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PERSIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY OF By Farhad THE EARLY NIZART ISMA‘TLIS Daftary The tate of Tmt Sais, Lande The Isma'iis, who originated as an independent Shi sect around the middle of the secondjeighth century, represented an important. religio-political movement in many parts of the Muslim world during the mediaeval times. The Isms also made signife cant contributions to Islamic culture during their Fajimid “golden age”. At various timesin the course of their mediaeval history, especially during the so-called classical Fatimid period (297-487/909-1098) when sma thought and literature attained their summit, the renowned Ismaii di‘ or missionaries who were assigned to particular regions for propagating the Ismail doctrines and winning new worthy converts, produced numerous treatises on theology, philosophy, Jurisprudence and many other subjects But from carly fon, the learned Ismail da"Fauthors, who were nor mally trained as theologians, were rarely interested in historical writing. The Qidi al-Nu'man (d.363/974), the organiser of the Ismail system of figh or jurispru: dence and the most prolific author of the Fatimid period, produced only one historical work, the {tia al-da'wa. This earliest historical work in the Isat literature, completed in 346/957, covers merely the immediate background to the establishment of the Fatimid Caliphate? Furthermore, only one general history of fsma'ism seems to have been written by an Isma'll author of the mediaeval times, namely, Tdris “Imad al-Din (4. 872/1468) who was the nineteenth Musta‘i-Tayyibi chief dain Yaman.* ‘The general lack of interest of the Isma'iis in historiography has, in no small measure, been due also, to the hostile conditions under which the sectarians lived until more recent times. Ever since the opening phase of their history, when they were conducting a revolutionary campaign for uprooting the ‘Abbasids, the Isms have been persecuted by numerous major dynasties as well as many local rules in the Muslim world, in addition to being depicted as malhide or heretics by many other Muslim groups. Under such circumstances, the Ismail were often obliged to live clandestinely, also adhering to the Shi? principle of tagiyya, precautionary dissimulation of one’s true rel sgious beliefs in the fice of danger. As a result, Isma nerally developed under utmost secrecy, and the sma if authors, who were mainly interested in theo= logical and philosophical issues, were reluctant to compile annalistc or other types of historical accounts In sum, the Isma‘ilis were not prepared to divulge any factual details about their movement which, if fallen OT into the hands of their enemies, might endanger the survival of their co-religionists in particular localities or jeopardise the highly secret activities of their das. Icis, therefore, not surprising that the Isma‘lis have generally lacked a tradition of historiography. In fact, from early on in the third/ninth century, the Isma Tis developed their own metahistorical notions and came to hold a particular conception of history, which may ‘more appropriately be called hierohistory, represent- ing an a priori sacral image of the past and a cyclical view of time and the religious history of mankind According to this cyclical prophetic conception, which ‘was retained with various modifications as an integral component of the Ismail gnosis until late mediaeval times, the hierohistory of mankind proceeded through seven prophetic eras of different durations, each era or cycle (dawr) inaugurated by a law-announcing, speaker-prophet or natig, enunciating a revealed mess- age which in its exoteric aspect contained a religious law (Shara). The final, seventh era, marking the end of time and human history, would be initiated by the Qyim or Mahdi who would usher in the giydma or resurrection and then rule over the final eschatological cera. The Qaim as the seventh natig would not, however, announce a new religious law; in that final age of pure spiritualism, he would fully reveal the unchangeable ‘esoteric truths concealed behind all the preceding messages, including those of Judaism, Christianity and Islam ‘There were, however, two exceptional periods in the Ismaili movement when the Isma‘ilis did particularly concern themselves with history in its traditional sense, and with historical writing, and they produced or commissioned works which may be regarded as official chronicles. It was only during those two periods, marking temporary traditions of Ismaili historio- ‘graphy, that the Tsma'Tis possessed states of their own, viz., the Fagimid Caliphate and the Nizart Ismaili state centred at Alamit in Persia. There were major differences between the two Isma'll states in question. ‘The Fatimid state, ruled by the Ismail imam, represented a vast empire with an elaborate administrative and ceremonial apparatus, which rival- led the ‘Abbasid Caliphate; while the Niza ruled initially by da" and later by the Niza themselves, was a simple though unique prin the Muslim world, comprised of a host of mountain strongholds and their surrounding villages as well as a few towns in scattered territories stretching from 92 JOURNAL OF PERSIAN sTwDIES eastern Persia to Syria. Nevertheless, in both instances, the Isma‘li da‘wa had brought about a davela, and the Isma’lis had now come to possess their own dynasties of rulers and political events, which needed to be recorded by trustworthy chroniclers; authors, who unlike the majority of the mediaeval Muslim theolo- sians, heresiographers, polemicists and historians, were not hostile towards the Ismalis and their cause, AS a result, a host of authors, often befonging to the Ism: community, produced such histories of the Fisimi and Niziri states. Indeed, numerous official Fatimid chronicles, representing histories of the Fatimid dynasty and state and to some extent also of the Isma it movement in Fatimid dominions, were com- piled by contemporary Ismna‘Tlt and non-Isma'ilt authors like al-Musabbiht (4, 420/1029). ‘These Fatimid chronicles, compiled at different times, espe- cially after the transference of the seat of the Fatimid Caliphate from Ifrigiya to Egypt in 362/973, did not survive the collapse of the Fatimid dynasty in 567/ II7I, when Egypt rapidly returned to the fold of Sunni Islam during the ensuing Ayydbid period. The Ayyabids systematically destroyed the renowned Fatimid libraries at Cairo and elsewhere in Egypt and severely persecuted the Isma'tlis there. Under similar tragic circumstances, the Isma'Il literature, including the official chronicles, produced by the early Persian Nizari Isma‘tlis, too, has perished almost completely, though some of this literature remained extant for some time after the collapse of the Nizari Isma ii state in Persia in 654/1256, Its the purpose of this article to investigate the nature of the Persian historical writings fon the Nizart Isma'Tlis of Persia and their state during the Alamat period (483-654/1090-1256), produced by contemporary Nizari authors, and a group of near- contemporary non-Isma‘li Muslim historians who, in fact, are our most important sources on the subject. ‘On the death of al-Mustansir bi’lah, in 487/1094, a ‘major schism occurred in the Isma'TIi movement con- cerning the succession to the imamate. Al-Mustansir, the eighth Fatimid caliph and the eighteenth Isma imam, had already designated his eldest son Abit Mansir Nizar as his successor by the rule of the nass. However, al-Aflal, who a few months earlier had succeeded his own father Badr al-Jamali as the all- powerful vizier of the Fatimid state, had other plans Aiming 0 retain the state reins in his own hands, al-Afdal moved quickly and in what amounted to a palace coyp d'état placed Nizat's much younger brother Ahmad on the Fatimid throne with the ditle of al-Musta‘li billah, AI-Afdal immediately obtained for al-Musta'li the allegiance of the notables of the Fisimid state and the leaders of the Ismaili da‘wa at Cairo, Refusing to pay homage to al-Musta'll, the dispossessed Nizar fled to Alexandria, where he briefly led a revolt with the help of the local inhabitants. By the end of $88/1095, however, al-Afdal had effectively subdued this revolt and Ni ‘These events caused the permanent Ni split in Isma'ism, Al-Musta'll was acknowledged as, his father's y Syrian Isma'llis, and by the whole Ismaili community in Yaman and that in western India dependent on it These Isma'ilis, who were under the direct influence of | the Fatimid régime, now accepted al-Musta‘i as their nineteenth imam and henceforth became known as the Musta‘liyya or Mustalawiyya. By contrast, the Isma‘lis of the Saljuq dominions, notably those of Persia and Iraq and a faction of Syrian Isma'Ths, refused to recognise the ninth Fatimid caliph al- Musta‘li as their next imam. These eastern Isma'Tis, upholding al-Mustansir’s original nass, acknowledged [Nizar as their nineteenth imam and became known as the Nizariyya. The Nizaris, who had already launched, an open revolt against the Saljuqs, completely severed their relations with the Fatimid regime and the head- quarters of the Fagimid da‘wa in Cairo, The eastern Isma'lis, led by the Persian community, had now in cffect founded the independent Niziri daa and state, in rivalry with the Musta‘lian da‘za which was sup- ported by the Fatimid régime. ‘A few years earlier, in 483/1090, the seizure of the mountain fortress of Alamiit in northern Persia by Hasan-i Sabbah had in fact marked the foundation of | what was to become the Niziri Isma'lt state of Persia and Syria. At the same time, the Isms of Persia had started an armed revolt against the alien rule of the Saljuq Turks. The architect of this Nizari state ani revolt as well as the founder of the independent Nizar da‘wa was, indeed, the redoubtable Hasan-i Sabbah, who eventually became the supreme Nizari leader within the Saljuq Sultanate, while the Nizari imams succeeding Nizir remained inaccessible to their fol- Towers for several decades. As designed by Hasan-i Sabbah, the Niziri revolt against the Saljugs was based on the seizure and construction of impregnable ‘mountain strongholds and on the political assassination of the prominent enemies of the Nizaris at the hands of the sect’s idd'ts, self-sacrifsing devotees. Such a strategy was dictated by overwhelming military superi= cority of the Saljugs and their decentralised power structure. At any rate, the Persian Nizatris soon came to possess a network of fortresses in three separate ter~ ritories, notably, Radbar, situated in the mediaeval Caspian region’ of Daylam; Qiimis, with its main fortress of Girdkih; and Qubistin, in southeastern Khurasin, where the Niziris controlled also several towns. By the opening years of the sixth/twelfth cen- tury, the Persian Nizaris had already extended their activities also to Syria. A continuous chain of da’, despatched from Alamiit, organised and led the Nizai da‘wa and community in Syria, ‘The Syrian Nizaris, who came to possess their own network of fortresses, remained a subsidiary of the Persian NizitT state. Tt PERSIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE EARLY NIZART ISMA‘TLIS 93 was only under Rashid al-Din Sinn (d. 589/193), their greatest leader, who was known to the Crusaders as the “Old Man of the Mountain”, that the Syrian Niziris temporarily acquired a certain degree of independence from Alam The Niziri Ismaili state, whose territories were separated from one another by long distances, main tained a remarkable cohesion and sense of unity both internally and against the outside world. This state had its supreme central ruler, who normally resided at ‘Alamiit and acted as an independent territorial amir, as well asits own mint. The rulers ofthe Nizar state, also acting as the central leaders of the Nizari da‘wa and community, were Hasan-i Sabbah and his seven suc- cessors, who are commonly referred to as the lords (Persian singular, kiudavand) of Alamiit. During the earliest phase in the history of Nizari Isma‘ilism, known as the dawr al-satr or period of concealment (488-557/1095-1162), when the Nizari_ imams remained hidden, Hasan-i Sabbah (d. 518/1124) and his next two successors led the Nizaris as di‘, and ‘ujjas or full representatives, of the absent imam, Starting with Hasan II ‘ali dhikrihi “T-salam (557-61/1162-6), the fourth lord of Alamit, however, the Nizar imamate became manifest and the imams themselves now took personal charge of the affairs of the Nizari da‘wa, state and community, handing down the leadership on a hereditary basis, ‘The Persian Nizaris of the Alamiit period. experienced many political and doctrinal vicissitudes in the course of their history of some 166 years. They ‘withstood numerous massacres and military campaigns directed against them by the Saljuqs and many other adversaries. They also participated in many local alliances and conflicts in Syria, the Caspian region and ‘eastern Persia, For a brief period in the reign of Jalal al-Din Hasan III (607-18/1210-21), the sixth lord of Alamiit, the Nizaris even adhered outwardly to Sunn- ism and successfully achieved a rapprochement with the Sunni world. As a result, the perennial hostilities between the Nizaris and the larger Muslim community were now set aside, and the Nizaris came to play active part in the important alliances of the “Abbasi caliph al-Nasir. The Nizari state in Persia finally collapsed in 654/1256 under the onslaught of the all- conquering Mongols; and the eighth and last lord of Alamat, Rukn al-Din Khurshah, was killed in Mongol captivity in the following year somewhere in The Syrian Nizaris, who had escaped! the twagic fate of their Persian co-religionists, were com- pletely subdued by 671/1273 at the hands of the ‘Mamluk sultan Baybars I. Nizar Isma‘lism was from the very beginning also associated with certain doc trinal developments, subsequently designated by the outsiders as the new preaching (al-da‘wa aljadida), in contradistinction to the old preaching (al-da'vea al-gadima) of Fatimid Isma‘Tlism, the common doc- Wwinal heritage of both the Nizériyya and the Musta‘liyya. The Nizaris were highly disciplined and always readily followed the commands oftheir leaders and imims, who elaborated and interpreted their doctrines in the face of changing circumstances. Thus the Nizits accepted without questioning any changes of policy proclaimed at Alamit. The Niz munity of the Alamit period was, indeed, charac- terised by a strong sense of solidarity and mission and by the absence of any type of internal dissent Being preoccupied with their survival in an extremely’ hostile milieu, the Persian Niziris who attained generally limited level of literacy did not produce any substantial volume of lierature during the Alamit period. Indeed, the Nizdsi community did not produce outstanding theologians comparable to the learned da‘ authors of the Fatimid period and the later dat matlags ofthe Musta'T-Tayyibi community Yaman, By contrast, the Persian Nizari community, which was often involved in longedrawn military entanglements, produced capable military personali- ties who also aeted as commandants of the major strongholds and conducted limited da‘wa activities as 4's Be it as it may, the meagre literary output of the Persian Nigavis was written in the Persian language, ‘which was adopted by the Nizirs from the beginning of the Alamit period as their religious language, an unprecedented event in Persia since the Arab con- quests. Under these circumstances, the Persian Nizatis did not develop any particular interest in copying and studying the classical Isma works of the Fatimid times, which in due course came to be preserved mainly by the Musta‘ian IsmaTis. On the other hand, the Syrian Niziris, who produced their own literature in Arabic, preserved some of the Fatimid Is treatises. However, the Syrian Niziei works were not translated into Persian in Persia, and similarly, the Persian Nizai works of the Alamiit period were not translated into Arabic and thus remained inaccessible (o the Syrian Nizari community The Nizisi Isma'iis of the Alamit period did, nonetheless, engage in a certain amount of intellectual and literary activity. Hasan-i Sabbah, who was a Tearned theologian himself, founded a library at the castle of Alamit, which in time became quite renowned for its Ismail and non-Isma collections of religious manuseripts as well as is scientific tracts and instruments. Other Persian Niziti strongholds, too ‘specially in Quhistin, seem wo have been equipped with libraries. The Persian Niziris ofthe later Alamat period also played an active part inthe intellectual life Of the time, acting as hosts 0 many outside scholars and theologians who now availed themselves of the Niziri libraries and patronage of learning. Amongst such Muslim scholars who lived and worked for extended petiods in the Nizie strongholds of Quhistin and Risdbar, especially in the aftermath of the earliest 94 JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES ‘Mongol invasions, the most eminent was Nase al-Din al-Tist (597-672/1201-74), a leading Muslim philos- opher and scientist of his time. Around the year 624/1227, al-Tisi entered the service of Nasir al-Din “Abd al-Rabman b. Abi Mangor (@, 695/1257), the learned muikashin or local head of the Quist Nizitis, ALTisi developed a close fiendship with Nasir al-Din, to whom he dedicated his great work on ethics, the Aétlag-i Nasir. During his long stay of some three decades amongst the Niza, initaly at different locations in Quhistan and finally at Alam al-Tast, who had then temporarily embraced IsmaTsm, wrote ‘humerous teatines, including several Ismaili works, “The Niziris of the Alamat period produced a few doctrinal works, staring with Hasanei Sabbab's Fast arba'a (“The Four Chapters"), containing a reform- lation of the old ShTT doctrine of tain oF authorita- tive teaching in religion, which became the central doctrine of the earliest Nizar? ‘There was, furthe more, the unique corpus of al-Tis's mat writing including his Rawat al-tatim? completed in 6401243 and representing the most detailed exposition of the Nizari lama teachings ofthe late Alama period. As noted, the carly Persian Nizar, as a rae instance of its kind amongst the Isms, ako produced chronicles recording the detailed history of the Persian Nir State in terms of the reigns of the succestive lords of Alam, starting with the Sargudhashs Seyi whieh covered the life and times of Hasan-i Sabbah. These official chronicles, compiled by various Persian N authors, were maintained at Alamit and other Niziri strongholds in Radbar as well x in Quhistn, expe- Gially at Sartakht and Mu'minabad. The available information on these Niziri chronicles will be presen- ted later this aril. eis interesting to note here that the Syrian branch of the Nizar state did not develop 4 similae tradition of historiography during the Alamat period and that the Syrian Nizart authors of the time do not seem to have compiled any chronicles like those ‘maintained in Persia, while the Persian cheonicls contained only occasional references to the events of the Syrian Nizar community. On the other hand, the contemporary, non-Isma'll Arab historians, who took ome notice of the Syrian Niziis, ignored almost completely the events of the Persian. Niziri-com- suit. In Persia itself, twas only during the Tkhanid period, ater the collapse of the Nigar state, that a ns concerned themselves seriously with the Persian Nizatis of the Alam period and their state Hiilego, entrusted by the Great K the double task of destroying the N of Penia and the “Abbasid Caliphate centered Khurdsin at the head of the main Mongol expedition in Rabt I 654/April 1256; and by Dhu -Qa'da 654/December 1256, when Alamiat surrendered to the ‘Mongols, the Nizari state had been uprooted in Persia. Only Lamasar, the second most important fortress in Raidbar, held out for a year longer, while Girdkith resisted its Mongol besiegers as the last Nizari military ‘outpost in Persia until 669/1270. ‘The Nizari strongholds of Radbar and Quhistin were pillaged and then completely or partially demolished by the invad- ing Mongols during the year 654/1256, marking the end of the Nizar state in Persia. The Mongols also put large numbers of Niziris to the sword in Persia, but they did not succeed in totally extirpating the Persian Nizari community. The bulk of the literature pro- duced by the Persian Nizitis during the Alamic period, however, perished in the course of the Mongol invasions. Only a lew important Nizief works, includ= ing some of the official historical writings, did in various ways survive the Mongol destruetions. These Nizari works were seen and utilised ext group of Persian hist notably, Juwayni, Rashid al-Din and Kasha now compiled detailed historical accounts of the Persian Nizisi commumity and state of the Alamit period. Most of the Nizari sources used by these Persian historians, including all the Nizari chronicles available to them, were lost soon after the frst half of the cighthjfourteenth century. AS a result, the same Persian historians have remained our most important authorities on the subject, not only because of their proximity to the described events but also because of their use of contemporary Isma li sources which are no longer extant. AIR” al-Din “Aqi-Malik Juwayot is the earliest historian of Mongol Persia to produce an account of the Persian Niziris of the Alamiit period. Born in 623/1226, Juwayni entered the service of the Mongols, inhhis youth, and then, from 654/1256 until his death in 681/1283, continued in the service of Hilegi and his descendants in the Tikhinid dynasty of Persia. Thus JJuwayni was an eye-witness of the Mongol invasions in Persia, and he personally participated in the final events leading to the downfall of the Niziei Ismail state there. Juwayni was with Hilegii when the Mongols converged on Riidbar in 654/1256, and laid sege to the Nizar fortresses of Alamit, Lamasar and Mayriindiz. Having taken part in the final round of negotiations. between Hilegi and Rukn al-Din Khurshah, the twenty-seventh Nizist imam and the last lord of Alamit, it was Juwayni who drew up the Mongol yarligh or decree’ granting Khurshih safe- conduct from Mayrmiindie. He was also responsible for composing the Faihnzma or proclamation of victor declaring the defeat and surrender of the Nizar. Juwayni, furthermore, relates how, with Hilegi’s jermision, he examined the celebrated Ismail ibrary at Alamit, from where he selected many “choice books", before consigning to the flames those treatises which, in his view related to the heresy and error of the Isms. OF the latter category, however, Juwaynit PERSIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE EARLY NIZART ISMA‘TLIS 95 preserved a number of works, including the Sargudh- Jashti Sayyidna, which be quotes extensively Juwayni commenced the compilation of his history ofthe Mongols and their conquests, the Tart: jahin- shay, around the year 650/1252, when he visited Méngke’s court in Mongolia, and finally stopped working on it in 658/1260, Juwayni’s account of the Nizari state, added to the end of the third volume of his history, was thus committed to writing soon after, the fall of Alamit.® Juwayni produced complete account of Hasan-i Sabbal and his seven successors as the supreme leaders of the Nizati state, based on the Nizari chronicles and other source material, including some non-extant local histories of the Caspian region, Which he found at Alamiit and possibly other Nizar strongholds. Juwayni’s account of the Niza state is to the history of the Fitimid dynasty," a pattern adopted also by Rashid al-Din and Kishini. As a Sunni historian and Mongol official aiming to please his master, Hilegi, who had destroyed the Niza state in Persia, Juwayni was extremely hostile towards the is. Using an arenal of invectives and defamatory epithets against the Isma‘iis throughout his narrative, Juwayni does not miss any opportunity to express his contempt for the Nizitis and. their leaders. Chronologically, the second chief Persian authority fon the Niza state in Persia is Rashid al-Din Fadl Allah, the famous historian and statesman of the Tikhanid period. Born around 645)1247 into the Jewish faith and originally trained as a physician, Rashid aleDin converted to Islam at the age of thirty and rose in the service of the Mongol Tikhans of Persia to the rank of vizier, which he held for almost twenty years tut his execution in 718/1318, In 694/1295, che iki Ghazin commissioned Rashid al-Din. to compile a derailed history of the Mongols and their conquests. It was at the request of Ghizan’s brother and successor, Oljeyt, that Rashid al-Din expanded his already vast official history, the jamial-tadrith (“Collection of Histories"), to cover the histories of all the important Eurasian peoples, including the Chinese, Indians, Jews, Isma‘ilis and Franks, with whom the Mongols had come into contact during theie conquests. On its con pletion in 710/1310, Rashid al-Din's Jami ‘al-tawarikh had, indeed, acquired the distinction of being the first, history of the world written in any language. Rashid al-Din's history of the Ismais, covering both the Nizaris and the ealierIsma'is, was compiled asa part of the second volume of the Jami‘al-tawrth" In completing his history of the Isma‘lis in 710/1310, Rashid al-Din undoubtedly utilised JJuwayni’s work, copies of which were already ‘numerous at that time, and which Radhid al-Din often, follows closely. In addition, itis certain that Rashid al-Din bad found direct access to other copies of the Iama‘tt sources used by Juwayni, along with some other sectarian texts and documents still extant at the time, ‘These. Ismaili sources must have originally belonged to the collections held at fortresses other than Alamii, or else they had been in the private collections of individual Nizdrs. As it was one of the methods ‘adopted in compiling the Jami-al-iawartth, i is indeed {quite possible that Rashid al-Din had established per- sonal contacts with some Niziris who owned such manuscripts. In this connection, it may be noted that Rashid al-Din's grandfather, Muwaffaq_al-Dawla Hamadani, as well as the later’s brother Rais al-Davsla, had been at Alamit as guests for some time until the Mongol invasions. It is quite likely that Muwaffag al-Davla, «learned man trained as a physi cian, who, ike als, was subsequently received into Hulegi’s service, might have come into the possession of some Ismaili works, in addition to developing friendly relations with the Nigaris. Be it as it may, Rashid. al-Din quotes extensively from the Nizitt chronicles of the Nlamat period, whieh he names, and he relates many details absent in Juwayni’s account. In addition, Rashid al-Din, always keen to locate the ‘most reliable source materials, made a fuller and a ‘more critical use of the general historical works avai able in Mongol Persia, ako displaying a sense of objectivity not found in any other Sunni historian writing about the Isinaiis. In sum, Rashid al-Din's history of the Nizaris is much fuller and clearly les hostile than, Juwayni's accoun fil al-Din Abu ‘-Qisim ‘Abd AUlzh b. ‘AI Kishant was the third and last of the major Persia Listorians of the Mongol period writing on the Ni Isma'tis, Few biographical details are known about this Shri chronicler who belonged to the famous Abi “Tahir family of potters from Kishan and died around 7136/1333. He was, as a secretary, in the service ofthe Mongol Tikhans Oljeytu, and Aba Sad (717-36) 1317-35), the last effective member of the Tikhanic dynasty, who ordered Rashid al-Din’s execution. Iti alko known that Kashani was asociated with Rashid al-Din and participated in compiling sections of the Jani al-tawarkh, although Kishini claims that he himself was the real author of that work.” Kashani composed a few works, including a general history of the Muslim world until the Mongol invasions. ‘The latter chronicle, the Zubdat al-tavarith, dedicated to Oljeyti, contains a section on the history of the Isma iis, covering the early Ismailis, the Fatimid dynasty and the events of the Niza state in Pesia.'* Needless to add that, as in the cases of Juwayni and al-Din, the most important part of Kashni's history relates to the early Persian Nizar ‘history of the Isma'lis is very much similar to Rashid al-Din’s account and is closely related to it. However, Kashan's version is fuller and it contains numerous details mising in Rashid al-Din. Kashai 96 also reproduces some NizarT documents not quoted by Rashid al-Din, It scems therefore that Kashani either hhad independent access to Rashid al-Din’s sma sources or perhaps utilised a longer version of Rashid al-Din’s Ismail history which has not survived. Tt is also possible that Kashan?’s account is actually that same longer version compiled under the direction of Rashid al-Din, Later Persian historians who devoted separate sec- tions of various lengths to the Nizaris of the Alamit period in their general histories, starting with Hamd Allah Mustawi Qazwini (qd. after 740/1339-40),"° based their accounts mainly on Juwayni, and Rashid al-Din. Amongst such historians, Nir al-Din “Abd Allah b, Lutf Allah al-Bihdading, better known as Hafiz Abrii (d. 833/1430), produced the longest account of the Persian Niziri state in his universal history, the Majma’ al-awarith al-sultaniyya, Tis Suni historian of | the Timirid period, who became the official chronicler in the court of Shahrukh and wrote his vast universal history at the request of the Timdrid Baysunghur, followed Rashid al-Din's account very closely in his history of the Isma‘Tlis" None historians had direct access to genuine Ismaili sources of the Alamiit period, including the Nizari chronicles which were evidently no longer extant in post-Mongol Persia; and, therefore, they do not add any new details to the earlier, major accounts of the Persian Nizaris produced by Juwayni, Rashid al-Din and Kashani. In val Persian historiography had continued to be hostile towards the Nizaris, per ing aspects of the “black legend” about the Isma‘ and which had been fabricated by earlier Sunni historians and polemicists like Ibn Rizim; while the Crusaders and their occidental chroniclers had been generating their own legendary accounts of the Nizai IsmaTlis, who acquired the designation of “Assassins” in mediaeval Europe. Under these circumstances, Juwayni, Rashid al-Di and Kashani have remained our principal authorities, despite their biases and distortions, on the early Persian Niz is. Unlike Juwayni, who normally does his Nizari chronicles, Rashid al Din and Kashani reveal important details on the historical writings of the Persian Nizaris during the Alamit period, All three authorities, however, name the Sargudhash-i Sayyidnd as their main source for Hlasan-i Sabbah’s biography."” This work, the first part of which may have been autobiographical, also con- tained a detailed account ofthe major events of Hasan Sabbah’s rule as the frst lord of Alamdt and, as such, it may be regarded as the first official chronicle com: piled by the Persian Rashid Kashnt mention another anonymous Nizari chronicle, Kitab-i Buzurg-Ummid, which was utilised extensively for their accounts of the reign of Kiya Buzurg-Ummid (518-32/1124-38), the second lord of Alama." Both JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES Rashid al-Din and Kashani also make explicit, references to a Nizari history compiled by a certain Dihkhuda ‘Abd al-Malik b. “ATi Fashandi, which was, used as their sole source for the events pertaining to the first part of the reign of Muhammad b. Buzury Ummid (532-57/1138-62), the third lord of Alami No details are available on. this Persian Niziri chronicler, except that Buzurg-Ummid evidently had designated him as the commander (hia!) of Maymiindia after that fortress began to be constructed in 520/1127. In_ writing the second part of Muhammad |b. Buzurg-Ummid’s reign, — both historians utilised yet another NizitT chronicle, the Ta'rith of Rais Hasan Salah (al-Din) Munshi, written in the time of Shihab al-Din Mansir.” Shihab al-Din was the mukiashin or chiet dT of the Nizaris of Quhistin during the earlier decades of the seventh/ thirteenth century and died soon after 64/1246, Ra's, Hasan, a native of Birjand in Quhistan, was also a poet and a secretary or munshi in the service of Shihab al-Din, who was a learned man himsel”” Ravis Hasan rose 10 a high secretarial post in Nizari Qubistin and was entrusted with writing Shihab al-Din's reply to certain questions put to the muftaskim by Nasir al-Din al-Tiisi who, in his spiritual autobiography, refers to Rais Hasan with the honorific epithet’ of malik al-kuttb® This correspondence dates to the earliest, years of the reign of ‘Ali? al-Din Muhammad IIT (618-53/1221-55), the penultimate lord of Alamit Rais Hasan probably wrote his Ta’rith around the same time, in the early 620s)/1220s. For the reigns of the last five lords of Alamat (557-654/1162-1256), who were recognised as imams by the Nizari community, Rashid al-Din and Kashani do not name any specific chronicle, although the sections in question were evidently based on further Nizasi chronicles in addition to oral sectarian tradi- tions Rashid al-Din and Kashani also utilised and paraphrased Hasan-i Sabbah’s theological writings as, ‘well as a number of the so-called fusil (singular, fas!) decrees or epistles, issued by the Nizari imams of the Alamit period, notably Hasan IL-ala dhikrihi-salim ‘and his son and successor Nar al-Din Muhammad TT (561-607/1166-1210}, the fourth and fifth lords of Alamiit, who reigned during the period of the giana ‘when the Nizitis enjoyed spiritual resurrection.” Kishin has preserved long quotations from some of these fisil, which are not reproduced in Rashid alDin's account Juwayni, too, makes frequent references to these fusil and similar documents, representing important archival materials.” Tis, indeed, due to the information provided by Rashid al-Din and Kashini, who lived in the richest period of Persian historical writing and also had access oan important corpus of Ismaili sources, that we owe ‘our knowledge of the temporary tradition of Ni historiography which had existed in Persia during the PERSIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE EARLY NIZART 1sMA‘TLIS 9 ‘Alamit period. This rare tradition in the history of the Isma‘lli movement was discontinued on the collapse of the Persian Nizari state in 654/1256, while the direct, results of that tradition seem to have disappeared completely in Mongol Persia. Subsequently, the devastated and disorganised Persian Nizaris were once again obliged to live clandestinely, observing the stric test form of tagizya, for at least two centuries, During these obscure early post-Alamiit centuries, the Nizaris of different parts of Persia, who often sought refuge under the mantle of Sufism, did not engage in literary "See W. Ivanov, Jona Litratr:« Bibligrphicl Sure (Tehran, 1963), and Ismail K. Poonaveala, Bublngapy of Imi tt Literate (Mali, California, 1977, * Ab Hania al-Na'man b. Mubammad, Ria itiaha-d'wa, W! aFQast (Beirut, 1970); alo edited by F. Dachraoat (Tani, 1373). The df Li produced several historical works dealing wit history of Isme'ism in’ Vaman, but his major history of the Tamd'lt movement wat a sevenvolume work eile the Opin alabama aah, volumes [V-VI of this history, carrying the narrative fom the ealest peso to the Gime ofthe Fated ‘alip-imim al-Mustansi, were edited by the late Nga Mtats Ghalib (Beirut, 1073-8) scholar pp. 355-88; WW. Madelung, “Aspects of Ismi'Tt Theology: the Prophetic Chain and the Gad Beyond Being” in Zod Cot tn Yo Laie Cale, eS. H. Nase (Tehran, 1979), pp. 51-83, and F. Daftary, The Jodie Thor History and Decne: (Cam bide, 1960), pp. 139 177-8, 218-19, 238, 286-9, 244, 291, 303-4, 410-11. » For moder surveys of Nii history during the Alamit period, see Marshall G8: Hodgson, The Order of sais (The Hague, 1955), pp- 37-278 dem, “The nmi State in CH, Vol V ‘The Sting and Moral Periads, ed JA. Boye (Cambridge, 1968), p.422-82; Bernard Lewis, The Asus @ Radial Set ix la {London, 1967), pp. 38-140, and Daary, The Limi, pp. 324 334, 650°09, ‘See P. Casinos, iu, 3 sere, XE (1898), pp "Goin af the Assis of Alam 1 (1972) pp. 15-62, ‘Monnaie des Assasin de Pers”, Rew Nomi 3-52, and George C. Miles, Orie Lanna Pride, See Ivanov, Iimaili Litwatre, pp. 134-6, and Poonawala, Biobiberehy, pp. 260-3. The Fags andes has not survived, but it was fragmentary ‘quoted by Hasan Sabbab’s contemporary al-Shahrstnt (a 58) 1133), the renowned theologian and heesograper who may have ‘ben &cryprolsni toward the end of hs ie; sec Abu Fath Muhammad bo “Abd alKarim_al-Shahrastit, Kia. al-wil suaPnibal ed. A.-M. al-Walll (Caio, 1968) val. 1, pp. 195-8 partial English tansation, Musi Sect and Dison ALK. Kasi find J-G- Flynn (London, 1988), pp. 167-70 alo translated ino English in Hodgson, Order, pp. 325-8. This eats was ao sen and paraphrased by Juwayt and other chief Persian isan the Hkhanid period writing onthe Tunis. * Nar a-Din Mubammad b, Mubsmad sl-Tii, Roda! -alm, tara, ed and tr W. Ieanow (Leiden, 1950); beter “aio ofthis work contained in Sayyed Jalal Hosein Badak ani, The Paradis of Submision (D.Phil thai, Onford Universi 1989, unpubl), pp. 271-421 Tait jahis gui, . Mulammad Quasi (Leiden: London, 1912-37), vol HE, pp. 186-278; English wansaton, The Hit of activites, From the early Safawid times, when Shism in general received the protection ofthe state in Persia, the Persian Niziri community began to assert its identity more openly and anew type of Nizar literature began to appear. But the Persian Nizari works of the Safawsid and later times were, once again, almost exclusively doctrinal, often permeated also by Sif and poctic forms of expression.” The Mongols had, indeed, irrevocably brought to a close the polit cal power ofthe Persian Nias and that community's ii tradition of historiography he Wal. Cangucre, Joh A Boyle (Manchester, 1958), vl. HI, pp. 665-725. "Did, vol. II, pp 142-68; Boyle, vo. Th, pp. 641-65. © Fim altatth; gmat Le Uy 20 Finan vu Nizoigon v0 “dyin va rages, ed. MT. Danishpashah and M. Mudarist Zanini (Tehran, 1338/1959) See his Terth Clip, ed. M. Hambly (1 pp. 2, 5, 54-5, 196, 240, «Zable! ab-towirith; bakihé Pinan se Noirs, od. M_T Binishpaahth (2nd a, Tehran, 19651967). RashantsIsmal history dors not sem to have Been ulin by scholars before 1964, when te fi edition, prepared by Dinishpazhas, as published a {he Supplement no 0 the Resa del Fecal de Lees Univer de ‘Tabri (1345]1968, pp. 1-215. Both editions of Kishin Iss Th history have been based on the same manuscript copy dated 89/1381, which isthe oldest known copy and belongs 0 the Tehran University Library. Tart gc ed. “Abd al-Husayn Navi’ (Tehran, 1339/1960), pp. 518-28 "Mayna altaith asamyye; gona) Hula “Aawipe i Magi se Mig og Nery a fia, . M. Mudarvsi Zan (Tehran, 13641985), pp. 189-288, covering the events of the Persian Ni sate, " Juseayat, vl. IT, pp. 187-8; Boyle vl. 1, pp 66-8, Rashid SiDin pp. 97, 188-4 Kashdn, pp 133,220; alo Poonawals, Bibibogrphy, 258 "Rashid al-Din, p. 144, Kasha Rashid al-Din p. 144, 158, Rashid al;Din p38. "Ibid, pp 198, 16; Kasha, . 196 "See W. Ivano, "An Ismail Poem in Praise of Fidawis, Journal of {Me Bombay Bramhofhe Real Aste Sct, New Series, 18 (1938), pp.65-72; idem, mais Latraere, p. 134; Poonavwala, Bis: apy, pp. 259-60, and F. Daftary, “Bijan, Rare Hasan”, The Perum Bngclpadia of am (orticoning ‘Din ales, Sapr ra lik in his Maja rel, ed ‘Madris Radavi (Tehran, 1335/1955), p. 41 Se Rashid al-Din, pp 169-70, 195; Kash, p 208 Rashid al-Din, pp 1-7, 170, Kishan, pp 201 tbo Ivanov, Zima Liter, pp 1323 © See for instance, KAshan, pp 211-13, 221 Juwayn, vl. IL, pp.226-0, 234, 290, 244; e, Boye, vol HI, 1p. 68-81, 694,698,700, The major exception representing the only Iam history writen by'a Pesian Niait author during the postAlamit. period, i ‘Muftammadl b. Zayn ale Abidin Fido Khurdsho's Kids hiya ma min a:ibin, ed. A.A. Semenov (Mescow, 1958). Fila hurts (d. 1342/1928), the most learned Persian Nir of made times, wrote his history, which i filled with anacheonisns| fd errors, around the year 1530/1903. By chat time, the Persian ‘Niedrs were indeed rather linformed about the hisory of their community and the Lem moverent in general ean, 1348/1963), ps2, dh, pp. 182,190

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