Professional Documents
Culture Documents
MARILYN CROSS
222
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
polysystemic - restricted
languages etc.
language in
context
monosystemic
o
l1Wn!r
Figure 11.1
language
out of context
poly-
223
earI
222
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
polysystemic - restricted
languages etc.
language in
context
monosystemic
o
l1Wn!r
Figure 11.1
language
out of context
poly-
223
earI
224
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
225
224
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
225
226
(j)
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
global organization
227
metafuJlcliUlltll
d i versi fi ca t iun
(manifestation of fundamental
intra-stratal organization in
different stratal environments)
Figure 11.2
semantics
2.1.1 Stratification
Language in context is interpreted as a system of systems ordered in
symbolic abstraction. That is, these systems are stratified. Each system has
its own internal organization (see Section 2.2) but it is related to other
systems in a realizational chain: it realizes a higher system (unless it is the
highest system) and it is realized by a lower one (unless it is the lowest
system). This chain of inter-stratal realizations bridges the gap between the
semiotic in high-level cultural meanings and the material, either in speaking or in writing, through a series of intermediate strata. We can draw a
basic stratal line between context and language and other semiotic systems
that are embedded in it: see Figure 11.3. As far as the recognition and
interpretation of register are concerned, it is, or course, critical that
language is interpreted 'within' context.
(i) Context covers both context of situation and context of culture (for the
relationship between the two, see Sections 3.1.2 and 6). However it is
organized, it is clear that context is the locus of the significance or value
given to registers. Right at the beginning of work on register, context of
situation was the place where a register's contextual significance was stated
in terms of field, tenor, and mode values; and in Martin's work it has been
Figure 11.3
further stratified to include genre as one 'plane' (see Section 2.3 below).
226
(j)
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
global organization
227
metafuJlcliUlltll
d i versi fi ca t iun
(manifestation of fundamental
intra-stratal organization in
different stratal environments)
Figure 11.2
semantics
2.1.1 Stratification
Language in context is interpreted as a system of systems ordered in
symbolic abstraction. That is, these systems are stratified. Each system has
its own internal organization (see Section 2.2) but it is related to other
systems in a realizational chain: it realizes a higher system (unless it is the
highest system) and it is realized by a lower one (unless it is the lowest
system). This chain of inter-stratal realizations bridges the gap between the
semiotic in high-level cultural meanings and the material, either in speaking or in writing, through a series of intermediate strata. We can draw a
basic stratal line between context and language and other semiotic systems
that are embedded in it: see Figure 11.3. As far as the recognition and
interpretation of register are concerned, it is, or course, critical that
language is interpreted 'within' context.
(i) Context covers both context of situation and context of culture (for the
relationship between the two, see Sections 3.1.2 and 6). However it is
organized, it is clear that context is the locus of the significance or value
given to registers. Right at the beginning of work on register, context of
situation was the place where a register's contextual significance was stated
in terms of field, tenor, and mode values; and in Martin's work it has been
Figure 11.3
further stratified to include genre as one 'plane' (see Section 2.3 below).
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
228
229
2.1.3 Potentiality
Stratification and functional diversification give the semiotic space height
and breadth, as it were; potentiality introduces a kind of time to give us
a semiotic space-time. As it has been described up to now, the language-incontext complex is an atemporal resource: it is simply a specification of
information that can be processed in different ways. This is the contextual
and linguistic potential - what can be meant as Halliday (1973; 1977) puts
it. 2 It is neutral with respect to generation, understanding or any other
process using the resources: the potential is instantiated (or actualized) by
different processes - from what can be meant, various options are actually
meant. The two major types of instantiation are generation and understanding (analysis). They instantiate the same potential and the result is an
instance from the potential. Language functioning in context, text, can be
viewed either as a process, unfolding as an instantiation of the potential,
or as a product, a completed instantiation of the system.
In a general account of language, all three phases have to be in view potential, instantiation, and instance - although linguists have tended to
focus either on the potential or the instantial, leaving processes of instantiation to computational linguists (cf. Matthiessen and Bateman 1991, for
issues of instantiation). I will address the significance of potentiality to
register analysis in Section 6.1 below. But a very central point is that as
a variety of language, a register embodies all three phases of potentiality;
and this is, among other things, the key to the role of text in instantiating
and changing a register system. Along the way to Section 6.1, I will take
::
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
228
229
2.1.3 Potentiality
Stratification and functional diversification give the semiotic space height
and breadth, as it were; potentiality introduces a kind of time to give us
a semiotic space-time. As it has been described up to now, the language-incontext complex is an atemporal resource: it is simply a specification of
information that can be processed in different ways. This is the contextual
and linguistic potential - what can be meant as Halliday (1973; 1977) puts
it. 2 It is neutral with respect to generation, understanding or any other
process using the resources: the potential is instantiated (or actualized) by
different processes - from what can be meant, various options are actually
meant. The two major types of instantiation are generation and understanding (analysis). They instantiate the same potential and the result is an
instance from the potential. Language functioning in context, text, can be
viewed either as a process, unfolding as an instantiation of the potential,
or as a product, a completed instantiation of the system.
In a general account of language, all three phases have to be in view potential, instantiation, and instance - although linguists have tended to
focus either on the potential or the instantial, leaving processes of instantiation to computational linguists (cf. Matthiessen and Bateman 1991, for
issues of instantiation). I will address the significance of potentiality to
register analysis in Section 6.1 below. But a very central point is that as
a variety of language, a register embodies all three phases of potentiality;
and this is, among other things, the key to the role of text in instantiating
and changing a register system. Along the way to Section 6.1, I will take
::
230
-\V,
1\
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
different semantic rank scale of the type posited by Sinclair and Coulthard
(1975) for class-room discourse: see Sections 3.2.2 (iii) and 4.2 below.
2.3 Construing register - theoretical alternatives: registerial variation vs. genre plane
The global dimensions place the strata, metafunctions, and phases of potentiality relative to one another and show how they interact. In addition, each
stratum is organized internally; it has intra-stratal organization. It would be
perfectly possible that the fundamental dimensions of each stratum were
quite distinct and this is the way they tended to emerge in generative
linguistics although the picture is changing with approaches such as Pollard
and Sag's (1987) Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar. However, in
systemic-functional theory, the different strata have all been interpreted
according to the same fundamental dimensions and the same is true of
Lamb's stratificational theory and represe'ntation. There is one generalized
intra-stratal organization, which is manifested in different stratal
environments; this organization is what I call fractal. This is not to say that
the strata are identical in their internal organization - there are certainly
differences (such as the possibility of rank shift), but they are to be seen
against the background of the general principles of intra-stratal organization.
The fractal dimensions are axis (paradigmaticlsyntagmatic), delicacy and
rank. They are well-known and do not need any general comments. But
I will comment briefly on their significance for register. Axially,
paradigmatic organization is primary, represented by the system network,
where systemic options provide the environment for syntagmatic specifications. This is absolutely crucial to the interpretation of register since it
means that register has to be interpreted in systemic terms - as variation
in the system - which we arrive at through syntagmatic analysis (e.g.,
analysis of grammatical structures, grammatical items, and lexical items). :/(
It also has other consequences, such as the possibility of specifying a
register in terms of systemic probabilities (see Section 3.2.2 (i.3
The primacy of paradigmatic organization also opens up the possibility
of integrating another dimension - delicacy. This is the ordering of
systems in the system network from most general to most specific. This is
also of fundamental importance to the interpretation of register since it
means that registers can relate to the general system in terms of delicacy
(cf. Section 3.2.2 (ii) below) and that we can characterize registers at
various de~rees of delicacy. (cf. Section 7.1 beIO\~).Further, it. is the key
to the'relatlOn between leXIS and grammar - leXIS as most dehcate grammar, already mentioned above: see Cross (this volume).
As far as rank is concerned, there are two important points (i) Just as
a register spans the other dimensions of organization, it spans rank. In
particular it is worth noting that it is semantically pervasive from the
macro to the micro (cf. Leckie-Tarry, this volume). (ii) The grammatical
and phonological rank scales are clearly generalized but it seems quite
likely that different registers, or different families of registers, operate with
231
We have seen, then, what the overall semiotic space of language in context
is like from a systemic-functional point of view. How does register fit in?
Leckie-Tarry (this volume) provides a discussion of register and genre and
the different theoretical positions they represent but I will review the positions specifically relative to the overall theoretical space in the hope that
this will further illuminate the positions. Having considered the dimensions
that defined the 'theoretical space' we use to construe language in context,
we can now explore alternative ways of construing register. For instance,
we can ask whether register is located stratally, axially, etc. relative to the
theoretical interpretation of the linguistic system 'presented so far. However
register is construed theoretically, it seems quite clear that it is an aspect ,
of a mode of organization that expands the overall semiotic space: that
. mode of organization is a new way of making meanings by giving contextual value ~
to variation in the linguistic system. That is, in addition to the system itself
being used to make meaning, variations in the system also create meaning.)t
At the same time, each register embodies a kind of constraint on what
meanings are likely to be made. But there is nothing contradictory in this:
the stratification of content into semantics and lexicogrammar is significant
expansion of the overall meaning-making potential but at the same time.
the semantics constrains the lexicogrammar in terms of what are likely
meanings. Registerial constraints embody information - information about
diversification across different contexts and information carried by the
system itself.
So how can the expansion of the overall semiotic space be accounted for?
Within systemic linguistics, there have, in fact, been two approaches to
modelling 'register' (see Figure 11.4):
*-
230
-\V,
1\
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
different semantic rank scale of the type posited by Sinclair and Coulthard
(1975) for class-room discourse: see Sections 3.2.2 (iii) and 4.2 below.
2.3 Construing register - theoretical alternatives: registerial variation vs. genre plane
The global dimensions place the strata, metafunctions, and phases of potentiality relative to one another and show how they interact. In addition, each
stratum is organized internally; it has intra-stratal organization. It would be
perfectly possible that the fundamental dimensions of each stratum were
quite distinct and this is the way they tended to emerge in generative
linguistics although the picture is changing with approaches such as Pollard
and Sag's (1987) Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar. However, in
systemic-functional theory, the different strata have all been interpreted
according to the same fundamental dimensions and the same is true of
Lamb's stratificational theory and represe'ntation. There is one generalized
intra-stratal organization, which is manifested in different stratal
environments; this organization is what I call fractal. This is not to say that
the strata are identical in their internal organization - there are certainly
differences (such as the possibility of rank shift), but they are to be seen
against the background of the general principles of intra-stratal organization.
The fractal dimensions are axis (paradigmaticlsyntagmatic), delicacy and
rank. They are well-known and do not need any general comments. But
I will comment briefly on their significance for register. Axially,
paradigmatic organization is primary, represented by the system network,
where systemic options provide the environment for syntagmatic specifications. This is absolutely crucial to the interpretation of register since it
means that register has to be interpreted in systemic terms - as variation
in the system - which we arrive at through syntagmatic analysis (e.g.,
analysis of grammatical structures, grammatical items, and lexical items). :/(
It also has other consequences, such as the possibility of specifying a
register in terms of systemic probabilities (see Section 3.2.2 (i.3
The primacy of paradigmatic organization also opens up the possibility
of integrating another dimension - delicacy. This is the ordering of
systems in the system network from most general to most specific. This is
also of fundamental importance to the interpretation of register since it
means that registers can relate to the general system in terms of delicacy
(cf. Section 3.2.2 (ii) below) and that we can characterize registers at
various de~rees of delicacy. (cf. Section 7.1 beIO\~).Further, it. is the key
to the'relatlOn between leXIS and grammar - leXIS as most dehcate grammar, already mentioned above: see Cross (this volume).
As far as rank is concerned, there are two important points (i) Just as
a register spans the other dimensions of organization, it spans rank. In
particular it is worth noting that it is semantically pervasive from the
macro to the micro (cf. Leckie-Tarry, this volume). (ii) The grammatical
and phonological rank scales are clearly generalized but it seems quite
likely that different registers, or different families of registers, operate with
231
We have seen, then, what the overall semiotic space of language in context
is like from a systemic-functional point of view. How does register fit in?
Leckie-Tarry (this volume) provides a discussion of register and genre and
the different theoretical positions they represent but I will review the positions specifically relative to the overall theoretical space in the hope that
this will further illuminate the positions. Having considered the dimensions
that defined the 'theoretical space' we use to construe language in context,
we can now explore alternative ways of construing register. For instance,
we can ask whether register is located stratally, axially, etc. relative to the
theoretical interpretation of the linguistic system 'presented so far. However
register is construed theoretically, it seems quite clear that it is an aspect ,
of a mode of organization that expands the overall semiotic space: that
. mode of organization is a new way of making meanings by giving contextual value ~
to variation in the linguistic system. That is, in addition to the system itself
being used to make meaning, variations in the system also create meaning.)t
At the same time, each register embodies a kind of constraint on what
meanings are likely to be made. But there is nothing contradictory in this:
the stratification of content into semantics and lexicogrammar is significant
expansion of the overall meaning-making potential but at the same time.
the semantics constrains the lexicogrammar in terms of what are likely
meanings. Registerial constraints embody information - information about
diversification across different contexts and information carried by the
system itself.
So how can the expansion of the overall semiotic space be accounted for?
Within systemic linguistics, there have, in fact, been two approaches to
modelling 'register' (see Figure 11.4):
*-
232
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
(ii)
Table 11.1
Alternative (i) - Halliday &
Hasan
register
genre
functional variation
register 3
233
register 1
Figure 11.4
avoided early on was simply that its traditional sense was far too narrow
and associated with literary varieties. Halliday (1978) indicates how this
traditional term can be interpreted according to systemic-functional theory
but this should not be read as an attempt to set up genre as a systemic term
alongside register.
.
There are, of course, yet other ways of using the terms. For instance,
Leckie-Tarry (this volume) notes that genre may be used to characterize a
whole text whereas register 'is frequently used to refer to sections within a
text which are characterized by certain linguistic forms'. If the difference
is only one of scale, it would seem better to talk about e.g. genres and
macro-genres (cf. Martin 1991).
There are also, of course, yet other terms. The Prague School termfunctional dialect was mentioned in Section 1 above, as was the computational
linguistic term sublanguage. The former makes the analogy with dialect
transparent. Sometimes terms such as text/discourse type, text/discourse typology
are used or are used to gloss genre or register. While these terms have the
advantage that they draw attention to the fact that register variation has
text as its scope they have the drawback that they focus only on (semantic)
units in the process of communication but register variation is also systemic
- a property of the linguistic potential.
As far as the recognition of particular types of register or genre is
concerned, it is important to note that there is (as in so many other areas
of language) a more or less elaborated folk theory, which includes names
for various types such as memos, telegrams, romances. However, we
cannot assume that these can automatically be taken over into a linguistic
account of types of register. Martin (p.c.) has observed that folk genres
tend to be biased towards mode - towards easily observable overt format,
etc. (this is a general feature of folk taxonomies in contrast to scientific
taxonomies, which are often based on more covert criteria: cf. Wignell et
al. 1987.) Thus, apart from any other short-comings, the folk notion of
genre tends to be functionally imbalanced and there is no a priori reason
232
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
(ii)
Table 11.1
Alternative (i) - Halliday &
Hasan
register
genre
functional variation
register 3
233
register 1
Figure 11.4
avoided early on was simply that its traditional sense was far too narrow
and associated with literary varieties. Halliday (1978) indicates how this
traditional term can be interpreted according to systemic-functional theory
but this should not be read as an attempt to set up genre as a systemic term
alongside register.
.
There are, of course, yet other ways of using the terms. For instance,
Leckie-Tarry (this volume) notes that genre may be used to characterize a
whole text whereas register 'is frequently used to refer to sections within a
text which are characterized by certain linguistic forms'. If the difference
is only one of scale, it would seem better to talk about e.g. genres and
macro-genres (cf. Martin 1991).
There are also, of course, yet other terms. The Prague School termfunctional dialect was mentioned in Section 1 above, as was the computational
linguistic term sublanguage. The former makes the analogy with dialect
transparent. Sometimes terms such as text/discourse type, text/discourse typology
are used or are used to gloss genre or register. While these terms have the
advantage that they draw attention to the fact that register variation has
text as its scope they have the drawback that they focus only on (semantic)
units in the process of communication but register variation is also systemic
- a property of the linguistic potential.
As far as the recognition of particular types of register or genre is
concerned, it is important to note that there is (as in so many other areas
of language) a more or less elaborated folk theory, which includes names
for various types such as memos, telegrams, romances. However, we
cannot assume that these can automatically be taken over into a linguistic
account of types of register. Martin (p.c.) has observed that folk genres
tend to be biased towards mode - towards easily observable overt format,
etc. (this is a general feature of folk taxonomies in contrast to scientific
taxonomies, which are often based on more covert criteria: cf. Wignell et
al. 1987.) Thus, apart from any other short-comings, the folk notion of
genre tends to be functionally imbalanced and there is no a priori reason
234
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
235
higher-level
C01'lstallt
context
(i) no higher-level
'constant
language
3. Register variation
Let us explore, then, the interpretation of register as a state of the
linguistic system along the dimension of functional variation, or, as it has
also been called, diatypic variation. The variation is the primary
theoretical abstraction - the recognition that the system is functionally
variable - and the notion of 'register' is a convenient secondary idealization - just as a dialect and a synchronic system are. In fact, register is
explicitly grouped with other kinds of variation on the systemic theme (cf.
Gregory 1967; Gregory and Carol 1978; Hasan 1973; Halliday 1978) dialectal (including sociolectel) and historical. (We will return to history in
Section 5: there are at least three types of history to take into account.)
This is important as it invites us to explore common ways of modelling
varieties and to generalize insights gained with one type of variation (cf.
Section 3.2.2 (ii) below). Register variation is compared with codal variation and dialectal variation in Figure 11.5, which is based on Halliday's
characterization of these types of variation according to the existence and
location of a higher-level constant in relation to which there is variation.
What is specific about register variation? The answer given by Halliday
(e.g., 1978) has two interconnected parts, relating to (i) contextual role and
(ii) domain of variation within the linguistic system:
(i) Upwards: in contrast to other types of variation, register variation has
no higher-level constant. Its higher-stratal significance pertains precisely
to diversification in context of situation - to selections within field,
tenor and mode. That is, the function of register variation is contex~
tual, in the sense of context of situation. (In contrast, dialectal variation
has a higher-level constant within language and is a realization of the
social structure of a culture).
Figure 11.5
(ii) Within the linguistic system: since the function of register variation
is contextual, that linguistic stratum which is the interface to the
context of situation is implicated in the first instance - that is, semantics. In other words, registerial variation is semantic variation in the
first instance. In contrast, Halliday (1978) suggests, dialectal variation
primarily affects the lower strata of lexicogrammar and phonology .
However, Hasan's (e.g., 1990) research has shown that semantic variation may be codal (cf. Halliday 1991a): the difference from register
variation is that there is a higher-level constant outside language.
Let us begin with the contextual role of register variation and then turn
to the variation itself within the linguistic system.
of register
variation
234
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
235
higher-level
C01'lstallt
context
(i) no higher-level
'constant
language
3. Register variation
Let us explore, then, the interpretation of register as a state of the
linguistic system along the dimension of functional variation, or, as it has
also been called, diatypic variation. The variation is the primary
theoretical abstraction - the recognition that the system is functionally
variable - and the notion of 'register' is a convenient secondary idealization - just as a dialect and a synchronic system are. In fact, register is
explicitly grouped with other kinds of variation on the systemic theme (cf.
Gregory 1967; Gregory and Carol 1978; Hasan 1973; Halliday 1978) dialectal (including sociolectel) and historical. (We will return to history in
Section 5: there are at least three types of history to take into account.)
This is important as it invites us to explore common ways of modelling
varieties and to generalize insights gained with one type of variation (cf.
Section 3.2.2 (ii) below). Register variation is compared with codal variation and dialectal variation in Figure 11.5, which is based on Halliday's
characterization of these types of variation according to the existence and
location of a higher-level constant in relation to which there is variation.
What is specific about register variation? The answer given by Halliday
(e.g., 1978) has two interconnected parts, relating to (i) contextual role and
(ii) domain of variation within the linguistic system:
(i) Upwards: in contrast to other types of variation, register variation has
no higher-level constant. Its higher-stratal significance pertains precisely
to diversification in context of situation - to selections within field,
tenor and mode. That is, the function of register variation is contex~
tual, in the sense of context of situation. (In contrast, dialectal variation
has a higher-level constant within language and is a realization of the
social structure of a culture).
Figure 11.5
(ii) Within the linguistic system: since the function of register variation
is contextual, that linguistic stratum which is the interface to the
context of situation is implicated in the first instance - that is, semantics. In other words, registerial variation is semantic variation in the
first instance. In contrast, Halliday (1978) suggests, dialectal variation
primarily affects the lower strata of lexicogrammar and phonology .
However, Hasan's (e.g., 1990) research has shown that semantic variation may be codal (cf. Halliday 1991a): the difference from register
variation is that there is a higher-level constant outside language.
Let us begin with the contextual role of register variation and then turn
to the variation itself within the linguistic system.
of register
variation
236
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
237
",., register 3
P
pP
register 2
register 1
Figure 11.6
~ompar~ble to the descriptive categories we now have for the grammar (as
Halhday 1985a). Ghadessy (this volume) offers a detailed commentary
on the field, tenor and mode of contexts of situation in which business
communication occurs. See also Section 7.1.
Context of situation is characterized by the fractal dimensions of
organization (see Section 2.2 above) just like any other stratal system. It
is both paradigmatically and syntagmatically organized - it has system as
well as structure. It has generally been assumed that different situation
types are characterized by different structural configurations, different
gene.ric structures. Such structures unfold over time so they are staged;
mOVIllg from one stage to another means moving from one logo genetic
state to another in the instantiation of a context of situation (cf. Section
5.1 below and see further Q'Donnell, Matthiessen and Sefton 1991 - for
a general discussion of the dynamics of context, see Hasan 1981). The
different stages may be realized by language alone, by a balanced mixture
of language and non-symbolic behaviour, or mainly by non-symbolic
behaviour. And semiotic systems other than language may also be
involved. The division of labour depends on selections within context of
III
236
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
237
",., register 3
P
pP
register 2
register 1
Figure 11.6
~ompar~ble to the descriptive categories we now have for the grammar (as
Halhday 1985a). Ghadessy (this volume) offers a detailed commentary
on the field, tenor and mode of contexts of situation in which business
communication occurs. See also Section 7.1.
Context of situation is characterized by the fractal dimensions of
organization (see Section 2.2 above) just like any other stratal system. It
is both paradigmatically and syntagmatically organized - it has system as
well as structure. It has generally been assumed that different situation
types are characterized by different structural configurations, different
gene.ric structures. Such structures unfold over time so they are staged;
mOVIllg from one stage to another means moving from one logo genetic
state to another in the instantiation of a context of situation (cf. Section
5.1 below and see further Q'Donnell, Matthiessen and Sefton 1991 - for
a general discussion of the dynamics of context, see Hasan 1981). The
different stages may be realized by language alone, by a balanced mixture
of language and non-symbolic behaviour, or mainly by non-symbolic
behaviour. And semiotic systems other than language may also be
involved. The division of labour depends on selections within context of
III
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
in the mid 1980s) have argued that the macro-categories cannot necessarily
be taken for granted and that it is premature to try to link up the microanalysis with a priori macro categories instead of showing how macro
categories are brought into existence in the micro of daily life. This
problem is highly relevant to register analysis since it relates directly to the
question of contextual significance beyond the context of situation. 10
Within systemic theory, the relationship between context of situation and
contexts of culture has been explored in rather different terms (elaborating
rather than extending according to the different types of expansion identified by Halliday, 1985a): the two theoretical positions are (ii) and (iii)
identified above.
(ii) Context may be modelled as stratified into two or more planes. This
is the model developed and used by Jim Martin and others, already referred to under (ii) in Section 2.3 above." The contextual planes are ideology,
genre, and 'register' (in the sense of context of situation; see Martin 1986
for pioneering the construal of ideology in systemic theory): ideology is
realized by genre, which is in turn realized by 'register', which is in turn
realized by language. This model thus provides us with a way of interpreting the ideological significance of a particular register (in the sense of
functional variety) or point of register variation. Ideology is interpreted as
a connotative semiotic whose realization is genre; it captures, among other
things, the distribution of genres according to the division of labour in a
culture.
One general point Hunston's (this volume) chapter raises is that
particular registers have higher-level ideological significance and their
ideological role constrains how meanings are made e.g. by marshalling the
metaphorical mode to achieve an interpersonal distancing in the direction
of implicitness and objectivity. Hunston explores evaluation in scientific
writing. Evaluation is inherently intersubjective and essentially interpersonal but she shows how this angle is expressed implicitly and 'objectively'
in her corpus of research articles - the evaluator tends not to be present
in the discourse. This is achieved partly through interpersonal metaphor.
While Hunston does not characterize her scientific register in terms of
context of situation (field, tenor and mode), it seems very likely that we
have to go beyond context of situation to account for the way evaluation
works in the register. We have to take the ideology of the scientific
community into account and this is precisely what she does. She shows that
the ideology is such that evaluation has to be implicit and objective: doing
science means among other things persuading fellow scientists (i.e., mode:
persuasive) but one can't be seen to be doing this so the register has to
accommodate this disjunction - it has to have resources of evaluation but
it has to express them explicitly and distanced from the evaluator.
(iii) Context may be interpreted in terms of potentiality, ranging from
the cultural potential to instantial situations with situation types of
intermediate constructs. This is Halliday's approach in Halliday (1978)
and, more explicitly, in Halliday (1991b). The contextual significance
beyond context of situation would thus be interpreted in terms of more
238
(i)
239
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
in the mid 1980s) have argued that the macro-categories cannot necessarily
be taken for granted and that it is premature to try to link up the microanalysis with a priori macro categories instead of showing how macro
categories are brought into existence in the micro of daily life. This
problem is highly relevant to register analysis since it relates directly to the
question of contextual significance beyond the context of situation. 10
Within systemic theory, the relationship between context of situation and
contexts of culture has been explored in rather different terms (elaborating
rather than extending according to the different types of expansion identified by Halliday, 1985a): the two theoretical positions are (ii) and (iii)
identified above.
(ii) Context may be modelled as stratified into two or more planes. This
is the model developed and used by Jim Martin and others, already referred to under (ii) in Section 2.3 above." The contextual planes are ideology,
genre, and 'register' (in the sense of context of situation; see Martin 1986
for pioneering the construal of ideology in systemic theory): ideology is
realized by genre, which is in turn realized by 'register', which is in turn
realized by language. This model thus provides us with a way of interpreting the ideological significance of a particular register (in the sense of
functional variety) or point of register variation. Ideology is interpreted as
a connotative semiotic whose realization is genre; it captures, among other
things, the distribution of genres according to the division of labour in a
culture.
One general point Hunston's (this volume) chapter raises is that
particular registers have higher-level ideological significance and their
ideological role constrains how meanings are made e.g. by marshalling the
metaphorical mode to achieve an interpersonal distancing in the direction
of implicitness and objectivity. Hunston explores evaluation in scientific
writing. Evaluation is inherently intersubjective and essentially interpersonal but she shows how this angle is expressed implicitly and 'objectively'
in her corpus of research articles - the evaluator tends not to be present
in the discourse. This is achieved partly through interpersonal metaphor.
While Hunston does not characterize her scientific register in terms of
context of situation (field, tenor and mode), it seems very likely that we
have to go beyond context of situation to account for the way evaluation
works in the register. We have to take the ideology of the scientific
community into account and this is precisely what she does. She shows that
the ideology is such that evaluation has to be implicit and objective: doing
science means among other things persuading fellow scientists (i.e., mode:
persuasive) but one can't be seen to be doing this so the register has to
accommodate this disjunction - it has to have resources of evaluation but
it has to express them explicitly and distanced from the evaluator.
(iii) Context may be interpreted in terms of potentiality, ranging from
the cultural potential to instantial situations with situation types of
intermediate constructs. This is Halliday's approach in Halliday (1978)
and, more explicitly, in Halliday (1991b). The contextual significance
beyond context of situation would thus be interpreted in terms of more
238
(i)
239
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
further, showing for example how the self is determined and negotiated in
countless interactions starting with proto-Ianguage and how persons are
constructed relative to the group through language. Trevarthen (e.g.,
1987) has emphasized the importance of the development of intersubjectivity in these early interactions. Further, Hasan (1986) has shown how the
young child may learn about an ideological position in learning about
personalities in interaction with his/her mother. Birch (this volume) argues
for a position similar to Firth's but draws on sources other then Firth
Halliday and Hasan: 'A contemporary critical position argues that we ar;
interpellated as subjects, rather than arguing that we are born with a unique
and specific social and cultural identity . -We are constructed not just as a
si~gle subject, but, in many different situations and contexts, as many
dIfferent, multiple, subjects. This simple subjectivity is made possible only
by discursive means - amongst them, language.' Firth, Halliday, Hasan,
Birch and others show how persons/subjects as constellations of
personalities or social roles are created through language in dialogic
interaction - how they are learned and negotiated as personae as Firth put
it. We can see this in the history of a child and we can see this in the
history; of a text: Birch shows with examples that Pinter's plays are good
sources for studying the use of linguistic resources to negotiate personae.
It is possible to show how different roles are enacted through the use of
interpersonal resources in dialogue: the different roles are enacted as
different locations within the overall interpersonal potential.
Given that language plays an important role here, what about variation
within fanguage, more specifically registerial variation? Dialectal variation
is a direct indication of a person's location in the social system (or perhaps
more appropriately, a personality's location, since a person may take on
different personalities in this respect - it is variation according to user but registerial variation according to context of situation - variation according to use. However, part of the social system is the distribution of the
contexts in which persons move and the registers associated with these
contexts that they have access to, so registers reflect the division of labour
within a society. To put this the other way around, persons have different
registerial repertoires (the range of registers a person has learned to use
in appropriate contexts) and their repertoires will help determine the range
of contexts they can move in. (As we will see in Section 5.1, this seems
very clear from an ontogenetic point of view: the child has to expand
his/her registerial repertoire to gain access to new contexts.) In a dialogic
context, this tan lead to imbalance. In commenting on an extract from a
Pinter play, Birch writes: 'Pete can be performed as controlling Len by
concentrating on the registerial differences of their language. . ..
Exploiting the difference, therefore, between these two levels of linguistic
skill means exploiting relations of control and power.' We can explore the
possi~ility, then, that one source of difference between persons and the way
they mteract and are positioned relative to one another lies in differences
in registerial repertoires.
Hasan's (e.g., 1990) recent research has shown very clearly that
240
241
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
further, showing for example how the self is determined and negotiated in
countless interactions starting with proto-Ianguage and how persons are
constructed relative to the group through language. Trevarthen (e.g.,
1987) has emphasized the importance of the development of intersubjectivity in these early interactions. Further, Hasan (1986) has shown how the
young child may learn about an ideological position in learning about
personalities in interaction with his/her mother. Birch (this volume) argues
for a position similar to Firth's but draws on sources other then Firth
Halliday and Hasan: 'A contemporary critical position argues that we ar;
interpellated as subjects, rather than arguing that we are born with a unique
and specific social and cultural identity . -We are constructed not just as a
si~gle subject, but, in many different situations and contexts, as many
dIfferent, multiple, subjects. This simple subjectivity is made possible only
by discursive means - amongst them, language.' Firth, Halliday, Hasan,
Birch and others show how persons/subjects as constellations of
personalities or social roles are created through language in dialogic
interaction - how they are learned and negotiated as personae as Firth put
it. We can see this in the history of a child and we can see this in the
history; of a text: Birch shows with examples that Pinter's plays are good
sources for studying the use of linguistic resources to negotiate personae.
It is possible to show how different roles are enacted through the use of
interpersonal resources in dialogue: the different roles are enacted as
different locations within the overall interpersonal potential.
Given that language plays an important role here, what about variation
within fanguage, more specifically registerial variation? Dialectal variation
is a direct indication of a person's location in the social system (or perhaps
more appropriately, a personality's location, since a person may take on
different personalities in this respect - it is variation according to user but registerial variation according to context of situation - variation according to use. However, part of the social system is the distribution of the
contexts in which persons move and the registers associated with these
contexts that they have access to, so registers reflect the division of labour
within a society. To put this the other way around, persons have different
registerial repertoires (the range of registers a person has learned to use
in appropriate contexts) and their repertoires will help determine the range
of contexts they can move in. (As we will see in Section 5.1, this seems
very clear from an ontogenetic point of view: the child has to expand
his/her registerial repertoire to gain access to new contexts.) In a dialogic
context, this tan lead to imbalance. In commenting on an extract from a
Pinter play, Birch writes: 'Pete can be performed as controlling Len by
concentrating on the registerial differences of their language. . ..
Exploiting the difference, therefore, between these two levels of linguistic
skill means exploiting relations of control and power.' We can explore the
possi~ility, then, that one source of difference between persons and the way
they mteract and are positioned relative to one another lies in differences
in registerial repertoires.
Hasan's (e.g., 1990) recent research has shown very clearly that
240
241
242
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
243
maximal difference
:>
Figure 11.7
system varieties
I have not addressed yet. How is the variation to be specified? The other
dimensions of the semiotic space of language in context discussed in
Sections 2.1 and 2.2 all have clear forms of specification and representation. For instance, paradigmatic organization is represented by means of
system networks and syntagmatic organization by means of realization
statements resulting in function structures; inter-stratal realization is
represented by means of preselect statements and metafunction by means
of simultaneity in system networks and layering in function structures. As
far as register variation - or any other form of variation for that matter
- goes, there is less of an established convention. The question is not so
much how to specify a single register since that is easy enough: we can
specify it just as we would a linguistic system in general. Rather, the
central question is how to represent the variation itself or, alternatively,
how to represent a linguistic system as an 'assemblage' of registers. Here
I can only make a few observations (leaving out a discussion of Labovian
variation theory, for example) noting what has been done and suggesting
a new approach that has not been applied to the account of register
variation before (see (ii) below). The various issues concerning the
242
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
243
maximal difference
:>
Figure 11.7
system varieties
I have not addressed yet. How is the variation to be specified? The other
dimensions of the semiotic space of language in context discussed in
Sections 2.1 and 2.2 all have clear forms of specification and representation. For instance, paradigmatic organization is represented by means of
system networks and syntagmatic organization by means of realization
statements resulting in function structures; inter-stratal realization is
represented by means of preselect statements and metafunction by means
of simultaneity in system networks and layering in function structures. As
far as register variation - or any other form of variation for that matter
- goes, there is less of an established convention. The question is not so
much how to specify a single register since that is easy enough: we can
specify it just as we would a linguistic system in general. Rather, the
central question is how to represent the variation itself or, alternatively,
how to represent a linguistic system as an 'assemblage' of registers. Here
I can only make a few observations (leaving out a discussion of Labovian
variation theory, for example) noting what has been done and suggesting
a new approach that has not been applied to the account of register
variation before (see (ii) below). The various issues concerning the
244
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
narrative
temporal
Figure 11.8
~t~Jl!.!_.pr.Q!?~I:?iE!ie.!'_J(T~~
quantit~ti~~'-patter;:;~" fr~~'te~r'
expositiory
forecasting
past
.25
present
.25
future
.5
hypotaxis
-{
parataxis
(i) Probabilistic system with register skewings. According to this alternative, the system is fixed from a qualitative point of view and registers
are specified in terms of different probabilities associated with systemic
options. For instance, the options of PRIMARY TENSE have different
probabilities depending on whether the register setting is narrative,
expository or forecasting: see Figure 11.8. The different registers are thus
within the overall semiotic space created by the general system. The
probabilities in the TENSE example are merely illustrative but we can also
draw on Nesbitt and Plum (1988) for a substantial example. They use the
system of CLAUSE COMPLEXING to illustrate the probabilistic nature of the
linguistic system and give among other things the distribution of the
intersection of the simultaneous systems TAXIS (,hypotaxis/parataxis') and
PROJECTION TYPE (,idea/locution') in four different registers (narrative,
anecdote, exemplification, and observation/comment): see Figure 11.9.
The difference between the observation/comment register and the others is
particularly noteworthy in the area of 'locution', which does not combine
with 'parataxis' in this register.
The systemic probabilities for a register that can be derived from relative
frequencies in an appropriate corpus can thus be compared with the
probabilities of other registers but they can also be compared with the
overall probabilities of the general systems - generalized probabilities
across registers inherent in the syste!!l;.;.lA givefifegistet'ca:rifnen~"oe"l
E:fiarl~n:tef'fze(r-'as'<'lt-skewin~:[j:iriibabiliti,e.,[~lativ~ to ." the . g<::n~ralized /
different
frequencies to generalized systemic probabilities correlate with different
time-depths in observer perspective along the dimension of potentiality: cf.
Section 6 below.)
245
1
89
11
100
93
74-
14
10
86
90
21
14
79
8 S
locution
I)
idea
/
KEY to registers:
narrative
anecdote
Figure 11.9
observation/ comment
exemplification
244
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
narrative
temporal
Figure 11.8
~t~Jl!.!_.pr.Q!?~I:?iE!ie.!'_J(T~~
quantit~ti~~'-patter;:;~" fr~~'te~r'
expositiory
forecasting
past
.25
present
.25
future
.5
hypotaxis
-{
parataxis
(i) Probabilistic system with register skewings. According to this alternative, the system is fixed from a qualitative point of view and registers
are specified in terms of different probabilities associated with systemic
options. For instance, the options of PRIMARY TENSE have different
probabilities depending on whether the register setting is narrative,
expository or forecasting: see Figure 11.8. The different registers are thus
within the overall semiotic space created by the general system. The
probabilities in the TENSE example are merely illustrative but we can also
draw on Nesbitt and Plum (1988) for a substantial example. They use the
system of CLAUSE COMPLEXING to illustrate the probabilistic nature of the
linguistic system and give among other things the distribution of the
intersection of the simultaneous systems TAXIS (,hypotaxis/parataxis') and
PROJECTION TYPE (,idea/locution') in four different registers (narrative,
anecdote, exemplification, and observation/comment): see Figure 11.9.
The difference between the observation/comment register and the others is
particularly noteworthy in the area of 'locution', which does not combine
with 'parataxis' in this register.
The systemic probabilities for a register that can be derived from relative
frequencies in an appropriate corpus can thus be compared with the
probabilities of other registers but they can also be compared with the
overall probabilities of the general systems - generalized probabilities
across registers inherent in the syste!!l;.;.lA givefifegistet'ca:rifnen~"oe"l
E:fiarl~n:tef'fze(r-'as'<'lt-skewin~:[j:iriibabiliti,e.,[~lativ~ to ." the . g<::n~ralized /
different
frequencies to generalized systemic probabilities correlate with different
time-depths in observer perspective along the dimension of potentiality: cf.
Section 6 below.)
245
1
89
11
100
93
74-
14
10
86
90
21
14
79
8 S
locution
I)
idea
/
KEY to registers:
narrative
anecdote
Figure 11.9
observation/ comment
exemplification
246
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
247
(Japanese)
J speaker- projected
declarative
other- projected
J
l
indicative
( Chinese)
(Chinese)
~;:: )_ J ""',.,
imperative
interrogative
polarity
Lfinal
particle
'__ _ _ _--'-_ _ _ _----'"
element
Figure 11.10
material
mental
.~bo' J '__
'1
clause
relational
unmarked theme
--{reporting
proJectiJtg
quoting
journalistic reporting
r-{i:;j
~ marked theme
Figure 11.11
other
246
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
247
(Japanese)
J speaker- projected
declarative
other- projected
J
l
indicative
( Chinese)
(Chinese)
~;:: )_ J ""',.,
imperative
interrogative
polarity
Lfinal
particle
'__ _ _ _--'-_ _ _ _----'"
element
Figure 11.10
material
mental
.~bo' J '__
'1
clause
relational
unmarked theme
--{reporting
proJectiJtg
quoting
journalistic reporting
r-{i:;j
~ marked theme
Figure 11.11
other
248
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
249
unmarked
de-cTarative
marked
1.assertl0n
G]J
r:T1
l.2.!J
committed polarity
rtservation
El
8J
contradiotion
interro9ative
1J
Wh -
unmarked
yes/no
@J - {
marked
.J
1
ass.,tiv.
E:::!J
non-assertive
int.,actant
-{ answer demanded
.0
not d.mand.d "'\
non-int.ractant
polarity of .answer
consequential
~
polarity of answer
non-consequenUa1
ED
Figure 11.12
248
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
249
unmarked
de-cTarative
marked
1.assertl0n
G]J
r:T1
l.2.!J
committed polarity
rtservation
El
8J
contradiotion
interro9ative
1J
Wh -
unmarked
yes/no
@J - {
marked
.J
1
ass.,tiv.
E:::!J
non-assertive
int.,actant
-{ answer demanded
.0
not d.mand.d "'\
non-int.ractant
polarity of .answer
consequential
~
polarity of answer
non-consequenUa1
ED
Figure 11.12
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
(see Patten 1988, for the value from AI point of view). This poin~ and the
use of separate systems for different registers will be pursued a bIt further
in Section 4.1.
250
251
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
(see Patten 1988, for the value from AI point of view). This poin~ and the
use of separate systems for different registers will be pursued a bIt further
in Section 4.1.
250
251
j.l
252
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
is and then identifies the realizational patterns in language for each. See
further Section 7.1 on the selection of 'selections' or 'slices' through the
whole system.
Starting with context, I will now move down through the strata noting
how registers can be characterized.
253
context
Figure 11.13
child, .and so on. ~hese semantic systems are all realized by means of the
one hIghly generalIzed grammatical system. This model takes account of
unity (the . gra~m~tical) in diversity (the various semantic systems). To see
what t~e In:-phcatIOns ~re, v:e can consider a summary of certain aspects
of Halhday s (1973) dISCUSSIOn of regulatory semantics.
. Im~gine a c?~text of situation of one of the types Bernstein (1973) has
ldentl~ed, as crltl~al for socialization - one where a mother tries to regulate
her chIld s behavIOur. Her son has been playing at a construction site and
she wants to prevent him from doing so again. The tenor is thus one of
m~ther t~ young c~ild, with the mother having the authority. The field
chIld-r~anng: behavIOur control and the child's body and behaviour. The
mode IS spo~en ~nd hortatory. What can the mother do semantically to
add~ess the sltuatIOn~ Two basic regulatory strategies are threatening (with
pumshme~lt or .restramt) and warning (about what will happen to the child
or the chIld will cause to happen). Examples of texts include
threat
if you do that again I'll smack you
Daddy'll be cross with you
you do that again and you'll get smacked
j.l
252
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
is and then identifies the realizational patterns in language for each. See
further Section 7.1 on the selection of 'selections' or 'slices' through the
whole system.
Starting with context, I will now move down through the strata noting
how registers can be characterized.
253
context
Figure 11.13
child, .and so on. ~hese semantic systems are all realized by means of the
one hIghly generalIzed grammatical system. This model takes account of
unity (the . gra~m~tical) in diversity (the various semantic systems). To see
what t~e In:-phcatIOns ~re, v:e can consider a summary of certain aspects
of Halhday s (1973) dISCUSSIOn of regulatory semantics.
. Im~gine a c?~text of situation of one of the types Bernstein (1973) has
ldentl~ed, as crltl~al for socialization - one where a mother tries to regulate
her chIld s behavIOur. Her son has been playing at a construction site and
she wants to prevent him from doing so again. The tenor is thus one of
m~ther t~ young c~ild, with the mother having the authority. The field
chIld-r~anng: behavIOur control and the child's body and behaviour. The
mode IS spo~en ~nd hortatory. What can the mother do semantically to
add~ess the sltuatIOn~ Two basic regulatory strategies are threatening (with
pumshme~lt or .restramt) and warning (about what will happen to the child
or the chIld will cause to happen). Examples of texts include
threat
if you do that again I'll smack you
Daddy'll be cross with you
you do that again and you'll get smacked
254
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
,.~'"' 00 "''''",,
-f""
-{
mental punishment
physical punishment
warning
-1
agency specified
255
**->
instructing
by other
,_
interacting
agency unspecified
informing
condition explicit
temporally
-{
qualifying
condition implicit
->*
Figure 11.14
conditionally
warning
culinary operation
->**
doing
*->
liking
culinary happening
being
Figure 11.15
254
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
,.~'"' 00 "''''",,
-f""
-{
mental punishment
physical punishment
warning
-1
agency specified
255
**->
instructing
by other
,_
interacting
agency unspecified
informing
condition explicit
temporally
-{
qualifying
condition implicit
->*
Figure 11.14
conditionally
warning
culinary operation
->**
doing
*->
liking
culinary happening
being
Figure 11.15
256
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
257
context
Figure 11.16
makes good use of the 'logic' of the lexicogra~matical system net~ork;. see
11 .17. The collection of preselectIOns
from
semantICS
Into
F 19ure
.
.
.
lexicogrammar constitute the projectior: of a re?lster Image .or vle.w onto
lexicogrammar. I will illustrate how thIS works In more detaIl for Instructional semantics b e l o w . . .
.
As the diagram indicates, there is a tenden.cy for ~he sltuatIOn-spe~l~c
semantics to be more delicate than the generalIzed lexlcogrammar. T~lS IS
to be expected, particularly in fairly restri~ted registers: only a restncted
subset of the lexicogrammatical resources WIll be employed and the semantics can simply 'turn off' or deactivate certain parts of the g~a~mar by
never preselecting grammatical featur~s in these .parts. (If t?lS IS to be
made explicit, the disabling of lexlCogr~mmatlc.~ pot:ntlal may. be
represented either by 0 probabilities or negatlve partl.tIOn~, l.e. of par:lt!ons
of what is not part of the register. In the current .Nlge~ Implementatlon of
systemic-functional grammar it would also be possIble sImply to change the
status of systems that are never entered to 'disabled'. Cf. also <?'Donnell
(1990) on activation of a register potential fro~ above. In parslI~g, there
could be a benefit making it explicit that certaIn parts of the lexlcogrammatical potential have been turned off sir:ce .th~y do not t?en have to ?e
explored; the search space is reduced, which IS Important sInce. complexIty
is a real problem in parsing. This is surely what readers and hsteners do.
256
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
257
context
Figure 11.16
makes good use of the 'logic' of the lexicogra~matical system net~ork;. see
11 .17. The collection of preselectIOns
from
semantICS
Into
F 19ure
.
.
.
lexicogrammar constitute the projectior: of a re?lster Image .or vle.w onto
lexicogrammar. I will illustrate how thIS works In more detaIl for Instructional semantics b e l o w . . .
.
As the diagram indicates, there is a tenden.cy for ~he sltuatIOn-spe~l~c
semantics to be more delicate than the generalIzed lexlcogrammar. T~lS IS
to be expected, particularly in fairly restri~ted registers: only a restncted
subset of the lexicogrammatical resources WIll be employed and the semantics can simply 'turn off' or deactivate certain parts of the g~a~mar by
never preselecting grammatical featur~s in these .parts. (If t?lS IS to be
made explicit, the disabling of lexlCogr~mmatlc.~ pot:ntlal may. be
represented either by 0 probabilities or negatlve partl.tIOn~, l.e. of par:lt!ons
of what is not part of the register. In the current .Nlge~ Implementatlon of
systemic-functional grammar it would also be possIble sImply to change the
status of systems that are never entered to 'disabled'. Cf. also <?'Donnell
(1990) on activation of a register potential fro~ above. In parslI~g, there
could be a benefit making it explicit that certaIn parts of the lexlcogrammatical potential have been turned off sir:ce .th~y do not t?en have to ?e
explored; the search space is reduced, which IS Important sInce. complexIty
is a real problem in parsing. This is surely what readers and hsteners do.
259
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
258
)
""rning
-{ -i
.. .,..
.. 0
0 ....
r-IrI
explicit
threat
~ ~
ll:
implicit
physioal punishment
mental punishment
restraint on behaviour
\"MOOd \
indioative
olause
-{
r-~
+ Mood
+Finite .
Mood ( Fi nite)
+subject
Mood(Subj)
interactant INT.
TVPE
IND.
MOOD
PERS.
addressee
ISu: 'you: I
speaker-plus
IS\,we' l
spea er - - -
exPlicit
DECL.
SUBJ.
PRESUMPTION
. .
i mpllclt
\ "Subject \
non-i nteractant
imperative
<
PRIMARV
temporal
TENSE
Figure 11.17
DEICTlCITV
past
IFi nite: past)
present
~:pres]
future
Fi nite: 'will ']
modal
tagged
+ Moodtag (
+Tagfi nite "
+Tagsubject )
Moodtag""
untagged
I-
imperative
Figure 11.18
259
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
258
)
""rning
-{ -i
.. .,..
.. 0
0 ....
r-IrI
explicit
threat
~ ~
ll:
implicit
physioal punishment
mental punishment
restraint on behaviour
\"MOOd \
indioative
olause
-{
r-~
+ Mood
+Finite .
Mood ( Fi nite)
+subject
Mood(Subj)
interactant INT.
TVPE
IND.
MOOD
PERS.
addressee
ISu: 'you: I
speaker-plus
IS\,we' l
spea er - - -
exPlicit
DECL.
SUBJ.
PRESUMPTION
. .
i mpllclt
\ "Subject \
non-i nteractant
imperative
<
PRIMARV
temporal
TENSE
Figure 11.17
DEICTlCITV
past
IFi nite: past)
present
~:pres]
future
Fi nite: 'will ']
modal
tagged
+ Moodtag (
+Tagfi nite "
+Tagsubject )
Moodtag""
untagged
I-
imperative
Figure 11.18
260
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
261
interactant: addressee
indicative: declarative &
temporal: present
IND.
TYPE
Subject: 'you'
non-interactant
+ Mood
~
+ Mood
... fi nite
Mood( Fi nite)
... Subject
Mood(Subj)
i nteractant
IND.
INT.
TYPE
free
+ Finite
Mood (Finite)
+ Subject
Mood (Subject)
Subject 1\ Finite
Finite: present
MOOD
PERS.
no n- i nte racta nt
Figure 11.20
i mperelive
Figure 11.19
260
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
261
interactant: addressee
indicative: declarative &
temporal: present
IND.
TYPE
Subject: 'you'
non-interactant
+ Mood
~
+ Mood
... fi nite
Mood( Fi nite)
... Subject
Mood(Subj)
i nteractant
IND.
INT.
TYPE
free
+ Finite
Mood (Finite)
+ Subject
Mood (Subject)
Subject 1\ Finite
Finite: present
MOOD
PERS.
no n- i nte racta nt
Figure 11.20
i mperelive
Figure 11.19
262
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
process
configuration
element
congruent realization
metaphorical realization
263
Figure 11.21
metaphor. The paragraph is, in fact, highly metaphori~al at the gram.matical end of lexicogrammar. For instance, in As evolutIOn progressed, thzs
biological weathering increased, process configurations of 'things continuing to
evolve' and 'living organisms weathering things more and more' that
would congruently be realized by clauses are reconstrued metaphorically as
participants that can take on roles in ot~er process configurat~ons and are
realized by groups. And there are associated metaphors; for Instance,. the
phase of 'continue to evolve' is reconstrued as a separate process, reahzed
by progressed. These metaphors are at the very general ~rammatical e:r;td of
the lexicogrammatical continuum. Science depends cruClal~y on the reI~ca
tion of the fluid experience of everyday, casual conversatIOn (cf. Halhday
1987).
.
Now, the central significance of metaphor for regIster variat.ion is t~is.
Metaphorical realization expands the content system. by. IntroducIng
metaphorical varieties. This means that the mode of reahzatIOn can then
itself be a point of register variation: the content system has expanded a~d
so has its potential for variation. And the variation seems fairly systematIc.
At least in the area of grammatical metaphor, registers as a whole tend to
be more congruent or more metaphorical in their type of realization. Hal~i
day (1985b) has shown that prototypical spoken regis.ters te~d to be low In
ideational grammatical metaphor whereas prototypIcal wntten ones are
262
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
process
configuration
element
congruent realization
metaphorical realization
263
Figure 11.21
metaphor. The paragraph is, in fact, highly metaphori~al at the gram.matical end of lexicogrammar. For instance, in As evolutIOn progressed, thzs
biological weathering increased, process configurations of 'things continuing to
evolve' and 'living organisms weathering things more and more' that
would congruently be realized by clauses are reconstrued metaphorically as
participants that can take on roles in ot~er process configurat~ons and are
realized by groups. And there are associated metaphors; for Instance,. the
phase of 'continue to evolve' is reconstrued as a separate process, reahzed
by progressed. These metaphors are at the very general ~rammatical e:r;td of
the lexicogrammatical continuum. Science depends cruClal~y on the reI~ca
tion of the fluid experience of everyday, casual conversatIOn (cf. Halhday
1987).
.
Now, the central significance of metaphor for regIster variat.ion is t~is.
Metaphorical realization expands the content system. by. IntroducIng
metaphorical varieties. This means that the mode of reahzatIOn can then
itself be a point of register variation: the content system has expanded a~d
so has its potential for variation. And the variation seems fairly systematIc.
At least in the area of grammatical metaphor, registers as a whole tend to
be more congruent or more metaphorical in their type of realization. Hal~i
day (1985b) has shown that prototypical spoken regis.ters te~d to be low In
ideational grammatical metaphor whereas prototypIcal wntten ones are
264
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
high; see also RaveIli (1985). Ideational grammatical metaphor has become
very prominent in wfitten scientific English (Halliday, 1988). Hunston
(this volume) points out that interpersonal evaluation is often realized
metaphorically in the scientific research articles she studied, making them
more implicit and objective. Goatly (this volume) contrasts a range of
different types of metaphor (but with a lexical rather than grammatical
focus and ideational rather than interpersonal focus) in conversation, Ilews
reporting, popular science, advertising, and poetry. It is not clear to what
extent these constitute registers that can be characterized in detailed
contextual and linguistic terms - they may be 'pre-registerial' approximation~; but it is clear from Goatly's study that there is considerable variation
in the use of metaphorical. strategies across these types. For instance, inactive metaphors aside, conversation (based on Quirk and Svartvik's
.
London-Lund corpus) seems to be largeIy congruent; ~ wh en active
metaphors are used, they are marked in some way. One of his interesting
findings is that different aspects of the metaphorical strategies are deployed
in the different varieties. For instance, in popular science, metaphors are
used systemically to reconstrue and explain some (new) domain of meaning
and the grounds are an important aspect of this. This relates to the use
of grammatical metaphor in history, studied by Eggins et al. (this volume),
and in the register of physical science, discussed by Halliday (1988). In
contrast, in advertising, inactive metaphors tend to be revitalized to
achieve what Goatly calls the decorative function.
Eggins et al. show that within a secondary school history book, we find
a range of registers. They analyze and discuss narratives, reports and
arguments. These differ in various systematically related ways, e.g. in their
conjunctive organization, but the important point in the present context is
that these varieties differ in their mode of realization. From the point of
view of ideational grammatical metaphor, the narrative register is the most
congruent, the report much more metaphorical, and the argument the
most metaphorical. For instance, process configurations are realized
congruently in narratives but metaphorically in reports and arguments;
and in arguments further semantic types, qualities and logico-semantic
relations, also tend to be realized metaphorically. There is thus a correlation between register variation and variation in mode of realization here.
Eggins et al. also show what the registers achieve - how, for instance, the
metaphorical nature of the reports and arguments makes it possible to 'depopulate' history as story is turned into history. There is thus an effect of
creating a distance to everyday experience of concrete episodes unfolding
in time. In examining cognitive science texts, I have also found this effect
of metaphorizing out people, the individual sensers engaging in conscious
processing, (see Matthiessen, forthcoming).
265
phylogenetic time.
ontogenetic time
logogenetic time
time in
semohistory
~otential for
Figure 11.22
264
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
high; see also RaveIli (1985). Ideational grammatical metaphor has become
very prominent in wfitten scientific English (Halliday, 1988). Hunston
(this volume) points out that interpersonal evaluation is often realized
metaphorically in the scientific research articles she studied, making them
more implicit and objective. Goatly (this volume) contrasts a range of
different types of metaphor (but with a lexical rather than grammatical
focus and ideational rather than interpersonal focus) in conversation, Ilews
reporting, popular science, advertising, and poetry. It is not clear to what
extent these constitute registers that can be characterized in detailed
contextual and linguistic terms - they may be 'pre-registerial' approximation~; but it is clear from Goatly's study that there is considerable variation
in the use of metaphorical. strategies across these types. For instance, inactive metaphors aside, conversation (based on Quirk and Svartvik's
.
London-Lund corpus) seems to be largeIy congruent; ~ wh en active
metaphors are used, they are marked in some way. One of his interesting
findings is that different aspects of the metaphorical strategies are deployed
in the different varieties. For instance, in popular science, metaphors are
used systemically to reconstrue and explain some (new) domain of meaning
and the grounds are an important aspect of this. This relates to the use
of grammatical metaphor in history, studied by Eggins et al. (this volume),
and in the register of physical science, discussed by Halliday (1988). In
contrast, in advertising, inactive metaphors tend to be revitalized to
achieve what Goatly calls the decorative function.
Eggins et al. show that within a secondary school history book, we find
a range of registers. They analyze and discuss narratives, reports and
arguments. These differ in various systematically related ways, e.g. in their
conjunctive organization, but the important point in the present context is
that these varieties differ in their mode of realization. From the point of
view of ideational grammatical metaphor, the narrative register is the most
congruent, the report much more metaphorical, and the argument the
most metaphorical. For instance, process configurations are realized
congruently in narratives but metaphorically in reports and arguments;
and in arguments further semantic types, qualities and logico-semantic
relations, also tend to be realized metaphorically. There is thus a correlation between register variation and variation in mode of realization here.
Eggins et al. also show what the registers achieve - how, for instance, the
metaphorical nature of the reports and arguments makes it possible to 'depopulate' history as story is turned into history. There is thus an effect of
creating a distance to everyday experience of concrete episodes unfolding
in time. In examining cognitive science texts, I have also found this effect
of metaphorizing out people, the individual sensers engaging in conscious
processing, (see Matthiessen, forthcoming).
265
phylogenetic time.
ontogenetic time
logogenetic time
time in
semohistory
~otential for
Figure 11.22
266
267
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
5.1 Logogenesis
5.2 Ontogenesis
The second type of semohistory is the development of language in the
individual from proto-Ianguage through a transition into adult language
(see e.g. Halliday 1975; Painter 1984). Proto-Ianguage does not display
any register variation - or, to interpret it another way, there is no distinction in proto-Ianguage between specific systems and a general one: there
is a small set of contexts of use (regulatory, instrumental, interactional,
personal, etc.) and each corresponds to its own proto-semantic potential
(cf. approach (iii) in Section 3.2.2). It is only later in the transition to
adult language that the generalized metafunctional organization "begins to
appear together with the grammatical system as the content stratum is
bifurcated into semantics and grammar. The developing lexicogrammatical
system ,is a general one but, as far as I understand, it takes time for
contextually valued register variation to emerge. This stands to reason:
young children do not engage in a great variety of diversified contexts. The
potential is arguably already there right from the beginning in the differentiated uses of language but once the general system has begun to develop
they do not yet need their own specific registers. However, young children
do, . of course, encounter register variation; alongside the dialogues they
learn to engage in, they meet and learn rhymes, songs, stories, etc. See
further Martin (1983) on the development of register.
,
The written registers of primary school develop from the very simple
observation/comment register, which splits into two strands, one narrative
and one expository, each of which becomes gradually more complex: this
development has been documented in detail in the Australian setting by
266
267
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
5.1 Logogenesis
5.2 Ontogenesis
The second type of semohistory is the development of language in the
individual from proto-Ianguage through a transition into adult language
(see e.g. Halliday 1975; Painter 1984). Proto-Ianguage does not display
any register variation - or, to interpret it another way, there is no distinction in proto-Ianguage between specific systems and a general one: there
is a small set of contexts of use (regulatory, instrumental, interactional,
personal, etc.) and each corresponds to its own proto-semantic potential
(cf. approach (iii) in Section 3.2.2). It is only later in the transition to
adult language that the generalized metafunctional organization "begins to
appear together with the grammatical system as the content stratum is
bifurcated into semantics and grammar. The developing lexicogrammatical
system ,is a general one but, as far as I understand, it takes time for
contextually valued register variation to emerge. This stands to reason:
young children do not engage in a great variety of diversified contexts. The
potential is arguably already there right from the beginning in the differentiated uses of language but once the general system has begun to develop
they do not yet need their own specific registers. However, young children
do, . of course, encounter register variation; alongside the dialogues they
learn to engage in, they meet and learn rhymes, songs, stories, etc. See
further Martin (1983) on the development of register.
,
The written registers of primary school develop from the very simple
observation/comment register, which splits into two strands, one narrative
and one expository, each of which becomes gradually more complex: this
development has been documented in detail in the Australian setting by
268
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
269
5.3 Phylogenesis
expanding registerial
repertoire
Figure 11.23
Martin and Rothery (1980 etc.) in their writing project. The child's
increasing registerial repertoire co-develops with the eve~-wider contexts ~f
situation in which s/he can move semiotically: see Figure 11.23. ThiS
underlines the important point that persons develop as they learn new
registers by learning to take on new 'personae' thus gaining acc.ess to new
contexts (cf. Section 3.1.2 and also again de Beaugrande, thiS volume:
Section 4).
The study of written registers in primary school has been followed up
by a study of the registers of the disciplines secondary school st~dents have
to learn, including now grammatical metaphor upor: which e~uca
tional/scientific knowledge depends. They have to move mto the registers
of the educational knowledge of different disciplines, away from the
commonsense knowledge of pre-school life. Eggins et al. (thi~ volume)
analyze the discourse of history and Wignell et al. (198~) .diSCUSS the
discourse of geography. These two secondary school vaneties show a
considerable difference in the deployment of the linguistic resources and,
while the studies do not focus on the texts produced by secondary students,
it is clear that, by this stage in their education, the studen:s .have to
develop a registerial repertoire that construes a ~onsiderable ~emi~tic space.
Without this repertoire, it will be impossible to mtegrate a diversity of new
kinds of educational knowledge.
Within a matter of a few years, students have to move from the
language9f the family and the neighbourhood embodying sense knowledge
- folk taxonomies, a world view construed in the congruent mode, personal
experience, and so on - to include also the registers .in :vhich educa:ional
or uncommonsense knowledge can be negotiated - SCientific taxonomies, a
world view construed in the metaphorical mode, vicarious experience, and
so on.
268
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
269
5.3 Phylogenesis
expanding registerial
repertoire
Figure 11.23
Martin and Rothery (1980 etc.) in their writing project. The child's
increasing registerial repertoire co-develops with the eve~-wider contexts ~f
situation in which s/he can move semiotically: see Figure 11.23. ThiS
underlines the important point that persons develop as they learn new
registers by learning to take on new 'personae' thus gaining acc.ess to new
contexts (cf. Section 3.1.2 and also again de Beaugrande, thiS volume:
Section 4).
The study of written registers in primary school has been followed up
by a study of the registers of the disciplines secondary school st~dents have
to learn, including now grammatical metaphor upor: which e~uca
tional/scientific knowledge depends. They have to move mto the registers
of the educational knowledge of different disciplines, away from the
commonsense knowledge of pre-school life. Eggins et al. (thi~ volume)
analyze the discourse of history and Wignell et al. (198~) .diSCUSS the
discourse of geography. These two secondary school vaneties show a
considerable difference in the deployment of the linguistic resources and,
while the studies do not focus on the texts produced by secondary students,
it is clear that, by this stage in their education, the studen:s .have to
develop a registerial repertoire that construes a ~onsiderable ~emi~tic space.
Without this repertoire, it will be impossible to mtegrate a diversity of new
kinds of educational knowledge.
Within a matter of a few years, students have to move from the
language9f the family and the neighbourhood embodying sense knowledge
- folk taxonomies, a world view construed in the congruent mode, personal
experience, and so on - to include also the registers .in :vhich educa:ional
or uncommonsense knowledge can be negotiated - SCientific taxonomies, a
world view construed in the metaphorical mode, vicarious experience, and
so on.
270
'[','
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
not
271
between the potential and the instance is one of time-depth and observer
view-point:
I have suggested that the context for the meaning potential - for
language as a system - is the context of culture . . . . The context for
the particular instances - for language as processes of text - is the
context of situation. And just as a piece of text is an instance of
language, so a situation is an instance of culture. So there is a proportion here. The context for an instance of language (text) is an instance
of culture (situation). And the context for the system that lies behind
each text (language) is the system which lies behind each situation namely, the culture . . . .
We can perhaps use an analogy from the physical world: the difference
between 'culture' and 'situation' is rather like that between the 'climate'
and the 'weather'. Climate and weather are not two different things;
they are the same thing, which we call weather when we are looking at
if close up, and climate, when we are looking at it from a distance. The
weather goes on around us all the time; it is the actual instances of
temperature and precipitation and air movement that you can see and
hear and feel. The climate is the potential that lies behind all these
things; it is the weather seen from a distance, by an observer standing
some way off in time. So of course there is a continuum from one to
the other; there is no, way of deciding when a 'long-term weather
pattern' becomes a 'temporary condition of the climate', or when
'climatic variation' becomes merely 'changes in the weather'. And
likewise with 'culture' and 'situation' ... (Halliday 1991b: 7-87).
The relation between the two, potentiality or istantiation, is thus a
continuum and we can identify potentials relative to instances at different
time-depths. Now if we consider the endpoirtts of this continuum, the most
general potential and the instance, we can locate both register and context of
situation along this dimension. Halliday (1991 b) shows this diagrammatically
in his Figure 1. I have represented ~the relationship in terms of the type of
diagram used throughout this chapter: see Figure 11.24. Looked at from the
point of view of the instantial, a register is thus a generalization about recurrent patterns across instances; and looked at from the point of view of the
general potential, it is variation within this potential. Figure 11. 25 represents
the intersection of the dimensions of potentiality and register variation.
The relation between potential ~nd instance is very crucial to our interpretation of register. Among other things, it is the foundation for the
systemic interpretation of frequencies of text instances (used by Ghadessy
and by Gunnarsson, this volume) as instantiations of probabilities in the
potential. And this begins to suggest both how the system can vary and how
it may change.
The two main ways of instantiating the potential are clearly generation'
and understanding.
270
'[','
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
not
271
between the potential and the instance is one of time-depth and observer
view-point:
I have suggested that the context for the meaning potential - for
language as a system - is the context of culture . . . . The context for
the particular instances - for language as processes of text - is the
context of situation. And just as a piece of text is an instance of
language, so a situation is an instance of culture. So there is a proportion here. The context for an instance of language (text) is an instance
of culture (situation). And the context for the system that lies behind
each text (language) is the system which lies behind each situation namely, the culture . . . .
We can perhaps use an analogy from the physical world: the difference
between 'culture' and 'situation' is rather like that between the 'climate'
and the 'weather'. Climate and weather are not two different things;
they are the same thing, which we call weather when we are looking at
if close up, and climate, when we are looking at it from a distance. The
weather goes on around us all the time; it is the actual instances of
temperature and precipitation and air movement that you can see and
hear and feel. The climate is the potential that lies behind all these
things; it is the weather seen from a distance, by an observer standing
some way off in time. So of course there is a continuum from one to
the other; there is no, way of deciding when a 'long-term weather
pattern' becomes a 'temporary condition of the climate', or when
'climatic variation' becomes merely 'changes in the weather'. And
likewise with 'culture' and 'situation' ... (Halliday 1991b: 7-87).
The relation between the two, potentiality or istantiation, is thus a
continuum and we can identify potentials relative to instances at different
time-depths. Now if we consider the endpoirtts of this continuum, the most
general potential and the instance, we can locate both register and context of
situation along this dimension. Halliday (1991 b) shows this diagrammatically
in his Figure 1. I have represented ~the relationship in terms of the type of
diagram used throughout this chapter: see Figure 11.24. Looked at from the
point of view of the instantial, a register is thus a generalization about recurrent patterns across instances; and looked at from the point of view of the
general potential, it is variation within this potential. Figure 11. 25 represents
the intersection of the dimensions of potentiality and register variation.
The relation between potential ~nd instance is very crucial to our interpretation of register. Among other things, it is the foundation for the
systemic interpretation of frequencies of text instances (used by Ghadessy
and by Gunnarsson, this volume) as instantiations of probabilities in the
potential. And this begins to suggest both how the system can vary and how
it may change.
The two main ways of instantiating the potential are clearly generation'
and understanding.
272
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
273
the potential
potentiality
11
register variation
,,'
I
I
I
,
,, ,
,
"
, "
":
I
,
,,
,'~',/
,','
,',',
,"
, t ', I , , I
I
I,'
,,'
'
"
,1'
I'
"
" ,,'
,,' 1
,','
I
"
,", 1
1"1
' ,"
,',
"
GG.
h
" "
I,'
"
"
,','
"
"
"
I
;,'
,I
,',' :
I
I
I
,','
I,'
"
"
There are also additional types that draw on these, e.g. revlsmg,
abstracting, and translating. In addition, we can also consider processing
of the potential that is specifically part of the account of register. In Section
3.2.2 (ii) I talked about 'lifting out' registerial views from the general
assembly system and in Section 4.2 I talked about 'compiling out'
registerial semantic systems. Such processing is aimed at 'customizing' the
potential for particular tasks. For instance, if we are faced with a particular
context of situation, it will not be necessary to use the whole potential and
it makes sense to operate with a more restricted register potential. The
possibility of processing the general resources in this way to derive some
view that is optimal for a given task is actually already familiar from other
areas. For instance, compiling a dictionary can be interpreted as the
process of collecting lexical information that can be derived fro~ lexical
Figure 11.25
~,
,,'
m
:'
I/~
~
:
I
'
I,'
"
V :::
~
Figure 11.24
I'
If
"
/\
.: ;--::'/
/':
"
I
I
'It,, ..
I
I
I
~\
...... oft
I
~ ..
..........
~\f,
.:
~~
1,
.!\
\.S:Jj~1~
: ',:
(3.~:~:
",
\.
WGg
items in an account of lexis such as the one given by Cross (this volume)
- see further Nesbitt (in prep.) on the dictionary as a perspective. And,
in a similar way, different perspectives on the grammar are built up in
tables to make accessing the grammar as easy as possible in parsing. In
an analogous way, a register is a variety of the linguistic system accessed
from a particular context of situation and it may make sense to compile
it out from the general system for certain tasks.
272
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
273
the potential
potentiality
11
register variation
,,'
I
I
I
,
,, ,
,
"
, "
":
I
,
,,
,'~',/
,','
,',',
,"
, t ', I , , I
I
I,'
,,'
'
"
,1'
I'
"
" ,,'
,,' 1
,','
I
"
,", 1
1"1
' ,"
,',
"
GG.
h
" "
I,'
"
"
,','
"
"
"
I
;,'
,I
,',' :
I
I
I
,','
I,'
"
"
There are also additional types that draw on these, e.g. revlsmg,
abstracting, and translating. In addition, we can also consider processing
of the potential that is specifically part of the account of register. In Section
3.2.2 (ii) I talked about 'lifting out' registerial views from the general
assembly system and in Section 4.2 I talked about 'compiling out'
registerial semantic systems. Such processing is aimed at 'customizing' the
potential for particular tasks. For instance, if we are faced with a particular
context of situation, it will not be necessary to use the whole potential and
it makes sense to operate with a more restricted register potential. The
possibility of processing the general resources in this way to derive some
view that is optimal for a given task is actually already familiar from other
areas. For instance, compiling a dictionary can be interpreted as the
process of collecting lexical information that can be derived fro~ lexical
Figure 11.25
~,
,,'
m
:'
I/~
~
:
I
'
I,'
"
V :::
~
Figure 11.24
I'
If
"
/\
.: ;--::'/
/':
"
I
I
'It,, ..
I
I
I
~\
...... oft
I
~ ..
..........
~\f,
.:
~~
1,
.!\
\.S:Jj~1~
: ',:
(3.~:~:
",
\.
WGg
items in an account of lexis such as the one given by Cross (this volume)
- see further Nesbitt (in prep.) on the dictionary as a perspective. And,
in a similar way, different perspectives on the grammar are built up in
tables to make accessing the grammar as easy as possible in parsing. In
an analogous way, a register is a variety of the linguistic system accessed
from a particular context of situation and it may make sense to compile
it out from the general system for certain tasks.
274
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
275
the exploration of the overall semiotic space defined by field, tenor and
mode.
In what follows, I will only make a few observations about the standpoint selected in describing registers (Section 7.1) and possible computational tools at our disposal (Section 7.2).
7.1 Standpoint
As I noted in the introduction, I think one of our most pressing tasks in
register analysis is description. Descriptions of various registers are intrinsically valuable, they are needed in education (cf. Ghadessy and Webster
1988), they are needed in computational linguistics (cf. Patten 1988;
Bateman and Paris 1991), and they are needed for further theoretical interpretation as I have indicated at various points in the discussion. Registers
can be described in the same way as languages. A comprehensive account
is one that takes the various dimensions discussed above into account. The
principle is that a register is a variety of the linguistic system that is located
along the dimension of register variation but which is not restricted along
any other dimension - it is not only a matter of lexis, or specific rhetorical
strategies, and so on.
Now, unless the register to be described is quite constrained, a
comprehensive account is very time-consuming so we need (i) to be able
to make principled selections and (ii) to be able to use such a selection as
a way into a comprehensive account. In a sense, it is a matter of getting
as much interpretive mileage out of as little analytical energy spent as
possible. The principled selection follows, it seems to me, from the theory
as discussed above; we can take a section or 'slice' out of the total system
(just as we can view the brain based on a particular section) in the followmg ways.
274
CHRISTIAN MA TTHIESSEN
275
the exploration of the overall semiotic space defined by field, tenor and
mode.
In what follows, I will only make a few observations about the standpoint selected in describing registers (Section 7.1) and possible computational tools at our disposal (Section 7.2).
7.1 Standpoint
As I noted in the introduction, I think one of our most pressing tasks in
register analysis is description. Descriptions of various registers are intrinsically valuable, they are needed in education (cf. Ghadessy and Webster
1988), they are needed in computational linguistics (cf. Patten 1988;
Bateman and Paris 1991), and they are needed for further theoretical interpretation as I have indicated at various points in the discussion. Registers
can be described in the same way as languages. A comprehensive account
is one that takes the various dimensions discussed above into account. The
principle is that a register is a variety of the linguistic system that is located
along the dimension of register variation but which is not restricted along
any other dimension - it is not only a matter of lexis, or specific rhetorical
strategies, and so on.
Now, unless the register to be described is quite constrained, a
comprehensive account is very time-consuming so we need (i) to be able
to make principled selections and (ii) to be able to use such a selection as
a way into a comprehensive account. In a sense, it is a matter of getting
as much interpretive mileage out of as little analytical energy spent as
possible. The principled selection follows, it seems to me, from the theory
as discussed above; we can take a section or 'slice' out of the total system
(just as we can view the brain based on a particular section) in the followmg ways.
276
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
information as possible about the system from relative frequencies, collocational patterns, etc - see e.g. Ghadessy (1988).
(ii) metafunctional slicing: A stratal slice through the system has the
advantage that it is multifunctional; it covers ideational, interpersonal, and.
textual considerations. However, it will not, of course, provide a
multistratal picture with attention to inter-stratal relations. So an alternative way of managing the descriptive task is to take a metafunctional
slice through the system, with multistratal coverage. For instance, in a
study of information-seeking phone dialogues at Sydney University, we
were interested in getting a sense of the overall stratal profile of the
register, including full inter-stratal connectivity, so we decided on an
interpersonal slice through the system (e.g., Eggins et al. 1991; O'Donnell,
Matthiessen and Sefton 1991) to allow us to go from phonology (intonation: TONE) to context of situation (tenor). Such a metafunctional slice can
then serve as a point of departure for further description aimed at
comprehensive metafunctional coverage. It is also, of course, possible to
intersect stratification and metafunctional diversification in the determination of the slice and to focus on e.g. ideational lexicogrammar, which is
a good way in if one is interested in building up the 'knowledge' base of
some register.
(iii) delicacy slicing: It has been recognized since Halliday (1961) that any
description can be variable in delicacy. In principle, delicacy gives us two
perspective - from low to increasing delicacy and from high to decreasing
delicacy. (1) If we proceed from the more general end of the system, say
from grammar or from grammatical semantics, we can choose a cut-off
point in delicacy in our account of a register. If we choose the cut-off point
at a very low degree of delicacy, we may also have cut off what is specific
about the register, e.g. including mostly core lexis but leaving out more
delicate lexical distinctions indicative of the register (cf. Section 3.2.2 (ii)
above). The cut-off point in delicacy may thus determine whether we are
describing features that are characteristic of the common core or features
that are more specific to the register and it will also determine how delicate
our registerial focus is. We may zoom in on a single register or we may
pull back and describe a family of related registers. It is important to keep
this in mind as there is sometimes some confusion about whether two
registers are the same or not. The answer is typically yes and no; that is
to say, indelicately they are the same, more delicately they differ (cf. the
situation with dialectal variation). (2) If we proceed from the most delicate
end of the system, say from lexis, we typically do not yet have the general
descriptions that will allow us to move up to a certain point in indelicacy.
So it is likely that the point of departure will be lexical items rather than
lexical systems forming a delicate part of the lexicogrammatical system
network (cf. axial slicing below) and we have to derive as much
277
276
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
information as possible about the system from relative frequencies, collocational patterns, etc - see e.g. Ghadessy (1988).
(ii) metafunctional slicing: A stratal slice through the system has the
advantage that it is multifunctional; it covers ideational, interpersonal, and.
textual considerations. However, it will not, of course, provide a
multistratal picture with attention to inter-stratal relations. So an alternative way of managing the descriptive task is to take a metafunctional
slice through the system, with multistratal coverage. For instance, in a
study of information-seeking phone dialogues at Sydney University, we
were interested in getting a sense of the overall stratal profile of the
register, including full inter-stratal connectivity, so we decided on an
interpersonal slice through the system (e.g., Eggins et al. 1991; O'Donnell,
Matthiessen and Sefton 1991) to allow us to go from phonology (intonation: TONE) to context of situation (tenor). Such a metafunctional slice can
then serve as a point of departure for further description aimed at
comprehensive metafunctional coverage. It is also, of course, possible to
intersect stratification and metafunctional diversification in the determination of the slice and to focus on e.g. ideational lexicogrammar, which is
a good way in if one is interested in building up the 'knowledge' base of
some register.
(iii) delicacy slicing: It has been recognized since Halliday (1961) that any
description can be variable in delicacy. In principle, delicacy gives us two
perspective - from low to increasing delicacy and from high to decreasing
delicacy. (1) If we proceed from the more general end of the system, say
from grammar or from grammatical semantics, we can choose a cut-off
point in delicacy in our account of a register. If we choose the cut-off point
at a very low degree of delicacy, we may also have cut off what is specific
about the register, e.g. including mostly core lexis but leaving out more
delicate lexical distinctions indicative of the register (cf. Section 3.2.2 (ii)
above). The cut-off point in delicacy may thus determine whether we are
describing features that are characteristic of the common core or features
that are more specific to the register and it will also determine how delicate
our registerial focus is. We may zoom in on a single register or we may
pull back and describe a family of related registers. It is important to keep
this in mind as there is sometimes some confusion about whether two
registers are the same or not. The answer is typically yes and no; that is
to say, indelicately they are the same, more delicately they differ (cf. the
situation with dialectal variation). (2) If we proceed from the most delicate
end of the system, say from lexis, we typically do not yet have the general
descriptions that will allow us to move up to a certain point in indelicacy.
So it is likely that the point of departure will be lexical items rather than
lexical systems forming a delicate part of the lexicogrammatical system
network (cf. axial slicing below) and we have to derive as much
277
278
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
potential
lex. gram.
279
Figure 11.26
The demands on the descriptions will naturally vary with the purposes they
are intended for; but it is very clear that we need extensive descriptions
that are comprehensive both in breadth and delicacy. Such descriptions are
very hard to carry out completely manually and in a sense they have had
to wait for computational tools to develop to the point where they are
helpful. However, there are now some interesting options and an indication of important developments in the next few years.
. It makes sense to distinguish three types of computational resources and
tools at present, although a given computational system may cover more
than one type of functionality. I will mention examples that are or,iented
towards systemic-functional and related lexical research (in addition, we
thus have general-purpose statistical packages, concordance programs,
various parsers, etc.):
(i)
278
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
potential
lex. gram.
279
Figure 11.26
The demands on the descriptions will naturally vary with the purposes they
are intended for; but it is very clear that we need extensive descriptions
that are comprehensive both in breadth and delicacy. Such descriptions are
very hard to carry out completely manually and in a sense they have had
to wait for computational tools to develop to the point where they are
helpful. However, there are now some interesting options and an indication of important developments in the next few years.
. It makes sense to distinguish three types of computational resources and
tools at present, although a given computational system may cover more
than one type of functionality. I will mention examples that are or,iented
towards systemic-functional and related lexical research (in addition, we
thus have general-purpose statistical packages, concordance programs,
various parsers, etc.):
(i)
280
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
but they are still not at the stage where they can perform large-scale
discourse analysis - Kasper (1989); O'Donnell (in prep.); the work on
parsing with COMMUNAL.
281
some automatic analysis: the system provides the user with a number of
central options to choose from and once the user has made the choices, the
Coder infers less delicate features, drawing on the lexicogrammatical
system network of the resources. The results of analysis are stored as
record which can be edited. In addition, the coded features can be presented to a generator as preselections to test both the coding and the grammar itself.
(iii) Tools for recording analyses still 'require manual analysis (even if
inferences are drawn automatically, as in O'Donnell's Coder). The next
step up in functionality is automatic analysis. The general case of
comprehensive analysis is unsolved; a working system will clearly be a real
breakthrough in register analysis since it will make possible the kind of
bulk analysis that is hard to achieve manually but which is so important.
More limited analysis is possible. In particular, lexical analysis without any
grammatical analysis is fairly accessible. The COBUILD work in Birmingham led by John Sin clair has been very significant in this area. Benson
and Greaves (1992) describe what can be done with the CLOC programme (Reed, 1984), based on the work in Birmingham, and Benson and
Greaves (1989) show lexical analysis can be used to infer aspects of the
field.
There is ongoing research on the development of systemic-functional
parsers capable of producing IFG style analysis together with the relevant
systemic features. In the mid 1980s, Kasper (e.g., 1988) started work on
such a parser using Functional Unification Grammar and current work
also includes O'Donnell's (in prep.) work on a purely systemic-functional
parser in Sydney, research in Germany and work on a systemic parser
within the COMMUNAL project. As already noted, such parsers are not yet
capable of parsing text in general; but it seems productive to develop their
lexicogrammatical resources for large-scale parsing in particular registers.
In a project led by Guenter Plum, we are developing what has become
known as an Electronic Discourse Analyzer (EDA). According to the
design, the analyzer will parse a text systemic-functionally and do microsemantic interpretation (ideational, in particular). It will stop short of
macro-semantic or discourse semantic interpretation. However, the
lexicogrammatical and semantic results of analysis will themselves be
analyzed or examined for patterns that are critical to the functionality of
the text, 'critical language patterns' (CLPs; see Harvey, 1992). These
include certain transitivity patterns such as those of definition and
metadiscoursal description of the organization of the discourse and
thematic progression. The CLPs are a way of significantly increasing the
amount of information that can be drawn from discourse analysis even
though it does not involve the goal of full comprehension: for further
discussion and exemplification, see Matthiessen, O'Donnell and Zeng
(1991). CLPs are very likely to be indicative of particular registers and
different registers embody different sets of CLPs. The EDA could thus
280
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
but they are still not at the stage where they can perform large-scale
discourse analysis - Kasper (1989); O'Donnell (in prep.); the work on
parsing with COMMUNAL.
281
some automatic analysis: the system provides the user with a number of
central options to choose from and once the user has made the choices, the
Coder infers less delicate features, drawing on the lexicogrammatical
system network of the resources. The results of analysis are stored as
record which can be edited. In addition, the coded features can be presented to a generator as preselections to test both the coding and the grammar itself.
(iii) Tools for recording analyses still 'require manual analysis (even if
inferences are drawn automatically, as in O'Donnell's Coder). The next
step up in functionality is automatic analysis. The general case of
comprehensive analysis is unsolved; a working system will clearly be a real
breakthrough in register analysis since it will make possible the kind of
bulk analysis that is hard to achieve manually but which is so important.
More limited analysis is possible. In particular, lexical analysis without any
grammatical analysis is fairly accessible. The COBUILD work in Birmingham led by John Sin clair has been very significant in this area. Benson
and Greaves (1992) describe what can be done with the CLOC programme (Reed, 1984), based on the work in Birmingham, and Benson and
Greaves (1989) show lexical analysis can be used to infer aspects of the
field.
There is ongoing research on the development of systemic-functional
parsers capable of producing IFG style analysis together with the relevant
systemic features. In the mid 1980s, Kasper (e.g., 1988) started work on
such a parser using Functional Unification Grammar and current work
also includes O'Donnell's (in prep.) work on a purely systemic-functional
parser in Sydney, research in Germany and work on a systemic parser
within the COMMUNAL project. As already noted, such parsers are not yet
capable of parsing text in general; but it seems productive to develop their
lexicogrammatical resources for large-scale parsing in particular registers.
In a project led by Guenter Plum, we are developing what has become
known as an Electronic Discourse Analyzer (EDA). According to the
design, the analyzer will parse a text systemic-functionally and do microsemantic interpretation (ideational, in particular). It will stop short of
macro-semantic or discourse semantic interpretation. However, the
lexicogrammatical and semantic results of analysis will themselves be
analyzed or examined for patterns that are critical to the functionality of
the text, 'critical language patterns' (CLPs; see Harvey, 1992). These
include certain transitivity patterns such as those of definition and
metadiscoursal description of the organization of the discourse and
thematic progression. The CLPs are a way of significantly increasing the
amount of information that can be drawn from discourse analysis even
though it does not involve the goal of full comprehension: for further
discussion and exemplification, see Matthiessen, O'Donnell and Zeng
(1991). CLPs are very likely to be indicative of particular registers and
different registers embody different sets of CLPs. The EDA could thus
282
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
8. Conclusion
We can look at the relationship between register and language either from
the point of view of language or from the point of view of register. From
the point of view of language, register is a state of variation of the
linguistic system - it is a functional variety of language. From the point
of view of register, language is an assemblage of registers - the total
semiotic space created by all the different registers of English. These
perspectives are complementary; they simply reflect which we take as a
given to serve as a point of departure, language or register. I have tried
to bring out both in the discussion. The interpretation of register in terms
of an independent dimension of variation has been explored and the
possibility of register specific views (represented by means of partitions)
assembled into a general system was put forward.
From whichever angle we look at the phenomenon of register-language,
it is clear that a comprehensive account involves all the basic dimensions
of language in context - the dimensions that construe this semiotic space.
I have reviewed these discussing how they intersect with register variation.
Since the contextual significance bf register variation is located within
context of situation, that stratal subsystem which is the interface to context
of situation is implicated in register variation in the first instance. But
semantic constraints are projected down to the second content stratum,
lexicogrammar, through preselection and even, by a further step, to
phonology/graphology. Regi.ster variation applies throughout the content
strata - across metafunctions, down the rank scale, l;Uld from delicate to
most delicate. However, given the notion of a common core across register,
it can be expected that generalizations across registers tend to be less
delicate than specializations within registers.
The contributions to this book are descriptively different in that they
deal with different registers but they also show some theoretical variation.
I have not compared and contrasted the theoretical systems used, as whole
theories; instead, I have brought up a number of points in the context of
the different dimensions along which registers can be interpreted. The most
important general point seems to me to be this. If we explore the notion
that linguistics is a metalanguage.or 'talk about talk' in Firth's wording
systematically, we fmd that insights into register variation in language can
also be projected one order up in abstraction and be explored as principles
concerning register variation in metalanguage. This will invite us to ask,
among other things, whether the variations we find across different
accounts are essentially metadialectal - reflections of the linguists - or
metaregisterial - reflections of the 'task'.
The 'task' is a complex phenomenon; but it may be interpreted in ternis
context of situation - the field, tenor, and mode of doing linguistics. If we
consider the field, we can note that it includes the 'subject matter' - that
283
Notes
1. This is also evident in the modelling of semantics: meanings are derived from
general grammatical ones and they are not related to contextual categories. Thus
the traditional approach identified formal categories such as number, case, tense
and aspect and asked what their signification was. For instance, traditional
speech functional categories reflect grammatical distinctions such as declarative
vs. interrogative; but they do not embody an interpretation of interaction in
context (cf. Halliday 1984).
2. Halliday's theory of the relation between system and text in terms of potentialinstantiation-instance draws on Hjelmslev's (1943) insight about system and
process, which was a significant step forward from Saussure's languelparole
distinction. It also differs from the Chomskyan distinction between competence
and performance (see Halliday 1977). The way we theorize the relationship
between the system and the text is critical for register theory and analysis since
it will determine the role of the text both as data and as a vehicle of change.
282
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
8. Conclusion
We can look at the relationship between register and language either from
the point of view of language or from the point of view of register. From
the point of view of language, register is a state of variation of the
linguistic system - it is a functional variety of language. From the point
of view of register, language is an assemblage of registers - the total
semiotic space created by all the different registers of English. These
perspectives are complementary; they simply reflect which we take as a
given to serve as a point of departure, language or register. I have tried
to bring out both in the discussion. The interpretation of register in terms
of an independent dimension of variation has been explored and the
possibility of register specific views (represented by means of partitions)
assembled into a general system was put forward.
From whichever angle we look at the phenomenon of register-language,
it is clear that a comprehensive account involves all the basic dimensions
of language in context - the dimensions that construe this semiotic space.
I have reviewed these discussing how they intersect with register variation.
Since the contextual significance bf register variation is located within
context of situation, that stratal subsystem which is the interface to context
of situation is implicated in register variation in the first instance. But
semantic constraints are projected down to the second content stratum,
lexicogrammar, through preselection and even, by a further step, to
phonology/graphology. Regi.ster variation applies throughout the content
strata - across metafunctions, down the rank scale, l;Uld from delicate to
most delicate. However, given the notion of a common core across register,
it can be expected that generalizations across registers tend to be less
delicate than specializations within registers.
The contributions to this book are descriptively different in that they
deal with different registers but they also show some theoretical variation.
I have not compared and contrasted the theoretical systems used, as whole
theories; instead, I have brought up a number of points in the context of
the different dimensions along which registers can be interpreted. The most
important general point seems to me to be this. If we explore the notion
that linguistics is a metalanguage.or 'talk about talk' in Firth's wording
systematically, we fmd that insights into register variation in language can
also be projected one order up in abstraction and be explored as principles
concerning register variation in metalanguage. This will invite us to ask,
among other things, whether the variations we find across different
accounts are essentially metadialectal - reflections of the linguists - or
metaregisterial - reflections of the 'task'.
The 'task' is a complex phenomenon; but it may be interpreted in ternis
context of situation - the field, tenor, and mode of doing linguistics. If we
consider the field, we can note that it includes the 'subject matter' - that
283
Notes
1. This is also evident in the modelling of semantics: meanings are derived from
general grammatical ones and they are not related to contextual categories. Thus
the traditional approach identified formal categories such as number, case, tense
and aspect and asked what their signification was. For instance, traditional
speech functional categories reflect grammatical distinctions such as declarative
vs. interrogative; but they do not embody an interpretation of interaction in
context (cf. Halliday 1984).
2. Halliday's theory of the relation between system and text in terms of potentialinstantiation-instance draws on Hjelmslev's (1943) insight about system and
process, which was a significant step forward from Saussure's languelparole
distinction. It also differs from the Chomskyan distinction between competence
and performance (see Halliday 1977). The way we theorize the relationship
between the system and the text is critical for register theory and analysis since
it will determine the role of the text both as data and as a vehicle of change.
284
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
3. Fawcett (1980) does not treat axis as fractal relative to semantics and syntax
- semantics is paradigmatic and syntax is syntagm,atic. In what follows, I will
rely fairly heavily on the manifestation of paradigmatic organization within
both semantics and lexicogrammar. This does not, of course, in any way
invalidate Fawcett's variety of systemic theory. It merely means that one has
to interpret the situation differently in his system.
4. Register variation is itself an atemporal dimension; but it intersects with potentiality and we can locate registers on the continuum between the general potential and the instance. I will return to this point below in Section 6.
5. In this work, Martin was influenced by Gregory's important work and genre
grew out of Gregory's notion of functional tenor, which he had abstracted out
of the field, mode and tenor parameters of context of situation (see e.g.
Gregory and Carroll 1978).
6. This is similar to the situation with speech function: this interpersonal resource
has been experientalized within verbal transitivity and projection, but we take
dialogic exchanges rather than the ideational grammar of verbal clauses as the
point of departure when we develop an account of speech function (contrast
speech act theory, which has relied heavily on the ideational grammar's theory
of the interpersonal: cf. Edmonson 1981).
7. This is the idealization noted above - setting up registers, dialects etc.
8. Contrast the limiting case of dialectal variation, ,which is a different language.
9. We should not, of course, take context of culture for granted: we can simply
ask how to relate 'context of situation' to other aspects of the social system we
need to identify in a social interpretation of language - social role systems,
hierarchic organization, type of 'world view', and so on.
10. However, it seems to me the situation is less problematic if on the one hand
one takes as one's social theory a theory such as Bernstein's which is designed
to integrate language into the account and on the other hand one is prepared
to shunt back and forth between the micro and the macro without treating
either as fixed.
11. An obvious example from lexis would be the conflict between 'folk taxonomy'
and 'scientific taxonomy': see e.g. Wignell et al. (1987).
12. Note that since the content system is stratified, what is lexicogrammatically
common may be semantically uncommon: the same lexicogrammatical
resources may be deployed in semantically different ways across registers. An
obvious example is the grammatical system of MOOD where the semantic
significance of choices may depend on the contextual variable tenor: the semantics of different registers (cf. position (iii) below) may deploy interpersonal
metaphor to varying degrees and in different ways to control the semiotic
distance between speaker and addressee within tenor.
13. In this particular example, the registerial specification is additive; but it is also
perfectly possible that it constitutes an 'abbreviation' of the general system as
the examples with PRIMARY TENSE under (i) above where the 0 probabilities
'turn off' particular systemic options - cf. further Section 4.2 below on
abbreviated lexicogrammatical systems.
14. Apart from any other considerations, this makes good systemic sense: more
delicate systems are more local relative to the system as a whole and delicate
variation across registers does thus not entail a global re-organization of the
system.
15. This would imply that registers are primary rather than register variation.
16. In fact, it is in any case not yet possible in practice to describe the semantic
285
References
Bakhtin, M.M. (1986), 'The problem of speech genres', in Bakhtin Speech Genres
and other late Essays [translated by V. McGeel Austin: University of Texas Press.
pp. 60-102.
Bames, D., J. Britton and H. Rosen (1969), Language, the learner and the school,
Harmondsworth: Penguin Books.
Bateman, J., C. Matthiessen, K. Nanri and L. Zeng (1991), Multilingual text
generation: an architecture based on functional typology. In the proceedings of
the Computational Linguistics Conference, Penang, Malaysia, June 91.
Bateman, J. and C. Paris (1991) 'Constraining the deployment of lexicogrammatical resources during text generation: towards a computational instantiation
of register theory', in Ventola (ed.).
Bazerman, C. (1988), Shaping written knowledge: the genre and activity of the experimental
article in science, Madison, Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin Press.
Benson, J. and W. Greaves (1989), Using narrow-span collocations in parsing
lexico-grammatical output of field in a natural language text. Paper presented at
International Systemic Congress, Helsinki, June 1989.
Benson, J. and W. Greaves (1992), 'Collocation and field of discourse', in Mann
and Thompson (eds), pp. 397-410.
Bernstein, B. (1971), Class, Codes, and Control 1: Theoretical studies towards a sociology
of language, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
Bernstein, B. (ed.) (1973), Class, Codes and Control 2: applied studies towards a sociology
of language, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
284
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
3. Fawcett (1980) does not treat axis as fractal relative to semantics and syntax
- semantics is paradigmatic and syntax is syntagm,atic. In what follows, I will
rely fairly heavily on the manifestation of paradigmatic organization within
both semantics and lexicogrammar. This does not, of course, in any way
invalidate Fawcett's variety of systemic theory. It merely means that one has
to interpret the situation differently in his system.
4. Register variation is itself an atemporal dimension; but it intersects with potentiality and we can locate registers on the continuum between the general potential and the instance. I will return to this point below in Section 6.
5. In this work, Martin was influenced by Gregory's important work and genre
grew out of Gregory's notion of functional tenor, which he had abstracted out
of the field, mode and tenor parameters of context of situation (see e.g.
Gregory and Carroll 1978).
6. This is similar to the situation with speech function: this interpersonal resource
has been experientalized within verbal transitivity and projection, but we take
dialogic exchanges rather than the ideational grammar of verbal clauses as the
point of departure when we develop an account of speech function (contrast
speech act theory, which has relied heavily on the ideational grammar's theory
of the interpersonal: cf. Edmonson 1981).
7. This is the idealization noted above - setting up registers, dialects etc.
8. Contrast the limiting case of dialectal variation, ,which is a different language.
9. We should not, of course, take context of culture for granted: we can simply
ask how to relate 'context of situation' to other aspects of the social system we
need to identify in a social interpretation of language - social role systems,
hierarchic organization, type of 'world view', and so on.
10. However, it seems to me the situation is less problematic if on the one hand
one takes as one's social theory a theory such as Bernstein's which is designed
to integrate language into the account and on the other hand one is prepared
to shunt back and forth between the micro and the macro without treating
either as fixed.
11. An obvious example from lexis would be the conflict between 'folk taxonomy'
and 'scientific taxonomy': see e.g. Wignell et al. (1987).
12. Note that since the content system is stratified, what is lexicogrammatically
common may be semantically uncommon: the same lexicogrammatical
resources may be deployed in semantically different ways across registers. An
obvious example is the grammatical system of MOOD where the semantic
significance of choices may depend on the contextual variable tenor: the semantics of different registers (cf. position (iii) below) may deploy interpersonal
metaphor to varying degrees and in different ways to control the semiotic
distance between speaker and addressee within tenor.
13. In this particular example, the registerial specification is additive; but it is also
perfectly possible that it constitutes an 'abbreviation' of the general system as
the examples with PRIMARY TENSE under (i) above where the 0 probabilities
'turn off' particular systemic options - cf. further Section 4.2 below on
abbreviated lexicogrammatical systems.
14. Apart from any other considerations, this makes good systemic sense: more
delicate systems are more local relative to the system as a whole and delicate
variation across registers does thus not entail a global re-organization of the
system.
15. This would imply that registers are primary rather than register variation.
16. In fact, it is in any case not yet possible in practice to describe the semantic
285
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Matthiessen, C., K. Nanri and L. Zeng (1992), Multilingual generation: dimensions of
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Sydney. Shorter version in Proceedings for Natural Language Generation Workshop,
Trento, April 1992.
'
Matthiessen, C., M. O'Donnell and L. Zeng (1991), Discourse Analysis and the Need
for Functionally Complex Grammars in Parsing, Proceedings of the 2nd JapanAustralia Symposium on Natural Language Processing, Japan, October 1991.
Matthiessen, C. and D. Slade (in press), What is language in language assessment
anyway? Diagnostic assessment in the school context, Paper presented at the RELC
conference on language testing and evaluation, RELC, Singapore, April, 1990.
Matthiessen, C. and S. Thompson (1989), 'The structure of discourse and subordination', in J. Haiman and S.A. Thompson (eds), Clause Combining in Grammar
and Discourse, Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Mitchell, T.F. (1957), 'The language of buying and selling in Cyrenaica: a situ ational statement', Hesperis 26-31-71 (reprinted in T.F. Mitchell, 1975, Principles
of Neo-Firthian Linguistics, London: Longman, pp. 167-200).
Nanri, K. (1991), Written version of paper on semantic movement in news reports
presented at ISC 18, International Christian University, Tokyo, August 1991.
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in newspaper reports, Department of Linguistics, University of Sydney.
Nesbitt, C. (in prep.), Ph.D. Dissertation on lexis in relation to grammar, Department of Linguistics, University of Sydney.
290
291
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
Martin, J.R. (1986), 'Grammaticalising ecology: the politics of baby seals and
kangaroos', in T. Threadgold, E.A. Grosz, G. Kress and M.A.K. Halliday,
Language, Semiotics, Ideology, Sydney: Sydney Association for Studies in Society
and Culture (Sydney Studies in Society and Culture 3), pp. 225-268.
Martin, J.R. (1991), Macro-genres: the ecology of the page, Department of Linguistics,
University of Sydney.
Martin, J.R. (1992), 'Macroproposals: meaning by degree', in W. Mann and S.
Thompson (eds), pp. 359-97.
Martin, J.R. (in press), English text: system and structure, Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Martin, J.R., S. Eggins, J. Rothery and P. Wignell (1988), 'Secret English:
discourse technology in a junior secondary school', in L Gerot, J. Oldenburg and
T. van Leeuven (eds), Language and Socialisation: home and school (Proceedings from
the Working Conference on Language in Education, Macquarie University 1721 November 1986), Sydney: Macquarie University. pp. 143-173.
Martin, J.R. and C. Matthiessen (1992), 'Systemic technology', in F. Christie
(ed.) .. Social Processes in Education: proceedings of the First Australian Systemic
Network Conference, Deakin University, January 1990.
Martin, J.R. and P. Peters (1985), 'On the analysis of exposition', in R. Hasan
(ed.), Discourse on Discourse (Workshop Reports from the Macquarie Workshop on
Discourse Analysis) Applied Linguistics Association of Australia (Occasional
Papers 7), pp. 61-92.
Martin, J.R. and J. Rothery (1980), Writing Project Report, Department of
Linguistics, University of Sydney.
Matthiessen,C. (1990/2), Lexicogrammatical cartography: English systems, MS Department of Linguistics, University of Sydney.
Matthiessen, C. (forthcoming), 'The object of study in cognitive science in relation
to its construal and enactment in language', in special issue of Cultural Dynamics.
Matthiessen, C. and J. Bateman (1991), Text Generation and Systemic Linguistics:
experiences from English, and Japanese, London: Pinter.
Matthiessen, C., K. Nanri and L. Zeng (1992), Multilingual generation: dimensions of
organization and forms of representation, Department of Linguistics, University of
Sydney. Shorter version in Proceedings for Natural Language Generation Workshop,
Trento, April 1992.
'
Matthiessen, C., M. O'Donnell and L. Zeng (1991), Discourse Analysis and the Need
for Functionally Complex Grammars in Parsing, Proceedings of the 2nd JapanAustralia Symposium on Natural Language Processing, Japan, October 1991.
Matthiessen, C. and D. Slade (in press), What is language in language assessment
anyway? Diagnostic assessment in the school context, Paper presented at the RELC
conference on language testing and evaluation, RELC, Singapore, April, 1990.
Matthiessen, C. and S. Thompson (1989), 'The structure of discourse and subordination', in J. Haiman and S.A. Thompson (eds), Clause Combining in Grammar
and Discourse, Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Mitchell, T.F. (1957), 'The language of buying and selling in Cyrenaica: a situ ational statement', Hesperis 26-31-71 (reprinted in T.F. Mitchell, 1975, Principles
of Neo-Firthian Linguistics, London: Longman, pp. 167-200).
Nanri, K. (1991), Written version of paper on semantic movement in news reports
presented at ISC 18, International Christian University, Tokyo, August 1991.
Nanri, K. (in prep.), Ph.D. Dissertation on the modelling of 'semantic movement'
in newspaper reports, Department of Linguistics, University of Sydney.
Nesbitt, C. (in prep.), Ph.D. Dissertation on lexis in relation to grammar, Department of Linguistics, University of Sydney.
290
291
292
CHRISTIAN MATTHIESSEN
Name index
Albee 2, 50
An Advancement