Bharhut Stiipa in the Indian Museum, p. l .

6. E. g. , the Nat i onal Museum, Delhi ; the Bharat Kal a Bhawan, BHU; the Prince of
Wal es Museum, Bombay; the Ramvan Museum, District Satna; and the Boston Museum,
U. S. A. Cf. K. D. Bajpai ,

"New Bharhut SCUl ptures" , Journal of Indian Museums,

Vo l s . XVI I -XX, 1 96 1 - 1 964 , pp. 34-37.

7. A. Cunn ingham, op. c i t. , p. 6 ; A. Ghosh, op. c i t . , pp. 2-6.

- 1 12 -

square enclosure (Harmika) fonned by a railing. At the centre of the

enclosure

stood

unbrellas <chatravalI).

stone

post(yati),

Surrounding

the

supporting
whole

the

monument

crowning
was

the

ground railing which made the ground circumambulatory. This railing

was

open

at

ornamental

the

four

cardinal

gateways(toraI).a).

Of

points
these

and

was

ToraI).as

provided

only

the

with

eastern

gateway remains in restored fonn. The pillars of the gateway are 1

ft. 4

in. thick and 12 ft. 7

in. high, including the capital. The

total height of the gateway including the crowning symbols is 22

ft.8)
An inscription on the eastern gateway9) describes that one of the
two gateways was erected in the realm of the Sut'lga emperors, while
one

king

named

Vaccruputta

Dhanabhoti,

son

of

Gauptiputra

Agraraja, grandson of king Garglputra Visadeva, was ruling in the

area

The railings and gateways of the Stopa at . Bharhut were got

profusely

decorated

with

great religious

feeling

by

the

Buddhist

devotees. The majority of the reliefs is purely decorative. The full

medallions are often decorated with a full-blown lotus covering the
whole space or the outer rings with the middle space occupied by
human heads, winged lions, elephants, makaras, peacocks, etc. Some
bear

objects

of religious

significance

like

Dharmacakra,

Triratna,

Piln:laghata and LakmI. The most notable among the sculptures of

Bharhut

are

the

bas-reliefs

representing

jataka-scenes

or

the

incidents of the previous lives and the present life of Gautama the
Buddha. A great number of the jataka-scenes is well identifiable
largely from their inscribed labels.

The jatakas or the previous births of the Buddha are represented

8. V. S. Agr-awala. lA. pp. 129-131.
9. The i nscript i on runs as fol lows .
( 1 ) Suganam raje rajfio Gagi -putasa VJSA-DEVASACf. I b i d . . p. 148:
p. 1 7.

B.

M.

Baura. Barhut, Parts. I . J I . & I I I (bound i n one Vol . ) .

- 1 13 -

either in the medallions or In the coping panels.10) In order to

maintain the narrative nature of the ]atakas both the medallions and
the panels show a repetition of the figure or figures in their several
scenes.

Seventy-two scenes of the ]ataka stories are found illustrated on

the

SW.pa

of

Bharhut

which

are

hitherto

identified

by

various

scholars. ll )

Let us now describe here some representative ]atakas portrayed

thereon.
Rum ]ataka1 2) : It is the story of a deer who saved a rich man
who in return treacherously told the king of Varao.asI about the
existence of such a stag. The story has been described in detail also
in a tale of the ]atakamala. 13)

This story is carved in a medallion of Bharhut. While describing

this medallion scene Prof. Barua observes, "In the lower right corner
of this medallion we see a large flooded river, flowing with a current
that is unusually strong, and in the upper portion and the lower left
corner is a charming deer-forest, where one can see three flowering
trees, growing side by side, of which one to the right is covered
with blossoms.

A deer appears to have gone to the bank of the river

and calling out some one in the water. This is the first phase. In the
second phase we see this great deer coming in the river, cleaving
the current, lifting up his head far above water, and carrying a man
10. Fortunately the representi on of the J ataka-scenes i n the Bharhut rai l ings
and bas-rel i efs help us apparent ly to ascertain the date of a number of
Jataka-tal es . I t i s sufficient for our present investigati on that the anci ent
bas-rel i efs afford

i ndisputable proof that the Birth-stories were al ready

popu l arly known wel l before or at l east by the f irst hal f of the 2nd century
B. C.
1 1 . See, our Appendi x to Chapter V.
12. JAF, Vol . IV, ( la. No. 482 ) , pp. 255-263.
13. J. S. Speyer, Ja takama l a , ( storY No. 26 ) , pp. 234-244. This Sanskri t vers ion
of the Ruru story in the Ja takama l a is substantial ly the same as that in Pal i .
The two versi ons di ffer i n some o f the detai l s particularly regarding the
conclus i on which is l eft here to the i maginat i on of the Bharhut artist.

- 114 -

on his back apparently with the intention of bringing him ashore. In

the third phase we see in the lower left corner the great deer among
his herd, roaming in the forest. He has suddently halted to look back
and ascertain the nature of something unusual that has reached his
ears or attracted his attention. He finds two men at some distance
behind him,

one

direction of the

in

front fully

stringing

the

bow,

traitor-like man who stands

following

the

a little behind him,

pointing at the deer with the forefinger of his right hand. In the
fourth or last phase the great deer is to be seen seated majestically
on his four legs, in an open ground, in the midst of the forest, with
the tail stretched out behind and the head resting gently upon the
uplifted neck. The full-grown and well-shaped body, the branching
horns, and the delightfully prominent and bright eyes and dignified
looks contribute all to the building up of his lofty personality. He sits
with his noble demeanour facing the two men, who coming to him
from the upper right corner, now stand before him with joined hands,
listening to the words of the deer-king." 1 4)

The Bharhut label describes this Jataka as Miga-Jatakarh. Dr.

Hultzsch has ably pointed out that the details of this scene can be
explained only by the Ruru-Jataka and not by the Nigrodhamiga as
suggested by Prof. Rhys Davids.

Mahakapi

JatakaI5):

The

Bodhisattva

born

as

leader

of

monkeys lived on the bank of the Ganges in the Himalayas by the

side

of

a mongo

tree

which

bore

delicious

fruits.

The

king

of

Varffi;lasI coming to know of its existence from his 'wood-rangers '

arrived at the place with his retinue. They surrounded the tree and
were

about

to

shoot

down

the

monkeys

as

they

were

eating

mangoes. The Bodhisattva leapt over to the other side of the river
and quickly prepared a sort of bamboo-bridge. The
little too short, he supported the same by tying

to

bridge being a
it his own body,

and the monkeys passed off safely, treading on the back of their
1 4. B. M. Barua, op. c i t . , pp. 136-137.
15. JAF, Vol . I l l , ( Ja. No. 407 ) . pp. 369-375. The Sanskri t version is to be
found in the Jatakamal a (story No. 24 ) .

- 11 5 -

leader. The king amazed at the vIgour, spirit of self-sacrifice and

intelligence of the great monkey, honoured him by offering him a
higher seat next to his own.
This story has been illustrated

a medallion of Bharhut. The

right portion of the medallion represents

a tree

filled with the

monkeys. Just under the tree a monkey and a man are seated on
stools facing each other. The man is seen speaking something to the
monkey

who

sits with

all attention.

The monkey

slightly leans

forward resting upon its knees. The right hand of the man is raised
upwards. The man presumably is the king. Just behind him two men
are holding out a rectangular cloth-sheet. This was spread out by
the order of the king to save the great monkey ' s fall from the tree
above. The flow of river divides the medallion space in two scenes.
On the other bank also a sort of banyan tree is seen. Between these
two trees a monkey is seen to create a bridge of its body by which
the monkeys are making their escape. Dr.

Hultzsch has rightly

identified the scene with the Mahakapi Jataka. l6)

Makhadeva

Jataka17):

This

Jataka

IS

the

story

of

king

Makhadeva born as a Bodhisattva. A barber while dressing the king

found a grey hair. On its being shown to him the king Makhadeva
of Videha resigned his kingdom in favour of the crown prince and
renounced the world.
The Bharhut label of this Jataka is 'Magha deviya Jataka' . This
Jataka-scene is carved in a small coping-panel. The king is seen
seated on a chair between two attendants. His left hand is resting on
his knee and his right hand is raised before his face. He holds the
hair between his finger and thumb. The barber is shown twice, first
as leaning over him and then as standing with folded hands. The
16. B. M. Barua, op. ci t. , pp. 1 42- 1 43
17. JAF, Vol . I , ( Ja. No. 9 ) . pp. 137 1 39. An earl ier and more interesting
vers ion o f thi s Bi rth- story is embodi ed i n the Makhadeva-Suttanta of the
.

Majjhima Nikaya ( siitra No.

83 ) , and thi s vers i on i s menti oned as a Suttanta

example of Jataka in the Chul l a-Niddesa ( p. 80 ) .

- 1 16 king, who looks at the hair, is shown in a pensive mood. The king,
as usual, wears earrings, necklaces and bracelets. His unlocked long
hair gracefully hangs down on two sides of his head being parted in
the middle. The barber wears a turban on his head. He wears dhoti
with a waist band on it. On the right side of the king' s throne the
shaving pot is seen, 18) Cunningham has rightly identified the scene
with the Makhadeva ]ataka.
Bhisa Jataka1 9) : The Bodhisattva was born as the son of a rich
Brahmin. He gave away all his paternal wealth to the people. He
then

retired

to the

Himalayas

with

his

brother,

sisters

and

companion. They all lived on lotus-fibre for eating. In order to test

his virtue Sakka used to steal his share of lotus-fibres which the
ascetics had been collecting by turn for his meal. This ultimately
created quarrel amongst his associates and each of them blamed the
other for theft. So they all took oath in the presence of an elephant
and a monkey who also dwelt in the hermitage. The Bodhisattva
noticed everything but did accuse none. When the 'situation raised to
an

extreme

point

Sakka

himself

appeared

in

their

midst,

and

explained his own conduct. He was pardoned by the Bodhisattva

The label of Bharhut sculpture records the story as Bhisarar.llya

Jatakaril. This scene is also represented in a coping-panel. In this
relief is shown the five actors of the story: a male ascetic, a female
ascetic, a layman, an elephant and a monkey. The male ascetic and
the monkey are seen seated and it seems they are engaged In
conversation.

The

female

ascetic

appears

to

offer

bundle

lotus-stalks and her shoulder is bare. At the back of the ascetic

of
a

hut is noticed. The ascetic sits cross-legged and in his front we find
the female ascetic, the monkey, a high personage and an elephant.
This high personage is seen to stand behind the monkey. He is
holding a bunch of lotus-fibres. The scene as pointed out by Prof.
Rhys Davids and other scholars, is no other than that of the Bhisa
1 8 . Cf. B. M. Barua, op. c i t . , 1 1 , pp. 82-84.
19.

JAF,

Vol .

IV,

(Ja.

No.

488 ) ,

pp. 304-314.

The Sanskri t vers ion in the

Jatakamal a ( story No. 1 9 ) bears the ti tle Bisa-Jataka.

- 1 17 -

Jataka.

Litta

Jataka20):

This Jataka is

only

one

Birth-story

which

represents the Bodhisattva as a professional dice-player. Once upon a

time, when Brahmadatta was the king of VaraI)asi, the Bod.l}isattva
was born in a well-to-do family and when he grew up, he became a
dice player. With him used to play a sharper. Rest of the story is on
the same line as that of Cetiya Jataka.21) But the end of the story
here is given in some more details. According to this the story goes
thus: The Bodhisattva then smeared the dice with some sirnples and
thus administered an ematic until the shaper started vomiting. Then
ghee

was

given

to

the

sharper

with

honey,

sugar

and

other

ingredients. By this treatment the sharper was revived.

The Bharhut label of this Jataka is 'Chitupada-sila' or 'The

gambler fond of the square-board game'.22) A panel displays the
above scene of playing the dice. The dice board is placed in the
centre, while two figures on either side are seated- facing each other.
Six pieces of the dice are lying together, while the seventh one is
placed separately. The dice has thirty cubicals. There is a tree in the
background and all the human faces wear a smile. Cunningham
thinks here of the Cetiya Jataka narrating how king Cetiya, who told
a lie and persisted in the untruth, went alive to hell. According to
him the earth opening to embosom him in the scene illustrates the
chief point in the Bharhut scene.23) But Barua does not agree with
Cunningham' s explanation and has identified it with the Litta Jatak
a.24) Now we turn to the Sanchi SWpa portrayals.

V-I-b. THE SANCHI STUPA

20.
21 .
22.
23.
24.

JAF, Vol . I , ( Ja. No. 9 1 ) , pp. 379-380.

JAF, Vol . I l l , ( Ja. No. 422 ) , pp. 454-461.
Barua and Si nha, Bharhut Inscriptions, No. 1 94 ; B. M. Barua, op. ci t. , p. 95
A. Cunningham, Stiipa of Bharhut, pp. 94-95
B. M. Barua, op. c i t. , pp. 96-97.
.

- 1 18 -

Sanchi is southwest of Bharhut, near the border of the central

and western India. As observed by Prof. V. S. Agrawala, "Sanchi is
only five and a half miles from Vidisa(modern Bhelsa) on the
confluence of the rivers Vidisa(modern Bes) and the Vetravatr(modern
Betwa). It was the capital of Eastern Malwa or the Dasart).a country
and the most important point on the great highway leading from
Mathura to Pratishthana on the Godavari. Like other great Buddhist
centres springing up on the outskirts of important cities, the
Sangharama of Sanchi grew up on the outskirts of Vidisa with
magnificent monuments, Stfipas, temples, monasteries and memorial
pillars. The world-famed monuments of Sanchi are the most precious
and perfect of

all

that Buddhism has bequeathed to posterity. The

monuments flourished for twelve hundred years beginning from the

reign of Asoka. According to the Mahavarhsa when Asoka was
appointed governor of UjjayinI he halted for some time at Vidisa and
married Devi, daughter of a rich merchant, who became the mother
of

Mahendra

and

Sal'lghamitra.

Here

was

hill

named

Maha-Chetiya-giri which seems to have derived its name from the

great Stfipa built on it. The hill is less than three hundred feet in
height and of whale-back shape. There IS a group of about sixty
Stfipas known as Bhilsa Topes."25)
25.

V.

S.

Agrawal a,

lA,

pp. 149-150.

At Sonari there are eight StiipaS :

at

Satadhara five : at Andher three: at Bhojpur thi rty-seven and at Sanchi about
seven.

He has wel l c l assi fi ed the monuments at Sanchi wi th six categori es

according to their chronol ogy:

" ( 1 ) Asokan peri od( 274-232 B. C. )

Brick-bui l t core of the Great Stiipa 250 B. C. ( 16' x 1 0 'x 3 ' ) .

@ The stoi.e umbre l l a or the harmika of po1 i shed Chunar sandstone.
Monol i thic l ion-pi l l ar, near the south gateway( toraQa) of Stiipa I .
GD Foundati ons o f the apsidal hal l ( bui lding No. 40 ) .
( 2 ) sunga Period ( 185-70 B. C. )

Enl argement of the Great Stupa.

@ Stone covering ( s i l achchhadana) to twice i ts original size.
Large chhatra, harmika and stone shaft.
GD Ground rai l ing.

The upper terrace, 1 4 ' high from the ground and 6 ' in width to serve
as an upper processi on path.

QD Stone pavement coveri ng the hi l l top.

- 1 19 -

This site began to attract the attention of archaeologists and

art-historians alike ever since its rediscovery by Gen. Taylor in 1818
when the Sanchi hill monuments were in a remarkably good state of
preservation. In Marshall' s words, the Great SWpa is

"the most

imposing and the best preserved of all the monuments that early
Buddhism has

bequeathed to

India. "26)

Apart from their artistic,

religious and iconographic interest the early sculptures at Sanchi are

"an

almost

inexhaustive

nune

of

information

ill

regard

to

contemporary civilization.If27)
In 1822 Captain Johnson, Assistant Political Agent in Bhopal
opened up Stupa I from top to bottom, thus leaving a great breach
GP Stupa I I -ground rai l ing ( four balustrades on ground ) , berm, stairway,
harmika , rel i c caskets.
QY Stupa I l l-body and balustrades of the stairway, berm, harmika , rel i c
bones.
CD Templ e 1 8-Lowes t fl oor, pi l lared maQ4apa on the ruins of the apsi da l
hal l
( 3 ) Anllira Peri od ( 220 B. C. - 1 50 A. D. )
QV Great Stupa, four gateways ( 25 B. C. ) and extensions of the ground
bal ustrade.
@ Stupa I l l -ground balustrade and single gateway.
Templ e 1 8- thi rd floor counting from the top.
( 4 ) Gupta Per i od ( 4 th-5th centuri es A. D. )
QV Stupa I . Four shrines in processional path.
@ Templ e 18, Second f loor.
Temple 31 . Pl i nth and pedestal beneath lotus throne of image: two
pi l lars. Nagi statue.
GD Monasteri es 36, 46 and 47.
( 5 ) Medi eval Peri od ( 7th-9th centuries A. D. )
QV Facing o f Stupa 6.
@ Temple 18. Stone pi l l ars and wal l s : terracotta tab l ets.
Templ e 3 1 . Reconstructed wal l s, pi l l ars, l otus throne and i mage.
GD Bui l ding 40. Shrine and portion on east s i de of mat;l4apa, pl inth.

Templ e 45. Monasteries 45 and 47-Addi tions in upper stratum.

( 6 ) Late Medieval Period ( 1 0th-1 1 th centuries A. D. ) .
Some add i tiuns were made to temple 1 8 and monasteries 4 0 and 47.

In

temple 45 exi sting shrine and statue in the Garbhagr iha and some other accessory
addi tion" .
26. J . Marshal l and A. Foucher, The MOnuments of Sanchi, Vol . I , p. l .
27. Ibid. , p. 2.

- 1 20 which resulted in the collapse of the West Gateway and a part of

the enclosing balustrade. Later in 1851, A. Cunningham and F. C.
Maisey excavated Stapa II and III and discovered relic caskets from
them.

They

also

sank

at the centre of SWpa I.

a shaft

These

operations, coupled with the depredation by the villagers and the

growth of vegetation disintegrated the Sto.pa. The pillar of Asoka
was broken into pieces by a local Zamindar.28) The work of repairs
and preservation was took up by Major Cole for the dome of SWpa
I, West

and South Gateways, etc. However, it was subsequently J.

Marshall who brought the monuments to their present condition by

undertaking the large- scale clearance of jungle, the conservation of
the edifices and also the excavation of some of the sites. In 1936, M.
Hamid excavated the ruins on the hillslope between Stiipa I and II
and opened the remnants of a monastery.

The most important are the Stupas I, IT and ill at Sanchi. The
relics of Moggalayana and Sariputta were found in Stupa m. Stupas
I and III are on the main terrace and Sto.pa

IT

on the western side of

the hill. Stapa' I, the Maha-Chetiya, has four Gateways with the
ASokan

pillar

in

front of

the

South

Gateway.

Stupa

IT has no

Gateway and SWpa m has one Gateway.

As regards the period of the gateways, we also have some

inscriptional

evidence.

monuments Prof. V.

According

to

his

classification

of

Sanchi

S. Agrawala has indicated that "the building

activity at Sanchi began during the time of Asoka who raised a

brick-built Stiipa. The five gateways and the railings were added
during the early Andhra period about the second half of the first
century

B.C.

There

architrave facing

is

an

the Stupa,

inscription

on

the

south

gateway

top

stating it to be the gift of Ananda,

foreman of the artisans (avesin) of king Sin Satakami, ruler of the

Andhra dynasty

(Inscription No.

398).29) During the reign

of the

28. Cf. K. K. Murthy, Ma terial Cul ture of sanchi. pp. 1 -2.

29. The i nscriptions col l ected from Sanchi number 904. many more than were found
at Bharhut. Here J . Marshal l has di scussed at length the comparative chrono logy
of the four gateways .

This point can only be real i sed when we take into

- 121 -

Kushaoa kings little of importance was added excepting a statue of

the Buddha in red sandstone during the time of Vasishka. In the
Gupta period Sanchi once more emerged into importance, as shown
by an inscription on its railing referring to the gift of a village for
the Arya Sarigha, that is the community of the Buddhist monks
residing

at

Kakanadabota,

the

new

name

of

the

ancient

Maha-Chetiyagiri."30)
The great SWpa No. I: The original brick SWpa built by Asoka
was retained intact and encased later by a large stone envelope
during the SUilga period. As it stands today, it has a diameter of
over 120 ft, and includes a lofty platform (medhi) with two stairways
(sopana) leading to it, and is surmounted by a harmika and a triple
parasol. Both the processional path atop the platform and the one at
the ground level are enclosed by Vedikas, the lower one of huge
proportions measuring 10 ft 7 in. from the ground to the top of the
coping

(uoIa).

The complete lack of decoration emphasizes

its

monumentality.31 )
The architecture of the Stiipa is fairly simple. It consists of a
circular base, which supports a hemispherical cupola. Around this
dome like structure was constructed, in Sanchi, a sandstone railing
with four gateways which allowed entrance to the circular enclosure,
separating the mound from the railing. The four stone gateways are
carved out in the most intricate manner in medallions and rectanguler
panels, with decorative motifs, such as the wheel, the tree, or birds
and animals supposed to narrate the story of the Buddha' s life.
Among them, the important ones, frOw. the point of view of the
present study, are the scenes depicting some of Jatakas. There are
only five representations of the ]atakas on the gateways which,
however, show a treatment in great details. These are the following.
cons i derat i on the fact that there i s no other simi l ar edi fi ce in Ind i a which can
be preci sely dated to an approxi mate decade

as

our chronol ogy is based general ly

in centuries. J. Marshal I , op. c i t. , Vol . I , p. 1 77: H. Akira, op. c i t . , p. 226.

30 . V. S. Agrawala, lA p. 1 49
3 1 . I b id. , pp. 1 50 - 152 .
,

- 122 -

1. Shaddanta ]ataka, (514).

PI.

(1)

Nos. of Marshall and Foucher: XV, XVI, xvrr.

Middle Lintel of Back of Southern gateway.

(2) PI.

Nos. of Marshall and Foucher: XXIX, XXX , xxxn .

Top Lintel of Back of Northern gateway.

PI.

(3)

No. of Marshali and Foucher: LXI.

Botton Lintel of Back of Western gateway.

2.
Mahakapi ]ataka, (407).

PI.

No. of Marshall and Foucher: LXIV,1.

Top panel on front face: South Pillar of Western gateway.

3.

Alambusa ]ataka, (523).

PI.

No. of Marshall and Foucher: XXVll,1.

Western end of Bottom Lintel: Front of Northern gateway.

4.
Sama ]ataka, (540).

PI.

No. of Marshall and Foucher: LXV,1.

Top panel on inner face: North Pillar of Western gateway.

5.

Vessantara ]ataka, (547).

(1)

PI.

Nos. of Marshall and Foucher: XXIll, XXV, XXVlI.

Botton Lintel of front of Northern gateway.

(2) PI.

Nos. of Marshali: XXIX, XXI, XXXIII.

Bottom Lintel of Back of Northern gateway.

Alambusa ]ataka32): It is a frontal scene of the lowest architrave

of the North-gateway of the great Stiipa. The story runs thus: In
one of his births Bodhisattva was born as an ascetic with whom a
doe fell in love. The doe gave birth to a male child, who inherited
one horn from his mother, and was named Isismga (Riyasp1ga) or
32. JAF. Vol . V. ( Ja. No. 523 ) . pp. 1 52-161 .

- 1 23 -

Ekasp.i.ga. The child in time became a great saint and by the power
of his virtue threatened the position of Sakra,

king of the gods.

Accordingly the heavenly nymph Alambusa was sent to corrupt him.

She succeeded in her mission but after three years when she made
known her identity to him, was pardoned and returned to heaven.

This story has been illustrated in the right portion of the relief.
We

see the new-born child with a

taking

his first bath

single horn on its

amid the lotuses,

and

the

doe,

forehead,

its

mother,

standing behind. Then in the centre of the panel, the child,

now

grown up, is receiving instruction from his saintly father and being
warned against the wiles of fair women.

Vessantara Jataka:

This

Jataka is

represented

in

the

middle

section of the lowest frontal architrave of the North Gateway of the

great Stupa This story has already been narrated.33)

The story is depicted in great details and has the distinction of

covenng

almost an entire architrave front and back.

J.

Marshall

observes, "Here we see the prince giving away his royal elephant
and then being banished for his pains into exile; outside the city gate
he is saying farewell to his royal parents. Then we see him driving
away with his family in the chariot drawn by four ' Sindh horses ' ,
and

presently

BrahmaIJas.

parting

On

with

his

the left end

of

horses
the

and

his

architrave

chariot

to

some

he continues

his

journey on foot with his wife and two children, men and women line
the path beside

them while

above,

they

are

seen

living

at

the

hermitage outside the city (twice repeated) which the Cheta prince
provided."34) The story is continued on the back. Here on the right
the prince is seen with his wife and children in the wilds. They
perhaps
almost

have started for the Mount Vailka. Next is

surrounded

by

plantain

trees

on

the

seen a hut

mountain

Vanka.

Towards the centre, the prince is seen to make a gift of his children

33. Supra, Ch. 1 1 - 1 ,

34. J . Marshal l , A Guide to Sanchi, p. 59.

- 1 24 -

to the Brahmin ]ujaka. In the upper portion we see three gods, in

the forms of a lion, a tiger and a leopard, obstructing MaddI to keep
her away from the hermitage. To the left an archer is threatening to
shoot at the Brahmin ]ujaka. Below, we see the same ]ujaka driving
the children away with a stick. Finally to the left of the same panel,
Vessantara is depicted giving away his wife. But thank to the
intervention of Indra, who is wearing his characteristic cylindrical
head -dress, both wife and children are restored to him after the
children have been taken to their grand-parents by the Brahmin. The
re-union of the prince with his wife is shown on the left (top) of the
middle panel with Indra wearing a high head-dress and holding a
thunder-bolt, seen beside them. At the left end of the architrave are
delineated the children in the palace of their grandfather.

Mahakapi ]ataka: It is the story of the self-sacrifice of the great

monkey who at the risk of his own life helped other monkeys to
cross the river. The story has been already narrated above.35)

This ]ataka is carved on the right pillar of the West Gateway. It

occupies the top portion in which is the great mango tree to which
two

monkeys

are clinging;

while

the king

of the

monkeys

is

stretched across the river from the mongo tree to the opposite bank,
and passing over his body some monkeys are seen having their
escape to the rocks and jungles beyond. In the lower part of the
panel, to the left, is king Brahmadatta on horseback with his soldiers,
one of whom with bow and arrow is aiming upwards

at the

Bodhisattva. Higher up the panel, the figure of the king is repeated,

sitting

beneath

the

mango

tree

and conversing

with

the dying

Bodhisattva, who, according to the Jataka story, gave the king good
counsel on the duties of a chief.

Sama ]ataka36): On the same gateway we see the representation

of the episode of the Sama ]ataka. The story of this ]ataka is as

35. Supra, Ch. V-I -a.

36 . JAF, Vol . VI , ( Ja. No. 540 ) , pp. 68-95.

- 1 25 -

follows. When Sama heard that his parents were blinded, he wept
and

laughed:

wept for

their

misfortune,

laughed

over

his

own

pleasure and privilege of caring for them. (Irony of the child caring
for his parents--reversal of roles). Sama served with great care his
blind parents in the forest. While he went to the lake to fetch water,
a king mistook him for a gazelle and shot him. He pleaded with the
king to take care of his parents, not worrying about himself. Sama
was

the

son

of one

of two

councillors

of king

RudrayaI)a or

UdraYaI)a.
This Jataka-scene

IS

represented on a panel relief of the left

pillar of the West Gateway. At the right hand top corner of the
panel are carved the hermitage and the parents of Sama. In the
lower portion of the panel is seen the boy Sama approaching the
stream. To the left, the figure of the king is repeated thrice--once
he is aiming at the boy Sama, then holding bow in his hand and
finally as standing penitent with his bow and arrow discarded. In the
left top corner is carved again Sama along with his parents. This
refers to the incident of restoring life of Sama by the asseveration of
his parents. The king and the god Indra are also noticed in this
portion of the panel.

V -I-c. THE BODHGAYA TEMPLE

Now we refer to the representation of the Jataka-scenes on the

carved railing around the Bodhgaya temple. As the place of the
Buddha' s enlightenment, Bodhgaya is an important site for the Indian
art

tradition.

The

place

was

held

in

great veneration

by

the

Buddhists from the earliest times.37)

37. There are four hol y si tes
Buddha 's l i fe, that are
Place
Kapi l avastu

as

as

regards to four signi fi cant events in the

fol l ows ,

Event

Symbol

Conception

Elephant

Nat i vi ty

Lotus, bul l

- 1 26 -

It is six miles to the south of Gaya and at a very short distance

from the village of Urale,
pilgrims

records

Vajrasana

ancient Uruvilva.

frequently

elaborate

on

Numerous

the

where Sakyamuni became a Buddha.

texts

significance

of

and
the

Asvaghoa in his

Buddhacarita lauded the place as the navel of the earth, the only
place that could bear the profound meditation of enlightenment. The
famous Chinese pilgrims
their

Fa-hien and Yuan Chwang

also note in

accounts that it was the place where all past Buddhas attained

enlightenment and where

all

future Buddhas must go

ID

order to

achieve the same goal.38) Later accounts, such as that of the 13th
century Tibetan pilgrim Dharmasvamin,

also commented upon the

importance of the place.39)

As indicated by Prof. V. S. Agrawala, "The original Bodhi shrine
erected

by

Asoka

no

longer

exists

at

Bodhgaya

but

the

true

representation of the same occurs at Bharhut in a bas-relief which

shows

that it was an open pavilion, supported -on pillars,

middle of which was the Vajrasana throne decorated

in the

in front with

four flat pilasters. Behind the throne appears the trunk of the Bodhi
Tree, which rises up high above the building, and on each side of
the tree is a combined symbol of the triratna and the dharmachakra,
standing

on

the

top

of

short

pillar.

On

each

side

of

the

Vajrasana-room there is a side-room of the same style. The top of

the throne is ornamented with flowers, but there is no figure of the
Buddha. It was conceived in the style of the pushpagrahaIJl vedika or
the platform for receiving flower-offering as depicted near the Stupas
at Mathura and other places. During repairs the original Bodhi-maIJcla

Going Forth

Gate. horse

Bodhgaya

Great Enl ightenment

Bodhi tree w i th rai l

Sarnath

First Preaching

Wheel . often wi th deer

Kushi nagar
Stiipa
Maha-Nirvana
3R. The great Chinese pi lgrim, Yuan Chwang has also left an account of the past
spl endour and glory of this sancti fied s i te.

According to him,

Asoka was

respons ible for the erection of a shrine on this holy spot. Cf. T. Watters , Oh
Yuan Chang 's Travels in India, pp. 1 13-136.
39 . George Roerich, trans. Biography of Dharmasvamin, pp. 60-70.

- 1 27 -

was

actually

restorations

discovered

and

it

after

was

found

removing
to

have

the

two

subsequent

been made of polished

sandstone with four short pilasters in front, exactly as depicted In

the Bharhut bas-relief. The sandstone and its polish were similar to
those of other Asokan monuments."40)
He has further remarked, "Round it Asoka had built an enclosure
with a curcuit of about 258 ft. measuring outside. It was originally of
brick which still exists in the foundation but later on replaced by a
palisade (vedika) consisting of upright (thabha), cross-bars (such!)
and copings (unhIsa), which is very similar to the railings at Bharhut
and at Sanchi but chronologically stands midway between them, circa
end of the 2nd century B.C. The inscriptions engraved on it show it
was the gift of KurailgI, queen of king Indragnimitra, and Nagadeva,
queen of Brahmamitra. There were 64 pillars, each with a section of
14"/12", height of 6 '8 " , coping 1 '2", plinth 2'2", thus with a total
height of 10" ."41)
The temple at Bodhgaya is supposed to have been restored and
renovated many times, the most important one being in the Gupta
period when it was known as the BrhadgandhakutI-prasada on the
site

of Vajrasana

This

was

even

further

subjected to

a very

thorough renovation by the Burmese in 1035-1079 A.D., when much

of the stucco work was done and .was added an image also of the
cross-legged Buddha seated in an earth-touching posture.42) The
40. V. S. Agrawal a , lA, p. 1 72. I nseparabl y l inked wi th the Bharhut tradi t i on,
Prof.

S.

K.

Sarasvat i opines,

as

the art of Bodhgaya represents a convincing

advance on the previ ous achivements. For the f i rst time the compos i t i on begins
to vi brate wi th a charming v i ta l i ty and the body to pulsate wi th soft, warm
flesh.

Orderl iness,

c l ar i ty and c l oser organ i c rel ati on take the place of

unsteady medley o f forms and moti fs which characterise the Bharhut style. See A
Survey of Indian Sculpture, p. 45.

41 . Ibid. , pp. 1 72-173.

42. Frcm the records of a Mon i nscript i on ( Epigraphica B i rmanica, Vol . I , Pt. I I ,
86, pp. 163-164 ) i t appears that the Burmese kings from t i me to time ( 1 1 th to
13th

century

A . D. )

extended

their

wide

hands

for

the

restorati on

and

preservat i on o f the Mahabodhi tempi e. Cf. V. S. Agrawala, lA, p. 174 , also D.

Mi tra,

Buddhist Monumen ts,

p. 65 .

- 1 28 -

height of the Maha.bodhi Temple is 160 ft. It appears like a straight

pyramidal tower surmounted by a Stupa with its constituent part of
an

harmika.. The entrance porch is on the east. At the base of the

tower there rises a turret at each of the four corners.

The

method

of

embellishment

by

reliefs

adopted

on

the

Bodhgaya railing bears close similarity with the Bharhut scheme. But
the decorative portion of the railing seems to be poorer than that of
the Bharhut SttLpa. Symbolism plays a greater role in the art of it.43)
"lt is clear that the carvers at Bodhgaya elaborated their legacy from
Bharhut and passed it on to their successors at Sanchi and Mathura
in a more elaborate form."44)

The carvmgs on the early railing show variety of subjects in

low relief. There is a profusion of lotus foliage decoration on the
coping stones, uprights and pillars. Some scenes connected with the
life of the Buddha can also be seen. A good number of scenes from
the ]a.takas are also depicted on them.

The ]a.taka tales like the

Asitabhu ]ataka, Sujata ]a.taka, Atthana ]ataka, Rohantamiga ]ataka,

Kinchhanda ]ataka, Chhaddanta ]ataka,
]a.taka,

Kumbha ]a.taka, Alambusa.

Padakusalamao.ava ]a.taka, Sudhabhojana ]a.taka, Vessantara

]a.taka, Kinnara ]ataka, etc. have found their representation in the

Bodhgaya reliefs although there are several others which could not
yet be identified. 45) Besides the ]a.takas, we find a number of other
stories too in the Bodhgaya carving including the present life scenes
of the Lord.

Let us now take up here some examples of the ]a.takas carved

on the Bodhgaya reliefs.

43. N.

G. Mazumdar, A Guide to the Sculptures in the Indian Museum, Part I ,

p. 65.
44. V. S . Agrawal a, lA, p. 174 .
45 . Al l such stories except one .are found sculptured on the ear l i er components
of the present Bodhgaya rai l ings. Cr. R. S. Singh, " Boddhagaya Sculptures: A
br ief Survey" ,
pp. 25-26.

ed. by B. P.

Mahathera,

Journal of Sambodhi,

Vol .

IV,

1993,

- 129 -

Kumbha jataka46): This is a story of Sakra' s sermon on the evil

of drinking. The Bodhisattva was once born as Indra. One day the
great being by his survey over the world found the king Sarvamitra
addicted to strong liquors though Sarvamitra was of good nature in
all other aspects. Indra,

therefore,

resolved

to

save him.

S akra

appeared before the king in the form of a glowing god, in the air,
with a pot of sura in his hand and uttered: "who wants to buy this
pot". The king Sarvamitra .being amazed, asked him who he was.
Indra replied that it would be made known to him in time. First he
explained the nature of the contents of the pot and its consequences
specially the bad consequences of drunkenness. By the persuasive
words and strong arguments of Sakra the king became aware of the
sinfulness of drinking intoxicating liquors. He resolved to give up the
habit of drinking, and wanted to reward the preacher generously.
Indra exhibited his own form and thereafter disappeared. The king
and his people gave up drunkenness.47)
This relief-scene occurs in the upper panel . of a rail post. A
vessel is seen being carried by ftvo birds with their beaks holding it
from

two

sides. Below this four human figures are carved.

bare-headed man who appears to be a Brahmin is found engaged in

conversation with an important man who is seated to the left of the
Brahmin in a crawling posture, while another sits behind the man,
carved in the centre, with folded palms.

This scene may be explained as a representation of the Kumbha

jataka where we find Sakra in the garb of a Brahmin coming down
on the earth with a j ar of liquor in his hands and as preachi!1g to
the king on the evil effect of liquor. The vessel of the liquor is held
by the birds in the air. The king of heaven in the Brahmin' s
disguise i s seen as having a discourse with the king of earth.

46. JAF, Vol . V, (Ja. No. 512 ) , pp. 1 1 -20.

47. The subject matter of the Pa l i versi on i s pract i cal ly i dent i ca l wi th that o f
the Sanskri t Jatakama l a wi th the only special i ty that the earl i er Ja taka i s more
informat ive.

- 1 30 -

Alambusa ]ataka48 ): This ]ataka story narrates how a young

innocent ascetic, Who by his great virtues excited the jealousy of
Sakka, is tempted by a temptress, heavenly nymph Alambusa sent
by Sakka to seduce him. After a temporary fall, the saint having
recovered his virtue attains to a state of ecstasy.
This

tale

is

represented

in

two

quadrangular

panels

of

corner-pillar in its full dramatic sensation. One panel is set above the
other. Their inter-relation is easily known from the representation of
the same person in each of them. The lower panel shows a man and
a woman standing side by side. The man with folded hands stands
beside a water-jug of a hermit and the woman on the left hides her
face with her left palm and keeps her right hand across her body. In
the upper panel both of them reappear and stand side by side. They
clasp each other. The woman is seen to hold a harp on her right.
From the representations of above two panels several scholars have
identified the scenes with the story of Alambusa ]ataka.

Sudhabhojana

]ataka49):

This

tale

is

description

of

the

competition of four graces, viz., Asa (Hope), Sraddha (Faith), Sri

(Beauty) and Hrt (Modesty) for ambrosia. The story runs thus: A
rich miser is seized with a great longing to have some rice-porridge.
So in order to share it fully he retires to a forest where Sakra and
other gods appear and claim a share of the rice-porridge. The miser
is totally converted into an ascetic through the admonition of the
gods. This ascetic was called upon to award the prize of virtue to
the best

of four celestial

nymphs,

the daughters of Sakra.

He

declared modesty (Hr!) to be the best in virtue.

The stages of this ]ataka story are most artistically drawn in a
quadrangular panel of a corner pillar. In the upper portion of the
same panel is shown a lotus-lake with four female figures, one on
one side, and three on the opposite. The scene suggests that the four
48.
49.

JAF, Vo l . V, ( Ja. No. 523 ) , pp. 1 52-161 .

JAF, Vol . V, ( Ja. No. 535 ) , pp. 382-412.

- 1 31 -

Graces are coming to the lake for bathing. In the second grouping in
the middle part are seen the same four ladies on the left side of the
lake. They with folded hands are praying something from a man
standing

at a distance.

This

suggests that the four Graces are

contesting for the prized gift of ambrosia.

The third scene is represented in the lower part of the same
quadrangular panel. Here we see a man and a woman stand facing
each other. The man is seen to give something to the woman. Here
the scene is the representation of the event in which the sage
awards the prize to the Grace who is judged to be the best of the
maidens. The above scene corroborates with the incidents of the
Sudhabhojana ]ataka.

Vessantara ]ataka:

The

story

has

been described earlier at

several occasions.50)
Here follows the description of the ]ataka as. represented in the
Bodhgaya sculpture. This relief shows a hermit on the top of a hill.
He remains seated on a morah confronting two trees that stand as
sylvan twins. In the Bharhut representation the trees are labelled
with an inscription describing them as ]ambu (Rose apple trees). The
ascetic is seen to lean forward to receive hospitality from the twin
trees. In the right hand we see a water-jug engaged in washing the
hands of the hermit. On the left hand is placed a plate which
contains

some eatables.

But here is

no

woman figure like the

Bharhut relief. From the actions of the scene the story may be
explained,

though

not

quite

satisfactorily,

as the depiction of a

situation in the Vessantara ]ataka.

V-2. THE STUPAS OF AMARAVATl,

50. Supra, Ch. 1 1 - 1 .

- 1 32 -

NAGARJUNAKOl'.u)A AND GOLI

V-2-a. THE AMARAvATI STUPA

AmaravatI is a small village situated Ol? the south bank of the

Krishna river and a little over twenty miles from Guntur in Andhra.
The great Chinese pilgrim Huen Tsang who travelled through this
area during the first half of the 7th century A.D. referred to this
as

place

T'o-na-kie-tse-tsa(Dhanakataka),

the

capital

of

Maha-Andhra.51 ) Taranatha, a Tibetan historian, also mentions this

place as Dpal-Idan-bras-spun which means Dhanyakataka52)

AmaravatI was one of the greatest seats of Buddhism. There

was

a great Sttlpa named Mahacetiya. The earliest

sculptures of this

specimens of

Sti:ipa bear close resemblance with the Bharhut

style.

As

has

been

widely believed

for many

years,

the

Sttlpa at

AmaravatI was originally built by Asoka, where Mahadeva and his

monks were at work about the close of the third and the beginning
of

the

second

discovered

at

century

B.C.

AmaravaU

Some

suggest

of

the

that

inscriptions

this

famous

recently
Buddhist

monument was originally built in that age. The Mauryan polish of

some of the pillars

at AmaravaU also

suggests that Asoka was

perhaps responsible for the construction of the original Stupa. But the
Amara vat!

remaIns

and

sculptures

constructions of four periods.53)

51 .

S.

Beal ,

bear

out

the

The inscriptions

SI-YU-KI:Buddhis t Records of The Western

evidence

of

and carvmgs

on

World,

p. 423.

Cf. T.

Watters, On Yuan Chwang 's Travels in India, Vo! . I1, p. 214.

52.
The ear l i est i nscriptions found in Amara.vat i refer to thi s place as
Dha.nakataka. Thi s was perhaps the original name of the c i ty.

Cr. Ta.rana.tha,

trans . from Ti betan by L. Chimpa and A. Chattopadhyaya, History of Buddhism in

India, p. 279.
53. V. S. Agrawal a, lA, pp. 290-291 . He has given four categori es on the bas i s of
style and epi graphic evidence. 1 . Ear ly or Archaic Period. C. 200 B. C. ; 2.

Intermed i ate Phase.

C.

Phase. 3rd century A. D.

100 A. D. ; 3.

Mature Phase.

C.

1 50-200 A. D. ;

4.

Last

- 1 33 -

some stone slabs having the semblence of Bharhut sculpture probably

belong to its third-second century B.C. phase.
Next come such slabs, which are broad and of varying heights,
containing panels arranged one above the other, as showing generally
the Buddha preaching through symbols; a vase, or worship of the
Buddha' s foot prints placed on a throne, or the Dharmacakra or the
Stupa, with a frieze of animals and over them a line of Triratnas.
From the form of the characters of the inscriptions found on these
slabs it is justifiable to conclude th at they are older than the railing,
which perhaps dates from the 1 st century B.C. or A.D. Again from
the art style and palaeographical viewpoints, some chaitya-slabs seem
to be earlier than the stone railings.54) But the Srupa was renovated
again during the time of VasithI-putra- SrI Pulumavi, i.e., in the
middle of the second century A.D. or so. The casing slabs of the
final and fourth period were added in the third century A.D. which
may be inferred from the style and inscriptions carved thereon.55)
The evolved Stupa proper consisted of a railing, cylindrical base,
the hemispherical dome surmounted by a square railing as enclosing
the harmika with a central yti or shaft for parasols of imposing
dimensions. The earlier ground-rail consisted of upright pillars about
ten feet high and two feet ten inches wide. In the uprights were cut
three lenticular cavities to receive three cross-bars called ' SUCI' , the
whole being surmounted by a coping. Both faces of the cross-bars
were carved with full lotus motifs. The inner face of the middle SucI
alone

contained

sculptures

of

great

elegance

representing

the

Jataka-tales. In the upright pillars also the inner middle face had
carvings of the Jataka-scenes. The Jatakas were extremely popular
and included a number of folk tales. The following fourteen Jatakas
have

been

Chhaddanta

identified
Jataka,

so

far at AmaravaU:

Somaoassa

Jataka,

VidurapaIJQita Jataka,

Culladhammapala

Jataka,

Losaka ]ataka, Mahilamukha ]ataka, Duta ]ataka, Matanga ]ataka,

Mahapanada ]ataka, AhiguoQika ]ataka, Mandhatu ]ataka, Somanassa
54. See, Indian Archaeol ogical Survey, Annual Report
55. V. S . Agrawal a, lA, pp. 29 1 -294.

on

Epigraphy, 1 953-54 , p. 3.

- 1 34 -

]ataka, Sibi ]ataka, Vessantara ]ataka. We may take up here some of

the ]atakas which are graphically carved in the AmaravatI sculptures.
For example, the Somanassa ]ataka: Once when Re:r:m was the
king of Uttara-Paflcrua, an ascetic, Maharakkhita, visited him with
five hundred others from the Himalayas. The king entertained them
and told them of his worry because he had no sons. Some time later,
when the ascetics were returning, Maharakkhita saw that the king
would have a son and told his companions so. One of the ascetics, a
cheat, hoping to get gain thereby, feigned illness, and, returning to
the palace, told the king that a son would be born to his queen,
Sudhamma. The king showed him great honour, and thus the cheat
came to be called Dibbacakkhuka. In due course, the Bodhisattva was
born as the king ' s son, and was named Somanassa. When the boy
was seven years old the king had to leave home to quell a border
rising, and Somanassa was left in the charge of the cheating ascetic.
The boy soon discovered his real nature and paid him no honour. As
soon as the king returned, Dibbacakkhu complained to him that the
prince had ill-treated him Somanassa was ordered to be executed,
.

but he exposed the cheat' s knavery, and men, sent to search his hut,
found

bundles

of

money

in

it.

Disgusted

with

life

at

court,

Somanassa obtained the king' s leave and became an ascetic in the

Himalayas,

where

Vissakamma,

commanded

by

Sakka,

built

hermitage for him The cheat was stoned to death by the people.56)
.

A sculpture57) from AmaravatI depicts the king with this queen

Suddhamma and retinue adoring the ascetics headed by Maharakkhita
resting in the royal park for the rainy season. The mutilated scene to
the right top shows a man with curly hair busy with something like
an hatchet. He appears to be the sham ascetic busy in the garden
watched by the prince. To the left of this, the sham ascetic watches
the king' s servants approaching as holding sword in hand to strike
the seven year oid prince.

56. JAF, Vo l . IV, ( Ja. No. 505 ) , pp. 444-454.

57. S. L. Nagar. op. ci t . Pl . No. 74.
.

- 1 35 -

Mancihatu jataka: It has been narrated by us earlier. The first

panel in an AmaravatI sculpture shows a king or a prince in his
palace surrounded by his courtiers. He is Mandhatu the mortal king.
The panel shows him with his seven treasures standing in all his
glory with his hand upraised as we see the monarch in all such
representations of the CakravartI king.58)
Mahapanada ]ataka:59) Once upon a time a certain Suruci was
the king of Mithila which was a town in the kingdom of Videha. He
had a son named Suruci likewise, and he again had a son, the Great
Panada. They obtained possession of a mansion by a deed done in a
former birth. The father and the son made a hut of leaves with
canes and branches of figtree, as a dwelling for a Pacceka Buddha.
This story is also found described under the Suruci jataka.60)
In

a panel from AmaravatI,

this ]ataka is

supposed to be

depicted.50 To the extreme left is a tree, above the branches of

which a child is held by some one whose defaced head is visible.
Standing beside the tree and begging for the child are a number of
women. To the right a turbanded man of princely form is carrying
the child who is wanted by three woman, one with hands in position
to receive it. Above this an elderly man is seated on a wicker chair

and is adored by a turbaned man and a man and a woman of

humble birth, one of whom has an offering for him in a vessel held
in the hand. Beyond this is a king seated on a throne attended by a

number of women, and a child is brought near him by a turbaned

man. Next to this to the right, there is a noble looking man talking
to a woman but the figures are mostly broken and fragmentary.

Lower down where also it is fragmentary, can be seen heads of

persons

in

a grove,

suggested by

a tree near a wagon-roofed

building.

58. C. Si varamamurt i , Amaril va t i Sculptures in the Madras Museum, p. 231 .

59. JAF, Vol . 1 1 , ( Ja. No. 264 ) , PP. 331 -335.
60. JAF, Vol . IV, ( Ja. No. 489 ) , PP. 314-325.
61 . C. Si varamamurti , op. c i t. , p. 231 .

- 1 36 -

VidurapaI)c;lita

]ataka:6Z)

Four

kings

VIe

for

being

the

most

virtuous. They use Vidhura as a referee. He says that they are all
the same. One of those four was the Naga king. His wife wants the
heart of Vidhura. The Naga princess volunteers herself to anybody
who can get VidhUra. A Yaka volunteers and challenges the king
(in whose court lived Vidhura) to a dice game. Yaka would give a
jewel if he loses, the king would give Vidhura, if the Yaka wins.
Yaka wins and takes

Vidhura who delights

everybody with his

preachings. The Yaka takes the princess and Vidhura back and even
gives him his jewel. The jataka is also referred to as the Pur:lI).aka
jataka.63)

Fragment of a crossbar from AmaravaU64) showing part of a

medallian contains two scenes divided by a pillar. In the first scene
there are five men in the foreground and except for the leg of a man
seated beyond, on ' a raised seat, the figures are broken and lost. In
the scene to the right is a horse whose rider is completely missing
except for his feet which just touch the head of one of the two
dwarfs below.

AhiguI).c;lika jataka:65) The story of a snake-charmer in VaraI)aSI

who had also a tame monkey. Once during a festival, he left the
monkey with a corn-merchant<the Bodhisattva) . and set out to earn
money

by

making

sport with the

snake.

The

monkey

was

well

looked after by the Bodhisattva. Seven days later the snake-charmer

returned drunk and ill-treated the monkey. When the man was asleep
the monkey escaped and refused to come back in spite of his former
owner' s fine words.

The above ]ataka scene is

shown on a medallion with lotus

border at AmaravatI,66) It illustrates the snake-charmer ' s mode of

62. JAF, Vol . VI , ( Ja. No. 545 ) , pp. 255-329.

63. JAF, Vo l . VI , ( Ja. No. 545 ) , pp. 255-329.
64. C. Si varamamurti , op. c i t . , pp. 235-36, P I . XLIV, Figs, 1 & 2.
65. JAF , Vo l . I l l , ( Ja. No. 365 ) , pp. 197-199.
66. S. L. Nagar, op. c i t . , PI . No. 80.

- 1 37 -

earnmg his livelihood. A king, evidently Brahmadatta of VaraI)aSI, is

shown seated on his royal couch in the company of his queens and
attendants, enjoying the tricks of the snake charmer and his monkey.
The snake-charmer, with negroid features and curly hair, holds a
tray or the lid of a circular wicker box on which the snake lifts
itself up to dance before the audiance. The monkey is seated facing
the king, close to the snake-charmer.
Beside the Amaravati sculptures in the Madras Museum, great
number of sculptures are housed in the British Museum' s Indian
collection67) and make the most important single group of ancient
Indian sculptures outside the subcontinent. It shows also many jataka
scenes which

are iedntified as the Sailkhaprua jataka,

Sutasoma

jataka and Harpsa jataka, etc. 68)

V -2-b. NAGARJUNAKONJ)A

NagarjunakoI)c;ia, literally Nagarjuna' s Hill, lies on the right bank

of the Krishna in the Palnac;i Taluk of the Guntur district, nineteen
miles

from

Macherla

station.

It

is

associated

with

the

famous

Buddhist saint and scholar Nagarjuna, who was the founder of the
Madhyarnika school and flourished in the reign of the Satavahana
king, GautamIputra Yajflasn, in the 2nd century A.D.69)

The valley of NagarjunakoI)c;ia became a flourishing Buddhist

centre in the third century A.D. largely due to the patronage of the
Ikvaku kings and queens. The Ikvakus claimed their descent from
the

mythological

Ikvakus

of

Ayodhya

Carhtasn,

sister

of

67. There are 133 p i eces i n the Bri ti sh Museum. Cf. R. Knox. Amara va t i : Buddhist
Sculpture from the Grea t Stupa, Appendix IV, Concordances.

68. R. Knox. i b i d.
69. According to an anci ent Ti betan trad i t i on . Nagarjuna. towards the evening of
his l i fe,

l i ved at Nagarjunakot;lQ.a and was interred there. Cr. Taranatha. op.

ci t . . p. 281 ; G. Yazdani . The Early History of the Deccan, Vol . I , pp. 76 -79.

- 1 38 -

Vasithlputra

Sri

Kantimula, the founder of this royal house, was an

ardent devotee of the Buddha. As gathered from the inscriptions, this

pious lady and other Ikvaku princesses were the main donors of the
Buddhist shrines in and around VijayapUrI, the Ikvaku capital.
The

second

Ik$vaku

king,

VIrapurusadata,

is

said

to

have

patronised Buddhism. His son and successor, Ehuvala Camtamo1a 11,

was responsible for the golden period of NagarjunakoI)oa as it was
during his reign-period that construction of Buddhist shrines reached
its peak. The construction of Buddhist edifices at NagarjunakoI)oa
came to an end in the eleventh regnal year of Rudrapurusa-datta, the
last known Ik$vaku king.70)
The sites

of more than a hundred Buddhist monuments at

NagarjunakoI)oa now stand submerged by the gigantic Nagarjunsagar

Dam.

Hundreds

of beautiful

sculptures

which

would have been

submerged by the construction of the dam have been lifted to the

top of a hill nearby, which stands right in the midst of the present
reservoir. The island museum, which is unique and first of its kind
in the world, can be reached by a launch from Anuppu, the jetty
point, about 14 km from NagarjunakoI)Oa. A few monuments have
been

faithfully

reconstituted

out

of

ancient

materials

of

NagarjunakoI)oa on the east bank of reservoir. Important monuments

which can be seen now at NagarjunakOJ.).Oa are: Maha-Stopa-Site 1 ;
Monastery-Site 4 ; Apsidal shrine-Site 43; and SWpa with svastika
inset-Site 59.
The NagarjunakoI)oa monuments, the treasure trove of Buddhist
art and culture, remained unknown for centuries and came to light
only in March, 1926 when A. R. Saraswati discovered this site,
which fortunately being situated in the midst of hills and forests had
escaped human spoliation. According to the excavations(l927-31 ) done
by

Longhurst,71)

the

discoveries

included

number

of

70. Cf. V. S. Agrawala, lA, pp. 296-298.

A. H. Longhurst, The Buddhist Antiqui ties of ' NagarjWJakor;lI;la,

71 .

Presidency, Memo irs of the Archaeological Survey of Indi a, No. 54 ,

1938 .

ruined
Madras

- 1 39 -

monasteries,

apsidal

temples,

Stupas,

inscriptions,

coms,

relics,

pottery, statues and over four hundred magnificent bas -relifs in the
AmaravatI

style and belonging to the same period.

This work of

excavation was followed by T. N. Ramachandran from 1938 to 194

0,72) and resumed from 1954 for a period of five years to forestall the
Nagarj unsagar dam
structural

inundation

bringing

mostly

Viharas,

remaIns,

to

light

the

Stupas,

existence

of

Sila-MaI).c;lapas,

Caityagrhas and Temples, etc.73)

The most attractive piece in the Key-Gallery of the Museum is

the colossal statue of Lord Buddha standing to a height of about 3
m. Originally found in several fragments at Site 4, the image, like
any

other

sculpture from Nagarjunakooc;la,

stands

in frontal pose

holding the hem of his garment in the left hand, while the right
hand (broken) is granting protection. The next exhibit is a drum-slab
carved

with

developed

cornice-beam depicting,

form

of a

Stupa.

It

is

followed by

the five important life-events of Gautama

Buddha, viz, Birth, Great Renunciation, Mara' s attack, First Sermon

at Samath and Mahaparinirvaoa On the next slab is to be seen the
serpent

king

Mucalinda,

favourite

motif of the

Nagarjunakooc;la

artists .

. The sculptures now exhibited in the northern wing of the Main

Gallery

show

the

Jataka

tales

which

were

variously

carved

on

drum-slabs and cornice beams. Let us take up here a few Jatakas

which are depicted in the art of Nagarjunakooc;la.

The Sasa-Jtaka74) depicts the story when Bodhisattva was born

ill

one of his earliest births as a hare. His friends are a monkey, a

jackal and an otter. On a full-moon day, the otter brings fish, the
jackal a lizard and milk, and the monkey some mangoes as gifts for
the guests. The hare, being the Bodhisattva himself, however decides
72.

T.

N.

Ramachandran,

Nagarjunakor;!(/a,

1938, Momoi rs o f the Archaeological

Survey o f India, Vol . No. 71 , 1953.

73. ef. E. R. Stone, The Buddhis t Art of Naga.rjunakor;J(/a, pp. 1 -3.
74. JAF, Vol . I l l , ( Ja. No. 316 ) , pp. 51 -56.

- 1 40 -

to offer himself as gift. And when the god S akra, disguised as

Brahmin, asks for something to eat, the hare leaps into the fire in
order to roast himself, but the fire does not burn him. Sakra then
explains how he has come to put him (the hare) to test. This ]ataka
is depicted on a mutilated drum-slab.75) The fragment represents
graphically the Sasa ]ataka, a theme in which the Bodhisattva, in the
form of a hare, leaps into a fire in order to provide food for Sakra
disguised as an old hungry Brahmin.76)
The Campeyya ]ataka77) is the story when Bodhisattva was born
as

serpent-king

who

allowed

himself

to

be

caught

by

snake-charmer as he did not want to break his vows of virtue. He

was

finally

rescued

by

his

queen

Sumana

by

requesting

king

Uggarsena of Varat;lasI to intercede on his behalf. Here, the story is

represented in four panels on the cornice beam, beginning with the
catching of the snake from an ant-hill by the snake-channer. This
]ataka is depicted on a fragment of an Ayaka panel, No. 3.7B) On the
right

half of the

panel,

we

see

remaining ' fragment

of the

Campeyya ]ataka.79)
The Sibi ]ataka has already been described under AmaravatI. At
NagarjunakoIJ.da, the sculpture shows that as the flesh cut by the
king Sibi was not sufficient, the king himself sat on the pan of the
balance. Thereupon, the gods Sakra and Agni appear in their real
forms and laud the king. This ]ataka is depicted on an Ayaka pane
180) and also on the top of a drum-slab.BO

75. I t was di scovered from s i te No. 9. Cf. E. R. Stone, op. ci t. , Fig. No. 1 06.
76. I t was i dent i fied by A. H. Longhurst in The Buddhist 4ntiqui ties of
NiJ.giJ.rjW1akor;lf;/a, Madras Presidency, etc. p. 24.

77. JAF, Vol . IV, ( Ja. No. 506 ) , pp. 454-468.

78. It was discovered from s i te No . 9. Cf. E. R. Stone, op. c i t . , Fig. Nos . 35 &

66.
79.

I t i s identi fi ed by A. H. Lcnghurst in "Excavations at Nagarjunakol)Q.a " ,

Annua l Report, Arch. Sur. of Ind. , 1929-30, pp. 149-51 , and P l . XXXIX.

80. The fourth panel excavated at Stupa 9, described by Longhurst, represents

the S i bi J a taka. C f. E. R. Stone, op. ci t. , No. 90.
81 . I t was di scovered from si te No. 2. Cr. E. R. Stone, Fig. No. 222.

- 141 -

The Mandhatu }ataka8Z) is the story of the ambitious king who

was in possession of the seven gems of a Cakarvartr: a wheel, an
elephant, a horse, a gem, a wife, a householder and a minister. On
reaching heaven, he even shared the throne with the god Sakra. Not
satisfied with that, the king wanted to oust Sakra. This evil thought
causes him to fall down from heaven in a park of his capital-city.
This }ataka is depicted on an .A.yaka panel, No. 3.83)

The Vessantara }ataka tells how Vessantara, then Bodhisattva,

had great craving to give in charity whatever he possessed. This
story has already been described under Bharhut. It is depicted on a
drum- slab

bearing

the

representation

of

an

ornamental

Stupa.84)

Besides, there are some more pieces which are take to depict certain
}ataka stories.85)

V-2-c. GOLI

The site of Goli relates to the later phase of Andhra sculptures

like those at AmaravatI and NagarjunakoI)Qa. Although Goli has a
definite

style

of

NagarjunakoI)Qa.

In

its

own,

it

IS

fact,

while

it

does

frequently
relate

in

mistaken
general

to

for
the

NagarjunakoI)cja style, it has a style unique to itself.

82. JAF, Vol . 1 1 , ( Ja. No. 258 ) , pp. 31 0-31 4.

83. It was di scovered from s i te No. 9. Cf. E. R. Stone, op. c i t. , F ig. No. 64 &
248.
84. I t was discovered from s i te No. 23. Cf. E. R. Stone, op. c i t . , Fig. No. 47.
85. Sri K i nnar i J ataka, base moulding from S i te No. 6 ; E. R. Stone, op. c i t . ,
PI . No. 1 1 9 . I t has been i denti fi ed by Vogel as represent ing the Sri Kinnar i
J ataka.

"The Man i n the Wel l and Some Other Subjects

"
I l l ustrated at Nagarjunako4a , Revue des arts asia tiques, Vol . XI , No. 3, Sept.

1937,

CL

J.

pp. 11 9-21 ;

Ph.

Voge l ,

Ghata

J ataka,

D i gh i tikosala

Ja taka,

Dasaratha

Jataka,

Mahapaduma J a taka were i l l ustrated by S. L. Nagar, op. c i t. , P I . Nos. 42, 72,

41 , 73 ; Mahahamsa J ataka has been referred to by D. C. Ahi r, Buddhism in South
India, p. 67; Mahaumagga Jataka i s referred to by K. K. Murthy, A Cul tural Study
of Nagarjunako1J.rJa, p. 26, PI . No. 3.

- 1 42 -

The small mound near Goli village was excavated in 1926 by G.

louveau-Dubreuil, and the results of his work were published in 1929
by

T.

lames

N.

Ramachandran,86) but the

Sewell

In

his

list

under

site was first referred to by

the

heading

of

Mallavaram

(Mullawarum).87) Present-day Mallavaram is only three miles west of

the original mound and a half mile northwest of Goli village. Goli is
on

a stream

which joins

the Krishna river about eighteen

miles

below the site of Nagarjunakol)Qa.

After a brief description of the visible remaIns, which consisted
of a small decorated Stupa, Sewell suggested "that the place should
be

carefully

watched

and

examined

as

soon

as

possible.

The

discovery may be one of great importance."88) Sewell' s intuition was

absolutely correct. By the time Ramachandran published a description
of those pieces excavated by louveau-Dubreuil, several pieces had
been sent to the Madras Government Museum, while other pieces
had come into the hands of local villagers. The Goli Naga, which had
been described by Sewell, came under worship and could not be
removed from the site. Among others described by Ramachandran,
there is one which he mentions, as "a long frieze about the length of
frieze No. 2 of those now in the Museum, containing about seven
panels, most of them illustrating scenes from the Budd..1.a's life and
well known ]ataka scenes. We can locate this frieze as from the
South of the Stupa as the other friezes which have reached us were
found by Dr. G. ]ouveau-Dubreuil in the other three directions. The
villagers, who did not know what the scenes on the sculpture meant,
did not know what to do with it. So the stone was left uncared for
until the construction of the room around the Naga relief when they
fixed it on one of the walls. The frieze, like two of those that have
reached us (at the Madras Government Museum) is not complete. "89)

86. T. N. Ramachandran,

" Buddhist Sculptures from a Stiipa Near Gol i Vi 1 1 age ,

Bulle tin of the Madras Governmen t Museum, N. s. , Vol . I , Pt. I , Madras, 1929.
87. R. Sewe l l , List of Antiquarian Remains in Madras Presidency, p. 60.
88. Ibid. , p. 60 .

89. T. N. Ramachandran, op. ci t. , p. 2.

"

- 1 43 -

Goli

was

usually

known

by

its

slab

now

preserved

in

the

Madras Museum, frieze No. 2,90) referred to above by Ramachandran

and discussed subsequently. In 1930, the Metropolitan Museum of Art
in New York acquired a piece of sculpture which was identified by
Maurice Dimand, then Curator of the Oriental Collection, as coming
from Nagarjunakol)Qa.91 ) The masterpiece which relates with a jataka
story is frieze no. 2 from Goli. It has seven scenes of the story of
Vessantara jataka, and according to Dimand' s calculations measures

feet

1/2

inches

by

10

3/4

inches Cbut

according

to

Ramachandran' s measurements is 7 feet 6 inches by 1 1 1/2 inches

).92) "If we take into account that both pieces are in a poor state of
presevation, and that each scholar was probably measuring from a
slightly different point, the measurements correspond sufficiently well
for the Metropolitan piece to be the 'missing piece from the South
side

of

Goli

Stupa' .

Stylistically,

not

only

is

there

complete

correspondence between the Metropolitan Conversion of Nanda and

Goli frieze No. 2, representing the Vessantara jataka, but there is a
definite disparity between the

style of these two

blocks and the

friezes of Nagarjunakol)Qa."93)

The Goli frieze No. 2 shows seven scenes of the Vessantara

jataka: the prince goes to his alms house, the presentation of the
elephant, the presentation of the two bullocks, the presentation of the
carts, the prince and princess canying their children, the presentation
of the children, the return of the princess to the hermitage and the
children liberated by their grandfather.94)
The

other

example

of

jataka

from

Goli,

90. Ibid . . PI . IV. bottom. PI . V and VI .

9 1 . M. S. Di mand. "A New Rel i e f of the Amaravat i School " ,

now

Madras

Bull e tin of the

Me tropoi i tan MuseUlIl of Art. Vol . 25. 1 930. p. 1 31 ; and "An Indian Rel i ef of the

Amaravat i School " . Bul le tin of the Metropol i tan MUseUlIl of Art. Vol . 28. 1 933.
p. 1 25.
92. T.
93. E.
94 . E.

Cf. E. R. Stone. op. ci t . . Fig. Nos. 1 85. 249. 250.

N. Ramachandran. op. c i t . . p. 7.
R. Stone. op. ci t
p. 87.
R. Stone. op. c i t . . Fi g. Nos. 25 1 . 252. 253. 254 . 255 ; S. L. Nagar. op.

ci t . . P I . No. 69 .

- 1 44 -

Government Museum,95) is a fragment of Ayaka frieze which depicts

the story of Sasa jataka. It is similar to the Nagarjunako:ooa version
of the same subject.96) Two other pieces are also shown to depict
certain scenes of the jataka stories.97)

V-3. THE MATHURA SCHOOL OF ART

Mathura, still a thriving city on the Yamuna between Delhi and

Agra, and its surrounding countryside are of utmost importance in
the history of Indian sculpture. The Mathura School of art in the
KU$ana period produced numerous iconographic works which were
unrivalled both in their quality as well as figural details and were
eagerly

sought

after

and

imitated

all

over

northern

India

for

centuries.
As regards Mathura art, Dr. P. K Agrawala has observed that
"Mathura is one of the greatest centres of Indian art, most prolific in
its creations of art objects and at the same time unrivalled in its
achievements of aesthetic standards. The golden age of this great
school of art is coeval with the age of the Kfi$ana emperors when
favourable conditions, political, religious and economical, gave notable
uplift to the art activity round about Mathura Great masters of the
Mathura school working in their ateliers with full inspiration to
comply with the orders of their devoted and opulent patrons did
produce for centuries stone sculptures and images in a large number
which at one time really filled the whole of Northern and Eastern
India."98)

95. E. R. Stone, op. c i t. , fig. No. 107.

96 . We referred to it under the Nagarjunakoqa di scussion; it also i s a fragment
of an Ayaka fr i eze. I b i d. , Fig. No. 106.
97. S. L. Nagar has i l l ustrated i ts photo, op. c i t . , P I . No. 6, Mati posaka
Jataka; and E. R. Stone also i l lustrat8s i t , op. ci t. , Fig. No. 258, Chaddanta
Ja taka.
98. P. K. Agrawal a, Ma thura Railing Pi llars, p. 1 .

- 1 45 -

The KU$ana art of Mathura no doubt represents an important

stage

in

the

history

of Indian

art.

Prof.

V.

Agrawala

thus

emphasized the importance of the art traditions at Mathura, "The

artists of Mathura had taken their cue from the master craftsmen
working

at

Bharhut

and

Sanchi;

but

adopting

the

ancient

art

traditions and motifs they developed a new enthusiasm and technique

with the result that the creative genius of the Mathura masters
fructified into one of the greast schools of Indian sculpture of which
contents,

the

motifs,

style

and

characteristic

features

are

comprehensive and of the highest aesthetic quality."99) The Mathura

artists derived the fullest advantage from the traditional stock of tree
and animal motifs that were known to their predecessors at Sanchi
and Bharhut. But, on their own they added many new things in the
field of image-making and religious partrayals.
This historic city of Mathura was et stronghold of Buddhism for
over 1000 years from the third century B.C. onward. Both Fa-Hie
n1OO) and Hiuen-TsanglOI) who visited the city in the fifth and
seventh century A.D. respectively speak of the flourishing condition
of Buddhism in Mathura. In fact, Mathura stands immortalised in the
history of Buddhism on account of the distinct school of art that
produced the Buddha image there in the first century A. D. The
excavations at Mathura during the last 200 years102) have brought to
light a large number of sculptures and remains of the Viharas and
Stupas and other monuments belonging to Brahmanism, Jainism and
Buddhism.
The glory of Mathura art can best be seen
99. V. S. Agrawal a. op. c i t
p. 216.
100. Fa-Hien. op. cit p. 42.
101 . Hiuen-Tsang. op. ci t
p. 1 8 l .
102. Early excavat i ons at Mathura were unsystematic.
.

ID

the Museums of

important

sulptures came to

l ight

in

the course

and many of the most

of

modern bui lding or

road-making there as even today. Cons i derabl e l ight has been shed now on the
early cul tural and pol i t i cal h i s tory of the region by major excavat i ons at
Sonkh.

- 1 46 -

Mathura and Lucknow which have the richest collection of antiquities

from the third century

B .C.

to tenth century A.D.

discovered at

various sites in Mathura. In particular, the Mathura Museum exhibits

the finest collection of Buddhist sculptures of the Kuana and the
Gupta epochs. l03)

The sculptors
Buddhism,

were inspired by the new ideals of Mahayana

which

concentrated

on

the

Bhakti

or

whole-hearted

devotion and worship of the Lord Buddha as a personal god and also
the other Buddhas and the Bodhisattvas. The first creation of the
Buddha image was on doubt the greatest contribution of the Mathura
artists. They appear to have worked for it under a rare enthusiasm
that was brought about through immense creative impuse backed by
new ideas and standards.

The subjects handled by them were of great variety and we

come across many types of images and bas-reliefs, such as those of
the Buddha and Bodhisattvas in standing as well as sitting poses, of
both normal human size and of colossal stature, etc. Many of these
show the types that were formulated perhaps for the first time her
e. l04)

As per the common practice now known to us fr:om the early

monuments of Bharhut, Sanchi, Amaravati and Nag arj unakOI:IQ.a, and
other sites, the ]ataka stories were portrayed in Mathura art also
which

are

seen

on

several

Torar,la

architraves,

railing

pillars,

103. Under the rul e of Ku aa emperors- -Kani ka, Huv i ka and Vasudeva--a great
creat ive endeavour started in ful l swing and became responsible for an art
movement the l ike of which has rarely been seen el sewhere. The gol den age of the
Mathura school of sculpture coinci das wi th the first three centur i es of the
Chri st ian era. As has been al ready observed, Mathura art was of a concordant
nature.

Bel i evers

of

al l

the

three

fai ths--Brahmani sm,

Jainism

and

Buddhi sm--equal ly patronized the artists and sculptors.

104. Besides of Buddhist Sculptures, i t can be said wi thout exaggerat ion that
here,

in the Kua.'I}a peri od, the Brahmani cal and Jaini stic i cons were created.

However, accord ing to many schol ars the Buddha image appears to have evolved
independent ly at Mathura and in Gandha.ra at about the same ti me.

- 1 47 cross-bars, coping stones, etc. Seventeen jatakas have been so far

identified at Mathura by various scholars which can be listed as
follows,

Sivi jataka,

Valahassa jataka,

Dlpailkara jataka,

Romaka

jataka, VyaghrI jataka, Kacchapa jataka, PadakusalamatJava jataka,

Mahasutasoma jataka, Uluka jataka, Sukhabihari jataka, Eyasrriga
jataka,

Vessantara

jataka,

Sirhsumara

jataka,

Mahabodhi

jataka,

Vanara jataka and jataka of the Worst Evil. Of them the following
jatakas may be described here as representative examples.
Padakusalamaoava jataka: 1 05) Once the queen of a VaraoasI king,
having sworn a false oath, became a horse-faced YakkhI. One day
she caught a rich and handsome Brahmin, and falling in love with
him, made him her husband. When she went out she shut him up,
lest he should escape. The Bodhisattva was born as their son, and
on hearing his father' s story, discovered from the YakkhI how far
her power extended, and then escaped with his father. The YakkhI
followed,

but they were

outside

her

territory

and could

not be

persuaded to return. She gave her son a charm enabling him to trace
the footsteps of any person, even after the lapse of twelve years. On
the strength of his charm, the lad entered the services of the king of
Varaoasi. One day the king and his chaplain, wishing to test him,
stole some treasure, took it away by devious paths, and hid it in a .
tank. The youth recovered it quite easily, tracing their footsteps even
in the air. The king wished the names of the thieves to be divulged,
but this the boy would not do. But he related to the king various
stories, showing that he knew the real culprits. The king, however,
insisted on the thieves being denounced, and when the boy revealed
their

names,

the assembled

populace murdered

the king

and

his

chaplain and crowned the Bodhisattva as king.

A stone panel from Mathura, 106) belonging to the KUana period,

depicts the composite figure of a female, having the head of a horse

on human body and standing

alongside a male figure, holding a

105. JAF, Vol . Ill, ( Ja. No. 4 32 ) , Pp. 501 -51 4.

106 . S. L. Nagar, op. c i t . , P I . No. 24.

- 148 -

bundle in

his right hand,

waist(katihasta).

The

while the left hand

female figure

is

nude.

is

The

placed on

the

panel evidently

represents a scene of the PadakusalamaIJ.ava Jataka.

Eyasp'lga ]ataka: 107) The Bodhisattva was then born as a noble

and learned

Brahmin,

who

took

to

ascetic life

and

lived in the

Himalayas. A certain doe living in the vicinity of the sage' s hermit

age attained maternity as a result of eating the grass and drinking
water mingled with semen of the hermit. Hence forth the doe became
enamoured

of

him

and

always

resorted

to

the

spot

near

the

hermitage. In due course of time the doe gave birth to a male child,
whom the Bodbisattva watched over with a father' s affection. The
child was

named as EyaSrflga. When

the lad grew up, he was

admitted to the holy order and was kept by the father out of the
reach of women and was strongly advised not to be tempted by
them. So earnest was the young hermit in his practice that Sakka
trembled

in

his

throne

and

soon

sent

Alambusa,

the

most

accomplished among the heavenly nymphs to tempt the young hermit

in the absence of his father and to make him fall from virtue. The
king of Var8,IJ.aSi was also instigated to send his daughter to seduce
the innocent youth as a means of compelling the gods to pour down
ram.

A stone figure from Mathura,l08) belonging to the Kuana period

depicts the sage Esyap'lga standing, placing two fmgers of the right
hand over his chin in Vismaya posture probably after seeing a lady
for the first time. fIe has a horn fixed over his forehead. There is
another panel from Mathura, having four registers. In the topmost
register, the sage ayasp'lga is performing the homa with the king
Dasaratha standing on the opposite side. The fire god is emerging
from the flames and only his head is visible. In the second register
the

sage is

receiving

feeding the doe and in the third panel the

the child delivered

by

the doe.

107. JAF, Vol . V, ( Ja. No. 526 ) , pp. 1 93-209.

1 08. V. S. Agrawala, A Hand Book of Sculptures
XVI : Ma thura Museum Ca talogue, pt. IV, pp. 7-10.

The

lower

sage is

most

scene

in Ma thura Museum, p. 42, P I . No.

- 1 49 -

depicts a female approaching the asrama and presenting something to

one of the two sages.
Romaka ]ataka: 109) Once the Bodhisattva was born as a king of
a flock of pigeons. For a long time the flock visited a good ascetic
living in a forest near a cave. In course of time the ascetic grew old
and left the place. He was succeeded by another ascetic, who was of
degraded morals. The pigeons continued to visit the place. Once the
ascetic had a chance

of eating

the pigeon I s

flesh.

He liked the

flavour so much that he thought of killing the regular visitors to

satisfy his cruel desire. Next day he concealed a staff under his
garment and waited for the birds. But the Bodhisattva suspected his
intentions and warned his followers. The ascetic was charged with
hypocrisy, and ultimately being afraid of the villagers he left the
place.

It appears in two panels on a fragmentary slab being represented

by a bearded ascetic feeding a pigeon. Near him stands a younger
ascetic, who seems to have arrived recently. lIO)

Uloka ]ataka:l 1 O Once there issued a discussion among the birds,

when they desired to choose a king for themselves. They were on
the point of choosing the owl as their ruler, but the crow opposed
the proposal and flew up in the air, the owl pursued him. Ultimately
the birds chose a golden goose as their king.

It is to be
Mathura

seen on

Museum, 1 1 2)

the fragment of a railing pillar In the

carved

with

panel

framed

within

side-pilasters. Here an owl is shown seated on a high seat and is

being . anointed by two monkeys.

109.
110.

JAF, Vo! . I I , ( Ja. No. 277 ) , pp. 382-384.

V. S. Agrawal a, " Catalogue of the Mathura Museum" ,

JUPHS,

Vo! . XXI I I ,

p. 128.
1 1 1 . JAF, Vol . 1 1 , ( Ja. No. 270 ) , pp. 351 -354.
112. V. S. Agrawal a, op. c i t . , Vol . XXIV-XXV, p. 1 9 : P. K. Agrawala, op. c i t . , pI .
9 wi th i l l ustrations.

- 1 50 -

jataka of the Worst Evil: This jataka story is not to be found

ill

the present Pali collection but appears in a Chinese work on the

Life of the Buddha. It has been represented on a Mathura railing

pillar. 113) In the top medallion there appear a snake, a deer, a crow
and a dove before an ascetic near his hut. It is identified to show
the main scene in the 'jataka of the Worst Evil ' .

V -4. THE GANDHARA SCHOOL OF ART

For the name Gandhara, Prof. V. S. Agrawala has remarked that

"the geographical name Gandhara first occurs in the Eigveda (Egv. I,

126,

7) in the form Gandhati1)3m, i.e. of the residents of Gandhara.

During the few early centuries of the Christian era the Kuanas
patronised an exceedingly active school of sculpture and architecture
flourishing

in

the

vast

areas

Gandhara." 1 14)

of

It

had

naturally

become through diverse historical reasons a meeting ground of at

least

three

civilisations--Indian,

Hellenistic

and

Iranian

on

the

North-Western fringes of India The result of it was a hybrid culture

that found its expression in an eclectic school of art, employing a
technique

largely

inspired

from

the

Greco-Roman

tradition

but

evolved in the Indian soil to serve local themes and requirements,

particularly Buddhist. Gandhara gave birth to one of the most prolific
schools of early Indian art which appears

to

have become active

from about the middle of the first century B.C. to the 5th century
A.D. The geographical position of this region was indeed responsible
for all sorts of foreign contacts with the Persians, Greeks, Romans,

1 13.

Ibid. . Vo! .

IV.

pp. 38-40.

It was identi fied by Dr. Foucher.

Cr. P. K.

Agrawala. Ma thura Rai l ing Pil lars. pI . 6 and description.

1 1 4 . Thi s was the vast basin for the extensi on of Gandha.ra art in which seven
distinct

areas

may

be

recognised

as

3. Nagarahara. 4. Wr,li ya.na(Swat Val ley ) , 5. Ka.pi s i

S. Agrawala, lA, p. 261 .

l . Taxi la. 2. Pukahvat i .

6. Bamiyan. 7. Bactria. Cr.
v.

fol lows :
.

- 1 51 -

Sakas and Kuanas.

The

characteristic

Gandhara

figure,

of

which

hundreds

of

examples have survived, is the standing or seated Buddha. This had

no doubt made the pivotal nature of Gandhara art, in which various
elements of style and aesthetic inspiration though drawn from widely
different cultures were merged together. Prof. Benjamin Rowland has
observed that "the Gandhara sculptures were largely the donations of
that foreign dynasty of kings, the Kuanas, of Scythian stock, who
were

masters

of

all

north-western India

period

under discussion.

Indian

in

content

in

The

so

far

and

Afghanistan

Gandhara sculptures
as

their

subject

are,

matter

in

the

of course,
is

entirely

Buddhist, but their tyle is marked by that same abstraction of the

humanistic classical formula found in late Roman and Early Christian
art. The principal contribution of the school to art, was its creation
of Buddha and Bodhisattva images, SWpas and monasteries."1 l5)
From the great prolific nature of Gandhara art it seems that
sculptures representing cult objects and legends of Buddhism were
here much in demand and widely patronised by the common people.
But the objects appear to have been turned out in large numbers
almost in a mechanical manner as it were. This explains why the
reliefs appear to be copies of each other and without any emotional
warmth or spontaneity,
Nevertheless,

Buddhist

and more or less

historical

scenes,

lack in
myths,

artistic charm.
legends

and

iconographic themes are found not only in great quantity but also
showing their minutest details .

The life story of the Buddha had become the principle theme of
the Gandhara artists. In the early Indian schools the Buddha was
never represented in human form, the presence of the Master was
always indicated by some symbol. But now in Gandhara, during the
KUana period we
everywhere

in

have

their

the

human

Buddhas

and Bodhisattvas

representation.

1 1 5. B. Rowl and, Encyclopaedia of the Arts, p. 458.

The

]atakas

occurring
or

the

- 1 52 -

birth- stories

of the Lord Buddha are also popular and shown in

many fascinating Gandharan reliefs. The jataka stories identified so

far in this school are the Dlpailkara-jataka, the Vessantara ]ataka,
the Sama ]ataka, the Sivi jataka and the Alambusa jataka. They are
described here by their representative specimens.
Dlpailkara
representations

jataka1l6) :
of

The

the . jatakas

Peshawar
depicting

collections
the

contain

Buddha

in

no

animal

existences. The most commenly represented episode is the DIpailkara

jataka. Thus, the Buddha in these reliefs is not the historical Buddha
but the earliest of his

twenty-four predecessors,

i.e.

the Buddha

named DIpailkara.
Once when this Buddha DIpailkara was about to visit a certain
town, news of his coming reached a young ascetic named Megha or
Sumati. This pious youth, anxious to pay his respects to the great
teacher, and having just won a certain sum of money by his display
of Vedic knowledge, hastened to the town to purchase some flowers
to cast in worship before Dlpailkara. Now it so happened that the
king

of the country

anxious to pay homage to the Buddha had

ordered that all the flowers available should be reserved for him.
Sumati thus found himself in difficulties. However, he chanced to
meet a maiden carrying a water jar who had been so fortunate as to
obtain

seven

lotuses.

Five

of

these

he

purchased

from

her,

on

condition that in all future births she should be his wife. Meanwhile,
DIpailkara arrived and Sumati tossed the flowers before him.

Miraculously,

however,

they

did

not fall to

the

ground,

but

remained suspended about the head of DIpailkara. Impressed by this

miracle Sumati bent himself in adoration, letting down his long hair
to spread as a carpet before the feet of the Buddha. Touched by this
act of devotion, DIpailkara Buddha then addressed the young man
and Drophesied that in due time he will attain to enlightenment and
116. Thi s story i s .. rel ated both in the Pa l i and Sanskri t texts. The Pa l i version
is contained in the Nidanakatha and the Sanskri t version is
Divyavadana ( op. c i t . . Vol . I . 246 ) and the Mahavastu ( op. c i t

found in the

Vol . I . p. 231 ) .

- 1 53 -

become a Buddha, namely Sakyamuni, the sage of the Sakya-tribe,

for the benefit of mankind. By a further manifestation of miraculous
power, the youth was then mysteriously raised up into the air, where
he again knelt and continued his adoration of Dlpailkara.
This

]ataka

is

illustrated

in

relief

of

the

Sikri

Stupa

in

Gandhara.1l7) The panel representing the Dlpar'lkara ]ataka depicts the

Buddha standing in the centre followed by four disciples on the right
hand side with busts of four others seen in the upper background.
On the left hand side Sumati is shown four times. On the extreme
left he is purchasing flowers from a young girl who is coming out of
the city gate. Next to it, Sumati is shown as throwing flowers over
the head of the Buddha. Next he prostrates on the ground and
spreads his hair for the Buddha to walk over. In the final stage
Sumati is shown raised in the air as a result of his act of piety
where also he adores the Buddha
Sama ]ataka: This story has been already n.arrated.nn1 l8) It is
represented in a relief of the Dharmarajika Stupa at Taxila The
right end of the frieze is missing, and the first scene that we see is
of the king in hunting dress. He draws his bow and an attendant
behind him holds a quiver full of arrows. The wild nature of the
spot is reflected through the usual conventional rocks and vegetation.
Beyond the rocks to the left we notice the boy Sama falling on the
ground with an arrow in his breast. The next act shows the king
standing before the blind parents seated on basketry stools in their
hut. In another scene we see Indra restoring the boy to life. Indra
appears floating in the air with a flask of ambrosia in his hand. The
boy gets back to life and is seen raising his hands while the king
looks on impassively.
Vessantara ]ataka: This story is also narrated in the foregoing
pages. 1 l9) The Gandhara reliefl20) represents at the left the elephant
1 1 7. Lahore Museum, Gandhara Col l ection, old No. 1277, New No. G. 6.
1 18. Supra, Ch. V-I-b.
119. Supra, Ch. 1 1 -1 .

- 154 -

in front of which are Vessantara and the Brahmin. The former figure

is pouring water on the Brahmin ' s hand. The figure on the right
with

arms

thrown up in consternation is probably

one of the

disgruntled subjects. There is a lively fancy in the half-comic figure

of the fat, repulsive looking Brahmin and there is decorative set-up
to be met in the stylish design of the horses and chariot.

V-5. THE AJANTA AND THE BAGH CAVES

V-5-a. THE AJANTA CAVES

Apart from the Jataka carvings in the stone sculpture we fmd a

great number of the Jatakas represented in the pictorical art also.
The earliest surviving examples of Buddhist paintings are found in
some of the caves of Ajanta in the Deccan. These caves at Ajanta
have a unique place in history for preserving the most perfect
specimens of Indian mural painting. The caves were discovered in
the beginning of the 19th century and are situated at a distance of 4
miles to the north of Aurangabad, a district head-quarter in the
Hyderabad

state being 34 miles from Jalgaon, a station on the

Central Railways. The caves of Ajanta are cut in the hard volcanic
rock and represent a remarkable architectural achievement. Extending
over 600 yards, they are aligned in a horse-shoe form. It is said that
the caves were made for the use of the monks during their retreat in
the rainy season. The scenic environment of the caves made the site
fittest for the monks who would generally live amidst calm and
natural beauty. This unique beauty of the spot also perhaps led the
artists for the creation of inspired works of art.
The arrangement of the caves reveals that they were excavated
without any definite plan. The only reason behind it was that they
120. Archaeological Museum, Taxi l a. Inv. No. TRST-219 ( S-70 ) .

- 1 55 -

were made in different periods. The floor-levels of the caves are

most ununifonn. There are altogether 30 caves in Ajanta Some of
them (Nos. 9, 10, 19, 26 and 29) are Caitya halls or sanctuaries and
the rest Sangharamas or Viharas

(monastery). The caves mainly

reveal two distinct phases of Buddhist rock-out architecture separated

from each other by an interval of about four centuries. The six
caves (8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 15-A) are thought to be earlier as belonging
to the period when other Buddhist Hlnayana rock-cut caves like
Bhaja, Kondane, Nasik, etc. came to existence. The very facades and
vaulted

roofs

of the Ajanta Caitya-halls,

with

their

horse-shoe

shaped window, etc. have close affinity with the caves of Bhaja and
Bedsa of the second-first cent. B.C. The internal arrangements of the
caves, specially the absence of the Buddha-figure, the existence of
Stupa, the close imitation of wooden construction, etc. prove that
they

belonged

to

the

pre-Christian

period

(the

earliest

to

be

excavated being Cave 10 dating from the second century B.C.).l2I )

After a quiescence of about four centuries- the architectural
activity here was revived in about the 5th century A.D. , when the
excavation was undertaken on a much more ambitious scale. This
movement synchronized with the supremacy of the Vakatakas, the
contemporaries of the Imperial Guptas of Northern India. According
to the inscriptions, some of the finest caves along with the paintings,

owe their origin to the munificence of the officials and feudatories of

the Vakatakas of Vatsaguhna (modem Basim, Akola Dictrict, Berar).
Thus Varahadeva, the minister of the Vakataka king Hariena (circa
A.D. 475-500), dedicated cave 16 to the Buddhist Saflgha, while cave
17 was the gift of a prince of ASIT!aka, another feudatory of the
same king)22)
The great Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsang had also left an account
of the caves visited by him in the first half of the 7th century A.
D )23)

However, Ajanta is more famous for its beautiful paintings

121 . V. S. Agrawal a, op. c i t. , PP: i97- I98 : P. K. Agrawala ,

evam Vas tu, pp. 16-17.
122. G. Yazdani , op. c i t. , Vol . I , p. I7.

Gupta. -ka.} ina Kala

- 1 56 -

than for its architecture or for the carved sculptures in the caves.
Some of the caves are badly damaged and only 13 caves retain any
traces of the paintings. The paintings chiefly illustrate the depiction
of the Jataka scenes but there are many decorations of a secular
nature too. The court life of the period and scenes of everyday life
are most vividly painted in the Ajanta frescoes. The theme of the
paintings on the walls is intensely religious in tone and mostly
centres around the Buddha and the Bodhisattvas, incidents from the
life of the Buddha and the Jatakas. The paintings on the ceilings are
highly decorative and open up a panorama of endless patterns,
bedecked with flowers, plants, fruits, birds, human and semi-divine
beings.
The technique of the Aj anta painting also deserves a special
notice here. The wall was first covered with a layer of clay plaster
which in turn received a coat of fine lime. After preparing the
ground, the artist drew on it outlines of the figures to be painted. A
close study of these outlines shows that the artists of Ajanta were
accomplished draftsmen. Many of the distinguishing features of the
finished paintings include a free but graceful portrayal of human and
animal figures,
brush-work,

love for decorative details

vividness

expressed

of expression, and natural

in

settings,

fine
often

combined with dramatic effect,124)

The artists of Ajanta appear to have been excellent draftsmen
and painters. The range of colours in the earlier paintings is though
very limited, consisting chiefly of red ochre, terreverte, lampblack,
and white lime, which all have been used either pure or mixed to
produce a desired effect. The colouring is flat, the washes not having
been deepened or lightened to indicate volume or depth as in later
paintings. There is a wider range of colours to be seen in the
paintings of the 5th-6th centuries. The most significant of these are
the vermilions and blues, which attract attention at once by their
123. Hi uen-Tsang, op. c i t. , p. 239.
124. G. Yazdan i , op. ci t. , Vol . I , p. 34 .

- 1 57 -

brilliance and freshness. The drawing and compositions are also

much finer; the attitudes and gestures of the human figures are more
realistic.
The principal personages in the story of a Jataka are drawn
much larger than the minor ones, to indicate their relative importance
in the painting. The proportional symbolism is not peculiar to Ajanta
but has been adopted in various periods in both Asia and Europe. A
device often to be seen at Ajanta is the division of a painting into a
set of compartments, one above the other, in order to group a series
of incidents from the

same

story by unity of place and thus

emphasizing the setting pictorially.

There are some twenty-five examples from the Jatakas occurring
on the walls of Ajanta caves as identified by various scholars so fa
r.l25) Let us take up first a description of the Jatakas in Cave I of
Ajanta.
Sivi Jataka: The story has already been narrated.l26) This story
as preserved in the painting is somewhat different from that of the
story given in the previous chapter. On the wall to the left of the
entrance is painted the Sivi Jataka. The first scene is depicted in the
upper portion in the middle. A door-keeper is seen standing between
two pillars. He has put on striped shorts. He holds a chauri in his
right hand. His fingers are artistic and skilfully drawn. He looks to
the right. A maid-servant is seen near his feet. A lady is seen to
his right. She appears to be a distinguished person. To the right, the
king is seen seated on a low throne. He is in smiling mood. On his
right palm held to front, is seated a blue and white pigeon. His
crown is inset with jewels. He wears necklaces around his neck, one
of which is broad and rich and reaches to the belly. To the right of
the king Sivi there are two attendants. The face of another lady
attendant is also visible to his left.l27)
125. See our Appendi x to Chapter V. Ajanta Caves.
126. Supra. Ch. V-Z-a.
127. G. Yazdani , op. c i t ; . Pt. 1 . 5 : D. Schl ingloff ,

Studies in the Ajan ta

- 1 58 -

To the left of the door-keeper, in an apartment, are visible a

prince and a princess. The prince looks fair. The princess is dark.
To the right of this apartment the king stands near a huge scale.
The palm of his hand is open and it is pointing downwards. He is
shown wearing a striped lower garment and a belt. Here he wears
only

one necklace,

and earrings and a crown. The knowledge of

sacrifice he is about to make does not seem to have disturbed him.

He looks very composed and serene. To his right are four ladies to
be seen. One of them is seated. She finds the scene frightening and
is looking away from the king. Her pose is extremely graceful. Her
left hand is on her left thigh. Her right foot is under the knee of the
other foot. She is wearing a necklace and earrings. Another lady is
beating her breasts
perhaps

invoking

in

sorrow.

She is looking

towards

some

god to

save the

from

king

the

the

sky,

present

calamity. Another lady is on her left. She has put her left hand on
her head and is also looking towards the sky. Still there is another
lady seated. Her eyes are downcast with grief. On" the right side of
the king, two ascetics are seen watching the scene. Their hair is
coiled above their heads and they both wear beards. To the left of
the king a group of ladies is seen with watchful looks.

In the third scene, a king with a long staff is seen. The lower
part of the body is damaged. A group of eight yogins is also seen.
Each of them has a different hair-style.l28) Crunpeyya ]ataka: The
story is narrated in one of the previous chapters. 129)

This story is delineated on the back wall to the right of the

richly-bejewelled
Bodhisattva

was

Bodhisattva.
born

as

In
the

fulfilment
Naga

king

of

his

desire

Crunpeyya.

the

Feeling

disgusted, however, with his reptile existence, he went to the world

of men to observe penance and stationed himself on an ant-hill. He
Pain tings, Fig. Ch. 8. 1 1 . See our Appendix to Chapter V, Ajanta Caves.

128. G. Yazdani , op. c i t . , Pt. 4, 16b. 1 to 17b. 3 : D. Schl ingloff, op. c i t. , Fig.
Ch. 13, 1 .
129. Supra, Ch. V- I -b.

- 1 59 -

allowed himself to be caught by a snake-charmer who made him

dance. One day when he was dancing in the presence of the king of
Varat)asI, the latter set him free at the request of the Nag! Sumana,
Campeyya ' s wife. Out of gratitude Campeyya conducted the king to
the abode of the serpents
days,

after which he

and lavishly entertained him for seven

sent him back loaded with treasures.

Here

follows the description of the painting.

On the top left is the dejected figure of Campeyya in his palace,

while on the right is the court-scene of the king of VaraI).asI. The
king along with his courtiers is listening to the appeal of Sumana for
the release of her husband at least for the sake of her child whom
she has put forward. To the right of the king is the figure of the
snake-charmer who is making the snake dance. In the bottom panel,
on the extreme left are the damaged figures of Campeyya and the
king of Varat)asI who have just alighted from an elephant near a
gateway, apparently of Campeyya' s palace. To the right of this, both
the kings, seated, are seen surrounded by ladies and attendants. The
hand pose of the serpent king suggests that he is delivering some
religious discourses to the king of VarIDJasLl30)

Let us now turn to the Jataka-scenes painted

ill

Cave No. 2.

The Jatakas, like those in Cave No. 1, are drawn on the walls and
ceilings of this cave. Here follows their description.

Khantivadi Jataka131 ): Once the Bodhisattva came to be born in a

rich Brahmin family when king of KasI, named Kalabu, was ruling
over the earth. The young Brahmin, viz. Kundakumara, became well
versed in all sciences and started his life as a householder. Once
realising

the

impermanency

of

the

treasure

amassed

by

his

130 . G. Yazdani , op. c i t . , Pt. 1 , 6a. 4 to 8. 5 ; D. Schl ingloff, op. ci t. , Fig.

Ch. 6 , 4.
131 . JAF, Vol . I l l , ( Ja. No. 3l3 ) , pp. 39-43. The Sanskri t Avadana agrees fai rly
w i th the Pal i Jataka story. However, there i s only one minor point o f d i fference
whi ch i s the name of the king which i n Pa l i Jataka i s Kal abu whi l e i t i s Kalabha
in the Sanskri t vers i on.

- 1 60 -

forefathers he left the world and retired

to the Himalayas and

embraced an ascetic-life. One day he on his daily rounds came to

the royal park of the king of KasL Kalabu was then sporting with
ladies (dancing girls) in a drunken state. Naturally, when the king
fell asleep the girls left him and surrounded the' ascetic to listen to
his preachings. The ascetic was then preaching the virtue of patience
and forbearance. Unfortunately, the king, in the meanwhile, woke up
and finding none to attend him was enraged. He soon found out the
ladies and the ascetic. In order to test the virtue of the ascetic he
lopped off his hands. But the ascetic remained unmoved. This made
him much

angry

and

subsequently the feet,

nose,

and ears were

caused to be lopped. Then the ascetic was left tainted with blood.

Townsmen and countrymen implored the seer to save all people

from harm. The ascetic in his reply said that he had harboured no ill
intension against even the king. But the king, the ascetic said, will
have to reap the fruit of the evil deed done by him. Ultimately
Kalabu, the king of KaSI, was burnt with fire and ' he was reborn in
the AvIci hell.

This story is found on the wall of the porch to the left of the
verandah. On the right hand wall of the front corridor, a king is
seen seated with legs crossed. His face has been damaged but from
his very attitude of grasping the sword it appears that he is enraged.
In front of him there kneels a court-dancer. She is looked frightened
and

begging

graceful

pardon

figure.

The

of

the

curves

king.
of

The

her

dancer has

body

are

an

drawn

extremely
with

great

delicacy and artistry. The suppleness and beauty of her limbs are
represented through her costume. Her kneeling posture, her beautiful
dress and rich jewellery indeed add charm to her figure. l32)

Mahahamsa

]ataka133):

Varill)asl, had a dream,

132.

Khema,

after which

G. Yazdan i , op. c i t. , Pt. 2,

wife

of

Sarhyama,

she longed to

king

of

see a golden

2. 2, 3. 3-5; D. Schl ingloff, op. ci t. , Fig.

Ch. 1 4 , 1 .
133. JAF, Vol . V, ( Ja. No. 534 ) , pp. 354-382.

- 1 61 -

harhsa preach the law from the royal throne. When the king came to
know this, he consulted various people, and, acting on their advice,
had a pond dug to the north of the city in the hope of enticing a
golden harhsa there, and appointed a fowler, who came to be called
Khemaka, to look after the pond. The plan succeeded. Five different
kinds of geese came, the grass- geese, the yellow geese, the scarlet
geese, the white geese, and the paka geese.
Dhatarattha, king of the golden geese, who lived in Cittakuta
had taken as wife a paka goose, and at the repeated suggestion of
his minister, Sumukha, arrived with his flock of ninety thousand, to
see the wonderful pond at Varat)asl. Khemaka saw them and waited
his opportunity. On the seventh day he found it, and set a snare in
which Dhatarattha was caught. At his cry of alarm the flock fled,
with the exception of Sumukha, who stayed and asked Khemaka for
permission to take Dhatarattha's place. When Sumukha heard why
they had been caught, he asked that both he and Dhatarattha should
be taken before Sarhyama. When Sarhyama heard of Sumukha' s
devotion he was greatly touched, and showed the harhsas every
possible honour, after asking their forgiveness for the way they had
been treated. Dhatarattha preached to the queen and the royal
household, and, having exhorted the king to rule righteously, returned
to Cittakuta.

On

the

extreme

left

wall

of

the

hall

lS

painted

the

Harhsa-Jataka. The painting is much damaged. In the first panel, two

human figures

are

seen

in water.

One of them is

the fowler

appointed by the king of VarlliJ.asI to trap the golden goose. The

other is an officer of the royal house. The second panel shows that
the trap set up by the fowler has yielded results. The king of the
golden geese Dhatarattha has been trapped. Sumukha, the leader of
the geese, is offering himself in exchange of the king Dhatarattha.
True to the story the king and the leader are led to the palace by
the fowler who is carrying them in his hand. The next panel shows
the king of Varat)asI listening to the sermon of Dhatarattha with rapt
attention. In the next panel a door-keeper is noticed and near him is

- 162 -

the

king.

The

Bodhisattva
Behind

Dharrnacakramudra.

IS

seated

the

in

front

Bodhisattva

of him
goose

IS

with

the

seen

chauri-bearer. To the right are two ladies of noble bearing. One of

them

must

be

queen

Khema.

In

another

scene

Khema

is

seen

watching the graceful movements of the golden geese as they move

about in the lake, 134)

Ruru

]ataka:

The

story

has

been

already

narrated, 135)

Here

follows the representation in the painting.

To the left of the Vidhurapa.I)<;lita ]ataka between the cell-door

and the pilaster is painted the Ruru ]ataka Most of this panel has
perished. At the bottom the spotted deer is seen carrying a person
on his back. The deer is next shown as standing. Although much of
the top portion is destroyed yet the traces of a female and a male
figure are discemible, 136)

Sama ]ataka: This story has been mentioned ' above on several
occasions, 137) Here is given the description of its presentation in the
painting of Cave No. 10. The episode is painted on the left side wall
between pillar Nos. 14 and 15 of the Caitya. Here the king of !{asI is
seen standing on the ground. He is wearing a dhoti and an upper
garment. He has stretched his bow and is ready to discharge the
fatal arrow. A horse is seen to his right. His retinue, armed with
spears, bows and arrows and shields, is seen behind him. Above, on
a tree is seen a male figure making a sign to the king as if asking
him not to shoot. But the king is not looking towards him. Two
more members of the king I s retinue are seen ahead of him.
The second scene is painted bel?ind pillar Nos. 13 and 14. In it

134. G. Yazdani . op. c i t

Pt. 2. 1 5a. 3 to 16b . 2 : D. Schl ingloff. op. c i t

Ch. 13. 2.
135. Supra, Ch. V-I -a.
136. G. Yazdani . op. c i t . , Pt. 4, I 1 b. 7 to 1 3b. 3 : D. Schl ingloff. op. c i t
Ch. 24 30.
1 37. Supra, Ch. V-I -b.
,

Fig.

Fig.

- 1 63 -

are seen an old woman and an old man. The old woman seems to
be in great distress.

She is obviously tom with grief. Her face

shows great sorrow. Her breasts are shown loose and drooping. She
wears only a saree. Her only ornament is her earring. She is the
mother of Sama. Sama' s father is shown standing next to her in
profound sorrow. His face shows great sadness at the loss of his
dear son. He has a growth of moustaches and beard. He looks like a
saint. To their right is seen the king of KMI who has accidentally
killed their son. His face is destroyed, therefore, the expression on
his face cannot be studied. But the position of his head and hands
indicate that he is begging their forgiveness. A number of deer may

be noticed in the background. 138)

Cave No. 17 possesses the largest number of the Jataka scenes.
Let us now take them one by one.

Vessantara Jataka:

This

story has been

narrated in

several

places in the foregoing pages. 139) The left back wall of the corridor
shows the scenes from the Vessantara Jataka

Here follows its

description as painted in Ajanta On the left, the prince Vessantara is

seen distributing alms to the large assembly of Brahmins. Near at
hand

there

are

some

musicians.

In

the

next

scene the

prince

Vessantara is shown in an amorous mood. He is offering her wife

MaddI, seated on his lap, a drink. MaddI is looking at the prince
with eyes filled with love. The next scene paints Sakka flying down
to earth to put Vessantara to test.

He is

accompanied by

the

Apsarases or the celestial dancers. 140)

Mahakapi Jataka: This story has been already narrated above. 1 41 )
Here follows its description as shown in the painting.

138. G. Yazdani , op. c i t. , Pt. 3, 28b-29 : D. Schl ingloff, op. c i t . , Fig. Ch. 5, 1 .
139 . Supra, Ch . 1 1 -1 .
140 . G . Yazdan i , op. c i t . , Pt. 3 , Appendix, P. 96 : D . Schl ingloff, op. c i t. , Fig.
Ch. 1 5, 1 . 6.
1 41 . Supra, Ch. V- I -a.

- 1 64 -

A king is painted on a horse with a large number of armed

soldiers. The monkey is shown on a piece of cloth held by the
king I s archers. On the upper portion is represented the Bodhisattva
monkey who has stretched himself in order to allow all the monkeys
to escape the wrath of the king. In the second the monkey is seen in

the Dharmacakra-mudra, preaching the doctrine to the king of Kas

1. 142)

Harhsa ]atakal43): This story is also found in the paintings of

Ajanta Cave No. 11. The Jataka as drawn in Ajanta is described
below.
This scene is painted on the left wall of the front corridor. In
the first scene, hunters are portrayed as catching the sacred bird.
The fowler and the geese are seen on the pilaster which j oins the
front and the left side corridor. The fowler is noticed below. He
wears an apparel that covers him from waist to just above the
knees. He is seen to hold two golden geese in his hand. In the other
scene we see Dhatarattha, the king, sitting with the captain of the
flock Sumukha. The sacred goose is again seen to preach the Law to

the king of KasI and his consort, Khema. The golden goose sits on a
royal stool. Sumukha is seated on another stool nearby him. On the
right of the golden goose is seen a female chauri -bearer. Her colour
is green. Another beautifully drawn lady attendant holds a tray of
fruits. The king with a decorative crown is seated on a throne. The
queen Khema also sits by him. A number of attendants can be
noticed as forming the subject matter in the background. Some
figures of Apsarases, and the Buddha in the Dharmacalr..ra-mudra are
also visible.l44)
Sutasoma Jataka: This story has been already described in the
142. G. Yazdani . op. c i t

PtA. l l b. 7 to 13b. 1-3: D. Schl ingloff. op. cit

Fig. Ch. 24, 30.

1 43 . Supra, Ch. V-5-a.
144. G. Yazdan i , op. c i t. , Pt. 4, 1 6b. l to 17b. 3: D. Schl ingl off, op. c i t. , Fig.
Ch. 1 3 , 1 .

- 1 65 -

foregoing pages. Here is glven the description of the painting. This

]ataka is portrayed on the wall of the back corridor, to the left of
the ante-chamber and is continued towards the bend of the wall
towards the left. The first scene depicts the king ' s going out for
hunt on horseback. He is followed by his retinue. In the next scene,
he is found alone sleeping in the jungle under a tree. A lioness is
shown licking his feet. The horse gets frightened. The fright of the
horse is shown by its neck, expanded nostrils and exposed teeth.
The lioness is seen in an amorous look and posture which indicate
her desire for marital union with the king. But the king is shown
fast asleep, unaware of the presence of the lioness.

In the next

scene, the lioness is seen to pass through the market. The people
look with astonishment as the lioness is approaching the royal palace
with her cub. Men and women are seated in the galleries watching
the

scene with wonder. The next scene exhibits

There the king with his child in

his

the royal court.

lap sits on a throne. The

courtiers are surprised to see the lioness in front. The king remains
unmoved and accepts the child Saudasa quietly as his son. In the
next scene the child Saudasa is seen engaged in learning weapons.
On the left he is seen to throw a j avelin. The teacher stands by
him. In another scene Saudasa is seen surrounded by a number of
female attendants. Saudasa sits on a chair and two of the ladies pour
water over his head on the occasion of the royal bath.

In

the

next

scenes

we

find

the

cannibalistic

tendencies

of

S2.udasa, the son of the lioness. In one scene, human flesh is being
cut off and cooked in the royal kitchen. It is served to the king. In
the succeeding scenes we find resentment of the masses against his
cannibalism. The men and the soldiers of Sudasa being disgusted
attack Saudasa who waves his sword at the army. He then leaves
his kingdom and takes abode in the forest and turns into a notorious
cannibal. 145)

1 45. G. Yazdani . op. ci t

1.

Pt. 4 . 30 to 37b; D. Sch l i ngloff. op. c i t . . Fig. Ch. 9 .

- 1 66 -

Sarabhamiga ]ataka146): Once the Bodhisattva was born as a

Sarabha stag and lived in a remote part of a certain forest. Once a
king in search of his prey came to the spot where the Sarabha lived.
The king beholding the stag gave a chase but on his hurry he fell
into a cleft that his horse could not jump. The Sarabha not listening
to the sound of the hoops turned back and saw the king fallen in a
pit. He rescued the king by carrying him out of the cleft and showed
him the way home. The king invited Sarabha to visit and to settle
down in his city, but Sarabha declined and asked the king to abstain
from the killing of living beings.
This Jataka is painted on the upper portion of the wall of the
back corridor, to the right of the ante-chamber. A palace is noticed
in the picture. We find some figures seated in the royal court. On
the extreme left the king sits on a stool. In the next scene the king
is out on hunting. He rides on a horse which is galloping at high
speed. On the right of the king there is another horse-rider. Hunters
and others can be seen below. In the next scene the king is being
saved by the benevolent stag.

group of figures on horse-back is

seen in the king' s retinue with the king on his hunting expedition.
To the left, the king is again seen

to

have left the forest after his

misadventure. 147)

V-5-b. THE BAGH CAVES

The Bagh Caves are situated at a distance of 7 km from the

Bagh village which is 176 km from Indore in Madhya Pradesh. Apart
from their architectural or sculptural value, the Bagh Caves contain
the beautiful examples of ancient Indian wall paintings. Besides
Ajanta, it is only at Bagh that such priceless treasures of Buddhist
painting have survived. As Dr. P. K Agrawala has observed about
146. JAF, Vol . IV, ( Ja. No. 458 ) , pp. 263-275.
147. G. Yazdani , op. c i t. , Pt. 4, 52. b: D. Schl ingl o ff, op. cit. , Fig. Ch. 1 5, 1 .

- 1 67 -

the Bagh Murals, " Unfortunately, owing to some inevitable reasons,

the paintings have now greatly decayed and faded away. But one
thing is quite evident, the paintings of this small group of caves
were

done

with

as

much

care

and

mastery

as

in

other

such

surviving centres of ancient paintings, viz. Ajanta, Sittannvasal and

Sigria."l48)

Of the

nme caves

at

Bagh,

only

four have

survived

in

tolerable condition. About their present condition Dr. P. K Agrawala

has remarked that "All are not of equal importance and some are so
dilapidated that nothing of value could be detected from their ruins.
Cave numbered as 7, 8, 9 are so much ruined that little could be
guessed about them except about Cave VII, walls and paintings of
which show some traces of painting. Cave

I, locally called Grha, is

nothing more than a single chamber absolutely plain with no statue

or painting. Cave V appears to have served either as a refectory or
as

a lecture hall with no cells,

Stupa or image,

devoid of any

carving, though it seems to have originally paintings on the plastered

surface of the walls, pillars and ceiling similar to other remaining
caves.

Cave II

is

popularly

known

as

the

Pffi)c;1ava Cave.

This

perhaps is the earliest of the group and immediately following its

completion about the 3th century, it appears, cave IV and V were
excavated. Cave VI is also of the same period and forms with the
other two (viz. IV and V) a contiguous series."149)

He further comments that "Originally there was a continuous

verandah in front of caves IV and V, measuring 220 ft. in length, the
roof of which once supported on a row of twenty pillars, has entirely
collapsed and fallen down. This proved deadly to the paintings done
on the outer walls of the two caves. As exposed to the weathering,
the upper and lower portions of the paintings have now altogether
vanished.

However, whatever faint and fragmentary

samples have

survived here are 'the best preserved portion of the Bagh painting. '
148. P. K . Agrawala, wThe Date o f Bagh Caves and The i r Pai ntings " , p. 9.
14 9 . Ibid. , p. 1 3.

- 168 -

We have in the centre of the great verandah, ' the precious fragment
of forty -five feet out of the original two hundred and twenty feet of
wall that bore the painting which will cause Bagh to be remembered
for all time, even though what yet remains should itself disappear' .
"150)

As for any jataka scenes at Bagh there is a possibility of their

identification in this large depiction surviving on the left side of the
verandah
subject

wall of Cave
illustrated

is

IV. According to C. Sivaramamurti, liThe

clearly

jataka

or

Avadana

yet

to

be

identified."151) As Dr. J. Anderson comments about the paintings to

the left side of the left-most door: "The first four men depicted at
the beginning of the upper row obviously refer to the four great
Encounters: an old man, a sick man, a corpse and fmally a monk,
that

stimulated

Siddhartha

to

embark

on

his

path

towards

enlightenment from his palace life that is illustrated around him.

Similarly the surviving painting seems to illustrate the court life and
events that accompanied King Mahajanaka' s renunciation, as recorded
in that jataka Iconographically these two scenes complement and
balance each other perfectly: they both provide similar scenes and
fonns ..... "152)

He

has

further

observed

about

them

as

follows:

"Moreover, from the appearence of the Mahaj anaka Jataka on the left
and back walls of the later

Ajanta

cave no.

I, we see that this

jataka was thought suitable for illustration and was depicted in the
' narrative-recall' scenes; and that these paintings in Ajanta cave no.
I

do

show

However,

similar

events

the above is

as

only

supported or accepted by

those

before

Bagh

Caves

IV."l53)

a tentative suggestion which is

other authorities

for there

not

are no real

identifications made in the poorly surviving pictorical details with the

narratives found in the said jataka.

1 50. Ibid.
151 . C. S i varamamurt i , Indian Pain ting, p. 31 .
152. J. Anderson, wBagh Caves : Hi storical and Descriptive Analys i s w . p. 44, pl . B.
See JAF. Vol . VI. ( Ja. No. 539 ) . pp. 30-68. The Mahajanka story has already been
narrated i n the previ ous pages of this chapter.
153. Ibid.

- 1 69 -

Chapter VI.

AN ANALYTICAL STUDY ON
THE SUBSTANCE OF THE JATAKA STORIES

VI L PHILOSOPHICAL AND ETIDCAL THOUGHTS

-

The Buddha is one of the greatest ethical teachers the world has
ever known. He starts with the assumption that life is suffering and
the removal of suffering or redemption from suffering is the motive
of his teachings. To eSC$ipe from the pervasive evil of existence is
the

goal

of

moral

life.

Salvation

consists

in

the

unmaking

of

to be achieved., All those

ourselves. NirvID:'la is the highest end

activities which lead to this goal or bring about an end to rebirth are
good, and the forms of conduct which strengthen the wheel of birth,
death and rebirth or the activities which take us away from NirvID:'la
are bad. Hence, an escape from the chain of rebirth is the ideal of
Buddhism.

The Ethics of Buddhism is based on its principles of psychology

which is elaborated in its essential parts as early as the Canon.
Buddhism

analyses

the

moral

personality

of man

and finds

the

principle of moral causation at work in its growth. Will, according to

Buddhism, is man' s distinctive endowment by virtue of which he is
an ethical being. The doctrine of Karma or moral causation exhibits
all existence as born of desire. Thus, the Buddha holds that the only
thing which possesses immense value is

'the right will' , the will

freely determined by the moral law. Individual Ego which is the

product

of

responsible

Ignorance
for

all

through

sufferings.

the
Thus,

agency
in

of

order

will
to

or

bring

desire

is

about a

cessation of sufferings the individual Ego must cease to exist. The

same can cease by the cession of will or desire through knowledge
i.e., through the cession of ignorance as ignorance is the root cause

- 170 -

of ' the bondage of being ' , in accordance with the 'Twelve linked
chains of Causes (dvadasa-nidana) that is put forth by the Buddhists
as an explanation of 'The circle of becoming or Bhava-chakra' . 1 )

The ethical teachings of the Buddha are summed up under the

'Eight-fold

Path '

about

which

he

himself

is

reported

to

have

indicated in his first sermon- -The Dharma Cakra Pravartana--"There

are

two

extremes

which

he

who

has

gone

forth

ought

not

to

follow--habitual devotion, on the one hand, to the passions, to the

pleasure of sensual things, and habitual devotion, on the other hand,
to self mortification, which is painful, ignoble and unprofitable. There
is middle path discovered by the Tathagata--a path which opens the
eyes and bestows understanding, which leads to peace, to insight, to
the higher wisdom, to Nirvat)a Verily it is the

Arya

That

right

is

to

say

right

belief,

right aspiration,

eightfold path.
speech,

right

conduct, right mode of livelihood, right effort, right mindfulness and

right ecstacy." 2)

Right belief consists in realizing that the elements of the self are
to go down to dust, therefore, it is futile to cling to it. Right resolve
or

aspiration

attainment

is

of

the product of right vision.

Nirvat)a

or

for

redemption

One

must long for

from

suffering.

The

aspiration must find expression in right speech, right action and right
living. Thus a resolve must be real and active. Right speech consists
in desisting from telling lies, back biting, using harsh language and
from frivolous talk. Right action means unselfish action. It does not

1 . The ful l printed text of the Pati ccasamuppada formula may be found in the
Vinaya Pi taka, vol . I , verse no. 1 -2. In the PTS versions of SN, vol . 1 1 , verse
no.

19 and 76,

formul a,

see

the printed text i s abbreviated. ,

Alex

Wayman,

HBuddh i st

Dependent

On the Pati ccasamuppada

Originat ion H ,

His tory

of

Rel igions, X, Feb. 1 971 , pp. 1 58-203.

2. The Pal i version can be found in Vinaya Pi taka, vo l . I , p 10 : the Sanskri t,

in Mahavastu, vol . Ill, pp. 331 -333. For an expl anation of i t , see Nyanati loka,
.

1949 : Buddhist Dic tionary, Colombo, 1950,

etc : the art icles by W. Rahula and others in IHO. , XXX I I , 1956, Pp. 249-64. Cf.
E. Lamotte, His tory of Indian Buddhism, trans. by S. Webb-Boin, p. 26, footnote,

Fundamen tals of Buddhism,

2.

Col ombo,

- 1 71 -

consist in performing sacrifices, ceremonies and rituals with an mm

of gaining heavenly pleasures. It really consists in acting with an
unselfish motive--acting for the sake of common good and human
welfare. Purity of motive and humility in acting make an action
right.
Right action leads to right living which consists in the use of
such means of earning one' s livelihood in which one has not to take
recourse to lying, deceit and fraud. One must lead an honest life.
Right speech, right action and right living lay more emphasis on
outward conduct. The last three steps, namely, right effort, right
mindfulness,

and

purification.

Right

right

concentration

effort

consists

or
ill

tranquility
inhibiting

stress

the

inner

bad

and

reinforceing the good by mental avoidance and concentration. One

should not allow bad ideals to enter one ' s mind and should make an
effort to get, as many as possible, good ideas in their place. Right
effort is needed for controlling the passions which give rise to bad
qualities, for destroying anger, envy, pride and attachment to objects.
Without effort there can be no enlightenment.
Right mindfulness or right thinking is

necessary associate of

right effort to control passions. Prof. K. K. Mital has rightly said,

"On

mind depends dharma, on the practice of dharma depends

enlightenment."3) Right Contemplation leads one to true insight or

Prajiia. Through a steady growth one passes from sense-cognition to
true insight. Here one comes face to face with the light of truth.
What is needed at this stage is to hold fast this truth. For the same
is required the next step i.e., right mindfulness, meditation or Dhyana
leading to tranquilty and ecstasy. Dhyana is a steady attempt to
bring the mind in harmony with the truth.4)
3.

K.

K.

Mi tal ,

"Buddh i s t Ethi cs :

A Brief Appraisal " ,

ed. ,

by M.

T iwary,

Perspectives on Buddhist Ethics, p. 4 . Here he gives a quotat i on "Ci ttadh i na

DharmaQ Dharmadhi na bodhi . ..
4. Dhyana has four stages : ( 1 ) stage of gl adness i . e. , joy ari s ing from a l i fe
of tranqui l i ty--here one i s free from sensual i ty and i s aware o f i ns ight,
reflection, contemplat i on and inqui ry:

( 2 ) It is a stage of joy and i nternal

- 1 72 -

The Buddhist monks used to move from one place to another to

collect alms from the households and also to preach the Dharma to
them. They conveyed the message of Dharma in many ways. One of
the quite effective ways of popularising the religious ideals was the
medium of telling the jataka tales. These tales dealt with the endless
theme of the fruits of human actions. They showed how a person,
who performed noble deeds, got appropriate rewards and one, who
did not, got nothing of the kind. Thus, through the ]ataka stories the
monks tried to preach the people the doctrine of Karma or moral
retribution, characteristic of Buddhist ethics, by presenting before
them the examples of these tales. Since the jataka stories aimed at
motivating the masses for performing virtuous deeds, the ethical side
of life was taken care of. Thus, by telling the jataka tales to the
masses, the Buddhist ethics was also conveyed to them.
"Like other Buddhist works, the Jatakas also have attached the
greatest

importance

to

the

Paramitas,

which'

distinguish

the

Bodhisattvas from the inferior Arhats and Pratyeka-Buddhas. The

latter are regarded as representatives of merely negative ethical
ideals, while the Paramitas are put forward as a scheme of positive
moral development."5)

The positive ethical virtues of Drum, Stla,

anti, VIrya, Dhyana and Prajfia. are beautifully woven in the

texture of the jataka stories.6)
If we attempted to make a descriptive analysis of the Buddhist
Ethics, we find Stla as the first concept which conveys almost all of
its aspects and adds something more as evolved in the ancient
tradition itself.

"It is rather a psycho-ethical discipline entirely

devoted to highlighting the moral and immoral states, exhibiting their

calm and a deep peace of mind wi thout the awareness of reflecti on: ( 3 ) At this
stage al l passion and prejudi ces are total ly absent, ltmamoha or lust of sel f i s
completely sti l led ( 4 ) I t i s a stage o f compl ete tranqui l i ty wi thouL, care and
joy, for al l that gives joy or care i s put asi de.
5. Har Dayal , The Bodhisa t t va Doctrine in Buddhist Sanskri t Li tera ture, p. 1 70.
6 . For the Plrami tl thoughts, see the fol l owing chapter, the Plrami tl concepts
in the J atakas.

- 1 73 -

inseparable link with the actions, resultants and thereby appearance

of beings in various forms in different states of existence. It has
found

beautiful

exposition

in

the

sermons

of

the

Buddha

independently as well as in the process of explaining his path of

purification. In the present context, there is an attempt to briefly
append a descriptive analysis of the concept in above two senses."7)
SIla is the first step of the path of the Buddha. In general sense,
it is rendered as nature, character, habit, custom, practice, conduct,
etc. In its popular Buddhist sense, it is expressed as morality, virtue,
moral deeds, moral principles and so on. The traditional sense further
goes to describe it as a basic foundation of the moral life or the
pivotal point of the holy life. In highly technical sense, it is the
moral volition.
SIla, as denoting moral precepts, is enormously large, both
horizontally
given

and vertically. The Buddha, as a successful teacher, has

numerous

moral

instructions

in

forty-five

years

of

his

continuous way-faring in full consideration of the temperament, latent

factors and the belief of the persons concerned., Even a brief note on
these instructions will cover a big range of deliberation and will not
find adjustment in the limited scope of our study. Therefore, with a
view to give an introduction to it a brief exposition under nine heads
of moral precepts
Attha-SIla,

are given below. They are the Paflca-SIla,

Dasa-SIla,

Indriya-samvara-SIla,

Mailgala-SIla,

Santosa-SIla,

Disa-pujana-SIla,

Ajiva-parisuddhi-SIla,

and

Patimokkha-samvara-SIla. These are the basic foundations of moral

as well as harmonious life. In the present work, we should confine
ourselves only to a discussion of the five moral precepts, which form
the most important part of moral life as presented in the ]ataka
stories.
Paflca-SIla or five moral precepts are the basic norms for both
the householders as well as the renunciates. Only in case of the third
7. M. Tiwary. ed. Perspecti ves

on

Buddhist Ethics, p. 60.

- 1 74 -

precept, there is some difference. A householder is required to refrain

from sexual misdeeds whereas a monk has not at all to indulge in
any

kind

of

harmony in

These precepts

sex.

three-fold

activities

are to

create

of the man

an

who

initial ethical

observes

them.

They are given as follows:--

1. Abstaining from killing (PIDJatipata virati)

2. Abstaining from stealing (AdInnadana virati)

3. Abstaining from sexual misconduct

( Kamesu micchacara virati)

4. Abstaining from telling lie or falsehood

(Musavada virati)

5. Abstaining from taking intoxicants

(Suramerayamajjappamadatthana virati) 8)

The first precept is related to the refraining from slaying of

human beings and animals. The killing, according to the tradition,
presumes the presence of five conditions, namely: --

(1) a living being

(2) the knowledge to the killer that the being is actually alive

(3) the intention of killing of the living being

(4) the act of killing and
(5) the act of being killed.,9)
If all the five conditions are fulfilled, the 'first precept is violated.,
It is visualised that the killing could be done by six ways, namely:

(1) by one ' s own hands, (2) by giving instructions to someone else
(3) by shooting or by digging trenches, (4) by mantras or occult
practices, and (5) by supernatural means. Killing through all these
ways is to be avoided.,

As

indicated

by

Prof.

Tiwary,

"This

precept

is

not

only

important from the individual human point of view but also from the
then existing

social

and

economic point

of view

8 . Vi naya, I , p. 229 : DN, 1 1 , p. 88: Udana, p. 89, etc.

9. Ven. Narada, A Manual of Buddhism, p. 224.

of an

agrarian

- 1 75 -

society. The killing of hundreds of animals meant a great loss to the

developing
negative

economy

precept

of

and

therefore,

abstention

it

from

was

to

killing

be

also

stopped.,

The

inculcates

the

qualities of love, kindness and compassion as the Buddha advised his

disciples to practice Metta and KaruI)a.11 10)
The second precept is related to abstaining from stealing or
taking away what is not given. In view of the facts, five conditions
are mentioned for the act of stealing. They are thus enumerated:-

( 1 ) the property in the possession of another person,

(2) an awareness that it belongs to some one else,
(3) there must be an intention to steal,

(4) operation of an act to steal,

(5) by that act the property must have been taken.
With

the presence

of these

factors,

the

act

of stealing

is

regarded as accoplished., How is it possible to steal things which

owe the possession of other ? According to the text, it is possible
through six ways, namely:

( 1 ) stealing by one' s own hands, (2)

stealing by false measures and weights, (3) stealing by force, (4)

stealing by concealment, (5) stealing by design and (6) stealing by
forgery.

One or other of these

means

is

generally

carried

out

according to the circumstances in stealing)! )

According to Ven. H. Saddhatissa, "It is a kind of immoral deed.,
Its degree of depravity depends on the qualities, values and virtues
of a thing or a being concerned., The depravity is low in the case of
bad or low valued object, it may be high if the object taken away is
good or of great value. Further it is stated that the stealing has low
depravity in the case of an object belonging to one inferior in virtue
and the stealing object which belongs to the distinguished one for his
virtue, entails a greater crime and the degree of depravity is also
high. As

c.

result of such deeds the thief suffers in an unhappy state

10. M. Tiwary. op. c i t . p. 76.

1 1 . DN. vol . I . p. 88.
.

- 1 76 -

for a long period and if he takes birth as a man by virtue of other

merits, he becomes unable to aquire wealth and remains subject to
danger by kings, murderers, floods and fire. He is also unable to
enjoy sensual pleasures and gets discontented and despised by the
people.// 1 2)

The third precept is in connection with abstention from sexual

misdeed or lustful attachment. The characteristic of misconduct in
sexual pleasure is the volition arising through the bodydoor with the
unlawful intention of trespassing upon a woman to whom one has no
right of going. It is stated that the lay-devotees may have sexual
intercourse with their counterparts only; while the monks and nuns
are not to have sexual intercourse with anybody including animals. 13)

It does not mean that it is concerned with physical transgression

only but it is also the abstinence from

all

indulgences in sensuous

acts by the five organs through vision, sound, smell, touch etc. It is
stated that a person who observes these three precepts properly, has

full control over his senses and attains perfection to lead a happy
life. It has a vital role for developing peace, harmony and family
feeling in the society.

The fourth precept prohibits the uttering of falsehood which has

an adverse effect on the physical, vocal and mental faculties of an
individual as it adversely affects the well-being of others. It is used
for a thing which is not genuine or does not rea1ly exist. So its
character is

to represent an untrue thing as true to others, e.g.

saying that he has seen it with his eyes which he has not seen with
the eyes, he had heard it with the ears which he has not heard with
the ears and so on. Four conditions are also mentioned in the text
for making a false speech. They are the following:--

( 1 ) There is a thing said untrue,

(2) an intention to deeive,
12. Ven. H. Saddhati ssa, Buddhist Ethics,
1 3 . Ibid. p. l 04 .

pp.

101-102.

- 1 77 -

(3) an effort involved in lying,

(4) an act of communicating the untruth as truth.l4)
If these conditions are fulfilled, this precept is violated., In the
case of violation of this precept, the degree of depravity depends on
the benefit destroyed,

intention of doing harm to others and the

virtue of a person concerned., Falsehood has low depravity when the

benefit destroyed is less and it is great, if the benefit destroyed is
large. The intention of doing good to others like saving oneself from
harm has less depravity and if the harm caused to others is more,
the

degree

of depravity

is

more.

Further it

is

stated

that

the

depravity will be less in the case of a suffering person having low

virtue and it will be more in case of a person of great merit or
virtue.

So

abstaining

from

falsehood

requires

the

inculcation

of

truthfulness amidst the situation projecting even unfavourable results

from all sides.

The

fifth

precept

deals

with

the

abstaining

from

taking

fermented intoxicants, liquor and alcohol. These are of many kinds

and are prepared from different materials like sugar, flour, cooked
rice, flowers, fruits, honey, etc. Like the previous four precepts, it
also requires the fulfilment of four conditions which must be present
in

the

moment

of

transgression

of

this

precept.

They

are

the

following: - -

( 1 ) the presence of intoxicating liquor,

(2) an intention of drinking,
(3) an effort for drinking,
(4) the act of drinking.15)
In this context, the Sigala-Sutta presents the
drinking. they are

SIX

dangers in

( 1 ) the actual loss of wealth, (2) an increase in

quarrels,

(3) stretching of disease, (4) loss of good character, (5)

indecent

exposure,

and

(6)

impaired

14. Ven. Narada, A Manual of Buddhism, p. 245.

15. DN , voL I l l , p. 1 4 1 .

intelligence.

Therefore,

the

- 1 78 -

Buddha prohibited all kinds of intoxicants not only for the members
of the monastic Order but also for lay devotees. If a monk or a nun
drink sUra or any other alcohol, he or she commits an offence of
Pacittiya. 1 6) Thus abstention from taking intoxicants is essential for
all. In this context, the Buddha concludes as follows, "Whoever

III

this world destorys life, utters lies, takes what is not given, goes to
a woman other than one' s wife, and the man who is addicted to
intoxicating drinks, such a one digs up his own roots in this very
world.// 1 7)
Now the question is about the benefit of Pafica Sua. It is said
that the first one generates the feeling of universal friendliness. The
second one produces the feeling of non-covetousness in the mind.
The third one helps to develop the family-feeling in the society and
the fourth one inculcates the sense of truthfulness. It also generates
the capacity to distinguish what is true and what is untrue. And the
fifth one is initiated to put the mind on proper footing or to maintain
a balanced state of mind.18) It is evident further from the text that
the Buddha had also mentioned a set of five advantages accruing to
a

man

of

virtue

through

his

ethical

conduct.

They

are

the

following: --

( 1 ) the man of moral virtue gains a great mass of wealth,

(2) the good reputation of such a man spreads in all directions,

(3) where ever he goes in the assembly of any type, he remains

fearless; his fears disappear for ever,

(4) he never loses awareness even at the time of his death,

(5) after death he is reborn in the realms of the devas due to
the accumulation of the fruition of his moral actions.19)

VI -2. KARrdA AND REBIRTH MOTIFS

16.
1 7.
lB.
19.

Pacittya Pal i . p. 1 51 : Mahavagga. p. B7.

KN. Khuddakapatha. vol . I . p. 40.
Yen. H. Saddhatissa. op. c i t
p. 1 1 3.
,
DN. vo ! . I I I. p. 69.
.

- 1 79 -

Dr. S. N. Dasgupta in his monumental work A History of Indian

Philosophy writes, "All the Indian systems agree in believing that

whatever action is done by an individual leaves behind it some sort

of potency which has the power to ordain for him joy or sorrow in
the future according as it is good or bad. When the fruits of the
actions are such that they connot be enjoyed in the present life or in
a human life, the individual has to take another birth as a man or
any other being in order to suffer them. "20) This is known as Karma
and rebirth.
The Pali ]atakas are of inestimable value to the lovers and
readers of early Indian culture, religion and ethics. The ]atakas are
supposed to have been chiefly utilised by Gautama the Buddha to
popularise Buddhism amongst the common masses so that these may
elevate their physical and mental faculties in their day to day affairs
and lives hereafter. The ]atakas were simply used to propagate the
famous Buddhist theory of Karma which would shape the existences
of human beings and other worldly beings beyond their present
existences. On the whole the ]atakas formed the media of educating
the masses in a very lucid and simple manner the intrinsic values of
Buddhist philosophy and ethics.2I )
The doctrine of Karma and rebirth holds an important position in
. Buddhism. The ]ataka stories also manifest this important Buddhist
doctrine. At the time of Enlightenment under the sacred Bodhi tree
the Buddha had three visions. As to the first and the second visions
it is recorded, "Then there arose before him a vision of his previous
births, the hundreds of thousands of existences with all their details
of name, family and caste through which he had passed., This was
succeeded by a second and wider vision in which he saw the whole
20. S. N. Dasgupta, A His tory of Indian philosophy, vol . I , p. l 03.
21 . The Mahabodhi Jataka(Ja. No. 528, JAF, vol . V, pp. 227-246 ) describes how the
Bodhi sattva used an abject l esson to discredi t those who di sagreed w i th his
understand ing of Kamma and, as a resul t of their views, were greedy.

- 1 80 -

UnIverse as a system of Karma and reincarnation, composed of

beings noble or mean, happy or unhappy, continually passing away
according to their deeds, leaving one form of existence and taking
shape

in

another."22)

indicating

that

Mrs.

Rhys

"Buddha

taught

Davids
the

takes

this

momentous

account
vitality

as
and

significance of Karma with such vehemence and fervour that it has

been said that he almost put this concept in place of the Upaniadic
brahman. "23)
With regard to the origin of the Karma theory, Prof. B. C. Law
has observed that "the doctrine of Karma had been propounded by
some unknown Indian teacher before the time of the Buddha."24)
Thus, he concludes that the Buddha could not have originated this
doctrine. We may agree with Law that the idea of Karma did not
primarily originate with Gautama the Buddha himself. Historically, the
rudiments of the Indian doctrine of Karma are to be found in the
Vedic sacrifices where it

still thought to be a simple ritual almost

IS

magical in nature ,25) and has not attained the someWhat philosophical
and ethical significance of the Upani$adic period. "In the Upaniads
we find a clear distinction arising between a mechanical ritual and
ethical action. In the Brhadara.t)yaka Upaniad (Ill, 2, 13), a man is
said to 'become a good man through good action and a bad man
through bad action. ' In the Chandogya Upani$ad (V, 10, 7), ' a person
is said to be reborn through a good womb through good conduct and
a bad womb through bad conduct.' Both of these statements are
representative

of theories

that accept

the karmic

effects

of

actions. "26)
22. C. El i ot , Hinduism and Buddhism, vol . I , p. 1 39. Cf. In the third vision, he
understood the nature of error and of suffering, the cessat i on of suffering and
the path that l eads to the cessation of suffering.
23. C. A. F. Rhys Davids , "Man as Wi l Ier", Buddhistic Studies, ed. , by B. C.
Law, p. 587.
24. B. C.

Law,

"Karma" ,

The

Cul tural

Heri tage

of India,

ed. ,

by

S.

Radhakri shnan, vol . I, p. 537.

25. On the Vedic background of the Buddhist not i on of Karma, see, for example,
Yevti c , Karma and Reincarna tion, pp. 1 60-165: V. P. Verma, Early Buddhism and i ts
Origins, pp. 212-216: K. Wal l i ,
etc.

Theory of Karman in Indian Thought, pp. 13-48,

- 181 -

Like the ancient Vedic culture, the Buddhist thought world was
also deeply coloured by its robust belief in the law of Karma and its
working. The basic Theravada position as expressed in the Nikayas
is found in a frequently repeated, stereotyped formula. Sometimes the
formula is placed in the mouth of the Buddha, while elsewhere it is
attributed to others. For example, it is thus attributed to him: "Thus
with divine, purified, superhuman eye he sees being passing away
and

being

reborn.

He

knows

that beings

are

inferior,

exalted,

beautiful, ugly, well faring, ill faring according to (the consequences

of) their kamma."27) Indeed, in the Majjhima Nikaya, the Tathagata is
seen to explain that the course he teaches is that his disciples, by
practising

it,

may

recognise

that men

pass

from

existence

to

existence in accordance with the nature of their deeds. Men are heirs
to what they do.28)

"Possessed of my own deeds, I am the inheritor of deeds, kin to

deeds, one who has deeds as a refuge. Whatever deed I shall do,
whether good or evil, I shall become the heir of it--This is to be
repeatedly contemplated by woman, and by man; by house holder,
and by him who has been taken into the order."29)

As it

IS

remarked by a modem scholar, in the period of the

Upaniads, "the two-fold operation of the law of Karma as a physical

force in the natural world and as a moral force in the realm of
26.

Cf.

H.

Akira,

A His tory of Indian Buddhism: Fro!!! sakyamuni

to Early

Mahayana, trans. and ed. , by P. Groner. p. 187.

27. The formul a i s repeated in MN , vol . I , verse no. 23: Verse no. 482: vo l . 1 1 .
verse no. 3l : vol . I l l , verse no. 99 : AN , vol . I , verse no. 1 64 : vol . I l l . verse
no. 1 8 : etc.
28. MN. vol . 1 1 , verse no. 21 , etc.
29. HKammassako 'mhi kammadayado kammayoni kammabandhu kammapatisaraQoy kamma
kari ssami

kayyat;lam

va

papak

va

tassa

dayado

bhavissami

ti

abhit;lh

paccavekkhi tabbClJp i t thiya va puri sena va gahaHhena Vii. pabbaj i tena va. "

AN.

vol . I l l . verse no. 72. The i dea i s that man i s hei r to his deeds ' stock. See,
for example, AN, vol . I l l , verse no. 1 86: vol . V. verse no. 88: MN. vol . I l l .
verse

no. 203.

The

stereotyped passage

l i terature. e. g. Mi l i ndapafiha. p. 65.

also

occurs

in

the

post-canonical

- 1 82 -

human

personality

was

regarded

as

being

almost

under

the

superintendence of a primordial absolute. But according to Buddha,

this

law

of

Karma

was

regarded

as

operating

with

almost

autonomous deterministic finality. Gautama Buddha holds that men

are the inheritors of Karma (kammadayada), Karma is their very
own (kammassaka), Karma is the cause of their rebirth (kammayoni)
and Karma is their refuge (kammapatisarana}."30)
The original meaning of 'Karma' is 'action ' . In the Mahavibhaa,
three definitions of 'Karma' are distingushed., The first is ' action',
that is Karma in its broadest sense. The second meaning is 'ritual'.
Included in

this usage are th e administrative procedures of the

Buddhist order. If a part of an administrative procedure is omitted or

if the proper order is not followed, an administrative action or ritual
is rendered invalid. Since rituals and administrative actions are the
particularly important types of actions, and are chosen for special
treatment in Buddhist thought

The third meaning

concerns

the

results of actions. Good and bad actions entail results or fruits. In

this case Karma refers to those fruits.3I) A force that cannot be
perceived remains after a good or bad action has been completed.,32)
That force is also called Karma For example, the words of even the
most solemn promise vanish after an instant When a person IS
killed, the act of killing quickly ends. Although various pIeces of
evidcence of the killing may remain, that evidence is different from
the act itself. And the evidence will also vanish eventually. Yet even
after the action has ended, a force that cannot be perceived remains.
j\Jthough the moment it takes to make a promise quickly passes, a
rson may still feel responsible for fulfilling that promise even after
many years have passed., After a person has been killed, the guilt or
responsibility for the death may follow the killer for years. Thus,
although an action is quickly completed, the force of that action
30. V. P. Varma, Early Buddhism and i ts Origins, p. 225.
31 . In the Ci tta-Sambhuta Jataka( Ja. No. 498. JAF, vol . IV, pp. 390-401 ) i t i s
wel l described that there i s no escape from the reward of deeds, whether these
deeds be good or evi l .
32. H . Aki ra, op. ci t. , pp. 1 86-187.

- 1 83 -

continues. Regardless of whether Karma may have been accumulated,

it leads to a hellish existence in the immediately following rebirth.33)
In

a similar way, actions may have long-term legal or economic

consequences, but for the Buddhist it is the moral force of the action
that is called Karma. The Buddhists were particularly interested in
the further analysis of this type of Karma.34)

In

early

Buddhism,

Karmas

are

generally

divided

into

three

categories: (a) physical, (b) verbal, and (c) mental. Of these three,
"mental
physical

actions
and

consist solely
verbal

actions

of mental
consist

constituents. In

of

mixture

contrast,

of

mental

constituents, such as the motive and decision to do something, and

verbal or physical constituents, such as calling out with the voice or
movements

of

the

constituents

play

body.

roles

in

Because
Karma,

both

physical

Abhidharma

and

scholars

mental
devoted

considerable energy to determining whether the essential nature of

Karma was mental or physical."35) Thus according to early Buddhism
"the essence of Karman is will, and the most .important type of
Karman is the voluntary mental act--through association with which
alone

do

speech

and

physical

action

become

Karman.

Karmans

originate in will and are destroyed through will."36) This makes the
Buddhist view of Karma basically different from that of the Jainas
who regarded Karman as a substance rather than as a function.37)

Karma that leads to a pleasurable result is 'good ' . But because

this good Karma belongs to the realm of birth and death, it is called
'impure good '

(in contrast to the 'pure good ' , which leads toward

33. Mahamora J ataka ( JAF. vol . IV. Ja. No. 491 . p. 332 ) provi des a good exampl e of
thi s :

The Hol i ness o f the golden peacock long protected him from danger.

Final ly. however. the stain of lus t whi ch had . lain sett l ed for seven centuries
came i nto play. thereby resul t ing in his capture by a hunter.
34. Ibid . . p. 1 87.
35. Cf. A. Buddharakkhi ta. "Law o f Karma and Reb irth: A Buddhist perspect ive " .
p. 1 03.
36. G. C. Pande. Studies in the Origins of Buddhism. p. 430.
37. In early Buddhi s t l i terature is al so found a popular version of the Kamma
theory whi ch gives expressi on to the principle of moral retribution operative
beyond l i fe. Cf. S. R. Goyal . A His tory of Indian Buddhism. p. 144. footnote 4.

- 1 84 -

NirvaI)a).38) A concrete example of such impure good

lS

the path of

the ten good acts (daSa kusala-Karma-pathab).

1. Abstention from killing living things
2. Abstention from stealing
3. Abstention from unchaste activities
4. Abstention from lying
5. Abstention from malicious speech

6. Abstention from harsh speech

7. Abstention from indistinct chatter
8. Abstention from covetousness
9. Abstention from anger
10. Abstention from wrong views

The opposite actions are called ' the path of the ten bad acts'. This
list has been used as a guide for good and bad actions since the
time of early Buddhism. Bad Karma leads to the differently maturing
effects of suffering. Neutral Karma is an action that leads to neither
pleasure nor suffering.
Beside of this, Karmas have been divided into three categories in
connection with what is known as the 'Causal Genesis', 'Dependent
co-origination' or Paticcasamuppada, when reduced to its simplest
equation, means the moral causation of

all

life: those Karmas which

produce fruit ( 1 ) in the past life; (2) in the present life; (3) in a
furture life.

The

following

diagram

shows

the relationship

or

interdependence of three successive lives,

PAST.

1. Ignorance ( avijja)

Karma-process

2. Karma-formations (sankhara)

(kammabhava)

5
PRES.

causes;

1. 2. 8. 9. 10.

3. Consciousness (viMaI).a)

Rebirth-Process

4. Corporeality & Mentality (nama-ropa)

(upapattibhava)

5. Six Bases (ayatana)

5 results; 3-7.

6. Impression (phassa)
7. Feeling (vedana)

38. Kummasapi 4a Jataka( Ja. No. 415) relates that Mal l ika, though the daughter
of a garland maker, was made chief queen as a resul t of having given but three
porti ons of gruel to the Tathagata. JAF, vol . I l l , p . 405.

- 1 85 -

FUT.

8. Crav ing (tat;lha)

Kanna-Process

9. Clinging (upadana)

(kamma-bhava)

10. Process of Becoming (bhava)

5 causes; 1. 2. 8. 9. 10.

1 1 . Rebirth (jati)

Rebirth-Process

12. Old Age and Death (jara-marana) etc.

(upapattibhava)
5 results; 3-7.

If we are to fully understand in what sense men are considered

heirs to their Karma, a brief consideration must first be given to the
nature of man himself. According to the Pali Canon, man is made up
of

five

aggregates,

or

khandhas.

These

are

the

material

body,

feelings, perception, predispositions, and consciousness. At any gIven

time man is but a temporary combination of these aggregates for the
khandhas are subject to continual change. A man does not remain
the same for any two consecutive instants.

The Buddhists deny that any of the five aggregates individually

or in combination may be considered to be an ego, self, or souI(atta).
Indeed, it is erroneous to conceive of any unity behind the elements
which comprise an individual. The Buddha held that belief in a self
behind the khandhas results in egoism, attachment, craving and hence
in suffering. Thus, the Buddha taught the doctrine of Anatta, that is,
the doctrine that there is no permanent self, in order to draw people
away from their egoistic attachments.39)

Nonetheless, under certain circumstances the Buddha was not so

ready to deny

the existence of the atta. Thus,

in the Sarp.yutta

39. I t i s to be noted that Mrs. C. . F . Rhys Davids ( WThings He Wi l l Not have

Taught " , A Vol ume of Indian and Iranian Studies presen ted to Sir E. Denison
Ross, ed. , by S. M. Katre and P. K. Gode, p. 296 ) denies that the Buddha himsel f

ever taught the unreal i ty of the atta. Al though she adm i ts that Gotama denied
the i dent i ty of the khandhas wi th an ath, she takes such passages as merel y
warning that the Buddha ' s fol l owers shoul d not consi der a s the sel f that whi ch
is not the sel f. See also Mrs. Rhys Davids,
general ,

however,

Mrs.

wSakya or Buddhist Origins w .

Rhys Davids thesi s has been rejected. ,

In

For but one

exampl e of the oppos ing posi t i on, see T. R. V. Murt i , The Central Philosophy of
Buddhism, pp. 20-24. For a bri e f summary of the anatta debate, see V. P. Varma,
Early Buddhism and i ts Origins, pp. 1 54- 157.

- 1 86 -

Nikaya,

an

described.,

encounter

between

Vacchagotta asks

the

Buddha

and

Vacchagotta

the Buddha whether there is

is
self

(atta). The Buddha remains silent. Then Vacchagotta asks whether

this means that there is no self. Again the Buddha remains silent.
Later the Buddha explains his

silence to his disciple Ananda as

follows: If he had said there is a self, he would be open to the

charge of siding with the etemalists. To say that there is a self does
not fit with the Buddha' s teaching of impermanence. On the other
hand, to say that there is no self is to side with the annihilationists,
who rejected any idea of rebirth as untenable. Since the Buddha
himself professes a concept of rebirth, the denial of the self would
only tend to confuse the uneducated., Thus, the Buddha takes the
middle view and remains silent.40)

The middle way which the Tathagata treads is spelled out in

greater details in the S arpyutta Nikaya elsewhere. The interlocutor is
now a certain Brahman. In response to his Questions, Gotama points
out the two extremes which are to be avoided: The belief that he
who does the deed is he who experiences the result--this is one
extreme. The other extreme is the view that he who does the deed
is another individual than he who experiences its fruit.41)

In the

same text the former of these two extremes is asserted to belong to

the view of the etemallst (sassata) while the latter is said to be the
vIew of the

annihilationist

(uccheda). The implication is

that the

being who experiences the fruits of a deed in one life is neither the
same as, nor different from the being who performed that deed in

Cl.

previous existence. As opposed to either of the two extremes, the

Buddha

teaches

the

doctrine

of

Paticcasamuppada

(dependent

r,o-origination) as the middle way to be accepted between them.42)

40. SN, vol . IV, verse nos. 400-401 .
41 . Ibid. , vol . 11, verse no. 76.
42. . " According to thi s teaching:

aggregation

depending

on

ignorance,

consciousness depending on agregation, name and form depending on consci ousness,

the six organs of sense depending on name and form

. . . .

birth depending on

exi stence, old age and death depending on birth; sorrow, suffering, grief, and
despair ari se. Thus i s the ori gin of al l this aggregat ion of suffering. " The
ful l printed text of the Pati ccasamuppada formula may be found in the VP, see,

- 1 87 -

Through the Paticcasamuppada is made out a difference between the

doing of deeds and the later expenencmg of their fruits. What is
posited is a locus of points in a changing casual stream, rather than
a permanent entity of any sort which may be said to transmigrate.

According

to

the Buddhist conception, there is a continual stream

of renewed existences produced in accordance with the action of

Kamma. This is the cycle of Sarpsara. Belief in the doctrine of
Kamma

presupposes

belief

Sarpsara.

In

considers the doctrine of Kamma

to

Indeed,

L.

Poussin

V.

be "primarily a rationalistic and

moral explanation of the conditions of living being through many

consecutive existences."43) The usual position of the Nikayas is that
there are five possible courses, or realms of existence (gati) into
which sentient beings may be born. These five courses, or modes of
life, are listed in
or hell,

an

ascending order as follows: 1. niraya, purgatory

2. tiracchanayoni, brute creation, the realm of animals, 3.

pettivisaya,
existence,

the world of the

and 5.

deva,

the

shades ,44) 4.
gods,

manussa,

heavenly

passages--e.g. the DIgha Nikaya--

men,

existence.45)

sixth category,

In

human
some

that of the

asura, is added between the shades and mankind. When only the five
courses of existence are enumerated, the aSUl as are usually conceived
as denizens of the world of the shades.

Of

the

sIX

courses

of

existence,

mraya

and

the

realms

of

vol . I , pp. 1 -2. Cf. J. P. McDermott, Development in the Early Buddhist Concep of
Kamma/Karma, p. 4.

43. L. V . Poussin, Th e Way t o Nirv8.l)a, p. 58.

44. A brief note may be added here concerning our transl at i on of the term ' peta '
as

' shade ' .

Al though

thi s

transl a tion

is

not

completely sati sfactory,

presents fewer probl ems than does the more common rendering

as

it

' ghos t ' or

' hungry ghost ' . The word ' ghost ' is to be rejected because of the connotat ions
which i t bears in contemporary Engl i sh. The phrase ' hungry ghost ' , al though a
morp. sat i s factory rendering, i s reserved for a particular class of petas who are
to be d i stinguished by their hunger. Thus the translat i on ' shade ' has been
adopted

as

a compromj se. Cf. J. P. McDermoti, lJevelopemen t in the Early Buddhist

Concepts of Kamma/Karma, p. 5, footnote 2.

45. These five gat i s are l isted in DN. I l l , v. n. 234, AN, IV. v. n. 459, MN, I ,
v.

n. 73, etc.

- 1 88 -

animals, shades and asuras are considered to be unhappy realms of

existence.

Only human and heavenly existences are considered as

desirable courses. The course into which an individual is to be born

is largely determined by the nature of his acts (kamma). In contrast

to

the Theravada analysis on this point, the common view of the

Sanskrit texts is that the asuras occupy the lowest desirable state of
existence.46)

The course into which an individual is

determined

by

the

nature

of

his

to

be born

acts(karnma).

Thus,

IS

largely

when

the

Buddha sees men passmg from this life in accordance with their
Kamma, he thinks, "Indeed, these venerable beings who are endowed
with good conduct of body, of speech, and with good conduct of
mind, who do not abuse noble ones, who are of right view, acqumng
for themselves the Kamma (which is the consequence) of the right
view, after breaking up of the body after death, they are ones who
attain
world

(upapanna) happiness
(saggam

(upapanna)

(or a good course,

lokaril).. .....they

among

men.

are

Indeed,

ones

these

sugati), a heaven

who attain

venerable

beings

existence
who

are

endowed with misconduct of body, of speech , and with misconduct of

mind, who abuse noble ones, who are of wrong view, acquiring for
themselves

the kamma

(which is

the consequence) of the wrong

view, they, after the breaking up of the body after death are ones
who attain existence in the realm of the shades, ....who attain an
animal womb(tiracchanayoni), .......who attain a state of loss (apaya), a
miserable course (duggati), destrucion (vinipata, niraya)."47)

Buddha was very emphatic in upholding his viewpoint on the

balance between actions and their consequences, in this life and in
46. On the asuras and the i r pos i tion in the Buddhist scheme of exi stence. see A.
Matsunaga. The Buddhist Philosophy of Assimilation: The His torical Development
of the Honji -Suijaku Theory. p. 51.
47. MN . vol . I l l . v. n. 1 78- 1 79. Cf. J. P. McDermott . op. c i t

pp. 5-6. Accoding

to Buddhi sm there are two types of actions. Sisrava and anis rava. The Sisrava
actions are those which bring about good and bad consequences. On the other hand
medi tation on the four nobl e truths. which leads to Arhatshi p,
action and i t does not generate good or evi l consequences .

is an anasrava

- 1 89 -

lives

beyond.

In

those

systems

of thought which

maintain

the

persistence of the soul as a substance, this view of balance through

continuity

IS

legitimately

sponsored.,

But he did

not

accept the

conception of a substantial soul monad which persists between lives.

Nevertheless, he maintains the continuity of cause and effect.48) He
does not even refer to the conceptions of an astral or subtle sheath
which could be the receptacle of the essence or the consequences of
Karma

and

which

would

persist

till

liberation

is

attained.,49)

Nevertheless, Buddha is perhaps the greatest prophet of the sanctity

of actions.

Buddha' s insistence on the nobility of actions

gains

pointed significance when analysed in the background of the radical

nihilism implied in the deterministic teachings of Makkhali Gosala.
Ajita also had denied the notion of consequences following from
action.
The acknowledgement of Karma is directly related to spiritual
endeavour,

since

religious

endeavour

is

usually

based

on

the

recognition of free will. The view that a person receives the fruits of
his actions is possible only if he has a free will. Beliefs that man ' s
destiny i s determined by the gods or by fate or i s a matter of
chance

leave no room for free will. A person

cannot be held

responsible for his actions according to such theories. If Karma is

interpreted in a very mechanical manner, it, too, can be seen as a
fatalistic teaching. Fatalistic interpretations of Karma were advocated
by a number of non-Buddhist groups. The Buddhist, by interpreting
Karma through the teaching of Dependent Origination, affirmed free
will and the value of religious practice. If the Self is considered to
be a permanent and substantial entity, then it cannot change and
cannot be affected by the fruits of a person ' s actions. If the causal
relations that affect a person are not acknowledged, then the causal
laws governing Karma also cannot be recognized., Consequently, the
Buddhists applied the Middle Way between the annihilationist and the
48. C. A. F. Rhys Davids, wSoul Theory i n Buddhism " , JRAS. , 1903, pp. 587-59 1 ,
says that there i s apparent contrad i ct i on between nihi l i stic anatmani sm and the
bel i ef i n Karma which impl i es a pers i stent continui ty of the individual .
49. CL A. K. Coomaraswamy, Buddha and the Gospel of Buddhism, p. 109.

- 1 90 -

eternalist

positions

and

their

teachings

concerning

Dependent

Origination to Karma and thereby refuted fatalistic theories of Karm

a.50)
We shall now note here that Buddhism took over the Hindu
doctrine of Karma and rebirth but moralised it. Bebirth in heaven is
no longer due to performing animal sacrifices, or due to the infliction
of self-torture, but through practising the virtues emphasised by the
Buddha, alms-giving, truthfulness, forgiveness of enemies and others.
These teachings are indeed imbibed in the jataka stories. We get the
message of man as being the maker of his own destiny. It does not
put man at the mercy of some unknown destiny. It holds the view
that the life, which a man experiences at present, is nothing but the
fruit of some good or bad deed done by him in his previous birth.
And what is his furture ? That will be the fruits of actions which
he is performing at present. Thus he himself is responsible for his
past, present and furture. If he wished for a joyous furture he has to
perform noble deeds in the living present with his good will. He
cannot expect a bright future if his present is

steeped in

the

darkness of his evil-deeds. Not only the present life, but the life
beyond

is

attempted

also
to

governed by
inculcate

the

ethical

deeds
spirit

of the doers.
In

the

masses

Thus,

it

besides

popularising Buddhism and its noble thought.

VI-3. THE BODHISATTVA IDEAL

Progress, dynamism or change, is the sign of life. The other

way is (':alled death or decay. A living thing always undergoes
changes,

whether perceptively

or imperceprively.

human

child

undergoes constant changes as it grows. The change is apparently

imperceptible until after a gap of some time. The objects of nature
50. H. Ak i ra . op. c i t

pp. 1 87-1 88.

- 1 91 -

also undergo changes imperceptibly. As the saymg goes,

a man

never takes bath in the same river twice though the river seems to
flow eternally in the same appearance. It changes every moment, the
new

waves

significant

continuously

perception;

it

replacing
retains

the

the

old

same

ones
old

without

name

any

- -Ganga,

Yamuna and so on. But can we say that they are the same rivers as
came out of the hills in the days of the hoary past ?

This is stated

in Buddhism as the K$anikatva or K!;)aI)abhanga-vada (momentariness

or continual decay and change of everything). The human society
also in no exception to it. It undergoes continuous changes without
any visible appearance until after a gap of some time. It retains the
same name and frame but has changed almost completely from the
time of its origin. Humanity has traversed a long way since the days
of the Buddha and inevitably it has changed to a great extent.
However, everything, animate or inanimate retains some of its basic
nature as well as, quite often, the name also. This may be called the
unity in diversity.
In the Jataka stories there

IS

well illustrated the doctrine of

Karma which might have been borrowed from the pre-Buddhistic

thought. Two important Buddhist theories of the Bodhisattva and the
Paramita thought are also inseparably related to the Jatakas.
Here let us enquire into the simple question as to who
ideal Bodhisattva Answer can be

an

IS

an

extensive one as well as very

brief. Following the middle path we may enumerate here the main
qualities of a Bodhisattva as known from the texts: -

A Bodhisattva is he who
1. possesses great compassion;

2. perfects the ten virtues called Paramitas;

3. is fearless (Visarada);

4. works for the benefit (Hita) of others;

5. brings transformation of his merit (PuI)yapariI)amana) ;

6. makes a vow (PraI)idhi) to become Buddha as to lead others

to Buddhahood;

- 1 92 -

7. is endowed with virtue of diligence (Apramada) ;

8.

IS

always

endowed

with

mindfulness

and

awareness

(Smrti - sampraj anya) ;

9. has enormous capacity of patience and tolerence (KSanti) ;

10. is free from arrogance or pride (Mana);
1 1 . is free from attachment (Raga);
12. is prepared to give up any possessions (Tyaga);
13. there

IS

no scope in Bodhisattva' s personality for any hatred

(Dvea);

14. has a right understanding of things (Yathabhutaj fiana or

Samyagdroti) ;

15. cultivates wholesome thoughts (Kusalacitta) and possesses

clear mind;

16. is free from any confusion (Moha);

17. is always up and doing (VIryasamanvagata) ;
18. is prepared to psotpone the final emanicipation;
1 9. is always tranquil and self-possessed;
20. has unwavering faith in the path of Bodhisattva-hood, etc.
However, this list can continue further yet the above may be
found as including the foremost qualities of a Bodhisattva
The

mention

of

Bodhisattva

is

found

throughout

Buddhist

literature, particularly in the jatakas and also in the Avadanas. The

Buddha

is

said

to

have

passed

through

innumerable

existences,

during incalculable ages, living in lower and higher states as human

beings and even as animals and birds,51 ) before he attained Samyak
Sambodhi and became a Buddha. During these previous existences,
he is known to have been a Bodhisattva or a person destined

to

be

a Buddha, a potential Buddha. All the Buddhas, including Gotama and

51 . Out of 547 Jataka stories, Bodhi sattva i s reported to have been born as a
king 85 times, as a n i 83 times, Acharyy 26, Amatya 24, Brahmin 24, prince 24 ,
land-owner 23, schol ar 22, and merchant 13 times. The Buddha was born quite a
few t i mes as an animal

( not menti oned in the earl iest Canons ) ,

thrice as a

low-caste person, twice as a thief and once as a cheat , etc. Cf. I . C. Ghosh.
J takas, preface. p. 4.

- 1 93 -

those prior to him, had to pass through these stages before attaining
Buddhahood. There are at least five hundred fifty anecdotes in the
Jatakas of his earlier births as human or non-human beings, though
it is said that there are still more stories of his life as Bodhisattva.
In all these existences he performed some noble act, by which he
gained merit and the accumulated merits of all these past lives and
the intensive efforts in the last led Gotama to the attainment of the
Summum Bonum, i.e., Buddhahood.52)

As the terms ' Bodhisattva' and ' Paramita' play very important
part in the Jataka collection, let us first make an attempt here of
explaining them for a proper understanding.

The term 'Bodhisattva' has been explained in various ways by

modem scholars.

O. Bohtlingk and R. Roth and Monier-Williams in

their Sanskrit Dictionaries interpret ' Sattva' as ' essence or nature ' ,
'true

essence' .

Thus,

in

the

opinion

of

Bohtlingk

and

Roth

Bodhisattva means "der im Besitz des Wesens der Bodhi Seiende."53)

The Sanskrit lexicographer Monier-Williams translated it thus, "One
who has bodhi or perfect wisdom as his essence."54) He gives further
the

following

explanation

in

his

own

usually translated ' One whose essence

=

Dictionary,
IS

"Bodhisattva

is

perfect knowledge' <sattva

'essence', 'own nature', svabhava). It is very possible that this

was

the

original

meaning

of

the

word;

historically,

however,

' One who is on the way to the attainment of perfect

Bodhisattva

knowledge'

(i. e. a Buddhist saint when he has only one birth to

undergo before obtaining the state of a supreme Buddha and then

NirvID.la)".55)

According to Charles Eliot, the word means "One whose essence

IS

52.

Knowledge".56) H. Hachman translates it, "He whose essence is

S.

S.

Gupta,

"Devel opment of the IdeCl. o f Bodhisattva " ,

pp. 1 92-193.
53. O. Bohtl ingk and R. Roth, Sanskri t Worterbuch, pp. 1855-78.
54. M. Moni er-Wi l I iams, Sanskri t English Dictionary, p. 688.
55. I bid. , p. 734.
56. Charl es El iot, Hinduism and Buddhism, vol . I , p. 7.

!BC,

vol .

VI ,

- 1 94 becoming Enlightenment".57)

H.

Kern while interpreting the term

Bodhisattva says that properly Bodhisattva simply means "a sentient

or reasonable being, possessing bodhi".58)
the

term

Bodhisattva

Enlightenment".59)

stands
D.

for

T.

"a

According to E. ]. Thomas
being

Suzuki

of

translates

(or

destined

this

for)

term

as

mean

'a

"intelligence-Being" . 60)

In

the

Pilii

texts

the

term

'Bodhisatta'

to

seems

bodhi-being ' . Therefore, L. D. Barnett rightly interprets this term as

a "Creature of Enlightenment".61 )

Dr. Har Daya1 in his work opines

that satta here does not mean a mere ordinary creature. It is almost
certainly related to the Vedic ' sattvan ' , which means
strong or va1iant man, hero, warrior ' ."62)
"Satta

in

Pilii

Bodhisatta

should

be

'krieger' ,

'a

Therefore, Har Daya1 says,

interpreted

as

heroic

being,

spiritua1 warrior" .63)

Taking into account all these explanations Kariyawasan observes

that "The concept of
important

concepts

(meaning) Buddha
Buddhism,

to

be is one of the most

specially

the

Mahayana.

Etymologically the term Bodhisattva can be broken into two parts,

bodhi and sattva: bodhi from the root 'budh' , to be awake, means
' awakening' or 'enlightenment' and sattva derived from ' sant' , the
present participle of the root
literally,

'one

who

is

' as ' ,

sentient

'to be' ,

being ' .

means

Hence,

the

' a being '

term,

or

when

combined, is taken to mean 'one whose essence is Enlightenment' or

' enlightened knowledge' ."64)

Let us now stop this discussion on the etymology of the word

57.
58 .
59.
60.
61 .
62.

H. Hackman, Buddhism as a Rel igion, p. 63.

H. Kern, op. cit. , p. 65.
E. J. Thomas, The life of Buddha as Legends and History, p. 2, footnote, I .
D. T. Suzuki , Outl ines of Maha.yana Buddhism, p. 277.
L. D. Barnett, The Pa th of Light, p. 20.
He has made a detai l ed di scussi on on the term and added vari ous OpIniOnS

hel d by di fferent schol ars and lexicographers, See, Har Dayal , The Bodhisa t t va
Doctrine in the Buddhist Sanskri t Li tera ture, p. 9.

63. Ibid. , p. l l .
64. Kari yawasan, Encyclopaedia of Buddhism, vol . I l l , p. 224.

- 1 95 -

and turn to the Bodhisattva conception with which we are primarily

concerned in context of the ]atakas. We have nothing to do with the
developed Mahayanic theory or conception of the Bodhisattva where
the term \ Bodhisattva' represents a class of deities who derive their
origin from the five 'DhyanI Buddhas ' (spiritual not material Buddhas)
representing

the

five

primordial

elements

(Paiicaskandha)

S arhjfia(name),

Vedana(sensation),

RUpa(form),

like

Sarhskara(confonnation), and Vijfiana(consciousness). The pantheon of

the Northern Buddhists revolves

around the theory of the five

'DhyanI Buddhas ' . These Bodhisattvas are deified and recognised as

the

helpers

of mankind like

Maitreya

Bodhisattva

who

having

rejected his personal attainment waits for the salvation of the people
of the universe.
In a simpler way we may remark that Bodhisattva is one who
thinks of becoming a Buddha for the welfare and liberation of all
creatures.

His

career

begins

with

the

'bodhi-cittotpada'

or

'production of the thought of bodhi' . The compound word 'cittotpada'

is employed in its ordinary non-technical sense in a passage ( sadhu
sadhu

maharaja sobhanaste cittotpadab).65)

Here also it means

' thought or idea'. But in a later development of the Bodhisattva-idea

some

pre-pnmary

conditions

like

' gotra' ,

' adhi-mukti'

and

'anuttara-puja' were deemed necessary for the 'Bodhicitta'.66)

In the early days of Buddhism the attainment of Arahattva (Pali:
Arahatta) as well as NirvaQa (Nibbana) was the summum bonum of
the Buddhists. For this attainment, the Buddhists naturally paid a
great attention to the observance of monastic disciplines. These
Arhats and the Pacceka Buddhas were more careful for their own
liberation
Therefore,

than

helping

all

human

"the Bodhisattva

doctrine

beings
was

by

their

promulgated

teaching.
by

some

Buddhist leaders as a protest against this lack of true spiritual

fervour and altruism among the monks of that period."67)

With a

65. E. B . Cowel l and R. A. Nai l , Divyadana, p. 394 .

66. S. C. Sarkar, op. c i t. , p. 168.
67. Har Dayal , The Bodhisa t t va Doctrine in the Buddhist Sanskri t Li tera ture,

- 1 96 -

widened outlook and an elaboration in the concept of Buddhahood and

perhaps through the influence of the then prevailing other religions
like Hinduism and ] ainism, more liberal monks also sought to make
Buddhism a popular religion by preaching this ideal through which
ordinary men or women could secure welfare and happiness in this
world and hereafter and by passing through different stages attain
the summum bonum of life. Even an oridnary man can initiate the
process of reaching the goal by producing at its first stage the idea
of 'bodhi-citta' and going consequently through successive stages in
countless

births.

Thus

the

new 'conception

of

Bodhisattva

ideal

opened a new horizon in Buddhism; it was definitly a great approach

which widely helped in making Buddhism a popuiClr and favoured
religion of the layman.

However, this broadened outlook on the Bodhisattva conception

might be said to have developed in a natural way from the life-story
of the historical Buddha and the legendary existences of his previous
births. The Bodhisattva doctrine in its new definitions probably began

to evolve as early as the second century B.C.

In fact, the tenn 'Bodhisattva' is as old as the Pall Nikaya.68)
Gautama the Buddha declares himself as a Bodhisattva when he
refers to the time before his attainment of the Enlightenment.

This is the earliest significance known of the tenn. From this

original context, the life of the Buddha before the attainment of
'Bodhi'

was

called

Bodhisattva-life.

As

the

early

tradition

well

records, the Buddha was believed even then to have been born 550
times before attaining 'Bodhi' , and each account of these births made
a Jataka-story in which

the Buddha was born as a Bodhisattva.

Thus, we see that there was a great contrast between the Theravada
ideal

of

Bodhisattva

and

the

Sarvastivada

and

Mahasanghika

p. 3.
68. HMaham pi kho. brlhmaQa pubbeva sambodhl anabhi sambuddhassa bodhisattasseva
sato etaadhos i ,
"

footnote, 24.

MN,

PTS. .

vol .

I,

p. 17.

Cf.

S.

C.

Sarkar.

SCJAT,

p. 1 69,

- 1 97 -

conception of Bodhisattva. According to the Theravada, a Bodhisattva

is to undergo numerous births as well as to practise Paramita, i.e.
perfection

before

attaining

' samma-sambodhi '

or

'perfect

enlightenment' .69)

On

the Bodhisattva Idea itself, a significant passage of the

Vinayapitaka is found to shed some further light as it records the

']ataka' to be included in the earliest sub-division of the doctrine of
Gautama Buddha.70) The ]ataka is connected not only with the Lord
Gotama. But even the former Buddhas like Vipassl, Sikhl, Vessabhu,
Kakusandha, KOI).agamana and Kassapa are mentioned to have used
]atakas to preach their doctrine.71) Therefore, this evidence appears to
contrast with the notion that the Jatakas were essentially linked with
and restricted to the Bodhisattva-life of the Gautama Buddha. We
can well guess that this fact refers itself to the second evolved stage
ill

the

meanmg

and

application

of

the

words

'Jataka'

and

'Bodhisattva' even in early Buddhism. This belief becomes more

evident when we see that by the 2nd century B.C. .the Bharhut
sculpture already included a representation of the six other Buddhas
mentioned above. All the six Buddhas, therefore, were already there
along with the Bodhisattva representations of Gautama However, it
can be guessed further that the Bodhisattva theory as applicable to
persons other than the Lord came to evolve at a stage later than
perhaps the Bharhut sculptures.

Of the SIX prevIous Buddhas, there survIve five intact reliefs on

69. G. De. op. c i t
p . 1 48 .
70 . vinayapi aka. I l l . PTS. Suttavi bhaDga part I . pp. 8-9. NBhagava ca Sariputta.
.

Kakusandho . . . . . aki l asuno ahesum slvakanam dhammam desetum. bahufi ca nesam ahos i
suttam geyyam. . . . JatakamN.
71 . On thi s point Prof. Haj ime Nakamura thinks that in early and Pal i Buddhi sm
the i dea of the Bodhi sattva was especial ly popular among the lai ty. A l arge
number of the Jatakas or accounts o f the prior births of the Buddha were based
on popular stories.

i ncluding animal tales . current i n the tradi tions of the

time. These were transformed to more didactic ends as the Bodhisattva i dea was
l ater woven into the Jataka narrat ive s tructure as a whole. The Encyclopaedia of
by Mi rcea E l i ade. Macmi l lan Publ ishing Company. New York. 1 987.

Religion. ed

vol . I I . p. 266.

- 1 98 -

the Bharhut railing with that of the Buddha Sikhin( 2nd in order)
being missing .72) A full medallion is devoted to each of them as
showing an empty throne and the particular tree under which he
attained enlightenment. The Buddhavarpsa also records an account of
the trees associated with them, viz., the Pa.tali of Vipasyin, Sa.la of
SirIa

Visvabhu,

of Krakucchanda,

Udumbara of Kanakamuni

and

Nyagrodha of Kayapa.73)

In the opmlOn of Prof. De, "The application of the term ' ]a.taka'
at the time of the erection of the Stilpa of Bharhut did not involve
any idea of predestination of a Bodhisattva to become a Buddha for,
tracing the Bodhisattva idea from the 5th century A.D. back to the
time of the Pali Nika.yas we find a gradual diminution of its scope
until in the inscriptions of Bharhut it totally disappears."74)

Following Prof. De, S. C. Sarkar thinks, "It seems that the term
ja.taka was not only associated with the birth stories of the Gotama
Buddha,

but

with

any

important

fact of the

venerable

persons.

Therefore, many pre-Buddhistic events were called jatakas but with

the Buddhist colouring the tenn took its rigid connotation. Bereft of
the Bodhisattva-idea,

a jataka originally consisted of a verse or

verses embodying ill a concise fonn a past episode, generally with a

moral understood with the help of a prose narration which for the
most part remained implicit rather than explicit, changing according
to circumstances; and that all the jatakas mentioned in connection
with the
Vipassi

seven Buddhas, viz.,

to

Kassapa,

were

Gotama and his predecessors from

of

this

type

from

which

the

72. B. M. Barua. Bharhut. 1 1 . pp. 1 -4. wThe Bharhut labels i denti fy the scene by
' Bhagavato Vipasino Bodhi ' or ' The Bodhi -Tree of the Divine Master Vipaschi t ' .
' Bhagavato Vesabhuno Bodhi Sa lo ' or ' Sala or Shorea Robusta--the Bodhi Tree of
the Divine Master V i S vabhr i t ' ,

' Bhagavato Kakusadhaso Bodhi

Cunningham.

pp. H3-U 5.

Stripa o f Bharhut,

gateway of Sanchi ,
appl i ed panels )

' . . . . . .

If .

Cf. A.

Also in the rel iefs of the east

tlie middle and ends of the beams ( thi rd archi trave: back

show seven holy trees adorned by gods and men.

evi dently for the s i x predecessor Buddhas and Gautama. '

I l , p. 4.

73. Buddhavamsa, PTS , Chap. XV. and DN;

74 . G . De. op. c i t . . p. 2.

They are

- 1 99 -

Bodhisattva-]atakas have developed later on."75)

From the

above we are led to think that the developed

Bodhisattva -idea was not yet known to the people who worshiped
the previous Buddhas and even represented them symbolically in the
sculptures of Bharhut and Sanchi SWpas.76) The ]atakas shown on
these

Stupas

were

perhaps

not

still

based

upon

the

Bodhisattva-theory, and these stories largely served as illustrations of

the morals taught by the Buddha.
To proceed from the known to the less known, we have to be
very clear about the definition of Bodhisattva which underwent
notable modifications according to diverse developments taking place
from time to time in the interpretation of Buddhist ideals themselves.
We may remark here that a Bodhisattva came generally to be taken
as a being who in his desire to become a Buddha has had
systematically to pass through different re-births acquiring certain
virtues in a progressive order before attaining Buddhahood.

In

the

beginning, it was restricted to the Buddha (i.e. Gotama Buddha) who

in his Bodhisattva stage was believed then to act invariably as the
hero of the Apar;u:laka and other births, which were recounted on
various occasions by the illustrious Teacher himself, and which had
occurred during a long period17) of time when the Sage desiring the
salvation of mankind, fulfilled the vast conditions of Buddhahood.78)
In its much developed stage, this primary Bodhisattva ideal came,

however, to be accepted as the model for other worthy souls and

subseqeuntly even for every sentient being.

75. S. C. Sarkar, Studies in the CO/11l1lOn J4 taka and A V4dana Tales, pp. 4-5.
76. The Sanchi Stilpa has represention of the formal Buddhas from Vipass i to
Kassapa wi th the i r respect i ve Bodhi Trees. Cf. J. Marshal l , Guide to Sanchi,
p. 58.
77.
"Cattari

ca

aseyyani

kappani

ca

Introduction to the JHakas, of 5th Century A. D.

satasahassani " ,

Nidanakatha,

Cf. Rhys Davids, op. c i t . ,

8 1 -2 and G. De, op. c i t . , p. 2.

78. L i t . perfected the vast const i tuents of Buddhahood, the Parami tas are meant.

pp.

The ApaI}I}aka i s the t i tie o f the f i rst Ja taka story in the Col lection of
Fausbo1 1 .

- 200 -

The number of such re-births was regarded by no means to be

a fixed one, but depended upon the degree of perfection attained by
the aspirant in each re-birth being inversely proportional to the
amount of exertion he put forth during his evolution.
Every story in the Pali Jataka collection is associated with the
Bodhisattva

who

necessarily

becomes

its

hero

either

human

or

non-human but in the case of a story containing no hero the

Bodhisattva is a tree-divinity79) to pronounce its moral. Though it
may appear faulty to a modern critic, the wholesale attempts were
made to link these stories individually with new Bodhisattva theory
of c. 4th century A.D. These stories were originally accepted as
pre-Buddhistic, belonging to the stock of ancient India folklores, and
contain in their Jataka forms of the 4th or 5th century A.D. the
Bodhisattva as

their essential link, which perhaps

at that tL.'l1e

contituted the only reason of their being put into a collection and
thus saving them from oblivion.SO)
In the Milindapaflba, a work composed about the beginning of
the

Christian

Era,

the

notion

that

Gotama

Buddha

'asarpkheyyas ' and 1 00,000 (one hundred thousand)

had

for 4

'kalpas ' passed

through various existences fulfilling the conditions of Buddhahood

before its attainment, was still strong.8I) The name of the Buddha
Anomadassi belonging to the list of 18 additional Buddhas appears in
connection with the especial characteristics of Buddhas.82) This fact
along with the mention of Vipassi and Kassapa Buddhas83) makes it
79 . How a sacred tree was to be cut down for a pil lar. and the spir i t of the
tree appeared to the king, and by his unse l fi shness turned the king 's purpose.
Bhadda-Sal a J ataka ( Ja. No. 465 ) . JAF, vol . 4, pp. 1 44-157.

Cf. thi s story has

been connected w i th Kat thahari Jataka ( Ja. No. 7).

80. G. De, op. ci t. , p. 2.
81 . V. Trenckner , ed. , Mi l indapafiha, PTS, p. 232. Cf. Mi l indapaffha publ i shed in

1880, reprinted in 1 987 as one volume wi th Mi l inda-Tika, ed. , by P. S. Jaini ,

1961 , PTS. Also i t has been trans lated in Engl ish with the t i t l e of MiJ inda 's
Ques tions by I . B. Horner i n two volumes, 1964 and 1964 by the same publ i sher.
Rhys Dav i ds has also trans lated i t.
82. V. Trenckner , ed. , Mi l i ndapafiha, p. 216.

- 201 -

sure that the theory of 24 preVIOUS Buddhas as advanced by the

Buddhavarpsa was then known and accepted., We also find among
others twenty-two birth- stories of the Bodhisattvas but not called
]atakas,84) illustrating the fact that in previous births Devadatta was
addicted to wickedness only. That is to say, the stories from original
]atakas were to bring now into clearer relief the contrasting features
of Gotama and his opponent Devadatta in their previous births with
a view to explaining the diametrically opposite tendencies of their
present births as crystallised out of their previous Karma.85)

On the strength of the aforesaid evidences we may say that at

the time of the Milindapafiha all the stories of the original ]ataka
collection

were

not

indiscriminately

made

use

of

to

illustrate

Bodhisattva' s births and that whenever they were utilised they were
so done to illustrate a particular aspect of his career.

In the previous chapter, we have attempted to point out that the

]ataka stories originally existed in verses. These verses as preserved
in the Ceylonese Collection seldom refer to any Bodhisattva but only
give, as a rule, the substance of the AtItavatthu that is the story
proper

and

resonably

its

moral in

served

in

the

each

case86)

time

of

the

and

thus

might have quite

Milindapafiha

as

incentives

mainly to good deeds to be practised by all.

In the Milindapafiha, the definition of a Bodhisattva seems also

to be confounding. ID the statement that "all the Bodhisattvas must,
as a rule, give away in charity their sons and daughters",87)

we are

confronted with the question whether by Bcdhisattva is meant only

human Bodhisattvas of exalted characters fulfilling the Paramitas, --a
view which if accepted, would considerably diminish the scope of the

83. Ibid. , p. 221 .

84. Ibid. , pp. 200-203.
85. Cf. G. De, op. ci t. , p. 3.
86. The verses from Kuku!a J ataka ( Ja. No. 383 ) wi l l very appropri ately
i l l ustrate our poi nt.
V.
Trenckner,
87.
"Sabbe 'pi mahara.ja Bodhisatta puttadaram dinnarpti " ,
Mi l i ndapafiha, p. 274.

- 202 -

term as

compared with

that

of the ]ataka Bodhisattva where

it

means the hero of any and every story in the collection.

In the same text, the Bodhisattvas are also shown

to

tread the

path leading to the attainment of the ten attributes possessed by the

Buddhas,

viz.,

(1) agedhata: absence of greediness, (2) niralayata:

homelessness,

(3)

cago:

sacrifice,

(4)

pahanarp:

renunciation,

(5)

apunaravattita: non-return to worldly life, (6) sukhumata: subtleness,

(7)

mahantata:

vastness,

duranubodhata:

(8)

abstruseness,

(9)

dullabhata: rareness, (10) asadisata: matchlessness. It is unnecessary

to

add

that

' tiracchana

or

non-human

Bodhisattvas '

contemplated under the category of Bodhisattvas here.BB)

cannot

be

Therefore,

we shall not also be surprised if we find, as we proceed on to earlier

stages, the number of non-human Bodhisattvas becoming less and
less and human Bodhisattvas surpassing in skill and virtue those of
later times.

The

works

entitled

'Cariyapitaka'

and

' ' Buddhavarpsa'89)

represent perhaps the next earlier stage of PaH literature. Both are
several times referred to indirectly in the Milindapaflha specially the
Cariyapitaka, which is mentioned by name in connection with the
account of Vessantara Bodhisattva

These two works are important landmarks in the whole history

of Buddhism as

they clearly

indicate

a stage of its development

when a notable departure was made from the original doctrine by

launching the new theory of Paramitas in the former text along with
the

addition

of

18 Buddhas

in

the

latter,

i.

e. --

Diparhkara,

Kondaooa, Mailgala, Sumana, Revata, Sobhita, Anomadassi, Paduma,

Narada,

Padumattara,

88. Ibid. , p. 276.

89. Their ori ginal

Sumedha,

text was

Suj ata,

edi ted under

the

Piyadassi,

title

of

Atthadassi,

Buddhavasa and

cariypi taka by R. Morri s in 1882 and again i t was edi ted with the same t i t l e by

N. A. Jayawi ckrama i n 1 974 from the PTS; also i t was translated in Engl ish twice
by B. C. Law in 1938 and by 1 . B. Homer in 1975, and issued by the same
pub l i sher.

- 203 -

Dhammadassi, Siddhattha, Tissa and Phussa- -to the already existing

and recognised six premier Buddhas of the Nikayas, viz., Vipassi,
Sikhi, Vessabhu, Kakusandha, Konagamana and Kassapa. This theory
of Paramita and that of the 18 Buddhas referred to above were
unknown90) to the Nikayas so far available.

Thus, Prof. G. De who has investigated further on this point

remarked that "The Bodhisattva idea in its technical sense originating
in

the Buddhavarpsa necessarily involves three conditions without

which it cannot stand. These are: (1) the beginning of the Bodhisatta
period from the birth of Sumedha Brahman, (2) the duration period
till its fulfilment and

(3) its place in relation to 24 previous

Buddhas. Without the 24 Buddhas previous to Gotama which are a

necessary adjunct to the Bodhisattva theory, a Bodhisattva in its
technical sense cannot be conceived., He must have his place among
the 24 Buddhas in the process of Buddhahood which otherwise is
impossible of attainment. The birth of a Bodhisattva cannot therefore
be regarded as independent or voluntary as an incarnation but as a
birth on compulsion."91 )

However,

the peculiar religious

belief underlying

the jataka

collection of the 5th century A.D. and as expressed in the eagerness

to associate each jataka with a Bodhisattva stage of the Buddha is
conspicuously absent in the labels of Bharhut. If the title 'jataka' of
Bharhut necessarily implied the predestination of

Bodhisattva to

have acquired its religious importance and special significance, which

it did in the 5th century A.D. on account of its association with the
new Bodhisattva ideal then, does it not stand to reason that it must
be found as a rule attached to all the labels on the bas-reliefs
dwelling on the birth-stories of the Bodhisattva ?

Or in other

words, if the title 'jataka' carried with it the inherent idea of a

Bodhisattva and was regarded sacred on that account, then a jataka
story upon a sacred Stupa must also be found, as a rule, to possess

90. G. De. op. ci t

91 . Ibid. . p. 8.

p. 6.

- 204 -

this very title. If without the Bodhisattva- -who is its keynote--no

Jataka can be accepted, then without the title 'Jataka' no Bodhisattva
can be accepted by implication.

According to the

Theravada doctrines,

individual liberation

or

NirvaI)a was supposed to be the most complete salvation. The state

of Arhat, who has a foretaste of NirvaI)a in this mortal life, was the
goal of all candidates, to be attained by some spiritual experiences in
the monastic life. This state was attained only by a few and was
not a necessary corollary of everybody' s attempts,

--the state of

Buddhahood being out of reach for them, which was reserved for one
In

an

aeon.

Mahayanism came into being with a remarkable change in the

doctrine of the Theravada,92) though they acknowledged their theories

to have originated with the Buddha and based on the profounder

teachings of the Lord, imparted to the select few of his disciples. It
set up the idea of Bodhisattvahood in place of that of Arhathood.
According to it, not only the monks, but any human being from any
walk of life, can aspire to be reborn as a Bodhisattva. For this, one
has to develop the Bodhicitta and to practise a few moral qualities
like

Dana

VIrya

(liberality),

(moral

strengh),

Sua

(moral precepts),

Dhyana

Kshanti

(forbearance),

(mental concentration),

and Prajfla

(knowledge of the truth), and has as well to worship the Buddha and
the past Bodhisattvas.

Bodhicitta implies developing a strong resolution to attain Bodhi

or NirvaI).a. To acquire the perfections or Paramitas, a person was
required to make the extreme sacrifice, even of one ' s own life. The
Bodhisattva was also to meditate and develop extreme compassion
for all living beings so much so, that he did not accept his own
salvation, though he is eligible for that, until the whole teeming mass

92. I t was the Mahayana. w i th i ts vastly al tered understanding of the Buddhahood

and the path of spiri tual sanct i fi cati on. that transformed the notion from i ts
very l i m i ted ini t ial appl i cation to a vehicle of universal salvat ion.

- 205 -

of humanity IS not conducted to the other shore of the ffilsenes of

the

world.

adherents

This
to

be

contradistinction

of

feature

followers

to

that

the
of

of

Mahayana
the

the

noble

doctrine

makes

its

path--Mahayana,

Theravadins,

which

they

call

HInayana as they aspired for selfish individual salvation only, and as

such, are of inferior quality.
Finally we may consider here two major Bodhisattva practices,93)
I.e. the set of the Paramitas and the list of ten Bodhisattva stages,
known as the Bodhisattva Bhumis. The fonner will be discussed
separately in the next section; here we take only the latter.

The

classic

enumeration

of

Bhumis94)

the

occurs

the

Dasabhumika Sutra,95) although a variety of alternate schemata also

exists. Here, the Bodhisattva path is conceived of as an ascent
through several levels of spiritual accomplishment that, in this text at
least, are symmetrically linked with the practice of the ten Paramitas.
"The list clearly betrays an older enumeration of but seven bhumis,
as lS evidenced by the fact that at the seventh bhumi the practitioner
is held to have undertaken those disciplines sufficient to win nirvaoa,
although

his

vow

constrains

Traditionally, the seventh bhumi

which

no

spiritual retrogression

to

him
lS
lS

remam

In

sarpsara."96)

also regarded as the stage at

possible:

from this

level the

93. Another enumerati on o f Bodhisattva pract i ces i s afforded by the thirty-seven

so-cal l ed Bodhi sattva Dharmas or ' principles conducive to enl ightenment ' . These
comprehend four smr tyupasthanani or ' states of mindfu l ness ' : four prahanani or
abandonments:

four rddhi padal} or ' el ements o f supernatural power ' :

the five

indriyai or ' moral facu l t i es : five bal ani or moral powers : seven bodhyagani or
components of percepti on: and Noble Ei ghtfo l d Path. Thi s l ist the Mahayana holds
in common wi th the H i nayana.
94. The word ' bhiim i ' means,
plane,

stage,

sphere,

stat i on,

' earth,

place,

cond i t ion,

region:

function ' ,

( figuratively ) ,
etc.

ground,

According to the

Mahayani st, bhiimi has become a phi l sophical term, meaning ' s tage ' ( o f spiri tual
progress ) . Cf. ERE, p. 753.
95. ' Dasa-bhiimika-siitra or The treatise on the ten stages ' , is menti oned at Nos.
105 and 1 1 0 in B. Nanj i o ' s Catalogue. First transl ated into Chinese in A. D.
265-316,

it dates from early third century.

Dbctrine, Appendix, p. 384.

96. N. Haj ime, op. ci t . , p. 268.

Cf. Har Dayal ,

The Bodhisa t t va

- 206 -

enlightenment

of the

Bodhisattva

is

inevitable.

The

Bodhisattva

Bhurnis of the Dasabhurnika are as follows:1 . Pramudita (joyful) : Rejoicing in Bodhi and in the fact that he
shall succour all beings, the Bodhisattva perfects himself . in Drum.
2.

Vimala

(pure):

Perfecting

himself in

Morality

( SIla),

the

Bodhisattva is free from all impurities.

3. Prabhakan (light giving): The Bodhisattva brings the light (of

his insight) to the world and perfects himself in Kanti.

4. ArcimatI (radiant) : Perfecting himself in Vlrya and in the

thirty-seven Bodhipakya Dharmas, the Bodhisattva' s practice burns

away Ignorance.

5.

Sudurjaya

(difficult

to

conquer) :

Endeavouring

to perfect

himself in Dhyana and in the practice of the Four Noble Truths, the
Bodhisattva is not easily conquered by the ' forces of Mara, the
tempter of the Buddhas.

6. AbhimukhI (face to face): Perfecting himself in Prajfla and

insight into PratItya-samutpada, the Bodhisattva stands 'face to face'
with NirVfiI).a.
7. Durarpgama (far-going): With this stage, the practical aspects

of

the

Bodhisattva' s

stand

IS

the

'basis

of

existence'

(bhuta-kotivihara) and he is said to perfect himself in Upaya, the

' skilful means' necessary to help beings to salvation (although the
text also calls for the Bodhisattva to cultivate all ten Paramitas at
this stage).

8. Acala (immovable): The Bodhisattva, unmoved by thoughts

either of emptiness or phenomena, cause or non-cause, cultivates
Pral)idhana and manifests himself at will throughout the VarIOUS
levels of existence.
9. SadhumatI (stage of good being): The Bodhisattva acquires

the four Pratisarpvids (analytical knowledges) and perfects himself in

Bala.
10. Dharmamegha (cloud of the Dharma): Just as space is dotted

with clouds, so is this

stage dominated by various trances and

concentrations. The Bodhisattva acquires a radiant body befitted with

gems, and works miracles for the aid of beings. Perfecting himself in

- 207 -

]fiana, he obtains the ten ' deliverances ' of Bodhisattva.97)

The Dasabhumika maintains that the Bodhisattva enters the first
Bhumi immediately upon giving rise to Bodhicitta. One popular
outline consists of fifty-two Bodhisattva stages: ten degrees of faith,
ten 'abodes ' , ten degress of 'diversion ' (alt., the transfer of merit),
the ten Bhumis, and two subsequent stages of highest enlightenment.
The conclusion is

therefore irresistible that the ]atakas of

Bharhut have to be taken in their ordinary sense meaning stories or

fables told by the Master in illustration of his doctrine and not in the
special sense in which the Buddhist used them in later times
implying birth-stories of the Bodhisattva before he became the
Buddha.

Beyond this, however,

the notion of the Bodhisattva

underwent little further elaboration until the rise of Mahayana

Buddhism around the beginning the Christian era. Thus, the ]atakas
having no Bodhisattva did originate with the earliest doctrines of
Buddhism.

VI-4. THE PARAMITA. CONCEPTS

A Bodhisattva must practice the

SIX

or ten Paramitas. As

Richard Gombrich observed in his study of Buddhism, "there is a

general tendency for ]ataka stories which are canonically associated
with the Bodhisattva' s acquisition of a particualr perfection to be
more widely known."98) The attainment of Paramitas

Cl S

an essential

qualification or preliminary condition of Buddhahood, which Buddha is

supposed

to

have

acquired

in

countless

series

of rebirths

Dodhisattva, is not found as a group in the four Nikayas.99)

as
The

97. Cf. H. Dayal , op. c i t. , pp. 270-291 , and G. De, op. c i t. , pp. I -19.
98. R. Gombrich, Buddhism in Modern Sri Lanka, Precept and Practice, p. 93.
Dr. C. Hal l i sey remarks that the i dea of the
99. Rhys Davids. BI , p. 1 77 :
Parami tas as a group i n not found in the oldest Buddhist Li terature. The

- 208 -

importance of Paramitas not only in the life of a Bodhisattva but

also in the life of the Buddha is very great. While he was sitting
under the Bodhi -tree just before enlightenment, Mara attacked him
from the back, the great man, looking around three sides, finding no
deva for his help, thought of depending upon the ten perfections. It
was with the annour of these perfections that he was able to thwart
the attack of Mara from air and water, rocks, weapons, storm of
charcoal, ... . . . . and deep darkness. 100)

The

word

'ParamI'

and

'Paramita'

are

found

the

PaH

literature also. For example, we find the form ' ParamI' in a verse of
the Suttanipata, lOl) in the Nettipakarar.1a102) and other treatises.

Both the terms 'ParamI' and 'Paramita' are found in the Nidana
portion of the ]a.takatthavaI).IJana. This Nidana portion mentions and
enumerates

all

the

Paramita.s

and

the

corresponding

illustrative

]atakas .l03) It starts with 'Dana' l04) and closes with 'UpekhaparamI
' . 105)

The last ten ]a.taka stories which narrate the last ten previous

births of the Buddha, tell how he practised ten great virtues, the
indispensable

qualifications

for

attaining

the

exalted

position

or

dignity of the Buddha.

In the MahavaIlls a Sambhuddha, prophesied to be future Buddha,

fulfills

the

perfections

as

preparation

to

the

attainment

of

Buddhahood. 106)

Encyclopaedia of Rel igion, ed. , by M. El iade, vol . 1 1 , p. 1 96,

100. Rhys Davids, BBS, Ni danakatha , pp. 191 -194.

101 . HMantesu paramim bruhi ( or param i m ) H ,
vatthuga tha , p. 195, Verse No. 43.
1 02. " catutthe jhane param i taya",

Sutta-ni pata,

Netti -pakaral)a,

ed. , by E.

paraYaQa vagga,
Hardy,

London,

1902, p. 87. Cf. Har Dayal , op. c i t. , references , p. 356.

103. JAF, vol . I , Ni dana-Katha, Verse No. 126- 1 75, pp. 28-47.
104. "vi cinanto tada dakkhim pathamam danaparamin", Then, as I made my search, I
behel d the first Perfection of Giving, JAF, vol . I , p. 44.

Cf. the same verse in

verse No. 126, p. 20. Rhys Davids, op. c i t . , p. 1 40. footnote, 1 .

105. "upekham anat i vattassa upekhaparami " , JAF, vol . I , p. 47.
106. B. C. Law, Mahavasa , p. 1 . Cf. S. Khosl a, The Historical Evolution of the
Buddha Legend, p. 4.

- 209 -

Etymologically, the Sanskrit and Pali noun Paramita is derived

from the adjective ' parama' meaning 'high, complete, periect' .
interpretation

may

differ

along

sectarian

lines,

but

the

This

varymg

applications they suggest are found in each of the Buddhist schools.

The Theravada has commonly used another derivative, i.e. ParamI, as
a synonym. According
one

way

of

to

them, the periections afford the practitioner

celebrating

the

significance

and

superiority

of

the

Buddha, whose fulfilment of them is often said to be incomparable. In

contrast, the Mahayana tradition has analyzed the term as consisting
of two words, Param ita, meaning 'gone to the beyond ' , indicating
its character as a scheme of spiritual progress.IO?)

The Mahayana

devotees

toils

focus

their

reverence

on

the

enormous

of

great

Bodhisattvas such as Avalokitesvara, who are engaged in practising

the periections.

With regards

to

the term of Paramita, Prof. H. Dayal observes

that " the earlier and alternative form

'parami'

also points

derivation from ' parama'. The suffix -ta was probably added

to
to

the

it on

the analogy of the abstract substantives ending in -ta. It has been

suggested that a compound like Dana-paramita may be explained as
the quality or condition of a person, who is a dana-paramita, i.e.,
who possesses the parami or highest point of dana or charity. " l 08)

The

word

Paramita

is

(catutthe jhane paramitaya).

also

noticed

in

the

NettippakaraI)a

Foregoing references prove that the idea

of Bodhisattva along with the

conception

of

' Paramita'

was

not

entirely absent in the primitive Buddhism. Another canonical book,

the Cariyapitaka, contains thirty-four short Jataka-stories in verse, in
which a brief account of the Buddha's meritorious actions, during his
' Bodhisattva-cariya'

has

been

given.

These

Cariyas

are

the

ten

practices of Paramita of the Bodhisattva.

Such

notion developed In the general expanSIOn of Buddhist

107. C. Hal l isey. op. c i t p. 197.

1 08. Har Dayal . op. c i t
p 1 66 .
.

- 21 0 -

thought and practice before the beginning of the Christian era, which
movement gave new recognition to some other types of religious
notions

other

than

renunciation.

The

Paramitas

provided

an

alternative scheme of religious practice more in tune with the newly

developed concepts of the Buddha and the nature of a Bodhisattva in
contrast to the older schemes of morality, meditation and wisdom and
the Noble Eightfold Path.

In

the Mahavastu the term

'Paramita'

has been used in its

ordinary sense, viz. perfection, in the compounds like ' Garbhavakranti

Paramita' l(9) or ' the last entrance of the Bodhisattva into the womb ' ,
and 'Prajfiaparamita ' l lO) or 'Perfection in

Sravaka' s

knowledge' etc.

From these words it seems that the term 'Paramita' does not offer
the meaning attributed to it in the later Mahayana texts . Thus, we
meet in

the

Mahavastu

the phrase

'Paramiprapta' l 11)

as well as

'Paramirp. gato' 112).

If we look at the Cariyapitaka, the Buddhavarp:sa and the ]ataka

proper, we find a mention of the 'Ten perfections ' (dasa Paramita or
dasaparamita bhumi) which Gotama Buddha had to acquire during his
previous births as Bodhisattva. They are; (1) Generosity (Dana), (2)
Good

(SIla)

conduct

(3) Renunciation (Nekkhamma), (4) Wisdom

(Pafifia),

(5)

Firmness

(Sacca),

(8)

Resolution

(Adhitthana),

(Upekkha). 1 13)

According

Equanimity
" ayam

109.

ca

punaQ

(Viriya)

(6)

Patience

(9)
to

(Khanti),

Kindness

Truth

(7)

(Metta),

(10)

the

Theravadins,

without

tri sahasaramahasahasrayam

lokadhatuyam

anuttara

garbhavakranti parami t a " , Mahavastu, vol . 1 1 , p. 24.

110. "Sariputro. . . . abhijfiavas i tam prajfiaparami tam ca. . . . . . sak ikare " , Mahavastu,
vol .
111.
112.
1 1 3.

I l l , pp. 89-90.
Ibid. , vol . I , p. 1 80.
Ibid. , p. 1 85.
Wi th the Sanskri t terms , they are Dana, S i l a, Nahkramya, Prajfia , Virya,

K ant i , Satya, Adhh lhana, Mai tr i , Upeka. These paramiUs show only pos i tive
act i ons, but there i s another group, wi th regard to the Patimokkha which are
negat i ve forms,
( Lust ) ,

Musavada

PaQatipa ta ( Murder) ,
(Lying ) ,

Samphapal apa

( Frivolous

Micchadi nhi

( Heresy ) .

Stories, Index, p. iv.

Adilllladana ( Steal ing ) , Kamesu-micchacara

Pharusavaca ( Harsh speech ) ,

speech ) ,

Cf.

Prof.

Abhi jjha
L.

Grey,

( Greed ) ,

PisuQavaca ( S l ander ) ,
Vyapada

( Malevol ence ) ,

A Concordance of Buddhist Birth

- 2 11 these ten perfections the past, the present, and the future Buddhas
can not obtain Buddhahood. But sometimes it gives eight conditions
for making a wish succeed., 1 1 4)
The six Paramitas115) were later thought to make really the chief
factors

Bodhisattva' s

discipline,

and

the

four

additional

Paramitas as merely supplementary in character. The six Paramitas

are mentioned and discussed in many passages of Buddhist Sankrit
literature, which are already mentioned above, while the seventh,
eighth, nineth and tenth Paramitas are mentioned only in a few
passages and are not explained at great length. Thus, Dr. H. Dayal
has already remarked on this point that "The Bodhisattva -Bhu.mi
classifies

each

of

the

SlX

chief

Paramitas.

The

Mahayana-su.tralarikara adopts the same method of treatment. The

Dharma-sailgraha gives six Paramitas in one section and ten in
another; but the Maha-vyutpatti speaks only of ten Paramitas. The
Dasa-bhu.mika-su.tra definitely increases the number of the Paramitas
to

ten,

as it

teaches

that

a Bodhisattva practises

one

of the

Paramitas in each of the ten bhumis (stages) of his career. This

alteration may have been due to the rivalry with the Hinayanists,
who had devised the Pali formula of the ten ParamIs." 1l6)

But it is

more probable that the number of the Paramitas ( and the Bhu.mis)
was raised to ten as a consequence of the invention of the decimal
system of computation in the science of arithmetic in the third or
fourth century A.D.

From the application of the term 'Paramita' in the Mahavastu,

1 14. wA human being made of sex who saintship gains, a teacher meets,
As hermi t l ives, and vi rtue l oves,
Nor l ack resolve, nor fiery zeal ,
Can by these eight conditions joined,
Make his most earnest wish succeed " .

JAC, vol . VI , p. 237.

These eight condi tions were uni ted in Sumedha, when he wi shed to search the
perfections whi ch make a Buddha. Cf. Dr. M. Tiwari , Ni danakatha , p. 37.
1 1 5. The six are Dana, s i l a, Kant i , Vi rya, Dhyana and Prajfia. Such l i sts are
found

in earl y Mahayana texts,

e. g.

the SaddharmapuQQarika Sutra and the

Prajfiaparami ta l i terature and in the Mahavastu of the Mahasanghika school .

1 16. H. Daya l , op. c i t . , p. 1 67.

- 212 -

Prof. Dutt states that

11

At the time of composition of Mahavastu at

2nd century B.C., the doctrine of Paramita, it seems, was not well
developed; for the gradual application of Paramita doctrine in

the

progress of Bodhisattva ' s career was insisted upon in the Mahayana

texts like Dasabhumikasutra only and not in the Mahavastu." 117) In
the

gathas

of

Lalitavistara118)

there

is

frequent

reference

to

Paramitas the attainments of which were considered essential

six

to

Bodhisattva.

Prof. N. Dutt holds the view that "Originally Paramitas were six
m

number which can be enumerated from the Buddhist Sanskrit

texts in Mahavastu (vo!. rn, p.226), Lalitavistara (p.340) and so on. 119)
These are Drum, S Ila, Khanti, Viriya, jhana and Pafifia. For the SIla
includes
includes

Nekkhana
N8.I)a,

(renunciation)

jhana

and

and

Pafifia

Sacca

(truthfulness);

together

include

Adhitthana can be linked up with all the Paramitas." 120)

he further observes:

"The Pall texts usually mention

PafifUl

Upekkha.
Therefore
ten

and

it

seems that this list was made out by the Theravadins some time
after the currency of the six Paramit:as among the sects other than
Theravada." 121)

As he concludes the discussion, "The supplementary

four Paramitas of the late Buddhist Sanskrit texts and the Pali list of
ten Paramitas were very likely the products of the same period." l22)

11 7. N. Dutt, EarJy Monastic Buddhism, p 247.

1 18. R. L. Mi tra, ed. , Lal i tavistara, pp. 38, 60
.

185, 188, etc. Cf. N. Dutt,

Ibid . . p. 251 . footnote 3.

1 1 9 . N. Dutt . " Popul ar Buddhi smw IHQ. vol . XXI . 1945. p. 262.
Cf. Prof. M. Tiwary, who has c l ass i fied ten
120. N. Dutt, op. ci t. , p. 249.
Parami tas in some di f ferent way after the Nidanakatha. p. 50.
s i l a inc l udes : Satya. Dana. s i l a, and K anti Parami tas.
Samadhi inc l udes : V i rya, Mai tra. Upek a and Adh i hana Parami tas.
Prajiia includes :

Prajiia and Dhyana Parami tas.

He bel i eves that s i la.

Samadhi . and Prajiia, whi ch are much talked about as the essential requisi tes in
Tr ipi taka.
Par8JJIi tas.
121 . Ibid.
122. Ibid. .

if

scru i tinised,

i ncorporate

the

eightfold

path

and

the

ten

Cf. Dr. M. Tiwari . who in his Introduction of the Ni danakatha

( pp. 48-67 ) has discussed Parami tas in deta i l and i s of the opinion that ten
Parami tas are only the extended explanation of six.

- 213 -

The Paramita doctrine, as we find in the Mahayana texts, is

evidently

later

development

of

the

fundamental

principle

of

Buddhism and this thought perhaps appeared in the 1st century B.C.
The Mahasailghikas, with their off-shoots the Andhakas, of the 2nd
century B.C.

first deified the Buddha and introduced the new

conception of Bodhisattva. The main object of this development was

to find place for the laity in the religion, and to create wider interest
of

the

householders

in

Buddhism.

The

doctrine

was

perhaps

introduced for the benefit of the householders as three of the

Paramitas,

VIZ.

dana, Sua, and caga were the duties prescribed for

the laity in the different Nikaya texts (saddharh ca Suam ca sutarh

ca

cagarh

ca pafiflarh

ca

anussarato

cittarh

pasldati).123)

liThe

distinction between the Paramita-practices which made a Bodhisattva

and the practices prescribed for the laity is that the former had to be
carried to the extreme that one can conceive of, while the latter was
meant only as a general moral traini'1g."I24)
Thus,

the doctrine of Paramita in

this

second connotation

touched upon the popular sentiment and ethics of the people and also
everjone was regarded to have easy access to it. This theory of
Buddhism was illustrated in general through the ]ataka tales which
made a strong appeal to the religion among the masses.
It may
noticed

ill

be

added here that though the concepts of Paramita were

the

Paramita-doctrine,

canonical
as

Theravada

we find today,

literature
was

the

popular

the creation of the

Sarvastivadins or of the Mahasanghikas with its off-shoots. This

popular method of preaching doctrine even stirred the most orthodox
Theravadins. So they were also compelled to change their code,
though it was not probably consistent with their teachings and ideals.
On this point Prof. Dutt observes that "This is an innovation which
the earliest orthodox school, the Theravadins, had to make reluctantly
under the pressure of circumstances. Their early literature was
123. Cf. AN, PTS, vol . I , p. 213. Also same passage occurs in MN, PTS, vo l . I ,
p. 467.
124. N. Dutt, op. ci t . , pp. 1 04-5.

- 214 -

ignorant of the Paramitas,

and much

later,

when they

spoke of

Paramita it was only to inspire faith in the minds of the people and
11

not to set an example to incite them to fulfil Paramitas. 125)

But one

point is to be further noted here that in order to keep difference with

those

of

the

Sarvastivada

and

Mahasanghika

schools,

the

Theravadins incorporated ten Paramitas instead of the six of the

unorthodox schools.
It is a well known truth that the illustration is more effective
than the theory or doctrine which we intend to teach the common
people about some new dogmas of religion or of any abstract thing.
The preacher of Buddhist thoughts were fully conscious of it and
accordingly developed stories to illustrate highly religious concepts of
Bodhisattva and Paramita The Jataka(also Avadana) tales, therefore,
be called the popular illustrative literature of both these Paramita
aspects of Buddhism. Every tale was made lively, fascinating and
enchanting and all sorts of borrowing from the common-stock of
current fables were made to catch the

mind of the masses.

To

clarify the proposition some of the Jataka tales illustrating different

Paramitas are noted below.

Dana

Paramita:

The

literal

meanmg

of

' Dana'

IS

'giving ' ;

therefore, the term Dana Paramita means 'perfection in giving ' . The
other equivalents are generosity, liberality, charity, munificence etc. It
is closely connected with

' tyaga'

or Pali

'caga'.

'Bodhisattva'

while fulfilling this 'Paramita' , should give away all his wealth, food,
beverages, medicines, coaches,

seats,

silver,

gold, elephant, horses,

chariots, cloths, corn, gems, ornaments, etc. For this are included
kings, princes, traders, and various other categories of people. Not
only the Bodhisattva sacrifices his material objects but he is ready

to

sacrifice parts of his body for the good of others, viz. his head, foot,
eyes, flesh, blood, marrow, etc , 126) A Bodhisattva in Mahayana texts
is

depicted

as

consumed

with

intense

grief

on

account

of

the

sufferings of others. He never cares for his own happiness. He loves

125. N. Dutt , op. ci t . , p. l l .
126. P . L. Vai dya, SaddharamapQar i ka-sutra, p. 5.

- 21 5 all beings as a mother loves her only child. l 27) All his sacrifice
should be without any attachment. The idea of giving away one ' s
limbs gave rise to some curious stories, which are intended to be
highly instructive and inspiring . l28)
The illustrative stories of this Paramita are the Sasa Jataka,1 29)
Nigrodhamiga,130)

Vessantara,131)

Cullakasetthi Jataka

(ja.

No.

4),

Akitta (ja. No. 480), Khadirailgara (ja. No. 40), Safijlva (Ja. No. 150),
Sarambha (Ja. No. 88), Udaya (ja. No. 458), Visayha (ja. No. 340),
etc.
Another world-famous story of king Sivi132) is found in the Pall
collection

and

in

other four

Sanskrit

literature.

Infinite

different
love

versions

and

of the

compaSSIOn

Buddhist
to

the

fellow-creatures induced in Bodhisattva' s heart an insatiale thirst for

philanthropy and even self-sacrifice. As the king Sivi who donated
even his eyes to a Brahmin who needed them, utters:
"In giving thus, not glory is my goal,
Not sons, not wealth, or kingdoms to control;
This is the good old way of holy men;
Of giving gifts enamoured is my soul."133)
Thus, he defmed the foundation of a religious life;
"Self-sacrifice in all men mortal living,
Of all things is most fme:
I sacrificed a mortal eye; and giving,
Received an eye divine."134)
To all men he appealed:

127. Khuddaka-pa ha ( Nalanda Edi t i on ) . p. 12. Cf. N. H. Samtan i . WOn Qying as a

Bodhi sattva for Universal Wel fare" . IBC. vol . X . p 42
128. Cf. Har Dayal . op. ci t p. 1 72.
129. JAF. VD! . I l l . ( Ja. No. 316 ) . pp. 51-56. It is recorded also i n the
Cariyapi t aka. vol . I . pp. 10-23.
130. Deer King. to provide king IS ki tchen w i th a deer. offers himse l f for
s laughter to save a pregnant doe. JAF. vol . I . ( Ja. No. 1 2 ) . pp. 1 45-53.
131 . JAF. vol . VI . ( Ja. No. 547) . p. 479.
132. JAF. vol . IV. ( Ja. No. 499 ) . pp. 401 -412.
.

133. JAC. vol . I V. p. 253.

134 . Ibid p 256 .
.

- 216 -

"See, people ! see, give ere ye eat,

let others have a share.
This done with your best will and care,
Blameless to heaven you shall repair." 1 35)
The popularity of the story had caught the imagination of the

Buddhists to explain the theory of Dana Paramita even to the most

ordinary people. Thus the story has helped to explain the popular
message of Buddhist religion. The story of king Sibi is also related
in the Avadanasataka, the Jatakamala and the Avadanakalpalata.
Another story extolling Dana is that of Rupavati as found in the
Divyavadana. l36)
Visvantara

or

Lastly we
Vessantara

should mention

which

is

related

Jatakamalal38) and the Avadanakalpalata.l 39)

the
in

famous

the

story

Jataka, 137)

of
the

The last story of the

Jataka Book is that of the last birth of Bodhisattva (before being

born as Gautama Buddha) as Visvantara, King Sivi' s grandson. As a
prince devoted

to

giving

gifts,

he

gave

away

prized

magical

elephant to some outsiders, and was banished by the angry people of

his

own

kingdom.

Having

gone

to

the

forest

with

his

faimly,

Visvantara gave away everything he had, including his children. He

was willing to sacrifice his wife and himself too, when a god came
and helped him to be re-united with his family, and granted him
eight blessings. The last one (Bodhisattva never asked) was;
"Come hither, my beloved son, my perfect state fulfll,
Come now and consecrate my heart, and follow out my will.
Be thou my ship to feny me safe over existence sea,
Beyond the worlds of birth and gods I'll cross and be free"140)
It is regarded as the most pathetic and edifying of all the stories
of Dana. Practically, the perfection of Dana has great importance.
Emotive stories of the practice of this perfection

(e.g., the Jataka

stories of king SIvi and prince Vessantara) are enormously popular

135.
136.
137 .
138.
139.
1 40.

Ibid.
E. B. Cowel 1 and R. A. Nei l , ed. , Divyavadana, pp. 469-81.
JAF, vol . VI , ( Ja. No. 547 ) , pp. 479-593.
H. Kern, ed. , Jatakamal a , pp. 51 -67.
.
P. L. Vai dya, Avadanakal pal ata, vol . i , pp. 172-1 75.
JAC, vo l . VI , p. 282.

- 217 -

throughout the Buddhist world and have been favourite subjects for
Buddhist art and literature. As the first and easiest of the Paramitas,
Dana is accessible
the

path

to

to

the humblest when he or she aspires to enter

enlightenment.

Its

importance

as

preparation

for

enlightenment is amply attested by the Vessantara Jataka, in which

the future Buddha perfects Dana in his penultimate birth.

Now we

turn to the SIla Paramita (Perfection in good conduct) and its stories.
SIla Paramita: The S Ila Paramita includes all the common virtues
of a righteous, respectable lay householder (Puthujjana). Prof. M. R.
Kale derives the word 'sIla' from the root 'sIl' , meaning ' to exercise,
to practise' . 1 41 ) Dr. Har Dayal while explaining SIla Paramita writes,
"SIla as a Paramita has been defined in three ways. It has been
identified with virtue in general, and many admirable qualities have
been enumerated as its characteristics. It has also been interpreted in
relation to ideals of purification and restraint, as they are realised
with the body, the speech and the mind (deed, word and thought). It
is usually understood as referring to the five moral . precepts and the
ten good and meritorious

' ways of Action ' , which constitute the

Buddhist layman' s definite code of practical ethics." 142)

SIla for an Upasaka or layman should mean that he shall abstain
from . killing, stealing, speaking falsehood and indulging in drinks and
So we see that SIla as a general term for many

merrymakings. 1 43)

virtues includes the moral ethical perfection of the Buddhists.

The stories of SIla are also many In number, but they are not
so sensational like the stories relating to Dana Paramita. Yet they
have roused curiosity of the people in different ages.

141 . M. R. Kal e, Higher Sanskri t Grammar, p. 1 32.

142. Har Dayal , op. ci t. , p. 132.
143. "Ki ttavat a pana bhante, upasako s i lava hot i t i yato kho, Mahanama, upasako
pat;1a t i pata

pat ivirato

hoti

adinnadana

pa t i virato

hot i ,

musavada

pat ivirato

pat i virato hot i " , AN, PTS, vol . IV, p. 220.

pat i virato
hoti ,

hot i ,

kamesumi cchacara

suramerayamajjapamadat thana

- 218 -

Here we mention a Jataka storyl44) depicting the efficacy of SIla

Paramita. This is a story of a learned Brahmin who was honoured

by the king

for

keeping moral conduct but stole coins thrice for

which he was captured., Being interrogated he replied that his such

conduct was only

to test the suprimacy of moral virtue over

learning. Except this Jataka there are the Devadh amma Jataka (ja.
No. 6) , Jayadissa
(ja.

No.

(ja.

Kuoala

31 ),

No. 513), Alambusa (ja No. 523), Kulavaka

(ja.

Mugapakkha (ja. No. 538),

No.

Mandhatu

536),

(ja.

No.

258),

No. 151 ), Sa<;l<;lanta (ja. No.

Rajovada (ja.

514), S adhuSIla (ja. No. 200), Sarpkhapala (Ja No. 524), SIlavanaga

(Ja. No. 72), etc.

There are
]atakamala.

a few stories exhibiting

Thus, the

Sakra, the chief

even incurred
In

SIla

Aryasura' s

Sakraj atakal45) speaks of the first precept

of the gods. The story tells us

the wrath of the demon for

conclusion

Paramita in

how the lord Skra

sparing

some tiny nests.

the story tells how his humanitarian activity brought

his win. Another story, viz., Vartakapotaka-jatakaml46) narrates '

observance of Sua

Brahmaoa-jatakaI47)
the disciple

teacher who
Besides,

of

the

same text

kill

small animals. The

describes how in order to keep

Bodhisattva disobeyed the

command

of his

Brahmin

asked his pupil to steal for his benefit.

the

Kema-avadana of the

Avadanasataka illustrates

how by way of practising Sua-vrata in her

rewarded

the

by a quail and a whale. These two creatures lived

on vegetarian food as they did not wish to

Sua

by

past

life

ema was

with Arhattva even being born in a royal family observing

little of Sua

Kanti

in

the present life as ema.

Paramita:

Now

we

mention

the

stories

of

anti

144. s i lavimamsana Jataka. JAF. vol . I . ( Ja. No. 86 ) . p. 369 : also i t occurs with
the same t i t le. vo! . I l l .

( Ja. No. 330 ) . p. l 00. and vo! . I l l . ( Ja. No. 362 ) .

p. 1 93.
145. sakraj ataka, story No. 1 1 . p. 36.
146. I b id . story No. 16. p. 53.
147. Ibid. , story No. 1 2, p. 40.
,

- 2 19 -

Paramita, i.e., Perfection in Forbearance. A Bodhisattva is enjoined to

practise this perfection in his attainment of the final goal. The
equivalents of this term Kanti are 'Patience' , ' Meekness ' , etc.
A. B. Keith interprets the term anti as 'not feeling dejected in

the face of evils' . 148)

This explanation of the term according to Har

Dayal is inadequate. According to him '"Kanti ' is always opposite to

'krodha' Le., anger, ' dvea' i.e. hatred, 'pratigha' , i.e. 'repugnance '
and 'vyapada' i.e. 'malice' . It is defined as freedom from anger and
excitement (akopana, akobhaIJ.ata) and as the habit of enduring and
pardoning injuries and insults (parapakarasya maraIJ.am). This is the
primary and fundamental connotation of KantL" 149)
Also this Paramita is a main subject in the Pali Jatakas. We
find many fine stories which exemplify this Paramita of anti. The
most famous tale is the Dasaratha Jataka which is related to the
great epic story of Rama.150)

Its story is as follows: How two

princes with their sister went abroad to be out of harm' s way, and
dwelt in the mountains; how they bore the news of their father' s
death; how the eldest prince sent his slippers to take his own place
on the throne, and how they gave token of displeasure if any wrong
judgement were given.

Another interesting tale of this Paramita is

the Pali Khantfvadi Jataka. 150

It is a story of an ascetic who even

being ruthlessly tortured by king Kalabu did not lose his temper.
The king caused to cut off his nose, ears, feet, hands and left him
only with a lump of flesh, yet the ascetic could not be refrained from
professing forbearance. Besides these, there are the AsataIiipa Jataka
(Ja. No. 100), Javasakur.Ia (Ja. No. 308), Culladhamma (Ja. No. 443),
Campeyya (Ja. No. 506), Mahakapi (Ja. No. 516), Mahisa (Ja. No.
278), Sumarigala (Ja. No. 420), Sutasoma (Ja. No. 537), Cullabodhi
(Ja. No. 443), etc.

148. A. B. Kei th. Buddhist Philosophy in India and CeyJon. p. 260.

149. Har Dayal . op. c i t
p. 209.
1 50. JAF , vol . IV. ( Ja. No. 461 ) , pp. 1 23-30.
151 . JAF, vo l . I l l . ( Ja. No. 313 ) . p. 39.
.

- 220 -

The

story

of

PUI1)a,

Buddhist

apostle,

Divyavadana1 52) and in the Avadanakalpalata.l53)

being

monk

resolved

to

go

as

related

IS

in

the

This PUI1)a after

missionary

Srol)aparanta

to

country, which was inhabited by wild barbarous tribes. The story

describes how against many odds he by virtue of forbearance won
over these people.

There are many minor tales centring round this Kanti Paramita.
In

the

story

forgave his

of Dharmapala we hear how

assailants

Gautama the Buddha

and showed hospitality to them who were

despatched to murder him. Thus, we see that Kanti or forbearance

was one of the favourite themes of the Buddhist story-tellers who
took

all

opportunities

to

draw

the

people

towards

Buddhism

by

illustrating this Paramita through many inspiring stories.

Vrrya

Paramita:

VIrya

as

Paramita

is

many-sided

and

comprehensive tenn. The word Vlrya is derived from the word ' vIra'
and

' vtrya'

strength,

literally

power,

means

heroism,

' the

state

prowess,

of

valour,

strong

man,

fortitude,

vigour
courage,

firmness, virility ' . 1 54)

In connection with
usual

translation

of

the Buddhist technical term Paramita, the

Vlrya

or

Viriya

IS

' strength,

energy,

strenuousness, manliness, diligence, vigour' , etc. It is better to define

Vrrya

or

Viriya

as

'energy

in

pursuit

of

Good' ,

' vigour

III

well-doing ' . The Pali word ' appamada' is nearer to the meaning of
Vrrya.

VIrya in

the Buddhist text has been looked upon

as

the

principal and paramount cause of all the auspicious principles that are
conducive

to

Enlightenment

pradhanall1 karaoarp).155)

(bodhi

karakal)am

kusala-dharmaoall1

Therefore, it has a special importance as a

152. E. B. Cowel l and R. A. Nei l , ed. , Divyavadana, pp. 24-28.

153. P. L. Vaidya, ed. , Avadanakalpalata, vol . I, pp. 233-238. The same text
records another story, which i s the syamakavadanam, vol . 1 1 , pp. 547-556.
154. M. Mon ier-Wi l l iams , op. c i t . , p. l 006: Rhys Davids, Pa l i Engl ish Dictionary,
p. 634.
155. P. L. Vaidya, Avadanakal palata, vo l .

11,

pp. 991 -997.

- 221 Paramita culture of a Bodhisattva for it leads to collective moral

development.
There are some stories of VIrya in the ]atakas and Avadanas,
but they are not very interesting when compared with the above
stories. We also meet them in the Pali collection, for example the
Bhojaj anlya ]ataka (ja. No. 23), Mahakapi (ja. No. 407), Mitacinti (ja.
No.

114),

Rurumiga

(ja.

No.

482),

Valahassa

(ja.

No.

196),

VaIJ.oupatha (ja. No. 2), etc. Among them there is a dramatic story
which is the Mahajanaka ]ataka. 156)

Its story is as follows:- Elder

prince inherits throne. Accuses younger brother of treachery. He

escapes and returns with troop and kills elder brother. His widow
escapes being pregnant. Son born; at sixteen the son goes on a sea
trip. Ship wrecks and the Goddess of Sea takes him back to his
country. There the king (his uncle-unknown to him) dies. Daughter
of

the

king

marries

the

cousin

(unaware

of

the

relationship).

Utimately he became an ascetic and retires to a forest. Wife follows

him in spite of his objections. Finally he forces her to leave. The
story gives various symbols exemplifying virtue of solitude, and
contains beautiful passages telling how to fight successfully a bad
Karma.
The son of KrkI in the Tripita Avadana157) of the AvadanaSataka
made an extreme effort for receiving permission from his father to
join the monastic life and ultimately by way of observing Vlrya
Paramita attained Arahattva. Another important tale exemplifying the
virtue of Vlrya in the Avadanakalpalata is the Kaoakavarmavadana.
Here is narrated how the hero of the tale, Kaoakavarma, having
fought against a host of Yakas became successful at last. In the
Mahavastu also similar story is found. 158)
Dhyana Paramita: The meaning of Dhya.'la is 'meditation, trance,
156 . JAF, vo l . VI , ( Ja. No. 539 ) . pp. 1 9-37.

Also i t i l l ustrates the Nikkhanta

Parami ta.
157. J. S. Speyer, ed. , Avadanasataka, ( story No. 84 ) , vol . 1 1 , p. 81 .
158. R. G . Basak, ft1aha vastu, vol . 1 1 , pp . 94-1 00.

- 222 -

contemplation,

effort,

intellectual

rapture' ,

etc.

According

to

Har

Dayal, "The word is derived from the root 'dhya' , which is one of
the

terms

that

not

can

Bodhisattva-bhumi,

this

has

be

easily

translated.,

been explained as

In

the

"concentration

stability or fixity of the mind" (cittaikagryarp, citta-sthitil:t) .

and

Another

Buddhist Sanskrit text, viz. the Mahayana SutralaIi.kara, furnishes us

a

fine

etymological

Dhyanam'

(that

which

contemplation)." 159)
means

interpretation
upholds

Dhyana

of experiencing

'Dharaty-adhyatmarp

is

and

inner

thus

mind

primarily

attaining

serenity

is

mana

iti

meditation

or

and

principally

the

and

calm(samatha),

which is indeed coupled with mental concentration.

The Buddhist texts pay

much importance to

the practice of

meditation which ultimately leads one to become either a Bodhisattva

or an Arhat. The illustrative story is the Bisa Jatakal60) where the
supreme ideals of Dhyana urged a whole party consisting of seven
brothers, their sisters, several servants and friends to renounce the
world for practising

this

Paramita.

Another episode

extolling

efficacy of this Paramita, is traced in the Avadana-sataka. 161 )

text

narrates

how

women

are

appreciated

for

the
This

denouncing

the

marriage out of great devotion to the practice of Dhyana Paramita.

Prajfla Paramita: This perfection represents the summum bonum

of

Buddhist

philosophy.

Prajfla

has

been

translated

as

'gnosis,

wisdom, insight, intuition, transcendental idealism, knowledge, spiritual

enlightenment' ,

and

so

on.

But

the

Bodhisattva-bhomi

and

the

Lalitavistara sometimes interpret Prajfla as the knowledge of the arts

and sciences. But this original sense of Prajfla was not adopted in
systematic Buddhist philosophy. 162)

The stories of this Paramita are very rich

ID

number because of

its value among Paramitas. The Appat:ll:laka Jataka (Ja. No. 1), which
159.
160.
161 .
162.

C f. Har Dayal . op. ci t . p. 221 .

H. Kern, ed. , J l takam l l a , story No. 19. p. 67.
J. S. Speyer, op. c i t . , vol . 1 1 , p. 66.
Har Dayal , op. c i t . , p. 236.
.

- 223 -

IS

the first story of the ]ataka collection, has to well illustrate this

Paramita.

The

story

is

as

follows;

Two caravans

in

the desert.

Goblins wanted to get possession over them. They were advised by

them to throw away their water supply. The stupid group believed
them and soon died of thirst. The smart group kept their supply and
was saved.,I63) There are also the Arama-dusaka ]ataka (Ja. No. 46),
the

Kirpsukopama

Mahaummagga

(Ja.

(Ja.

248),

No.

546),

No.

the

the

Kusa

(Ja.

Nalapana

No.

(Ja.

531),

the

20),

the

No.

Supparaka (]a. No. 463), the Tacasara (ja. No. 368), the Thusa (Ja.
No. 338),

the TiIJ.Quka (Ja No.

177), the Tittira (Ja. No. 37), the

TIiticcha (Ja. No. 224) etc.

Knowledge,

or

Wisdom,

as

Prajfia

is

usually

rendered

in

to

the

Enghlish, is the supreme virtue. It is application of the mind

knowledge of the truth, to the knowledge of what is (tattva). By a

direct efforts it destroys false views concerning self and nature, and
its

complete

possession

is

identical

with

Nirvana.

Only

Buddhas

possess it at the state of fruit (phalabhuta) ; Bodhisattvas cultivate its

germ (hetubhuta prajfia, bijabhuta). The Prajfia of the Mahayana is
strongly contrasted with the Prajfia of the Little Vehic1e, and is also
differently understood by the two great Mahayanist schools, viz. the
Vijfianavadins and the Madhyamikas.

1 . Prajfia and the Vijfianavadins: The Vijfianavadins (Yogacaras)

explain

Prajfia in

positive

manner

as

' the

Knowledge

of the

supreme Good or the supreme Truth' (paramartha-jfiana), or simply

as

(jfiana)64)

' Knowledge '

It depends on right investgation and

concentration, which lead to the knowledge of that which exists and

as it exists)65)

It consists

an unobscured and lucid knowledge of all that is

knowable (sarva-jfieyanavarana-jfianam). It implies the knowledge of

the

foar

Noble

Truths,

of

what

should

be

done

or

not

done

(karal).iya, akaraIJ.Iya), of the philosophical categories and arguments,

163. JAF, vo l . I , pp. 95-106.
164. S. Levi , Mahayana-sutralankara , ' p. 301 , Verse No. 15,
165. Ibid. , p. l , Verses No. 27, 28 .

p. l09, Verse No. 41.

- 224 -

and of moral corruption and purification ( sanklsasya, vyavadansya).

The Vij flanavadins thus identify Prajfla with perfect knowledge in all
its aspects, and regard it as insight into Reality (tathata).

2. Prajfla and the Madhyamikas: The Madhyamika philosophers

have interpreted Prajfla in a negative sense, but they have expounded
their ideas with remarkable prolixity and pertinacity. They have even
composed voluminous treatises, which deal only with this Paramita.
They also extol and glorify it in eloquent terms. They envoke it in
the exordium of the Ata-sahasrika-Prajfia-Paramita,I66) as if it were
a substitute for the ' triple jewel ' of the Buddha, the Dharma and the
Sarpgha.

They

apply

the

epithets

'arya'

(noble)

and

'bhagavaU'

{adorable} to it, and we know that the Buddha was always described
as Bhagavan.

The

Madhyamikas

do

not

shrink

from

declaring

that

the

Prajfla-paramita is the mother of all the Buddhas and Bodhisattva

s ).67)

It is the good friend of the Bodhisattvas. It is a pearl of great

price. It is immeasurable, pure, lovely, profound, wonderful. infinite,

indivisible, unshakable and inconceivable. Prajfla-Paramita is greater
than all the other Paramitas, as the moon is greater than the stars.
With regard to this point, Dr. Har Dayal remarks that "All the other
Paramitas

should

Prajfla-Paramita,

be

which

transmuted
really

and

includes

all

sublimated
of

them.

into
The

the
other

Paramitas, without Prajfia, lead to the lower stage of the HInayana,

while this Prajfia-Paramita is the essence of the Mahayana and is
even sufficient by itself without the other Perfections. It produces,
maintains and promotes them all." I68)

A series of stories exemplifying other Paramitas

the list of

Ten Paramitas may be traced in the ]ataka collection. All such tales
were purposeful creations of the Buddhists who with a view to make

166. A la-s ahasri ka-Prajfia-Parami ta ( The Perfection of Wi sdom i n 8, 000 verses ) .

transl ated into Chinese A. D. 659. I t may be ass igned to the first century B. C.
Prof. R. Mi tra has first edi ted i t in Bibl iotheca Indica. Calcutta. 1888.
167. Ibid. , p. 396, 405, 529, etc.
168 . Har Dayal , op. c i t . , p. 237.

- 225 -

the religion popular devoted themselves

ill

compiling or writing them

through the ages.

It will be reasonable to conclude from the above examples that
each tale, either of the ]ataka or of the Avadana texts, lays much
emphasis on the observance of SIla, i.e., ethical moral precepts, in our
daily behaviours and the doctrine of Karma as welL The common
people were much

impressed by

such kind of moral inculcated

through them. With the laity-class the ]atakas came to be much

popular as their teachings could be followed even without undergoing
the austerities of monkhood. As noticed earlier, the ]ataka stories
were

extensively

shown

in

Buddhist

art,

both

sculptures

and

paintings ; this fact also proves that the ]atakas were widely utilised
through the ages as popular vehicles of Buddhist teachings as their
practical portrayal through the ]ataka scenes was the most simple
and direct way of impressing them upon the minds of common
people.

- 226 -

Chapter VU.

THE JATAKA TALES OUTSIDE INDIA

VII -1. LITERARY TRADITION

For the theme taken up in the present chapter, we may attempt

here to have some general remarks regarding the spread of the
Jataka stories along with the religious and cultural expansion of
Buddhism itself beyond India proper. It can be however, treated here
only in brief without going into deeper investigation of the problems
involved and their discussion in any considerable details as the same
would cover a wide range of diverse backgrounds of geographical
and historical situations with regards to many a land and culture,
several nations and empires. Through successive epochs of history,
wide influences of Buddhism and Buddhist culture were indeed felt
throughout Eastern Asis and the neighbouring islands as well as in
the Western countries, well outside the Indian borders.

Extensive

and

planned

missionary

efforts

for

spreading

the

message of Buddhist faith had started already under the patronage of

the Mauryan emperor Asoka during the third century B.C. who is
known

to

propagating

have

arranged

Buddhism

to

to

send

the

his

religious

Himalayan

missions

reglOns,

to

for
the

north-western countries of Kashmir and Gandhara, and farther away

up to the countries of Egypt and Ionian Greeks, to the peninsular
prOVInces up to the Southeastern parts of Asia (Suvaruabhumi, etc.
). 1 )

Along the same lines, the Jataka stories may be stated to have
travelled from their cradle land to the countries beyond the frontiers
I . The Rock -edict of Emperor Asoka, No. 13. Cf. R. K. Mookerj i , Asoka, Appendix,

C.

- 227 -

of Indian culture and gained wider patronage of the people. First of

all, the Jatakas appear to have been carried to Ceylon directly in the
Pali language, when Buddhism was first introduced into that island
(a date that is not quite certain, but may be taken provisionally as
about 250 B.C.).

Thus, the Jataka Book itself is believed to get

preserved and translated there into the Singhalese language, together

with the original Pali verses which were left untranslated, before its
retranslation or compilation about the fifth century A.D., and by an
unknown author into a Pali Jataka-commentary again. From the time
when it was rendered into its Pali Atthakatha version, the Jataka
Book as a full-fledged work seems to have become one of the most
popular and enjoyable Buddhist texts and an inexhaustible source of
ethical inspiration and instruction not only for the Singhalese people
but also for their worthy neighbours, who now received the text
with renewed interest and authentic favour.

In Ceylon itself, it is remarked that "Even to-day the Sinhalese

listen with great attention throughout the night when the Jatakas are
recited without even the slightest trace of the tiresomeness and with
fervent

delight."2)

observed,

"The

As

regard

Vessantara

this
legend

position
is

Dr.

Dahlke

favourite

has

aptly

decoration

in

Buddhist temples. We fmd it represented from Ceylon to Cambodia.

In the Wesak season it is produced on the stage of the people' s
theatres, and never does it fail to produce its effect."3)

In Burma also, the Jataka stories are found to have a similar

fascination on the national level, and have served for centuries a
source of real charm and pleasure both to scholars and masses, to
clergy

and

laity

alike.

The

Sasanavarpsa

deals

mainly

with

the

history of Buddhism in Burma right from the days of introduction

from India up to its groth, propagation and prosperity under the
patronage of many Burmese kings. According to this text, the Jataka
stories had come to be very popular in Burma and some of them
2. R. S. Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, p. IOI ; M. H. Bode, Pa li Li tera ture of Burma,
p. 81 ; cf. M. Winterni tz, op. c i t . , p. 148.
3. Cf. M. Wi ntern i tz, op. c i t. , p. 1 47, footnote 1 .

- ZZ8 -

were the earliest ones to be introduced there. Among the earliest

writers

it

was

Apyavarpsa,4)

who

hhimself

composed

some

Pali

works on the jatakas; one such text called jatakavisodhana stands

well-known in his name.5)

During the reign of King Adhika 11 (1470 A.DJ of Ratanapura

the Elder SIlavarpsa also composed a beautiful poetical : version of the
Sumedhakatha, known as the BuddhalaI'lkara. This relates the story
of

the

Brahmin

Sumedha

occurring

in

the

jataka.

good

Pall

composition in 124 verses belonging to this epoch on the subject of

controlling sensuality has been referred to in the Gandhavarpsa under
the name of Kayaviratigatha.6)

After

Silavarpsa

the

Elder

Ratthasara

is

mentioned

in

the

Sasanavarpsa as a writer of Ratanapura. Ratthasara belonged to the

15th century and composed the metrical versions of various jatakas,
namely, the Bho.ridatta jataka (two poetical versions in

1494),

the

Hatthipala

jataka,

and

the

Sarpvara

1484 and

jataka.7)

The

Bhuridatta jataka deals with a former life of the Buddha, when he in

his Bodhisattva stage was born of the Naga King, Dhatarattha. The
Hatthipala jataka comprises the life of Bodhisattva when he was

bOln as a son of the chaplain of king Esukan, the ruler of VaraIJasI.

The Sarpvara jataka contains the story of Bodhisattva Sarpvara who
was the youngest among a hundred sons of King Brahmadatta of
VaraI).asI.

In

the

following

century,

the

Elder

Aggthamadai

produced

adaptation of the Nimi jataka8) in 1535, 1538 and 1542. The 17th
century witnessed a number of well-known learned Theras in Burma.
Among
4.

them

was

the

Elder

Tipitakalarpkara

who

composed

During the reign of Mahlnarapat i ( 1442-1680 A. D. ) of Ratanapura ( Ava ) , he

composed a number of rel igi ous works. Cf. M. H. De, His tory of Buddhism. p. 186.
5. M. H. Bode. Pa l i Li tera ture of BU17JJa. p. 43.
6. R. le May. Cui tural History of South East Asia, p. 142
7. SlsanavalJlsa, Pannasami , p. 70. C f. K. Murari , Cul tural Heri tage of Burma.
p. 1 29 .
8. JAF. Vol . VI . ( Ja. No. 54l ) . pp. 95-129.

- 229 -

poetical version of the Vessantara ]ataka in Pall.

to the Sasanavarpsa, thereafter came the reign of

According

King Bodoahpra (1782 A.DJ who was an ardent patron of Buddhism.

The king brought the Elder Naoabhivarpsa of S ahassorodha village to
his

country

and

bestowed

on

him

the

title

Naoabhisasanadhaj amahadhammarajaguru as making him the Supreme

Head of the Order. At the request of the King Bodoahpra, he wrote
a Burmese translation of the jataka commentary and also composed
several

PaH

short

works

Chaddantanagarajuppattikatha.

of

the

The

jataka

type,

Sasanavarpsa

also

e.g.

the

refers

to

Naoabhivarpsa ' s another work, namely the Raj adhiraj avilasinI, which
is a masterpiece of learned literary work. It is a little Pall work
written in prose devoted to the eulogy of the King. It contains many
references to legends and historical data, also quotations from various
provincial literary compositions, particularly from the jatakas.9)

Besides, there is a large group of works which found mention

under the name of jatakas in Ceylon and Burma. Likewise, many
story books in the Nepalese collection also bear the same common
name, but they often occur in compilations which have the generic
title of Avadana In fact, some of the Avadanas seem to owe their
origin directly to the Pall jatakas and at times to certain other earlier
Avadanas. Even some tales of the Avadanasataka, an early Avadana
text,

have

been

found

to

poetical

Avadana

works.

classical

SaI1skrit.

S ome

serve
These

verbatim
works

of these books

source

were

for

mostly

are now

some

later

written

in

accessible only

through their Tibetan and Chinese translations)O) Again, they were

translated in Korean and Japanese.

Rajendralala Mitra has given a

9. Sasanavasa, p. 135, M. H. Bode, op. c i t . , p. 48, p. 79. Cf. M. H. De, op. c i t . ,

pp. 197-198.
10. Feer, French transl at i on in Anna les du Musee Guimet, Introduction, p. 442 :
another Tibetan trans l at i on o f the Avadana, the original Sanskri t of which i s
lost, i s The Wise Man and the Fool : German translation Der Weise und der Tor:
for Chinese tr.

see,

JRAS. ,

1 901 ,

p. 447.

Unfortunately,

Karmas ataka is found i n the Catalogue of Buniyu Nanj io.

no ment ion o f the

- 230 -

list

of

texts;

these

even contents

of

some

of

these works

are

narrated in his book on the Sanskrit Buddhist literature of Nepal.

The

]atakamrua

Aryasfira,

of

Bodhisattvavadanamrua

of

and

Kemendra

of

Haribhatta,

are

also

and

worthy

to

the

be

mentioned for a class of such poetical compositions by individual

poets. Of the so far printed Avadana texts the most important ones

to name are the Divyavadana, Avadanasataka, Mahavastu-avadana,

]atakamala

Suvarr;mvarIJ.avadana,

(Bodhisattvavadanamrua),

MaI).icfidavadana, Avadanasarasamuccaya,
published texts, there

IS

etc.

Beside these hitherto

a good number Avadana works mostly in

verses or in a mixed style of verse and prose. These are embodied

even now only in manuscripts preserved in different parts of the
world.H)

The above-mentioned state of affairs would be found to hold

true in almost all countries wherever Buddhism penetrated. We have
an

idea

of

the

huge

wealth

of

Tibetan

literature

belonging

to

Buddhist stories from A. Schiefner1 2) and of the ' Chinese Buddhist

stories

from

Chavannes. 13)

But

the

]atakas

also

enriched

the

literatures of many other nations directly and indirectly and have

thus become greatly important for the literature of the world on the
whole. The catalogue of the Bkah-hgyur of the Tibetan Tripitaka
says that there are thirteen Sfitras (Nos. 747-759), which are called
'Paritta'

scriptures; they were translated probably from their Pali

original. 14)

11.

Cf.

H.

Nakamura,

op.

c i t. .

p. 48 :

H.

Akira,

op.

cl t. ,

pp. 268-269.

See.

chapter IV, Later Devel opment of the J ataka tales and the Avadanas.
12. " Indische Erzahlungen " . Bulletin de l ' Academie Imperiale des Sc. , 1876 and

1877. Cf. M. Winterni tz. op. cit. , p . 1 4 9.

13. "Cinq cents contes et apopogues extra i t du Tripi taka Chinois et tradult en
Francai s " ,

1910- 19 1 1 .

But

i f we

find here

in

the books which have been

trans l ated into Chinese in the 5th century A. D. many Jatakas which also occur in
our Jataka-book.

then from thi s

it does not at al l

fol l ow that they are

transl ated from thi s Jataka-book or from any Sanskri t co l l ection corresponding
to thi s book. Cf. M. Winterni tz. op. c i t. , p. 149, footnote 2.
14. The Tibetan Tripi taka Catalogue Bka -ijgyur, vol . I, No. 165, Tokyo, 1961 , p.
No. 94. Cf. Bimalendra Kumar,
Li teratureH

p. 70.

HA study of Pal i Siittas in the Tibetan Buddhi st

Here he gives the t i t i es of Siitras but the name of the

- 231 -

The ]atakas were more popular in Tibet.

Some of the later

dramatic works in Tibetan have borrowed their subjects from the

Pall ]atakas. On this point Prof. Wintemitz has thus remarked, liThe
life of the Religious king Norbu bzang-po has been taken from the
Sudhana-]ataka.
smyon-pa

is

It

is

known.

the only drama whose author sDings-chen

The

famous

play

Dri-med

kun-Idan

(The

Totally Pure One), which describes the moving story of the heroic
self-sacrifice of the Indian prince Vessantara, has also the elements
of ]ataka story. This well known ]ataka is is narrated in 786 stanzas
with turly epical prolixity. No wonder that there seems, in the course
of their recitation or performance on the stage--for in Tibet and
Bunna

the

Vessantara

legend

forms

the

topic

of

theatrical

performances--something that even to-day moves the audience to

tears. The Chinese traveller Song Yun reports that he saw a picture
of

Shahbaz-Garhi

repoducing

the

Vessantara

legend,

and

that,

whenever, they saw this picture, the barbarians shed tears of pity for
the

pious

man

who

had given

away his

children to

the

wicked

11
Brahman. 15)

One of the great treasures of Buddhist ]ataka story which has

come

down

to

us

(mDo-mdzangs-blun)

Tibetan

or

translation

as

the

Do-dzang-Iun

the Scripture of 'the Wise Man and the

Foolish; was known to the Mongols into whose language it was also
translated

from

Narratives ' . 16)

It

Tibetan,
is

one

as

the

of the

Uliger-tln

dalai

or

most popular Buddhist

' Ocean

of

scriptures

concering the previous lives of the Buddha. Translated widely into

Chinese, Tibetan, Mongolian Ch'1d Oirat, etc.

these tales have been

extensively read in many Buddhist countries throughout the Silk road

transl ators of these Sutras i n Tibetan has not been g iven i n the Catalogue.
15. M. Winterni tz. HIL. vol . 1 1 . p. 147. Cf. Bimal endra Kumar. op. c i t
p. 7 1 .
1 6 . The OJ iger-iin dalai has l ong been known t o Western scholars. The
.

Dutch-Russian schol ar. I . J. Schmi dt transl ated the enti re sutra into German i n
the 1 9th century. Then. from t i me to t ime fragments of trans l at i on have appeared
in Engl i sh. e. g. by J. R. Krueger i n The Mongolia Society Occasional Papers. No.
4. B loomington. 1967, and by G. Wangtal in his Door of Libera tion, New York,
1967.

- 232 -

for their universal appeal in explaining the Kannic relationship of

human tragedy and triumph, happiness and sorrow.
Dr.

Stanley

Frye,

who published its first

complete English

transtation from Mongolian, has thus referred to its history and the
original source, "This unusual scripture is still uncertain, e.g. we are
not sure whether there ever was a Sanskrit or Prakrit original (none
has yet been found), legend telling us that the tales were heard in
Khotan by Chinese monks who translated them (but from what
language ?) into Chinese from which language it was translated into
Tibetan, thence into Mongolian and Oriat. Whatever the history of
the so.tra may be, it is one of the most interesting, enjoyable and
readable of Buddhist

scriptures

and has for centuries

been

an

inexhaustible source of inspiration, instruction and pleasure for all

who have been able to read it."1 7)
In Siam there is even a rival collection of Birth Stories which is

called PaI).oasa-jatakam (The Fifty jatakas), and of which an account

has been given by L. Feer.l8) The same scholar points out that
"isolated stories, not contained in present collection, are also to be
found in the Pali literature of that country . " 19) The first hundred and
fifty tales in the extant Pall jataka collection are divided into three
Paooasas, or fifties;20) but the Siamese collection cannot be either of
these, as Feer has ascertained that it contains no tales beginning In
the same way as any of those that are in either of the "Fifties".
Indeed,

some

of

the

later

Sanskrit

works

like

the

17. Stanley Frye, The Sa tra of the Wise and the Foolish (mdo bdzans blun) or The
Ocean of Narra ti ves (ul iger-iin dalai), Foreword, p. vi i .
18. L . Feer, A Study of the JIJ. takas, pp. 48-52.

19. Ibid. , pp. 52-55. Here he has given a l ist of i solated Jatakas.
20. Thi s is cl ear from vo 1 . I , p. 410 of Fausbo1 l 's text, where, at the end of the
100th tal e, we find the words Hajjhima-pal)l)'soko ni t hi to, that i s "End of the
Middl e F i fty". At the end of the 50th tale (P. 261 ) , there is a corresponding
p.ntry, Pathamo pal)l)'so, "first fi fty " ; and though there i s no such entry at the
end of the l 50th tale, the expression "Middle fi fty" shows that there must have
been, at one t i me, such a division as i s above stated.

- 233 -

Paficatantra(The Five Books)2U and Hitopadesa possibly derived their

inspiration from the ]ataka tales. In India itself some of the Birth
Stories are also found in the Paficatantra as well, which include the
Baka ]ataka (38), the Vanarendra Jataka (58), the KutavatJ.ija Jataka
(98) and Mitacinti ]ataka (114), etc. The composer of Paficatantra
was a BrahmaI)a and the presence of the tales from the Jataka
collection even in Brahmanical literature testifies to the popularity of
these stories not only with the elite or the learned but also with the
masses. The stories of the Paficatantra primarily had the immense
educative value, and were composed by the author for the political,
social and moral awakening of the princes with a view similar to the
Jatakas of the Buddhists.
Some of the ]ataka tales were carried perhaps indirectly to the
distant lands as part of the text contained in the Paficatantra During
the sixth century A.D. the Paflcatantra work was translated into
Pehlavi or Persian language,22) by the court physician of Khosru
Nushirvan. This tranlation of the said work in the Syrian language
was published in Leipzig together with its translation in German
language23) in 1876. The Paficatantra was also translated into Arabic
in 750 A.D.

by Abdulla the son of Almicaf under the title of

Kalilah-wa-Dimnah.24) This work became very popular with the Arab

world, and it provided an outlet for further trvel of these stories to
the European continent. In 1080 A.D. the work was translated into
21 . Text edi ted by Kosegarten, Bonn, 1 848: by Kielhorn & Blihl er, Bombay, 1 868.
Transl ated in German by Benfey, Lei pzig, 1859: in French by Dubois, Paris, 1826
and by Lancerau, Par i s , 1 871 : in Greek by Galanos and Typal dos, Athens, 1851 : in
Engl i sh by A. W. Ryder, 1949, etc.
22. Pehl avi vers ion, 531-537 A. D. By Barzuye,

the Court phys ician of Khosru

Nushi rvan. See, BBS, p. xxv i i i .

23. Kaliiag und Damnag. Pub l i shed wi th German trans. by Gustav B i ckel l ,

and

Introduction by Prof. Benfey, Lei pzig, 1876. Thi s and the Direc torium Humance
Vi tce preserve the best evidence o f the contents of Pehlavi versi on, and of i ts

Buddhi st original or originals.

24. Arabic vers i on o f the Pehlavi versi on ( Syri an versi on ) by Abdl l a, son of
Almi caf. Date about 750 A. D. Text o f one recens ion edi ted by S i lvestre de Sacy,
Par i s , 1816. Other recensi ons not i ced at length in Ignazio Guidi 's Studii suI
tes to Arabo del l ibro di Caiila e Dimna ( Rome. 1 873 ) . Cf. BBS, Table I l . The
Kal i l ag and Damnag Li terature.

- 234 Greek language25) and in the 15th century another translation of the
work was carried out in Persion under the title of Anwar SuhelI(The
Lights of Canopus).26) In the year 1250 A.D. the Arabic version of
the

Paficatantra

incorporating

many

of

the

Jataka

stories,

was

translated into Hebrew27) and from Hebrew it was adopted in Lati

n.28) In 1644, the above work entitled ' Anwar SuhelI' was translated

in French under the title of ' Livre des Lunieres ' 29) which was further
translated into Italian language3O) in 1872. In 1854, another translation
of the work was attempted in Latin31) from Arabic as well.32)

Moreover, the Jataka stories were carried, in one or the other

form, to many countries of the globe. Several scholars have tried to
bring

home the fact that the origin of several of stories of the

Ulsindbad and the Arabian Nights as well as the Aesop' s fables,

could be traced back to the ]ataka tales. When the Huns reached the
eastern Europe, they carried with them some of the Jataka tales,
which

are

still

traceable with

the

Slav

people.

However,

in the

Buddhist countries of Asia the Jataka tales had been more popular
than in the Western part of the globe.

Vll -2. ART TRADITION

The

Buddhist

Birth-stories

made

significant

contributions

in

25. Stephani tes kai Iehvela tes by S imeon Seth, about 1080 A. D. Edi ted by Seb.
Got t fried Starke, Berl in, 1 967 ( repr. in Athens, 1 851 ) .
26. Persi an trans l ation, ( from the last of the Kali lah-wil -Dimnah vers ion ) by
Hussai n ben Al i el Vaiz U ' l -kashi f i , end of the fi fteenth century.
27. By Joe l , before 1250 A. D. Exi sts only i n a s i ngle MS. in Par i s , of which the
f irst part i s m i ss ing.
28. Direetorium Humance Vi tee, by John of Capua. Wri tten 1263-78. Printed about
1480, wi thout date or name o f place.
29. By David Sahid, d ' l spahan, Par i s , 1644.
30. Del GOverno de Regni, trans. by Giul i o Nuti , edi ted by Teza, Bologna.
31 . Baldo 's Al ter AEsopus, edi ted in du Meri l ' s Poes ies inedi tes du moyen age,
Par i s , 1 854 .
32. See , detai l s in BBS, table 1 1 .

- 235 -

many

other

fields

of

creative

life

decorative arts and drama. This

such

fact is

as

sculpture,

painting,

well evidenced by

the

antiquarian remains extant in many countries. Hundreds of reliefs and

paintings which contained jataka portrayals decorate the temples,
caves, Stupas and other monuments of the Borobudur{9th century) in
Indonesia,

the

Tivanka

Pilimage33)( 13th

century)

in

Sri

Lanka,

Pagan(13th century) in Burma, Sukhothai(14th century) in Thailand,

the Dun-Hwang(4th to 12th century) and other caves and sites in
China, and a number of other centres in Nepal, in Tibet, etc. Besides,
several massive structures more or less in ruins, and stray pieces of
art discovered in the above countries as well as other parts of Asia
in particular speak volumes in favour of this world-wide Buddhist
legacy of mankind handed down through the ages.
From much earlier epochs in Ceylon, the jataka stories were
handed down in a continued tradition and Came also to be compiled
afresh and depicted in the contemporary

art.

"Even

to-day the

Sinhalese listen with great attention throughout the night when the
jatakas

are

recited

without

even

the

slightest

trace

of

the

tiresomeness and with fervent delight. In Burma also, the jatakas are
and have been for centuries the charm of . scholars and masses, of
clergy and laity alike."34)
The first traditional record of Ceylonese wall paintings depicting
the jataka stories are traced in the relic chamber of the Ruvanveli
dagoba, built by King Dutugemunu in the 2nd century B.C.35) This
tradition has come down up to the time of the Tivanka Pilimage(13th

33. The Tivanka P i l image ( er the i mage house ) i s s i tuated to the north of the
monuments Delmala Maha Seya and Piyum Pokuna ( l otus pond ) c l ose to the northern
l imi ts of the c i ty of Polonnaruwa, the capi tal of the Ki ngdom of Sri Lanka i n
the midd l e ages. Bel l had cal l ed i t the Northern Templ e. Cf. H . C . P . Bel l ,
Archaeological Survey of Ceylon, p. 66.
34. See R. S. Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, p. IOI : M. H. Bode, Pal i Li tera ture of
Burma, p. 8l : M. Wi ntern i tz, op. c i t. , p. l 48.

35. The majori ty paintings were on the western s i de of the rock. Cf. R. D. Si lva,
"Painting : Early Peri od 247 B. C. to 800 A. D. " , Archaeology Departmen t Centenary

(1890-1990), ed. by N. D. Wijesekera, vol . V, p. 3.

- 2 36 -

century).

"Of the lataka stories

selected for painting

at Tivanka

Pilimage, numerous h ave been identified. They are the Vessantara

la., the Asankawathie la., the Sasa la., the Tundila la, the Vidura
la.,

the Guttila la.,

Sama

la.,

the

the Chullapaduma la.,

Mahasudassana

la.,

the

the Maitribala la., the

Kusa

Ja.

and

the

Maha-Ummagga la., etc. Of these, for the Sinhala Buddhists, the

Vessantara Jataka

has

occupied

special

place

among

paintings

dating from about the second century B.C. up to the Kandy period.

"36)

The first painting a visitor entering the Tivanka Pilimage comes

across is the one that depicts the Asankawathie Jataka. It is painted
on the right wall of the bulilding, which forms part of the access to
the vestibule near the entrance.
according

to

Bell,

depicts

"The picture in the middle panel,

the

Vessantara

lataka.

But

Dr.

Godakumbura does not agree; without any doubt this section belongs
to the Asnkawathie story."37) Dr. Godakumbura has given as No. 11 ,
three panels of paintings o n the vestibule' s north' wall. "The middle
panel has been identified as belonging to the Maha Sudassana Jataka.
The king is lying on his death bed.

Near the bed is his queen

looking at him. A vehicle is halted nearby on the left. Beyond the

vehicle are bearded figures showing signs of grief. Behind them are
a group of young people including conch blowers and flutists. There
are a few trees around the king ' s bed. The figure in front of the
vehicle is the prince."38)

Plate No. 152 of Dr. Godakumbura presents the remams of an

interesting painting. "In the top panel only the lower .half of a seated
figure has remained. In the middle panel, the episode of Kalagola in
the Ummaga Jataka is depicted. On the right extremity are three
persons and on the left is Bodhisattva explaining matters to them. In
this painting the Bodhisattva has a beard, a head with sparse hair,
36. N. Wi ekramasinghe, NMural Paintings : 800 A. D. -1200 A. D. N,
D. Wijesekera, p. 57.
37. Ibid. , p. 58.
38. Ibid. , p. 59.

op.

e f t. , ed. by N.

- 237 -

and a parasol in his left hand."39)

By the Dambadeniya period cloth painting40) had become to be
popular as a fonn established art. Fa-Hien reports that five hundred
cloths with Jataka stories painted over them were hung on both
sides of the road. On these cloths, like on walls, several Jataka
representations had been drawn. "There are two such big cloths still
preserved at Dambava temple. First, horizontal lines were drawn over
the cloths to divide it into bands then vertical lines were drawn to
mark squares where Buddha figures were drawn. On the lower faIf,
popular Jataka stories such as the Vessantara Jataka, the Sama
Jataka and the Sasa Jataka were painted."41)

1/

Another large painted

cloth discovered in the Kandy District is among the exhibits in the

National Museum. This cloth which is 72 inches wide and 120 inches
high is painted with the scene of the Vessantara Jataka and the
Sama Jataka."42)
In Bunna too, the Jataka tales became quite popular and were

depicted over the walls of prominent pagodas there. The Stupas at

Pagan

were

excavated

in

1906-07,

which

contained

numerous

terracotta plaques, displaying the Jataka scenes. J. Marshall has made

the following observations on the related excavations at Pagan in
Bunna: - "Another excavation that has yielded results of much value
for

the

history

of

Buddhist

iconographic

art

l.s

that

of

the

Pet-Ieak-payu, or 'Pagoda of the Curling leaf' at Pagan in Bunna.

This pagoda, as well as another one close by it, known locally as
"Elder Sister", had attracted attention some time ago, ......Around the
Pagoda proper excavations have now revealed the existence of an
arched corridor or ambulatory, the walls of which, both inside and
outside, are decorated with double rows of square terrocotta reliefs

39. Ibid. , p. 60.

40. In Ceylon, paint i ngs done on speci al ly prepared cl oths are cal l ed "Petikada"
just l ike in Ti betan "Tanga" .
41 . S . P . Charl es, trans. by S . B . Heart, "Painting 1200 A. D. - 1400 A. D. " , op.
c i t . , ed. by N. D. W i jesekera, p. BO.
42. I b i d. : p. B1 .

- 2 38 -

illustrating a variety of scenes in the lives of Buddha during his

former existences.

Illustrations

of these ]ataka stories

from the

medieval epoch were not altogether unknown in Burma before the

present find, for there is a long series of them on the Ananda and
Shwezigon Pagodas at Pagan."43)
Further he remarked, "The names of

the jatakas and their

numbers broadly agree with Fausboll' s edition, just as is the case

with Managalaceti plaques. This fact is of interest, because it shows
that the jatakas were told in Pagan in the form in which they occur
ID
IS

the jataka commentary of Ceylon. In some few cases there is, it

true,

occurs

a slight difference between Fausboll's manuscripts, here

under

the

name

of

Anantapayi

jataka,

taken

from

the

beginning of the second gatha of the tale. This discrepancy in the

names of the jataka is no new fact. It is not greater than that which
exists in the various manuscripts made use of by Fausboll. Of still
greater interest is the fact that the Pet-leak plaques portary some
jatakas which do not occur in Fausboll's manuscripts. So far as I
have been able to examine the plaques, it appears that the titles and
numbers closely agree with Fausboll' s edition upto jataka 496, the
Bhikkhuparampara jataka. But here the plaques insert three new
jatakas, the Velama jataka (497), the Mahagovinda jataka (498) and
the Sumedapar,u;lita jataka (499)."44)
Here we can see some jatakas which are depicted in Burma.
Udapanadusaka jataka:45) No jackal is

seen in

the plaque from

Bunna. Two ascetics with their typical hair are seen conversing: the

43. J . Marshal I . ASIAR. 1906-07. pp. 38-39. Cf. S. N. Nagar. op. e i t. , pp. 37-38.
44. The Matanga Jataka. which is No. 497 in Fausbol l ' s edi t i on. ' i s No. 500 i n
the Pet-l eak col l ection. Then the numbering runs on the same way in both series
upto the Nimi Jataka ( Fausbol l 541
the Mahasadha Jataka

is

again

Pet l eak 544 ) . after whi ch a new Jataka.

inserted as No. 545.

The Vel lama Jataka

ment ioned in the i ntroduct i on t o the Khadi rangara Jataka:

is

the heroes of the

Mahagovinda Jataka, the Sumedapa4i ta J ataka and Mahasada are al l mentioned

as

Bodh i sattvas in the Nidanakatha. J . Marshal I . ASIAR, 1906-07. pp. 40-41 . Cf. S.
N. Nagar, op. c i t. , p. 39 .
45. JAF. Vo l . 1 1 . ( Ja. No. 271 ) . pp. 354-355.

- 239 -

one

on

the

right

with

his

hand

touching

the

umbrella,

is

the

Bodhisattva: the other is telling him of the j ackal' s deed. In another

plaque the Bodhisattva is shown listening to the account given to the
Jackal' s deed by his two disciples. The j ackal is quietly listening to
Bodhisattva ' s

admonition.

The

three

ascetics

are

dressed

in

the

common monkish garb. They have no beard and the hair is made up
into a double top-knot, one on each side on the summit of the hea
d.46)

Baka Jataka;47) The scene is depicted on a panel from Pagan in

which a lotus plant separates the crane from the fish. The biggest
fish

in

the

pond

represents

represent the shoal.

the

Bodhisattva

and

At the root of the lotus

Another plaque from the

same

the

other

plant is

site depicts the

scene,

the

two
crab.

somewhat

differently. Two fish are seen in a square pond, while two trees are
seen separately lodged besides the pond. The crane is showm under
the bigger tree.48)

Kakkata ]ataka:49)

A plaque from Pagan represents

the crab

holding the elephant in its claws. On the left could be seen the
Bodhisattva' s

mate including

the monster to

let

go

its

hold.

In

another plaque, the lake can be seen with a crab in it. There are
two elephants which have been beautifully carved; their bodies have
been paintedOeaving the head) white, to show that the Bodhisattva
and his mate were white elephants. The crab is quite true to its
nature.5O)

Saluka Jataka:51) A panel from Pagan depicts a part of the story.

In the upper part, there are two oxen, placed one after the other.
The position in which they

are depicted as

standing

makes

one

believe that they are somewhat frightened, the reason for this state
46. S . L.
47. JAF,
48. S . L.
49. JAF,
50. S. L .
51 . JAF,

Nagar, op. ci t . , fig. Nos. 89 , 90.

Vo l . I l , ( Ja. No. 236 ) , pp. 233-234.
Nagar, op c i t . , f i g. Nos. 39 , 40 .
Vo l . I l , ( Ja. No. 267 ) , pp. 341 -345.
Nagar, op. c i t . , f i g. Nos. 12, 13.
Vo l . I l , ( Ja. No. 286 ) , pp. 419-420.
.

- 240 -

of affair has been provided below. A male figure on the right stands
with a crude weapon in his hand about to strike the pig which has
already been dragged out of its pen . Then there is a seated male
figure pointing towards the pig, which has already been killed.52)

In Indonesia, the Borobudor edifce is a most elaborate Stupa In

its construction and ornamentation and is, in fact, quite unique. It is
built on the top of a hill in the midst of the fertile plain of Kelu
enclosed by a number of gigantic volcanoes. The beauty of the
surrounding

scenery

adds

greatly

to

the

chann

of

the

mighty

monument.

R.

le May writes, "There are many other

senes of panels,

covering the whole surface of the walls along the four galleries,
amounting in all thirteen hundred which, if placed side by side,
would stretch a distance of the three miles. The basement had, it
appears, more than one hundred and sixty Jataka scenes. But the
identification
considerable

of

the

difficulty

sculptured
because

panels
these

has

are

proved

not

visible

task

of

owing

to

subsidence of the soil."53) According to the Chinese scholar, I-Ching,

who studied Sanskrit at Palembang in the seventh century, the
Jataka stories were extremely popular in the islands. Dr. Ph. V ogel
has

thus observed about the Borobudor panels

"The upper row

illustrates a famous Sanskrit text, the Lalitavistara, which relates in

glowing language the life story of the Buddha up to the first sennon
at Sarnath. In the lower row of panels the French scholar Prof. A.
Foucher has recognized a number of Avadanas or edifying tales. The
reliefs which are arranged along the balustrades of the first and
second passages show a large number of ]ataka scenes. The first set
of thirty-four birth stories here illutrated are the same as those
described in very noble language in another famous Sanskrit work,
the Jatakamala."54)
52. s. L. Nagar, op. c i t . , fig. No. 3.
53. R. l e May, The Curtura of Sou th-Eas t Asia, p. 94.
54. J. Ph. Voge l , Buddhist Art in India, CeyJon and Java, trans. from the Dutch
by A. J. Barnouw, pp. 98-99.

- 241 -

The series of the Buddha' s previous birth-legends include indeed

the first speCImens of Indo-Javanese sculpture, in which the serene
spirit of Buddhism is expressed in a marvellous manner. We take
here only two illustrative specimens. The firs t gallery at Borobudur
depicts a relief showing a scene from the Ruru Jataka. "In the first
panel the Bodhisattva turned golden stag can be seen in the forest
amongst the wild animals like elephants, boar and buffalo. In the
middle panel, the golden deer, after the rescue of the merchant' s son,
is seated over a decorated high pedestal facing the latter, who is
seated and having conversation with the golden stag. The pedestal of
the stag is under the tree on which a couple of birds are seen. The
merchant' s son, too, is seated under a tree probably with fruits and
four birds perched in it. At the back of the boy, there is a beautiful
plant. The seriousness of the conversation is apparent over the face
of the merchant' s son. In the third panel the king of VaraIJasI has
arrived at the particular spot in the forest, which serves as abode of
the golden stag. The golden stag is seated on the pedestal as usual,
with an anxiety writ large on its face, while another stag is seen
running with fright. The king stands holding a bow and an arrow
while the merchant' s son is kneeling in front of the king. The third
human figure on this panel, seems to be the king ' s commander."55)

"A panel

shows

the Bodhisattva practising

austerities

in the

wilderness in the company of the five Brahmanical anchorites and

the other represents him crossing the river Nairqiij ana previous to
his Enlightenment while divine beings are paying him homage."56) As
observed by Dr. Nagar, "In a nineth century relief from Borobudur,
there are different panels depicting a few scenes from Jataka stories.
In the first panel it depicts the ship wiLh many human sailors being
attacked by a crocodile. The third scene portrays the occupants of
the ship in distress, while the next panel shows the tortoise seated
over a pedestal engaged in a descourse with seated humans."57)
55. R. Benjamin, Tne Art and Cul ture of India, p. 76. Cf. S. L. Nagar, op. c i t. ,
p. 67.
56. J. Ph. Vogel , op. c i t. , p. 99 , p I . No. 39.

- 242 -

Buddhism

affected

the

arts

and

crafts

of

Thailand.

Many

archaeological descoveries fully demonstrate India' s influence on the

Thai Buddhist culture.

Sukhothai, founded by its king Sri Indraditya,

was in the northern part and was capital of Thailand. Accoding to

M. C. S. Diskul "Sukhothai art is regarded as the most beautiful and
most original

of Thai

artistic

expression,

particularly

so

for the

Buddha images and ]ataka stories which are depicted on the walls of
temples and on the reliefs of Stupas."58) Among them we have one
outstanding

masterpiece

of

relief-carving

which

depicts

the

Devadhamma ]ataka.

Devadhamna ]ataka:59) The Bodhisattva is born as the elder son

of the king of Varao,asI. His brother is called prince Moon. On his
mother ' s death, the king marrie s again and has another son, named
as

prince

Sun.

Owing

to

their

step-mother' s

ill behaviour

the

Bodhisattva and Prince Moon go to the Himalayas; Prince Sun insits

on following them. In a pool there lived a water-sprite who had been
given permission to devour all those caught by him who could not
answer the question as to what is "god-like". Prince Sun is caught,
then also the Prince Moon,

but the Bodhisattva

saves

them by

defining what is "god-like".

This ]ataka story has been depicted in a Sukhothai panel of

excelling charm. The Bodhisattva is shown preaching the "god-like
character" to the water sprite. The impression of a lake has been
created by wavy lines besides the lotus flowers.60)

In China, religion is not the only sphere influenced by Buddhist

culture: literature, architecture, sculpture, painting, music and drama
are also deeply inspired by it. The contents, structure and literary
beauty of the Chinese Buddhist Sutras have been admired by both
57. S. L. Nagar, op. c i t. , p. 1 l8.
58. Ven. P. Amara, w lnfluence of Buddhi sm on Tha i l and " , p. 69.
59. JAF, Vol . I, ( Ja. No. 6 ) , pp. 126-133.
60. S. L. Nagar, op. ci t. , fig. No. 101 .

- 243 -

ancient and modern scholars. This is why Buddhism is still going

strong in Chinese culture. Besides, Buddhism has also left its mark
on

phonology

and

poetry.

The

grottoes

containing

Buddhist

art

treasures at Yunkang and Lungmen play an important role in the

history of ancient Chinese art.

The caves of the Thousand Buddhas, called ' lVlogao Ku I , on the

Mingsha hill are the most impressive and extensive examples among
the scooped-in cave series in Gansu Province.
Bamiyan

grottoes

of Afghanistan.

There

is

no

They are like the

doubt

that

these

grottoes were caused for popularising the Buddhist religion. They are
'cut-in I caves of a simple class with no decorated facades, pillars, or
beams and rafters, framework or ornate window arches, etc. as are
seen in the later Mahayana rock-cut Caitya or Vihara caves of the
Deccan at Ajanta and elsewhere. It is because of the very friable
texture of the rock medium. being a hardened pebblish sand,. that
such architectural details could not be carved out. This deformity

IS

made good by the extensively painted walls and ceilings.

As regards the subject of the ]ataka here. the most impressive

and oldest among the painted caves belong to the Wei period.61) One
of the ]ataka stories62)
which

shows

Mountains,

the

it is

in the Dunhuang Caves is cave No. 257

legend
no

doubt

of the

nine-coloured

the finest of animal

deer

king

in

depictions

in

the.
its

natural habitat. It is a fresco painting depicting a person riding on a

horse

swiftly

towards

golden

deer.

The

queen

dreamt

of

nine-coloured golden deer near the river Ganges and at her instance
the king went to the forest chasing the deer.63) The King is next
61. The work at Dunhuang began during 366 A. D. correspondi ng to the sacond year
of Chein Yuan of the J i n Dynasty ( A. D. 265-420 ) .

Here one gets a sweeping

panorama of Buddhist art spread over a thousand years starting from the times of
Eastern J i n (317-420 ) . through Northern Wei ( 386-543 ) . Western Wei ( 535-556 ) ,
Northern

Chou

( 557-581 ) .

Sui

( 581 -61 8 ) .

Tang

( 61-907 ) .

F ive

Dynast i es

( 907-960 ) . Song ( 960-1 127 ) and f inal ly ending w i th the Yuan ( 1 279-1368 ) . Cf. I .
K. Sarma. Buddhist MonUJIJen ts o f China and South-Eas t India. p. 57.
62. Rurumiga Jataka. JAF. Vol . IV. ( Ja. No. 482 ) . pp. 255-263.
63. The Ja taka narrative o f the gol den deer is seen on a Bharhut medal l ion in

- 244 -

shown as bowing before the Bodhisattva in the garb of golden deer

itself. Besides this, the Chhaddanta jataka and the Sudama jataka
have been shown in cave No. 428 along with the scenes from the
life of Buddha.
Among the paintings of the Tang period also the jataka tales
formed a common motif in the Dunhuang caves, as we see them
commonly shown in cave Nos. 103, 172, 217 and 220, etc.64)
It is reasonable to conclude here on the basis of the above
collected evidence that the jataka stories from the very beginning
formed an essential part of the Buddha' s teachings to the monks and
laity alike, and thus an extraordinary significance had been ever
attached to them in the Buddhist culture. Being so cherished by
many different peoples and cultures of Asia through the ages they
have indeed left a lasting mark on the thought as well as the art of
the world and undoubtedly form a precious legacy of the whole
mankind.

i ts earl i est depiction.

64. cr. 1 . K. Sarma. Buddhist Monuments of China and Sou th-Eas t India, p. 57.

- 245 -

Chapter

VIII.

CONCLUSION

The theme of study attempted to be investigated closely and

analytically is AN ANALYTICAL STUDY OF THE ORIGINS AND
DEVELOPMENT OF THE JATAKAS.

It is undertaken mainly for assessing the significance of the

Jataka Book from the viewpoints of their literary composition and
style,

ethical

and

philosophical

value,

and

art-archaeological

and

cultural significance. As part of popu1ar folklore and ballad traditions,

such

stories

presumably

had

currency

In

India

from

times

immemoria1. The theme of the Jatakas as Buddhist Birth-stories has

also in turn a long tradition since their origins from the age of the
Lord Buddha himself. But they seem to have undergone, as a floating
mass

of

narratives

handed

down

mnemonically,

process

of

development, and even of modification and enlargement, through a

long period of time before they came to be written down in the form
of a book in the 5th century A.D. or so. Mainly two aspects of the
problem are studied in detail, firstly an effort is made as regards the
literary and historical analysis of the probable background in whiCh
the Jataka collection originated and developed subsequently. Secondly,
a survey has been made with respect to the representation of the
Jataka legends in Indian sculpture and painting as it evolved through
different epochs. Moreover, a search is also made though briefly with
respect to their spread in the countries outside of Indian frontiers
proper and as to illustrate through the Jataka material the influence
of Buddhistic religion and culture in diverse settings of lands and
peoples during epochs and areas of vast differences.

From the study made about the historical background and the
aim of the Jatakas it can be clearly conceded that the preachers of
diverse religious sects in India ever took interest in her age-old folk

- 246 -

tradition of story-telling and story-hearing, and made an extensive

use of stories to inculcate their own tenets to the people at large.
This mode of preaching through didactic tales and moral legends is
found equally and fondly resorted to in Vedic texts, the great epics,
Purlli)as and Kavyas, etc. For example, the Santi and Anusasana
sections of the Mahabharata are replete with such stories or episodes
which have come out from the lips of different personalities on
different occasions to impress certain high values of the Brahmanic
faith on the mind of the people. Likewise, the Buddha knowing the
differences

in

faculties

and

capacities

of his

numerous

hearers,

preached in several different ways, including the mode of telling the

tales that were not only amusing and agreeable, but at the same
time instructive and incisive, indeed the tales by means of which the
monks and the laity alike were attracted to the finer points of the
doctrine and widely cherished the ideas of moral virtue of the law
for common strivings in their worldly life and Karmic existences
thereafter.
It can be well presumed that

some of the ]ataka episodes

themselves had an earlier literary source and the later narrators and
compilers of them had sometimes to adapt the character or theme of
their subject-matter to the new setting governed largely by the aim
of incorporating into them primarily the Buddhist theory of Kamma
and

Vipaka.

Sometimes

allied

notions

such

as

Paramita

and

Bodhisattva ideals had crept into them but quite silently and covertly
as making them a coherent and continuous series of birth-stories
strewn

through

attempts

made

the unifying
through

thread of the

succeSSIve

Lord' s

existences

exemplifying

leading

to

the

Buddhahood.
Three specific problems regarding the ]ataka Book have been
analysed under three heads,

namely the date of verse-and-prose

sections of the Jatakas, the authorship of the ]atakatthakatha and the

actual

number

of the

]ataka

stories.

With respect to

the

first

question, many scholars have discussed the inter-relationship of the

- 247 -

Jatakas and the two great epics. However, it is difficult to ascertain

whether the Jataka tales were borrowed from the epic

and Puraoic

stories or vice versa. It would suffice here to conclude that both

these literary traditions might have run parallel for a period of time
and thus influenced each other. Moreover, it can also be well stated
that the prose stories of the Jatakatthakatha compiled about the latter
part of the 5th century A.D., should be looked upon as expansions or
vittharas of the older Jataka verses, many of which were indeed as
old as the time of the Buddha himself. Some of them were even still
older, going back to pre-Buddhist ages. Thus, the Jataka-Atthakatha
represents a compendium of fables ranging in date from the time of
their earlier origins up to that of their final redaction, i.e., from
pre-Buddhist times down to the 5th century A.D. However, the true
Jataka material itself is safely traced to the art of the 2nd century
B.C. which is more important than the mere literary antecedants.
This fact cannot be denied that many stories in the extant collection
even preserve older material, which is vouchsafed by the evidence
available from the early Buddhist monuments, viz., the Sanchi and
Bharhut

Stupas

as

well

as

the

Ajanta

wall

paintings

of

the

second-first centuries B.C. The reliefs portrayed on the stone railing

and gateways of the Bharhut Stupa are historically very important as
they provide the first undoubted evidence of the full-fledged Jataka
birth-stories

which

even

carry

contemporary

inscribed

labels

revealing their names and main characters.

However,

the

Jatakatthakatha

is

the

work

of

an

unknown

Singhalese monk who is said to have taken his materials from an

earlier Singhalese correntary on the Jatakas. It can also be guessed
that the actual number of the Jatakas was expressed by a figure
which was not less than five hundred and varied at times to as high
a counting as five hundred and sixty-five. The mean number of five
hundred and fifty is very close to Fausboll' s version containing 547
Jatakas. In the present state of things, the official figure of fi ve
hundred-and-fortyseven, as found arranged in the printed edition, is
to be accepted for all working purposes and that may not be far

- 248 -

from the real number as evolved in the main-stream tradition.

A discussion with reference to the origin of the Jataka Book and
the stories contained in it is worked out under six heads on the
basis of their literary tradition and the historical evidence known so
far. Under the first head comes the meaning of the word Jataka
itself. According to the generally accepted explanation it denotes a
birth-story as well as the person in that existence. The word is
derived from S anskrit 'Jata' in the sense of 'birth' or the one who
is 'born '. Thus, it came also to be suitably used as the title of the
collection of the Jatakas or "former birth-stories" of the Buddha. As
a religious text it came to be included in the Tipitaka, and was
subsequently

elaborated

or

commentaries

or commentary.

exposed
As

its

jatakatthakatha

to the original nature of the

jatakas, it is commonly agreed that a jataka originally consisted of a

verse or several verses embodying in a concise form an episode,
that was to be realised in its fuller details by a narrator himself
through a prose narration; it naturally underwent changes according
to the person,

time and circumstances of such a narration. As

regards the place of the jatakas in the Pali Canon it should be

conceded that there were in existence several collections of the
Jatakas besides several isolated jatakas. Some stories included in the
presently available collection are also seen to form part of the other
books in the Canon while others do not appear to have such
authenticity. One can thus classify the following branches of them: l.
Canonical

ones,

2.

Non-Canonical

ones,

3.

Isolated

jatakas,

4.

Collections of the Jatakas in the Buddhist Sanskrit works.

The archaeological evidence at hand is of utmost importance to
certify the fact that many ]ataka stories existed at a very early date.
Not only such stories are found enumerated or mentioned briefly

other parts of the Pali -pitakas, but also their portrayals occur in
Buddhist art as early as the 2nd century B.C. and sometime with
inscribed headings which are couched in the language that is anterior
to the language of the prose in which they are found writtten in the

- 249 -

final version. When the S tupas, Caves and other Buddhist monuments
came

into

existence,

the

]ataka

stories

found

their

logical

representation on them; this indeed indicates their former existence

as well as popular currency. The relative position and association of
the ]ataka Gathas and their Atthakathas with the Dhammapada
Gathas and the Atthakathas is a significant issue both from the
viewpoints of literary composition and historical tradition. A large
number of the ]atakas in the combined style of prose and verse was
probablY due to the liking for this mode of composition by the
ancient Indians. Perhaps they evolved this style in order to make the
prose narrative more lively by insertion of verses. The prose was
either used to explain the verse or to introduce an incident. The
moral of the story was generally retained in the versical form. It
seems, the original verses of the ]ataka remained more or less
unaltered through the ages right up to the end of the 5th century
A.D. But the prose section came to be developed and modified from
time to time. As to the question regarding the growth of the ]ataka
literature we can analyse its following stages: ( 1 ) pre-Buddhistic
times--Akkhanas as popular folklores and ballads in Prakrit; (2)
Time of Buddha and the first Council--]atakas as popular folklore
and ballad stories illustrating the doctrine of Karma, incorporated in
Agama Pitaka; (3) Second Council--Suttanta ]atakas and ]atakas ' as
moral stories in the Dhamma Vinaya; (4) Third Council--]ataka
collection as a separate book of verses included in the Khuddaka
Nikaya; (5) First Century A.D. --Bodhisattva vs. Devadatta stories
from the ]atakas as moral verses found in the Milindapafiha; (6)
Fifth

Century A.D. --]ataka

verses

found

in

the

Dhammapada

Atthakatha; (7) End of 5th Century A.D.--]atakas of the ]ataka Book

exclusively

as

birth-stories

of

the

Bodhisattva

In

the

]ataka-Atthakatha; (8) Sanskrit Buddhist tradition of the ]atakas and

the Avadanas (originating with the Council of the Mahasamghikas;
Mahavastu, Avadanasataka, ]atakamala, etc).
Literary construction and analysis of the ]ataka stories as found
In

the standard version of the extant Book is of specific interest

- 250 -

here. The Jataka text consists of twenty-two sections or Nipatas,

viz., Eka-nipata, Duka-nipata, Tika-nipata, etc. which is chiefly based
on the number of verse or verses each of them contains. The first
section is supposed to contain 150 Jatakas with as many verses, thus
implying that

each one of the verses belongs to or represents a

separate story; the second section, 100 Jatakas, with two verses each;
the third, 50 Jatakas, with three ' verses each, and so on. In each
subsequent section the number of verses increases, whilst that of the
stories decreases. Thus, the last section called Maha-nipata has only
ten epic- scale stories.
However, in the full-fledged Jataka commentary, every single
Jataka consists of the following five constituents, viz.,
(i)

Paccuppannavatthu: story of the present or

an

introductory

story, relating specific occasion when the Buddha told the jataka (iD
Atrtavatthu: story of the past (in prose), relating one of the former
births of the Buddha; in other words, a Bodhisattva story.

(iH)

Gathas: Le., stanzas, which occur in the story of the past, but also
form part of the ' story of the present' . They are Abhisambuddha
Gathas, i.e. ' verses of the Enlightened One ' , and give the moral in
archaic language. (iv) VeyyakaraIJ.a: short gloss explaining the Gatha
word for word.

(v) Samodhana: the connexion in which, finally

(again by the Buddha himself) the personages of the ' story of the
present' are identified with those of the Atrtavatthu.
Thus each one of the Jatakas has: 1. its number, 2. its title, 3.
the opening words of its text, 4. the names and the place of the
story of the present, 5. the occasion of the story of the past, 6. the
place or date of the events of the past story, and 7. the identification
of the characters of both the present and the past storie in the
conclusion.
In origin the term Avadana with its specific meanmg belongs
first

to the text of the Sarvastivadins,

then

to

the Mahayana

literature. The Jatakas and the Avadanas are two similar types of

- 251 -

literary activities which more or less co-related with each other. The
stories of both these literary compositions were largely used for
inculcating moral precepts as revealed by the Buddha.
modelled

to

show

the

all-pervading

power

of

Both were

Karma,

which

determines the fortune and future of a creature in its forthcoming

existence.
Some noteworthy points of agreement and distinction between a
jataka and an Avadana are the following:

1. A jataka has the

Bodhisattva as one of its dramatic personae, but in an Avadana it

may not be essentially so, though in many Avadanas Bodhisattva is
represented. 2. Every jataka may, therefore, be called an Avadana
but not the vice-versa 3. In the Avadana there is a good number of
invented stories of a trivial kind which is not the case with the
jatakas proper. 4. The Avadanas, too, like the jatakas, have a ' story
of the present'

and a

' story of the past' . The jatakas always

describe a previous existence of the Buddha, whereas the Avadanas,

as a rule, deal with the life of a saint, an Arahant.
The Avadana literature may be put under three heads; 1. The
(canonical) class of the Avadana type texts met with in the Vinaya
,

or Sutras.

These

exist

as

anthologies of such portions of the

Tripitaka; e.g. Divyavadana. 2. The second canonical class, made up

of pure Avadanas either single or compiled into collections, that
formed part of the Sutrapitaka; e.g. Avadanasataka and KarmaSataka
3. The third group comprises all other Avadana collections or single
Avadanas which makes a literature of enormous extent; it covers the
post-canonical Avadanas.
As to assess the inter-relationship between the jatakas and the
Avadanas, a literary analysis into the contents of the five major
works has been

found useful,

viz., Avadanasataka,

Divyavadana,

Mahavastu, jatakamrua, and Avadanakalpalata.

A study of the jataka stories as found depicted In Indian art

- 252 -

makes a theme of wide interest and of archaeological value. Some

examples of real ]ataka tales shown and inscribed in early Stupa
sculptures

are

of

outstanding

significance

both

historically

and

aesthetically. Seventy -two scenes of the ]ataka stories occurring in

the Bharhut SW.pa reliefs are hitherto identified by various scholars.
The Stupa of Sanchi occupied a position similar to that of Bharhut
and the two together furnish proof of some intercontinental planning
ordained by the exigencies of commercial and religious life thriving
m

the

2nd-1st

documentation

of

cent.

B.C.

Buddhist

These

ideas

SW.pas

and

art

present

forms,

epic-scale

especially

the

traditional folk cults, motifs and episodes. Both of them adequately

illustrate the prolific outcome of the country-wide art consciousness
generated during the Maurya-SUliga age.

Bharhut sculptors took

pleasure in depicting a number of minor ]atakas, but at Sanchi the

number of ]ataka stories decreases as the artisans there concentrated
on

the

great

]atakas

with

larger

details,

e.g.,

the

Vessantara,

Chaddanta, Syama, and Mahakapi Jatakas.

AmaravaU was one of the greatest seats of Buddhism in the

Deccan

with

its

great

Stiipa,

named

Mahacetiya.

Its

earliest

sculptural pieces bear close resemblance with the Bharhut style. In

its later phase reliefs ( l st cent. B.C. --3rd cent. A.DJ some fourteen
Jatakas

have

been

identified

so

far.

The

Stiipa

sculptures

of

Nagarjunakol)Q.a {3rd cent. A.DJ also show the J ataka tales that were
variously
outstanding

carved
panel

on

drum -slabs

from

the

Goli

and

cornice

ruins

beams,

exhibits

the

etc.

An

story

of

Vessantara in fascinating details.

Great masters of the 1\1athura school of Ku:;>aI)a sculpture worked

under the full inspiration of their devoted and opulent patrons to
produce Buddhist reliefs and images in a large number which at one
time

really

filled

the

whole

of Northern and

Eastern

India.

The

]ataka stories portrayed in Mathura art are seen on several Toraoa

architraves, railing pillars, cross-bars, coping stones, etc. Seventeen
]atakas have been so far identified at Mathura by various scholars.

- 253 -

The ]atakas

were popularly

shown

also

in

the North-west

provinces under the KU!;ial)as. There are many fascinating Gandhara

reliefs

showing

Buddhist

legends

in

diverse details.

The ]ataka

stories identified so far in this school are the Dlpailkara ]ataka and
the stories of Vessantara, Sama, Sivi, Alambusa and so on. The
most commonly represented episode is the Dlpali.kara ]ataka as it had
become more of an image type curtailing much of its narrative
details.
A great number of the }atakas found pictorical representations
also. The earliest surviving examples of Buddhist paintings are in
some of the caves of Ajanta in the Deccan. They are unique in
history

for

preserving

Buddhist painting.

the

most

There are

colourful

specimens

of

Indian

some twenty-five Jataka examples

identified so far by various scholars that graphically occur on the

walls of the Ajanta caves. In a few cases even the names of
legendary personages and the related verses from "the ]atakamrua of

.A.ryaSura

are found written in painted characters beside fascinating

illustrative details.
An enquiry into the philosophical and ethical substance of the
Jataka stories goes to bring in 'focus the main Buddhist tenets and
morals that were meant to be conveyed to the people through such
literature. The 'Eight-fold Path' sums up the teachings revealed by
the Lord in his First Sennon. This middle path lies in between two
extremes of the habitual devotion to pleasures and the conduct of
self-mortification. The Buddhist Ethics is summed up in the concept
of Stla. The most important aspects

of moral life as

conveyed

through the ]atakas inculcate the doctrine of Paflca-sIla, for the

householder as well as the renunciate.
With respect to the Karma and rebirth motifs, the ]ataka stories
carry the arch message that man is the maker of his own destiny.
lVlan is not at the mercy of some unknown deity or destiny. The life
a man experiences at present is moulded by the fruits of his good or

- 254 -

bad deeds done in previous births as his furture will be governed by

the

fruits

of

performed

actions

presently.

Thus,

he

himself

is

responsible for his past, present and furture. For a joyous furture he
must follow noble deeds guided by good will. A bright future never
ensues from a life steeped in the darkness of his present evil-deeds,
as is the life beyond ever governed by the deeds of a doer.

Another pivotal concept was that of the Bodhisattva ideal. The

]atakas depicted at Bharhut may be analysed as common stories or
fables told by the Lord as illustrations of his doctrine. However, the
Buddhist used them subsequently as the cycle of the Bodhisattva
birth- stories

which

the

Lord

himself had

passed

through

before

attaining Buddhahood. At the third stage, the Bodhisattva notion can

be said to have undergone further elaboration as per the Mahayana
ideals during the few early centuries of the Christian era.

A Bodhisattva was thought to practise the six or ten Paramitas.

The

attainment of Paramitas

was

an essential qualification or a

preliminary condition of finally reaching the Buddhahood. A series of

stories exemplifying

Paramita ideals from

the list

of ten or

six

Paramitas can be well traced in the ]ataka collection. It came to be a

purposeful motif for the Buddhists who broad-based their popular
teachings

by

further

compiling

and remodelling

such

stories

into

glorifying tales of Avadanas not only for the Lord' s birth-cycles but
also for other historical and mythical personalities. Each such tale,
whether of the ]ataka Book (in its final version) or of the Avadana
texts teaches the observance of Sua, Le. ethical and moral precepts,

b our daily conduct besides having the doctrine of Karma for its
substratum.

The ]ataka tales became equally popular well outside the Indian
borders proper as we find them ingrained in the literary and art
traditions of many an Asian country. No doubt, the ]ataka stories
essentially

travelled

along

the religious

and cultural expansion of

Buddhism which had its world-wide influences felt throughout

- 2 55 -

Eastern Asia and the neighbouring islands as well as in the literary

traditions of the Western countries. It is reasonable to conclude that
the ]ataka stories formed

an

essential part of the Buddha' s teachings

to the monks and the laity alike from the very beginning and thus
an extraordinary significance had ever been attached to them in the
Buddhist culture evolved through the ages. Being so cherished by
many different peoples and cultures of Asia throughout the past
centuries the ]ataka tradition has indeed left a lasting mark on the
thought as well as the art of the world and undoubtedly forms a
precious legacy of the whole mankind.

- 256 -

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*. M.Derrett, ]. D., "Home in India: The Birth of Buddha",

JRAS,

1992.
*. Metha, K., "The ]atakas",

The Times of Indian Annual, 1972.

*. Metha, R N., "Ethics of the ]atakas",

IG., n, 1936.

*. Mookerjee, R, "Ancient Indian education from the ]atakas", ed.,

by B. C. Law, Buddhistic Studies, Indological Book House, Varanasi,
reprint, 1983.
*. Mukharjee, K, "The Practical Approach of the Buddhist ]ataka
Story", ed., by P. K. S. Manu, Bodhi- Chakra, Centre For Buddhist
Culture, Patna, 1994.
*. Narada, R, "Sarhsara or Buddhist Philosophy of Birth & Death",
ed., by B. C. Law, Buddhistic Studies, Indological Book House,

- 275 -

Varanasi, reprint,

1983.

Okell, ]., "Translation and Embellishment

]ataka Poem", jRAS, Part 1 & 2, 1967.
*.

ill

An Early Burmese

Parinao, R , "Buddhist Attitude to Women as reflected in the

]ataka stories and Art", eds., by R K. Sharma, and R. C. Agrawal,
K{$1)2-Smrti: Studies in Indian Art and Archaeology, Prof. K. D.
Bajpai Commemoration Volume, Aryan Books International, Delhi,
*.

1995.
Pathak, S. K., "Bodhisattva: A Way for Attaing World Peace",

*.

International Buddhist Conjerence, vol. X, Bodhagaya, 1984.

Peris, M., "Greek Motifs in the ]atakas",
no. XXV, Colombo, 1980-81.
*.

Ray, N., "The Art of Barhut",

*.

jRAS., of Sri Lanka,

The Times of Indian Annual,

1970.
Rhys Davids, Mrs., "Notes
Northern India", jRAS, 1901.
*.

on Early Economic Condition

*. Salomon, R, "Undeciphered Scripts of South Asia", eds., by ].

Chakrabarty,
and
D.
C.
Bhattacharya,
S.
K
Saraswati

Commemoration

Volume: Aspects
Rddhi -India, Calcutta, 1983.

of Indian

Art and

Culture,

Samtani, H. H., "On Dying as a Bodhisattva for Universal

Welfare", International Buddhist Conjerence, vol. X, Bodhagaya, 1984.
*.

*. Sharma, S., "Motifs in the Avadanas", Prachya Pratibha: Journal

of Art, history and Curture, vol. XVI, 1994-5.
*. Stone, E. R., "The Buddhist architecture and Lay Patronage at
Na.garjunakoI)Qa", ed., by A. L. Dallapicolla, The StUJXl: Its Religious,
historical and Architectureal Significance, Beitrage zur Sudasien
Forschung, Bd. 55, Wiesbaden, 1980.

*.

Sumangal,

V.

B.,

"Kamma

and

Rebirth

in

Buddhism",

International Buddhist Conjerence, vol. IV, Bodhagaya, 1978.

*.

vol.

Tedesco, P., "The Second Gatha. of the Radha Jataka",

JAOS. ,

77, 1957,

Thakur, V. K., "A Study of the Contribution of Buddhism to the

Gandhara School of Art", Intemational Buddhist Conjerence, vol. VI,
*.

Bodhagaya,

1980.

- 276 -

*. Tripathi, K. B., "The Ramayana and Buddhist Jatakas", ed., by

H. C. Das, Buddhism and jainism, Orissa, 1976.
*. Virabhadrudu, T., "Our Ancient Cilture", ed., by T. R. Sareen, &
S. R. Bakshi, Ancient Culture and Civilisation, 1933.
*. Vogel, ]. , "The Mathura School of Sculpture",

Arch Sur. Ind.

Res., PTS., 1906-7, 1909-10.

*. Winternitz, M., "Jataka Gathas and Jataka Commentary",
vo!. IV, March, 1928.

IHQ.,

N. Encyclopaedia and Dictionary

*.

A Catalogue-Index of the Tibetan Buddhist Canons,

1934, Sri Satguru, reprint, 1983.

ed. Dohogu

University, Sentai,
*. A
London,

Concordance of Buddhist Birth Stones,

1990.

L.

Grey,

PTS.,

*. A Dictionary of Buddhist Technical Terms, F. Max Muller, & H.

Wenzel, Orient Publications, Delhi, reprint, 1985.
*.

A. Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, W. E. Soothill, & L.

Hodous, Trubner
reprint, 1987.
*.

Co.,

Ltd.,

London,

A Dictionary of Indian History,

1967, 1972.

1937, Motilal Banarasidass,

S. Bhattacharya, University of

Calcutta, Calcutta,
*.

A Dictionary of the Pali Language, R. C. Childers, London, 1875.

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Copenhagen, London and Leipzig, 1901.
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*.

*.

Bharatiya Itihas Kosha, S. Bhattacharya, Uttra Pradesh Hindi

Sansthan, Lucknow, 1979.

- 277 -

*.

Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Grammar and Dictionary, 2 vols., F.

1953, Motilal Banarasidass,

Edgerton, Yale university, New Haven,

reprint, 1993.

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Nanjio, Bunyiu, Oxford Clarendon Press, London,
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1964.
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Publishing Company, New York, 1987.

12 vols., M. Eliade, Macmillan

- III -

Almendix to Chater V. Aianta Caves

S. No.

*.

T i t l e & No.

of Jataka

Cave No.

P I . No. o f YAZI )

Fig. No. of SCIP)

Ident i fied

Nigrodhamiga*

12

17

Maccha*

75

17

Mahisa

278

17

PtA

SI . a

CH I S

Ksanti

313

Pt. 2

2. 2, 3 . 3-S

CH. H, 1

Begle:iJ)

1.4

Liiders4)

Mahaka!,!i I & I I

407

17

Pt. 4

l lb. 7 to 13b. 1-3

CH. 24

30

Foucher5)

Cul labodh i

443

17

PtA

16a

CH. 13

Schl i!}gloffS)

t. 3

14a b

CH. IS

1 . 10

Vogel1)

CH, 24

30

Foucher

CH. IS

Yazelani

Mati!,!osaka

455

16

Ruru

482

Pt. 4, lIb. 7 to 13b. 3

Sarahamiga

483

17

10

Sivi

499

11

Sivi

499

17

t . 4

16b. l to 17b. 3

PtA

S2. b

Pt. l , S

CH. 8, 1 1

Foucher

CH. 13

Schl ingloff

12

Mahahamsa

S02

t 2

ISa. 3 to 16b . 2

CH, 13

O ldenburg8)

13

Ha"sa

S02

17

Pt. 4

16b 1 to 17b. 3

CH 13

O ldenburg

14

CamI!:i:ia

S06

Pt. l

Ga. 4 to 8, 5

c:t 6, 4

Ral!'!h9)

15

Olhaddanta

514

10

Pt 3

28b-29

CH.

1.8

Schl i!}gloff

16

Olhaddanta

S14

17

Pt 3

52, 8 to 62 7

CH

4 S

17

&!nkha!,!a la

S24

Pt. 1

16, 17 18 19

CH, 7

Sch l i!}gloff

CH. 9

Foucher

18

Sutasoma

531

16

Pt 3, 46b

19

Sutasoma

537

17

Pt. 4

30 to 37b

CH. 9,

Foucher

20

Maha janaka

539

Pt 1

16. 9 to 19. 3

CH. 1

Go loubew 10)

21

Sama

S40

10

Pt 3

28b-29

CH, S

22

Sama

540

17

Pt 4

49b

CH. 5

Oldenburgl l )

CH 24

38

Foucher

23

Viduraoondi ta

54S

Pt. 2

35. 8 to 41b 1

24

Mahlummaga

546

16

Pt 4

14a. 3-4

25

Vessantara

547

17

Pt 3

A!,!dix

14b. l
P . 96

Foucher

CH. 1 5, 1 11

Dikshi t 12)

CH. 15

Yazelani l3)

1.6

Th i s two JltakaS were referred t.y D . C. Ahir, BuddhisllI in Modern Indian, p. 63.

1. G. Yazelani , Ajanta, 4 vols . , London. 1930-55.

2. D. Schl i ngloff. Studies in the Ajanta Paintings, Delh i , 1 987.
S. W. E. Begley, -The chronology of Mahayana Buddhi s t Archi tecture and Painting at Ajanta-, Univ. of Pennsylvania,
Ph. D. Diss. , 1966, p. l01. Cf. D. Schl ingloff, op. cl t. . p. l44.
4. H. r iiders, -Aryai nra 's Jatakamah und die Fresken von Ajanta-, trans. in lA, Vol . 32, 1903, pp. S26-28.
5. A. Foucher,
6.

-Letter d 'Ajanta-,

The painting

Schl ingloff, op ci t

ed i tor's note 2 on G.
8.

text,

p. 37.

Cf.

D.

is not due to A . Foucher, a s stated b y Yazdani, pt. 3, p.46, bu t t o Ph. Voge l : See the

Yazdani, Note on Frescoes Discovered at Ajanta,

On the basis of the description in Burgess,

p. 32 and p. 65f:

in Annual Bibliography of Indian Archaeology.

-Notes on the Bauddha Rock-temples of Ajanta,

both paintings(S.

No. 8.

Ident i fications of the Jltaka-sculptures-, JAOS, vol.

The

oldest

Fol lowing him,

10.

ptA,

p. 32.

Sculptures- ,
9.

ident i fied-.

p. 89 .

1 . Th e identi fication, however,

1932.

in JA, 1921, p. 206.

is by Yazelani as -The Bestowal o f the Royal Sward ( ? ) : not

description of

this

scene

9)

were

identi fled

by him

in

the

their Paintings and

' Notes on Buddhist Art

18, p. 196.

i s given by Dr.

Gri ff i ths has reproved it in 1896, Herringham

Ralph

in his

record on the Ajanta

paintings,

p. 558.

in 1915, Golubew in 1 927 and Yazdani in 1927, etc.

I ts ident i f icati on as a part of the representation of the Mahajanaka Jataka was made by V. Goloubew.

-Documents

pour servir a 1 'etude d 'Ajanta-, p. 16ff. Cf. D. Schlingloff, op. clt. , p. 85. Note. 2.
11.

S.

18,

1897.

F.

12. G. M.
vol .

20,

Oldenburg .
Diksh i t .
1943.

-Notes on the Bauddha Rock-temples of Ajanta,

NAn unident i fied JHaka Scene

the
His

accepted

by

opi nons. Cf. D. Schl ingloff. op.

13. G. Yazelani . op.

ci t

has

from Ajanta-, Journal of the Blhar and Orlssa Research Society.

from

is

Here he

vol.

Mahaummaga J a taka in which the wise boy Mahosadha c leared up a series of di fficul t criminal cases as a judge.
interpretation

pp. l IS-1l9.

their Pa intings and Sculptures N in JRAS .

Yazdani

indicated that

as

' abso lutely

cl t. . p. l50.

pt. S. Appendix. p. 96.

this picture

correct ',

is

but Dr.

supposed

to represent

Schlingloff

does

not

a scene

agree wi th

their

- IV -

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Bharhut, 2nd Century B.C .
1 . Sujata jataka

2. Nigrodhamiga jataka
3. VidhurapaI)Q.ita jataka
4. VidhurapaI)Q.ita jataka

5. Kukkuta ]ataka
6. Bhisa jataka
7. Kakkata ]ataka
8. Timingila ]ataka

9. Vessantara jataka
10. Vessantara jataka
1 1 . Mahaumagga ]ataka

12. Mugapakkha ]ataka

13. VidhurapalJQ.ita jataka
14. Rum jataka
15. Mahakapi ]ataka
16. Mahaumagga jataka

Sanchi, 1st century B.C.

17. Chaddanta ]ataka
18. Vessantara ]ataka

19. Mahakapi jataka

20. Sama jataka
21. Chaddanta ]ataka
22. Padakusalamru;tava jataka
23. Chaddanta jataka
24. Ves santara ]ataka

Amaravati
25. Vessantara jataka

- v -

26. AhiguIJdika jataka

27. Mandhatu jataka
28. Chaddanta jataka
29. Sasa jataka

Nagarjunakonda
30. Mahaumagga ja.taka
31. Dasaratha jataka
32. Sasa jataka

Goli
33. Vessantara jataka

34. Vessantara

jataka,

detail

35. Ves santara

ja.taka,

detail

36. Vessantara jataka, detail

37. Sasa jataka

Mathura
38. Valahassa jataka
39. Valahassa jataka
40. Sivi jataka
41. Uluka jataka

Gandhara
42. Dlpailkara jataka
43. Vessantara ja.taka

44. Dlpailkara jataka

45. Dlpailkara jataka
46. Sivi ja.taka

Outside of India
47. Vessantara jataka, Sri Lanka
48. Paficuposatha jataka, Burma

- VI -

49. Rum Jataka, China

j\.janta
50. Vidhl1rapaI)Qita ]ataka
51. VidhurapaI)Qita Jataka, detail
52. Vidhl1rapaI).Qita ]ataka, detail

53. VidhurapaI)Qita ]ataka, detail

54. Mahajanaka ]ataka
55. Mahaj anaka ]ataka
56. Matuposaka ]ataka
57. SaIilkhapala ]ataka

58. Harhsa ]ataka

59. Campeyya Jataka
60. Campeyya ]ataka
61. Campeyya Jataka
62. Vessantara ]ataka
63. Vessantara Jataka

64. Ves santara ]ataka

65. Vessantara ]ataka
66. Sinhala Avadana
67. Sinhala Avadana

PLATE I

PLATE 11

PLATE III

PLATE IV

PLATE V

PLATE VI

PLATE VII

10

PLATE VIII

11

PLATE IX

12

PLATE X

13

14

15

16

PLATE XI

PLATE XII

17

18

PLA'fE XIII

19

PLATE XIV

20

PLATE XV

21

22

PLATE XVI

23

24

PLATE XVII

25

PLATE XVIII

26

PLATE XIX

27

PLATE XX

28
,, - .-

29

PLATE XXI

30

PLATE XXII

31

PLATE XXIII

32

PLATE XXIV

33

34

PLATE XXV

35

PLATE XXVI

36

PLATE XXVII

37

PLA'rE XXVIII

38

PLATE XXIX

39

PLATE XXX
.

,: ':

40

PLATE XXXI

41

PLArrE XXXII

, {,,

#;<
j' 'tJ

of _

./.r:"'

.h
"

42

PLATE XXX JJJJ

43

44

PLATE XXXIV

45

PLATE XXXV

46

47

PLATE XXXVI

48

49

PLATE XXXVII

50

51

PLATE XXXVIII

52

53

PLATE XXXIX

54

55

PLATE XL

56

57

PLATE XLI

58

59

PLATE XLII

60

61

PLATE XLIII

62

63

PLATE XLIV

64

"

l '
Ll

65

PLATE XLV

66

67