A Short History of Oromo Colonial Experience (Part One 1870-1935)

A Short History ofOrama ColonialExperience 1870 's-1990 's
A SHORT mSTORY OF OROMO COLONIAL EXPERIENCE

1870'S-1990'S: PART ONE 1870'S TO 1935
Mohammed Hassen
Four remarks are requiredbeforeI embarkon the main subject First, it
is not easy to presentthe Oromo colonial experience fromthe 1870sto I990s
in an articleof appropriatelengthfor a singlejournal volume.. To avoid that
problemI have divided this article into twoparts. The first part dealswith the
Oromocolonial experience from the 1870s to 1935.. The two dates that are
covered within the pages of this article are important because the 1870s
witnessed the beginning of systematic conquest of the Ororno by KingMenelik
of Shawa, while 1935 saw the replacement of the first phase of Ethiopian
colonialism in Ethiopiawith Italianfascism Duringthe six decadescovered
in part one of this article, the Oromo had two different types of colonial
experience underEgyptianand EthiopianArnhara administrations Egyptian
colonialism affected only a small segment of the Oromo popnlation in
Hararghie, whilethe EthiopianAmharacolonialism affected all Oromowho
are nowin Ethiopia, Part two of the article, which will be covered in the next
issue of The Journal oj Oromo Studies will deal with the Oromo colonial
experience from 1935 to the 1990s
My aim in writingthis article is simple and my purpose is clear It is to
consolidate some of my own writings and the writingof others in order to
presentbrieflythe Ororno colonial experience and to suggesthow to dealwith
it The detail of my argument as to how to deal with the experience will be
presentedin part two of the article Here it shonldbe adequate to say that if
historical knowledge is to be usefulas a guide for creatinga truly democratic
federal republic of Ethiopia, the issue of decolonizing Oromia carmot be
dodged, but must be met head on Without a sound grasp of the Oromo
colonial experience, which lies behind their long struggle for freedom and
humandignity, it is verydifficult to grasp theintensity anddepthofthe Oromo
questfor self-determination
Second, mydiscussion of the Oromocolonial experience doesnot pretend
The Journal ofOrama Studies, Volume 6, Number 1 & 2, pp.. 109-158
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THE JOURNAL OF OROMO STUDIES

to be comprehensive Anyone who is interested in the subject can consult
among others, Bonnie K Holcomb and Sisai Ibssa's The Invention oj
Ethiopia The Making ofa Dependent Colonial State in Northeast Aftica,
andAsafa Jalata's Oromia and Ethiopia State Formation and Ethnonational
Conflict 1868-1992. These two splendid books and severalother articlesand
book chapters, including the many works of Drs Mekuria Bulcha1, Abbas
Haji, Paul Baxter, Alessandro TriuIzi, Tesema Ta'aa and Getahun Delibo
adequately documentthe Oromo colonial experience. Hopefully, my article
makes not ouly a small contribution to the growing literature on the Oromo
colonial experience, but also suggests one possible scenario for finding a
lasting political solution to the Oromo quest for self-determination
Third, I maintain that the decolonization of Oromia and the selfdetermination of the Oromo are compatible within a democratic federal
republic of Ethiopia. There are severalscholars who argue forcefully that the
decolonization of Oromia and the self-determination of the Oromo are
incompatible within the framework of a nnited Ethiopia Basing their
reasoning on their analysis ofthe Ethiopian colonization of Oromia, they argue
that the Oromoself-determination requires the construction ofa self-organized
Oromia, independent from Ethiopia, as a necessary part of decolonization
Ihis is one possible scenario for finding a lasting political solution to the
Oromo colonial experience
However,I believethat the self-determination of the Oromo is possible
within a democraticfederalrepublic of Ethiopia.. I maintain this position for
the following broad reasons I am an idealistwho believes in the nnity of fiee
people in a free country Todaythe Oromo are not free people and Oromia is
still a colony That is why I argue that the decolonization of Oromia is
absolutely necessaryfor peace, economic development, and democratization
in Ethiopia. However, in my mind, the decolonization of Oromia has to be
linked organicallywith current reality in Africa in general and in Ethiopia in
particular Io me, there is no better prospect for the future of the peoples of
Ethiopia than the establishment of a working federal system based on freedom
withjustice, peace and equalityin that country. What is needed,in effect,is a
new social contract with freedom as its essence I believethat ouly a federal
system unites separate nations, nationalities, peoples and groups, without
sacrificing the rights and vital interests of its members. I will discuss the
benefitsof a federal systemin part two ofthis article; hereit shouldbe enough
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A Short History a/Drama ColonialExperience 1870's-1990's

to say that a federal arrangement cannotworkifit is designed and imposed by
the leadership of a single party as the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front
(TPLF)government did in Ethiopia' As it willbe demonstrated in part two of
this article, a federal arrangement works when it is designed by people and
their representatives who are free and equal, and is "implemented with their
freely expressed consentfor its purpose and framework ,,3 In short, what is
needed is a universally designed agreement to establish a new statethat is not
dominated by one ethnic group but collectively owned by all its citizens "in
such a waythat all reaffirm their fundamental equalityand retain their basic
rights.. '"
What is more, it is nowbecoming painfully clear' to anyone who follows
the sad realities in Africathat onlythoseAfticansocieties that are ableto pull
together theirhuman, intellectual, spiritual, andmaterial resources will be able
to survivein the twenty-first century. Thetrees of a number ofAfrican states,
rotten by corruption, ethnic conflicts and political tyrannies, have withered
away The shadows of the Rwandan tragedy of 1994 hover over' several
countries in Africa, including Ethiopia The shadows of collapsed African
states, from Somalia to Liberiahover overmanyAfrican countries, including
Ethiopia. A Rwandan-type tragedy with the collapse of the state has to be
avoided while thereis timeto avoidit Oncea tragedy happens it is impossible
to undo it We knowthat thereare competing nationalisms in Ethiopia They
include, Oromo, Afar, Amhara, Sidarna, Somali and I igrayannationalisms
The danger's from competing nationalisms are real -- endless war and its
consequences -- disintegration into anarchy and chaos,collapseof the state,
and the deathof civil society Suchdisintegration is not in the interestof any
nationor nationality in Ethiopia, including the Oromo. In one wayor another',
the peoples of Ethiopiawill have to figure out how competing nationalisms
can live together' or side by side without destroying the material basis and
moral foundations of our societies Only a genuine federal arrangement
appears to me capableof doing that,
It has been, said and rightly, that idea move nations, Ideas also enable
people to see beyondthe poisonous hatredplantedby those who flourishby
dividing and turuing the oppressed peoples against each other The TPLF
leaders, who are rightly blamed for lack of vision" are using the name of
federalism as a tool for their monopoly of state power However, there is no
III

a better system than genuine federalism for devolution of power lome, only
a genuine federal arrangement offers a better prospect for all the peoples of
Ethiopia "In essence a federal arrangement is oneof partnership, established
andregnlated by a covenant [consent], whose internal relationships reflectthe
special kind of sharing that must prevail among the partners, based on a
mutualrecognition of the integrity of eachpartner andthe attemptto foster a
special unity among them"li What is really at issuein Ethiopia is the question
of finding a political structure (a federal arrangement) that guarantees the
survivalofnationalidentities, whichnurtures the flowering oflanguages and
the renaissance of cultures, and above all, which allows diverse groups of
peopleto exercisetheir democratic rights withoutinfringing upon the rights
of others?
Since the 1950s, African political leadersopted for flag independence,
which has so fill failed to deliver the promise of democracy and economic
prosperityin the past forty years On the eve oftwenty-first century, is it not
timeto venture outside the prevailing intellectual climate of flag independence
and to explore issues and articulate ideas that may deliver the promise of
democracy and economic prosperity? At least the ideas of genuine federalism
enable us to see beyond the bitterness of what the successive Ethiopian
governments did to the Oromoand openour vision about a future, in which
the Oromo will never allow any Ethiopian government to oppress them,
control their resources, divide and turn them against each other' How this
conldbe done will be addressedin part two of this article
However, I must admit that the realization of self-determination of
Oromia within a democratic republic of Ethiopia will be fraught with
difficulties, Ethiopia lacks a tradition of tolerant political cnlture and the
Ethiopianrn1ing elites, those who are now oppressingthe Oromo and those
who are so eagerto regaintheir lost power, will do everything in their power'
to monopolize political powerandcontrol the resources of Oromia However',
the Oromo and othercolonized and oppressed peoples of Ethiopiamust stand
together to end the Abyssinian elites' monopolization of state power in
Ethiopia, As an optimist, I havean undying dreamthat one daythe Oromo and
other peoples of Ethiopia will create a genuine federal arrangement in
Ethiopia, It is this hope and optimism whichinspiredme to writethis article,
I believe the article will servea useful purpose if it generates dispassionate and
lively scholarlydiscussion of the two scenarios for findings solutionto the
Il2
A Short History ofOromo Colonial Experience 1870 '8-1990 's
Oromo colonial experience -- namely, independent Oromia separate from

Ethiopia or self-determination for Oromia within a democratic federal republic
of Ethiopia
At tbisjuncture,it is important to notethat after the 1880s,the Medieval
Christian kingdom known as Abyssinia was transformed into Ethiopia, andthe
historic Abyssinians, that is, the Amharaand Tigray people, were transformed
into Ethiopians It was only in the Constitution of 1931, that conquered
peoples of southern Ethiopia were defined as Ethiopians. In this article, for the
time period covered, I use "Ethiopian" and "Shawan Amhara" colonialism
interchangeably After all, it was Menelik, the Amhara kingof Shawa(18651889) and later the Emperor of Ethiopia (1889-1913) who conquered all
Oromo who are now in Ethiopia and colonized their land The Egyptian
colonial occupation ofHararghie was a short-lived phenomenon, while the first
phase ofShawan Amharacolonialism was brought to an end in 1935 by the
Italian occupation, of Ethiopia which will be discussed in part two of this
article
Fourth, Ethiopian elites and their supporters acknowledge Egyptian
colonization of part of eastern Hararghie," but deny the EthiopianAmhara
colonization of the Oromo." However, I will demonstrate with evidence that
the social force behind ShawanAmharacolonialism was as economic, as it
was withEgyptian colonialism and Italianfascism. What is colonialism? "At
its mostpowerful, colonialism is a process ofradicaldispossession ..10 For the
Oromo, colonialism meant more than political, economic, and cultural
dispossession. It meantloss of sovereignty andindependence, lossofland and
human dignity Once the Oromo lost their sovereignty, their culture was
exposed to attack; they were no longer in control of their own destiny; they
were reduced to objects of history ratherthan makers of their own history, and
their language was transformed from being a language of business and
government into language ofbackwardness and darkness
Interestingly, for most of Ethiopian intellectuals the Oromo experience is
not a colonial one. It is the experience of national and cultural domination
Ethiopianintellectuals arriveat tbis conclusion becausetheydefinea colony
from a narrow perspective that limits its application only to those African
countries that werecolonized by European powers.. For instance:
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1
2
3
4
some have confined the definition of colonialism to the

phenomenon of industrialcapitalism;
some claimit is a white man's phenomenon;
others tie it exclusively to the 19th century European search for
raw materials and the philosophy that supportedthat search;and
some have become so specific that they restrict the definitionof
colonyformationto the crossingof salt water."
However, For the purpose of this article, I adopt Bonnie Holcomb's and
Sisai Ibssa's very broad definitionofthe phenomenonknown as colonialism
Colonialism is best viewed as one of several modes of interaction
among nations of people It does not occur' between individuals or
groups.. Rather, it involves a change in the entiresocialand productive
life of people.. Each nation of people, through the process of living
together,develops a distinctive pattern ofproductionand a distinctive
set ofrules or what couldbe calleda codeof conductfor safegoarding
that particular pattern and for managing its affairs within given
boundaries.. Colonialism occur's whenthose boundaries are penetrated
by outsiderswho are products and carriersof a differentsystem intent
upon forcefully changing the pattern of production and imposing a
different set ofrules.. Put anotherway, colonialismtakes place when
invaders use force to take possessionof elements vital to the economy
of the invaded societyof people and to reorganize those components
according to a new forcefully imposed system of production What
occurs is that a colonizing society violently seizes the economic
substructure of colonized society and rearranges it by replacing its
organizingsuperstructure12
In the abovelong quotation, three elements are rightlystressed These are,
first, conquest by force; second, expropriation ofthe economic resources of the
conquered societyby the conquerors; andthird, the imposition of alien ruleon
the conquered society. All these andmuchmore happenedto the Oromo After
his conquest and occupation of Oromo land, Menelik gave both the Oromo
people and their land to his armed-settlers known as neftanya and established
the gabar system (serfdom). Under this system, the armed-settlers,the state
114
A Short History ofOromo ColonialExperience 1870 ~s-1990 's

functionaries, the Orthodox Church establishment and the crown were
supported by the work and taxes of the Oromo gabars (serfs). In the
conquered Oromoterritory, fortified garrisontownswereset up as centersfor
colonial administration The fortified towns known as katammas were
separated socially fromtheirsurroundings in that theirinhabitants were mainly
Christiansettlers,who thoughtof themselves as superiorto and despisedand
looked down upon the Oromo, whom they kept under their control with
merciless use offirearms 13 It has been said, and rightlyso that "the colonial
world is essentially a compartmentalized one, a world divided into two
mutually exclusive zones There is a zonefor the colonizers, anda zonefor the
colonized Ihis zoning-in both its geographical and socialmanifestations -is maintained by a systemof coercion and brute force."14
In Oromia there was also a zone for the colonizers and a zone for the
colonized The contrast between the zone of the colonizers and that of the
colonized was striking. "There were power, glory, pride, wealth,deeply seated
feelings of superiority, pomp, arrogance and luxury on the side of the
[colonizers], while powerlessness, landlessness, rightlessness, suffering,
injustice, poverty, allmanners of abuse and dehumanization werethe lot of the
Oromo gabars, whowere physically victimized, socially and psychologically
humiliated and devalued as human beings The political, economic, military,
social and cnltural privileges of the [colonizersI were the kernel of colonial
relationship in the conquered Oromoterritory ,,15
For Gebru Tareke, a prominent historian and a leading Ethiopian
intellectual, the superior-inferior complex that characterizes the relation
between the Abyssinian conquerors and the conquered peoples of southern
Ethiopia "had a cnItural connotation only ,,16 "Paternalistic and arrogant,
Abyssinians looked upon and treated the indigenous people as backward,
heathen, filthy, deceitful, lazy, and even stupid -- stereotypes that European
colonialists commonly ascribed to their African subjects. Both literally and
symbolically, southerners became the objectof scornand ridicule."?
Interestingly, the stereotype which the Abyssinians constructed for the
conquered people of southern Ethiopia, including the Oromo, was turned
against them by Europeans.. For instance, Gerald Portal characterizes the
Abyssinians as "brutal savages "I' For Henry Dufton, the Abyssinians are
"deceitful, lying, insincere; their breasts are seldom stirred by generosity
115

towards others,or ingratitude for benefits received. ,,19 Two Englishmen, who
saw the Abyssinian settlers in southern Ethiopia in their natural habitat
"surrounded by slavery, conuption, intrigue and petty rascality,,,20
characterized them as "dirty, idle, and domineering [and] enslaving the
people.. ,,21 It is interesting to note in passing that for both the conquered
peoples of southernEthiopia and for the Abyssiniansthe characterization as
"backward" was an alien image constructed for them It was European
observers who ascribed the above-mentioned stereotype to the Abyssinians,
while it was the Abyssinians who ascribed it to the conquered peoples of
southern Ethiopia
Teshale Tibabu, another prominent Ethiopian historian, stresses two
interestingpoints that have relevance to this discussion First, he argues, and
rightly, that "[t]he rise of modern Ethiopia heralded the demise of Oromo
power. ,,22 The following discussion demonstrates beyonddoubt that Menelik's
colonial empirewas built not onlyupon the demise of Oromo power, but also
the destruction of Oromo lives and plunder' of Oromo property Secondly,
Teshale Iibabu succinctly expresses the essenceofcolonialism by sayingthat
"Colonialism is based on an unequal relationship ofpower between the
colonizer and the colontzed" Ihis is a most elegantone-sentence description
of the relationship that developed in Oromia between the Abyssinian
conquerors and the conquered Oromo. And yet for this scholar, the Oromo
question is not a colonial one It is rather a question of cnltural and class
domination."As far as I know (and I do not claimto haveconsulted the works
of every Ethiopianintellectual)only Addis Hiwetwrites clearly and without
any obfuscation that Menelik built his empire through "military-feudalcolonialtsm'i" in southern Ethiopia, According to Addis Hiwet, Menelik's
expansion into Oromia "was not simple conquest for its own sake, or the
simplelure of empire-building,
Themotiveswereprimarilyeconomic: the
green and lush Oromo lands and their boundless commodities (gold, civet,
ivory, coffee) and the prosperous markets"'"
While Ethiopianintellectuals go to great length to characterize Menelik's
conquestas feudal expansion,Meneliksaw himselfas a conscious participant
in the scramblefor colonies.. In his famous circnlarletter of 1891 to the heads
of state of Britain, France, Italy, Germany and Russia, Menelik wrote, "I do
not intend to remainsilent whengovernments from distant countriescome to
divide Africa among themselves ,,27 mthe same circular letter, Menelik laid
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A Short History oj Oromo Colonial Experience 1870 's-1990 's
claimto all territories up to Khartoum and as far as LakeVictoria, with all the
Oromo.. In his own words, "[i]f God grants me life and power,I wouldlike to
colonize the former Ethiopian territories as far as Khartoum, Lake Nyasa
[Lake Victoria] and all the Galla" 2' This leaves no doubt that Menelik saw
himself as a colonial empire-builder in his own right, and indeed he was
Discussionof colonialism has becomepoliticallychargedboth for Oromo
and Ethiopiannationalists.. Whilerevolutionary Oromonationalistsargue for
an independent Oromia, Ethiopian nationalists deny the Oromo colonial
experience.. For the Ethiopian nationalists, the very mention of the phrase
Ethiopian colonialism, more appropriately Shawan Amhara colonialism,
frightens and haunts them with the specter of the disintegrationof Ethiopia
This is generated by the Ethiopian nationalists' fear that the Oromo will
declare an independent Oromiaand break awayfrom Ethiopia.. As a colonized
nation, the Oromo have a legitimate right to self-determination. "Like the
peopleof I igray andEritrea,the Oromohave a legitimate right to decide their
own destiny. It is their own business to decide about their future and no one
will decide it for them ,,29
The challenge for the Oromo is to make a clearchoice: whetherthey want
to establishan independent Orornia, separatefrom Ethiopia, or an autonomous
Oromia within Ethiopia" The challengefor the TPLF regime is to allow the
Oromo to make their choicethrough a referendum r believe if a referendum
was to be held today, the majority of the Oromo would vote for an autonomous
Oromia within Ethiopia. I will discuss in par two of this articlewhy I believe
that the Oromo wouldvote for an autonomous OromiawithinEthiopiarather
than for an independent Oromia Here it shouldsuffice to say that the key to
that end will be the peaceful self-determination ofthe Oromo In the past few
years, the TPLF regime has claimedthat the Oromo have already achieved
their self-determination Of course,this is a cruel and a nasty joke upon the
Oromo. Today such a self-determination in Orornia conjures up images of
imprisonment, torture, disappearance, extrajudicialexecutions,confiscation
of propertyand forced exilefor thousands ofthe Oromoandplunder of Oromo
resources for the development of Tigray,
To me, righting the wrongs inflictedon the Oromo by the TPLF regime
will be the first challenge facing an autonomous Oromia The basis of that
autonomy will be the withdrawal of TPLF militia and security forces from
117

Oromia and Oromos'right to be their ownmasters in their own state In other
words, Oromia must be as autonomous as Tigray itself. That is the
prerequisitefor the realization of the ideal of self-determination in Oromia. As
is crystal-clear, such self-determination of the Oromo would not mean the
break up of Ethiopia. It would mean creating a genuinely working federal
system unlike the current federalism that exists mainly on paper as will be
shown in part two of this article To me, only a working federal system that
combines a self-rule (whichsatisfies the aspirations of the Oromo and other
oppressed peoples) and shared rule (which takes into considerationthe unity
and economic interdependence of the peoples of Ethiopia) offers a better
prospect for the future of all the peoplesof that troubledcountry. As I stated
in 1966,
I sincerely believe that in a truly democratic federated Ethiopia, the
Oromo will lose nothing but they "ill have a great deal to gain What
is neededis to decolonize Oromia and democratize Ethiopia I consider
that the decolonization of Oromia is fundamental to the selfdeterminationof the Oromo and one cannot be achievedwithout the
other. In short, the decolonization of Oromia will ensure selfdetermination for the Oromo, while democratization will create a
necessary political climate in the country in which conflict will be
resolved through dialogue, genuine searches for mutual benefit
characterized by the spirit of tolerance, consensus and compromise
The creationof.a self-governing Oromo state is a necessarycondition
for the establishmentof a federated democraticEthiopia. Because of
their numbers, geographical position and rich natural resources of
Oromia,the Oromoare destined to play an importantrole in the future
of Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa Consequently, Ethiopians should
make an earnest effort to understand the reasons for, and come to
terms with, the Oromo quest for self-determination."
It is with this goal in mind that I present the following short history of
Oromo colonialexperiencefrom the 1870s to 1990s For that experience is
not what was, but also what is. As already indicated, my presentationdoes not
pretend to be comprehensive However, whatever shortcomings it may have,
it is based on facts that can be verifiedfrom the sources that were consulted
1I8
A Short History of Oromo Colonial Experience 1870 's-1990's
Interestingly, the available Ethiopianistliteraturedescribestheprocessof

the colonization from the viewpoint of the colonizers; the Oromo are seen
merely as the object of historical process. While this literature mentions the
massive slaughter that accompanied the conquest, it maintains silence about
the situation after Ethiopian colonialism was imposed on the Oromo However,
I will demonstrate fiuther in the presentation that the colonialism that was
imposed on the Oromo by force was maintained by violence
The Ethiopian elites, too often and too easily hypnotized by the sheer
mythsand legends of 3,000 years of Ethiopianhistory, and stronglyassert that
Ethiopia has existed as one united country in its present form for several
centuries This is historically incorrectto say the least Addis Hiwet observes
that "[t]hedeep-seated myth that has for so long enshrinedEthiopia - both the
name and the country -- still blurs genuinehistoricalunderstanding Ethiopia's
existence as a 'modemstate'doesnot -- as the ideologists ofthe ancien regime
claim -- extend beyond the 1900s and into the limitless and ever-remote
milleunia The same historicalforces that created the 'Gold Coast', the 'Ivory
Coast', the Sudan and Kenya, werethe very ones that createdmodern Ethiopia
too And a recognition ofthis factmakes modern Ethiopiano older than these
African states ,,32
This means what existed before the 1880s for several centuries was
historical Abyssinia, which has had a long and rich history, but formed only
a small part of what is today Ethiopia. Most Oromo were not a part of
historical Abyssinia The Oromo have had their own long and rich history,
which was separate from that of Abyssinia in more ways than one. The
Oromo, the Abyssinians and other peoples of Ethiopia were brought under a
single administration with the creation of the present Ethiopia in the last
quarter of the nineteenth century, and only after the conquestand colonization
ofpeoples who now comprisesouthernEthiopia. 33
Finally, the rest of this articledeals with (I) the conditionofthe Oromoin
the precolonial period; (2) the beginning ofthe conquestofthe Oromo;(3) the
Egyptian colonization; and (4) the Shawan Amhara conquest and the
colonizationof the Oromo from the 1880s to 1935.. I have stressed the latter
two points partly becausethey demonstrate the Oromo colonialexperienceso
clearly and partly because they are the main focus of the article itself
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The Condition of the Oromo in the Precolonial Period
The Oromoconstitute more than fortypercentof the currentpopulation of
Ethiopia. They are the single largest national group in the Hom of Africa
They are also the second largest indigenous people of Africa The Oromo
played an important role in shaping the history of the region and will
undoubtedly play an even more crucialrole in the future of Ethiopia and the
Hom of Africa Ethiopianintellectnals and Ethiopianist scholars, especially
Ullendorff has chosen to consign Oromo historyto the margins of Abyssinian
history 34 As if Ullendorff's distortion of Oromohistorywas not enough, the
Ethiopianruling class "systematically depictedthe Oromoas peoplewithout
history, and belittled their way of life, and their religious and political
institutions.v" And yet the Oromo have a long history, a rich culture and
fascinating political and religious institutions. As one of the most ancient
peoples of Ethiopia,36 the Oromohave always been part of the history of the
peoples of the Hom of Africa The implicationthat they are people without
history is a case of distorting and twisting facts to justify military conquest,
political domination and economic exploitationofthe Oromo.
Afaan Oromo, the Oromo language, is one of the forty or so Cushitic
languagesspokenin and beyondthe Hom of Africa It must be stated clearly
that the Cushitic language-speaking familyof peoples livedfor thousands of
years in what is todayEthiopia,predatingby a millennium the immigration of
Semitic-speaking groupsof peoplefromwhat is todayYemento Ethiopia after
500 He This means that Cushitic language speakers me indigenous to the
regionnow calledEthiopia and to the HOIn of Africa." It hasbeen rightly said
that more than half of the speakers of the Cushitic languages are Oromo 01'
speak Afaan Oromo, the Oromo language," which is also the third largest
Afro-Asiatic language in the world, afterArabicand Hausa." Thesignificance
ofAfaan Oromo is not limited to the fact that it is the second or third most
widely spoken indigenous language in Africa,40 but it has also a rich oral
literature deeply rooted in the cultural heritage of a uniquely democratic
Oromocivilization. Afaan Oromo embodies the spiritof the nation. It hasbeen
said that "[i]t is the fountainof all the springs that give dynamism and vitality
to the Oromo nation It is the most vital, the richest and the finest bond that
unites the Oromo into a singlehistoricalwhole. ,,41
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A Short History ofOromo Colonial Experience 1870 's-1990's
The Oromo now call their country Oromia, but this is not a totally new
name. The earliest reference to this term in some form goes back to 1840
(almosthalfa century before the conquest ofthe Oromoin the l880s). It was
the German missionary, Krapfwho lived amongthe Oromoin Shawa between
1839 and 1842, who first mentioned the term Ormania (see his map on the
next page) as the name of the country of the Oromo Krapf mentioned
Ormania on the basis of the information he gathered from the Oromo
themselves. Interestingly, Krapfprojected the Oromo nation's historical role
in Africa to be that of the German nation in Europe.. In his own words, "I
considerthem destined by providence after theirconversion to Christianity to
attain the importance and fulfill the mission heaven has pointed out to the
Germans in Europe. ,,42 However, the Oromo not only failed to perform this
mission but also became victims of colonialism to be discussedbelow Here
it should suffice to say that the term Ormania was already in the literature
around 1840. Ormania was changedinto Oromia in 1974, by the men and
women who formed the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) The change of
Ormania to Oromia was a major landmark in the expression of Oromo
nationalism and articulation of Oromonationalists' aspirationto create a selfgoverning Oromia In this sense, " . the nameOromiathus servesthe same
purpose andis as justifiedas 'Ghana,' 'Benin,' 'Mali,' and 'Zimbabwe.v" Since
the end of 1991, the Transitional Government of Ethiopia has recognized
Oromia as the officialname ofthe Oromo regionof Ethiopia A brief glance
at the flowering literature on the Oromo establishes conclusively that Oromia
has been embraceduniversally Consequently, in this article, Oromiais used
interchangeably with the Oromo nation and its geographical locationwithin
Ethiopia and the Hom of Africa. 44 It is precisely for this reason that Asafa
Jalata titled his famous book, Oromia and Ethiopia45 not onlyto emphasize
the root causesof conflict between Oromiaand Ethiopia, but alsoto stress the
strategic and economic importance of Oromiain the Hom of Africa
All the European travelers and missionaries who visitedOromia beforeits
conquest in general and Antoine d'Abbadie46 in particular were greatly
impressedby the Oromoculture and its underlying unity. D'Abbadie wrote of
"Les OromoGrandeNationAfricaine.,,47 European travelers and missionaries
were equallyimpressedwith the fertility of Oromia There were few regions
in Africa whichwere so rich as Oromia Its climate was ideal,water plentiful
121

Sketch Map of East Africa in lb. Mid.1850s
,.-
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,;
I
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i
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,~d'
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l~iI--------'7Jl1"~!t---i-/;;;::;=:'''"'--t-::;---;,:,----:--:,++
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Source. J. Lewis Krapf. Travels, R~searclu!s. andMissioNJry lAbours in East Africa (London:
funk Cas, & Co Ltd, 1968) Reprinted with permission
122
A Short History ofOrama ColonialExperience 1870's-1990 's

and soil so fertilethat it producedanythingwith minimal labour 48 In Oromia,
like the rest of Africa in the precolonial era, production technologies were
simple. The peasants' capital consistedoftraditionalimplements. Power' was
limitedto that provided by draught animals And yet the fertility of the land
combinedwith the intelligentactivityof its inhabitantsmade Oromia an area
of great agricultural wealth in the Hom ofAfrica
In the precolonialperiod, the Oromo had their own rich history, culture,
religious and political institutions which flowered in patterns of their own
making and nourishedthe spiritual and material well-beingof the Oromo 49
For instance, by the 1840s, forty years before their' conquest, the Oromo
society in the Gibe region was producing or capable of producing more
material goods than Menelik's Shawa According to Beke, who was in the
neighborhood of the Gibe Region in 1842 "[t]he inhabitants of the [Gibe
and
region] enjoyed the reputation of being the most civilized
manufacturing flourished here in a higher degree than anywhere else in this
quarter of Africa ,,50 In filet, more than Shawa (and probably more than any
place in the Horn of Africa) the Gibe region was the most famous center of
trade by 1840s This was for three basic reasons.. First, all the major
commercial routeswhichconnected thenorthern and southern, the eastern and
western parts of the Ethiopian region led to the Gibe region, where most of
export commodities were producedand traded Second,more than anywhere
in the Ethiopian region, it was perhaps among the Oromo states in the Gibe
region, that trading was a highly organized business in which government
played a key role. Third, the prosperity of Shawa and that of the rest of
Abyssinia to a largeextentdepended on the products and lucrative trade of the
Gibe region,whichentirelyfinanced the importsofAbyssiniaitself This was
the conclusionof Beke,who had first knowledge about the trade ofthe Gibe
region. "In fact the sole source of the foreign trade of Abyssinia,. . gold,
ivory, coffee, spices, and civet whichindependent of the slaves, may be said
to form the only articlesgiven in return for manufactures of Europe, [came
from the Gibe regionl"."
In someparts of Oromo land such as Wallo, the Gibe region, andWallaga,
the Oromo developed a monarchial form of government For instance, they
established six monarchies in Wallo, namely, the Arreloch, the Warra Himano,
the Yajjn, the Qallu, the House of Gattiroch, and the Borana 52 Of these
123

dynasties two were the most dominant They werethe Yajju, whichformeda
relatively strongdynastyand the Wallogroup that gave its nameto the region
and formed the longest-lasting Oromodynasty ofWarra Himano (ca 17001916). Whilethe Muslimmembers of the Yajjudynastywere assimilated into
the Amhara Christianpowerstructureat Gonda! and dominated the political
landscape of Abyssinia from 1756 to 1853, the Warro Himano dynasty
championed the cause of Islam in the region. This was because "[flor the
Oromo in Wallo,Abyssinian domination and Christianityweresynonymous
As Christianitywas one of the pillars of Abyssinian unity, Islam became a
major unifyingfactor for the Oromoin Wallo Fromthe begiuning, Islamfor
the Oromo in Wallo was part of their cultural life and a mark of their
independence.. It was a powerful symbol of their identity as a people and a
reliable fortress againstAbyssinian nationalism.,,53 It was only after the defeat
of the Oromo and the desttuction of their Islamic establishments that the
region of Wallowas incorporated into the rapidly expandingEthiopian state
as will be shownshortly.
In the Gibe regiou, the Oromo formed five kingdoms, namely, LimmuEnnarya, Goma, Gomma, Jimma and Gem.54 Of these, the kingdoms of
Lirnmu-Ennarya and that ofJimma, werethe two most important. Until 1860,
the former was the economic center and political powerhouse of the Gibe
region, while after 1860 the latter eclipsed Limmu-Ennarya commercially,
politically, culturally and militarily earning the reputation for possessing
"sufficient culture to haveits capital and its land andexample ofprosperity for
all Africa to admire and imitate.. ,,55 In short, the Oromo society of the Gibe
region "witnessed a flourishing of trade,the spreadof Islam, the flowering of
culture and the achievement of socialand economic progress unsurpassed in
any OromoareasofEthiopia."56 In Wallaga, thereweretwo Oromokingdoms,
namely, Leqa Naqamte and Leqa Qellam,both of which were rich in trade,
ivory and gold. Thewealth of the Oromo kingdoms both in the Gibe region
and Wallaga attractedthe envyof their Amhara neighborsfrom both Gojjam
and Shawa, as will be shownshortly,
Monarchic institutions developed among the Oromo in the regions
mentioned above, Outside these areas the vast mlliority of the Oromo lived
under a republicanform of government known as the Gada system, Here I
provide brief information about the Gada system not for the purpose of
aggrandizing Oromo democratic heritage, but ouly to emphasize that Gada
124
A Short History ojOromo Colonial Experience 1870 's-1990 's
still constitutes a shared political idiom that has relevance to the future of
Oromo society. The Gada system was a participatory form of democracy
which enabled the Oromo to develop a fascinating system of checks and
balances that preventedthe emergence of despotism. "Oneofthe features of
all democratic governments is that not only the polity is differentiated into
manycomponents which are grantedsomemeasure of autonomous existence,
but also power is shared. In Western democracies, this pattern of powersharing rests primarily on a territorial basis and on the vast complex of
voluntary organizations that form the foundation of politicalparticipation In
Oromodemocracy power sharingrests on territorial kinship and generational
entitiesthat forms the basis ofpoliticalparticipation."57
Among the Oromo, the remarkable system of power-sharing was
developed by design and it was an integral part of the Gada system, the
hallmark of Oromodemocracy.. Gada is a complex concept that encompasses
the political, religious, military, economic, social and cultural aspects of
Oromosociety. According to AsmaromLegesse, a noted authority, "Gada is
the term employed throughout the Oromo nationinthe Hom of Africato refer
to the organization of the Society intogeneration sets who succeed each other
everyeightyears in assuming politicalpower. It is one of the universalsthat
bonds the entire nation into a coherent system and gives people common
political basis for understanding each other It constitutes a shared political
idiom ,,58 Evenamong the Oromowhodeveloped monarchic institution, Gada
remained a sharedpoliticalidiom 59 The Gada systemenabledthe Oromoto
mobilize effectively their human, material and spiritual resources for
maintaining law and order, resolving conflicts peacefully, and engaging in
productive activities. This was done throughthe Gada politicalprocess.
Trainingfor participation in the Gada politicalprocess was an essential
aspect of Oromodemocracy. Trainingstarted earlyin life and it took thirtytwoyearsbeforean individual assumed highestpolitical office. Sixteenyears
out of the thirty-two were spent on the difIicult militarytraining, while the
remaining sixteenyearswerespenton legal, political, administrative andritual
training Exteusive election campaigns and election to political offices
completed the many years oftraining60 Election for leadership was held every
eight years The criteria for election to the political offices, among others,
included oratory, knowledge of Oromo history, law, custom and tradition,
125

bravery, past military achievement, and wisdom for settling disputes 61 The
electedofficials included Abba Gada ("thefather of the Gada in power")who
was the president of the Chafe assembly, famous Oromo Parliament The
Abba Gada was a singlepoliticalleaderof the nation. His residence was the
seat of the government andthe capitalof the nationfor eightyears. The other
elected officials were Abba Dula ("the minister of war"), Abba Sera ("the
minister of law and justice"), Abba Sa'aa ("the minister of economic
resources"), Lemmi (messengers and ambassadors), who dealt with foreign
affairs and traveledthroughout the territory to settle disputes amongvarious
groups 62 It has been rightlysaid that "[i]nthe Gada systemcan be observed
a genuine traditional African form of democratic government where the
executive, the legislativeand thejudiciaryfunctioned separately, but formed
part of a 'unitedbureaucracy ",63 After the election, there was a ceremony of
transfer of power, from the outgoing leaders to the incoming ones during
whichtime the losers conceded defeat and blessed the winners. The winners
in turn praised their formerrivals in an unambignous manner, "Theelection
and the 'transfer of power' took place at the time ofJarra ceremony. Jarra
was the eventthat endedthe Gada ofthe previouseightyears and started the
new one. It was the beginning of the new period, the building of the new
future, which European travelers andmissionaries of thelast centwycompared
withthe GreekOlympiad.,,64 Thetrensferof powerwas a smooth and peaceful
eventthat expressed the democratic valuesof the Gada system. Comparethis
with the history of modemEthiopia that has not seena singletransferof power
which was not drowned with the blood of thousands of victims, Smooth
transfer of power was the strength of Oromo democracy, as the absence of
peacefultransfer of power is the hallmarkof Ethiopianpolitical culture.
As I have written elsewhere, "[tjhe transfer of power took place at the
beginning of the Oromo New Year at which the winners and losers jointly
reinstated the moral order of the nation, and resolved internal disputes
peacefully The transfer of power ceremony was the time when the
achievement and fairness of the past eightyearsmepped, It was thetime when
the well-springof Oromo yearning for spiritual satisfaction, for peace and
reconciliation were overflowed with prayers for peace, prosperity and
harmony,,65 After the transfer of power ceremony, the Chafe Assembly
(Oromo parliament)made laws that lasted for the next eight years The law
was issued out of and evolved with Gada democracy The one blended and
126
A Short History ofOromo Colonial Experience 1870 's-1990 's
harmonizedwith the other so much that the history of the law is as well the
history of Oromo democracy 66 The Chafe Assembly had the prerogative of
making laws, declaringwar, and concludingpeace. The laws passed by the
assembly embodied the spiritof unit), peace, senseofidentily, code ofconduct
and th~ moral standard of the society
The authority of the elected leaders was based on the democratic will of
the people. Under the Gada system, government was an embodiment of
populardemocratic will, andthosewho wielded powerwereaccountable to the
people "Thesocietydelegates powerto a luba for a periodofeightyears, but
that power is always subject to the higher authority of the assembled
multitudes. Power emanates from the people and if those to whom it was
entrustedfail in theirresponsibilities, theycan be removed.. The language they
use to describe this removal of incompetent or unjust officers is instructive.
They refer to it as 'buqqisu' which means 'to uproot ,,67 Under Oromo
democracy power and authority were relinquished after everyeight years and
power was shared, not as a result of weakness on the part of the leaders, but
because power sharing was the ideal most manifested. In short, the Gada
system was a participatory form of democracy, in which the unusual
mechanism for power sharing was developed by designand it was the premier
symbolof Oromo political institutions which articulated the rich principlesof
democracy of which the Oromo are proud. 68
Is the Gada system relevant to the current situation in Oromia and
Ethiopia? The answeris yes and no Yes, because the Gada system can be the
indigenous basis for building a working democratic system both in Oromiaand
Ethiopia. No, because some aspects of the Gada system (which cannot be
discussed in this article) that took shape more than five hundred years ago
cannot meet the needs of a very complex and rapidly changingsociety
Nevertheless, the Oromo democratic principles of the accountability of
leaders which also limits their tenure of office to a defined period, the
principles of checks and balances, the separation of power and authority,
extensive political discussion, the spirit of compromise, concession and
consensus, whichwerethe hallmark of Oromo democracy arethe treasures that
have to be exploited if democracy were to flourish in Ethiopia. The
democratization of Ethiopia in every sense of the term is the essential
precondition for the voluntary unity of the people[s1and the countryin which
127

political oppression, cultural domination, physical destruction, perpetual
warfare, govemment-imposed famine andthe misery of millions will be things
ofthe past ,,69
The Beginning of the Conquest of the Oromo

For the greater part of their history, the Oromo led an independent
existence as masters of their own destiny and makers of their own history
Evensincethe 16thcentury, most Oromo livedas neighbors with,bnt beyond
the boundaries of;the Christian kingdom of Abyssinia, whichconstituted only
a small part of what is today Ethiopia. Some of the Oromo who settled in
Abyssiniaduringand after the 16thcenturywere assimilated into the power
structure of and played an important role in the history of the Christian
kingdom, an aspectthat was extensively discussedby Mordechai Abir in his
Ethiopia: The Era ofThe Pnnces" Hereit shouldbe enoughto say that for
more than three hundred years (from around the 1540s to the 1860s) the
Oromo remained powerful in theregion that is nowEthiopia Theirpowerwas
based on their formidable cavalry, effective war strategy" and firm
determination to remainfree According to a seventeenth centuryPortuguese
eyewitness historian, "[w]hatmakes the Galla [Oromo] much feared is that
theygo to war and intobattle determined firmly resolved to conqueror to die
The Emperor [Susenyos1recognized this quality in themandin the most of the
Abyssinians the exactopposite. To this he used to ascribe the victories of the
Galla and defeatsand routes ofthe Abyssinians.t'? The advent of European
weapons of destruction (gunsandcannons) in the Ethiopian regionin the 19th
century undermined the traditional Oromo war strategy and accelerated the
defeat of the once-mighty Oromocavalry,
In this, it was the Amhara princes of Shawa who first turned the tide
against their Oromo neighbors This occurred during the reign of Sable
Sellassie (1814-1848) who used the title of Negus (King) and also acquired
a relatively large nwnber of European guns and cannons for the purpose of
defeatingthe Oromo73 SableSellassie acquired weapons by writing lettersto
European powers andreceiving gifts from them,through missionary assistance
and most of all by expandinginto Oromoterritory, whichgeneratedfor him
ivOIY, gold andcoffee, with which he paid "forthe quantities of annarnents he
required,,,7' For instance, on January20, 1840 he wrotea letter to the British
128
A Short History oj Oromo Colonial Experience 1870 '8-1990 's
Government requesting " . . . may it please you to assist me particularly in

sending guns, cannons and other things which I have not in my country ,,75
Sable Sellassie was not disappointed, as European missionaries and diplomats
whohad visited him impressed upon their governments the need to supplyhim
with adequate weapons; "so that he could spread the seeds of civilization
among the Gallas,,76 and "in order for him to be absolutely superior to the
Galla cavahy, we need to provide him with guns and cannons ,,77 When the
British diplomat, Major Harris, visited Sable Sellassie in 1840, he gave the
king a gift of 300 muskets, two cannons and a thousand pistols," while the
French diplomatic mission led by Rochet d'Hericourt brought him 140
muskets.. "Beforethe end of 1840, Sable Sellassiehad more than a thousand
muskets in good working order and several pieces of cannon, which were
carefullylooked after by the king's armorers, gun makers and smiths The
king's firepower was directed againstthe Oromo,who were virtuallywithout
firepower, and the consequences were dramatic.19 Sable Sellassie led three
annualcampaigns against his Oromoneighbors, whichwerecharacterized by
burning, looting and extensive destruction. According to an English eye
witness report, "the order was given ... to destroy and plunder Instantly
ensued a rush from all quarters at full gallop. Flourishing fields of wheat,
barley and beans, the produce ofthe toils ofthe . tribe, were savaged, and
overrun by the locust hordes,and in the courseofhalf an hour, the soil being
strippedof everyacreof cultivation There commenced a generalscramblefor
the rafters and ribs ofhouses,whereofthe skeletons were presentlyconsigned
to the flames. "so
For more than three decades Sable Sellassie led annual raids against his
Oromo neighborsfor cattle and slaves. During the raids, 'Women and girls
were tom frorn their hiding places
old men and young were
indiscriminately slain and mutilatedamongthe fields and groves, flocks and
herds were driven ofr in triumph and house after house was sacked and
consigned to the flames ,,81 Thedestructive capacity ofthe king was enhanced
by the fact that he was regardedas a more promising"tradepartner, than any
of the other Ethiopianrulers with whomthe Europeanswere involvedin the
1830s and 1840s. ,,82 In short, Sable Sellassieinitiated a policy of expansion
into Oromo territory for the purpose of acquiring commodities (which his
kingdom lacked) but with which he imported moreEuropean guns andcannons
129

for conquering the Oromo This policyof defeatingthe Oromo with their own
resources was perfectedat the end of the centuryby Menelik, the grandson of
Sable Sellassie
In 1840 Sable Sellassie boasted to the visiting British diplomat, Major
Harris, that he had already conducted 84 raids against the Oromo. According
to Harris, in one of these regular expeditions in 1840, in which the British
diplomat himself was present, the king raided Meta Oromo and killed 4,500
persons of all ages and took some 43,000 heads of cattle and more than one
thousand captives, chieflywomen and girls 83 This practiceset the pattern for
future Amhara- Tigray leaders, who slaughteredthe Oromo indiscriminately,
plunderedtheir wealth and attempted to destroy their political,cultural,social
and religious institutions Sable Sellassie, who was able to field 30,000 to
50,000 peasant soldiers for his annual raids against the Oromo, was neither
able to establish directAmhara political authority overthe Oromo in Shawa,84
nor able to break the backbone of the Oromo cavalry. Both tasks were left to
his grandson Menelik, the king of Shawa (1865-1889) who was able to
transform his campaigns from cattle and slave raids into conquest and the
colonization of Oromia However, before 1discussMenelik's conquest, and the
colonizationof Oromia, it is important to briefly mention; (1) the attempt of
Emperor Tewodros (1855-1868) to conquerthe Oromo, and (2) the Egyptian
colonizationof the Oromo in Hararghie(eastern Oromia).
Tewodre's Campaign Against the Oromo

Tewodros, who was able to destroy the Yajju Oromopower in Gondar in
1853, defeated his Amhara-Tigrayrivals, crowned himself Emperor in 1855
and fleetingly united historical Abyssinia on anti-Oromo and anti-Islamic
policies Hussein Ahmed writes that these efforts were "supported by the
contemporaryProtestant missionariesfor three reasons: firstly, because they
hoped that the subjugationofWallo wouldinauguratea period oftranquility;
secondly,because they saw the struggle in terms of a confrontation between
CInistiauity and Islam; and thirdly, because they believedthat Wallo was the
spearhead of Muslim drive to take over Ethiopia ,85
For the Emperor who called himself "the slave of COOst,,86 the Muslim
Oromo in the region of Wallo posed danger to his kingdom. For Tewodros,
accordingto Trimingham, "Christianityand Abyssinia were synonymous .,,81
130
A ShOT t History ofOromo Colonial Experience 1870 's-1990's
Consequently, he consideredit his religious and political duty to destroy the

power of the Oromo in Wallo by appealing to his Christian subjects to
eliminate the "Oromospecter" and the "Islamic menace""" in keepingwith the
attitudeof Amhararulingelitesofhis day. Baxterhas observedthat "since the
16th century, fears of Islam and of the Oromo have dominatedthe political
consciousness of the Amhara ruling elite, and the thought of the two in
combination has been their recurring nightmare.. ,,"9 What was new in
Tewodro's anti-Oromo policywas his desire to either "impose Christianity on
the Muslim Oromo in Wallo"90 or expel them from the region. However, "as
far as his stated aim offorcing Muslim Oromos in Wollo [sic] to eitheraccept
Christianity or leave his kingdomis concerned, he utterlyfailed He, not they,
gave in. It is not an exaggeration to say that Tewodros committedsnicide in
1868,not only becausehe hated to fall intoBritish hands as a captivekingbut
also because he was virtually an Oromoprisoner in the mountain fortress of
Magdela Escape was wellneigh impossible."91
Nevertheless, I ewodros' anti-Oromo stance," affected the future
resistance of the Oromo in Wallo in five ways.. First, "the extent of physical
and material destruction and pillagingof the Wallo countryside affected the
demographic, economic and politicalvitalityofthe region, for the remaining
part of the century. ,,93 Second, it deprived the Oromo in Wallo of their
leadership, as most of their leaders were killed during the ten years of
I ewodros' campaignin Wallo 94 Third,Tewodros' anti-Oromo stancebecame
the working modelfor EmperorsYohannes (1872-1889) and Menelik(18891913), ''based as it was upon the elimination of Oromo leadership, the
destruction of Oromo culture and the complete subjugation of the Oromo
masses to [Abyssinian] colonial domination." Fourth, it encouraged the
surviving Oromo leaders both in Wallo and Shawa to ally themselves with
Menelik, the king of Shawa, and the future conqueror of all Oromo in
Ethiopia And finally, Tewodros' violence forced thousands of Amhara war
victimsand famine-stricken people to seekrefugein Shawafueling Menelik's
policy of plunder of Oromoproperty and occupationof Oromo territory.'"
131

The Egyptian Colonization of Eastern Oromia 1875-1885
On the history of the Cityof Harar andits people, wehave a good deal of
information that cannotbe discussed in this article. Hereit should suffice to
say that the works of Sidney WaldrOn,91 Ewald Wagner" and Dr. Camilla
Gibb99 have addeda great deal to our knowledge of the history of Harar, its
dynamic people and their brillianturban civilization.. Until the middle of the
nineteenthcentury, the City-State of HlII'lII' had its own Harari or (Adare)
administration whichhad supremeauthority withinand about 20 kilometers
beyond the city-wall.f" Outside this limit, the Oromo led an independent
existence underthe Gada system. Amir Muhammad (1856-1875), a man of
Oromoorigin, established Oromo political supremacy within the cityofHarar
itself.'?' Muhammad, a highly educated man and a distinguished military
leader, rebelled againstthereigning amir, whomhe overthrew with his Oromo
support. After he seized power, Amir Muhammad followed a pro-Oromo
policy,whichwas hatedby the Hararis or the Adarepeople.
However, Oromo political supremacy was cut short by the Egyptian
colonization of the city andthe surrounding areas It was in October1875that
Colonel RaufPasha, commander of the 5,000-manEgyptian army, invaded
Oromoterritory, defeated an Oromoarmyat the Battle of Egu, capturedthe
cityof'Harar,executed Amir Muhammad,l02 and established Egyptian colonial
administration In 1876 the Egyptian force defeated the Oromo army at the
battles of Dire Gofile, Mount Qundudo, and at Chircha, where Oromo
leadership was decimatedi" An Egyptian army officer discussed Oromo
militarytactics andbraveryin these words: "They always advance in a great
line often on a dozen ranks deep so that the first who fall are immediately
replacedby other fighters whocontinue to advance without beingin the least
demoralized by the fall oftheircomrades
They are hardyandbrave,taking
deathwith greatestboldness [;] their attack is terrible . It is necessaryfor
troops to havepresenceof mind and coolness in ordernot to be frightened at
the first approachand to resist afterwards."?' In courage, the Oromo might
wellhave been the equals of the Egyptians, in numberthey were superiorto
the Egyptians, and in knowledge and skillful use of the terrainthey surpassed
the Egyptians.. However, the Oromo lacked firearms The Egyptian monopoly
of modern destructive weaponry gave them decisive advantage at every
battlefield. TheEgyptians not oulyconquered the Oromo but also crippledthe
132
A Short History of Oromo Colonial Experience 1870 's-1990 's
operation of their Gada system in that region,l05 imposed Islam on the

Oromo/ 06 expropriated their land,107 andreplacedelectedOromoleaders by
Egyptian-created hereditary chiefs 108 And yet, becauseof Oromoresistance,
the Egyptians were never able to extend their authority more than 60
kilometers beyondthe walls of the city of Harar. Even within the area under
their administration, the Egyptians werenot able to stop Oromo resistance.
This was so much the case that by 1884, the Egyptian force that exceeded
8,000 menwas besieged within the walls of the cityofHarar itself. By then the
Egyptiancolonial administration was even unable to collect taxes from the
Oromo As a result, the maintenance of Egyptianforce in Hararwas draining
the treasury in Cairoby 33,000 English pounds annually l 09 Thefearof Oromo
attackon the city, and the expenseof maintaining a besiegedforce in Harar,
together with Egypt's problems in the SUdan,110 led to the withdrawal of
Egyptian forces fromthe cityin 1885. Thatended the shortperiod of Egyptian
exercise in the colonization'!' of the Oromo With thetermination of Egyptian
administration, the Oromoregained their independence.. This was cut short
withKing Menelik's conquestofHarar and the surrounding Oromoin 1887
Menelik and the Colonization of Oromia
Menelik, whowas a prisonerin Tewodros' mountain fortress in Magdella
for a decade, escaped from it in 1865 withthe supportof the Oromo of Wallo
With their backing, he became the King of Shawa (1865-1889). When
Yohannes, a self-made Tigrayan112 became the Emperor ofAbyssinia (18721889), Menelik becamehis arch-rival.. After Yohannes defeated Menelik in
1878, the two Abyssinian princes were reconciled and decided to destroy
Oromopower and to imposeChristianity uponthe Oromoin Wallo In 1878,
the two claimants to the throneofWarra Himano Dynasty(ca 1700-1916),
Inram Muhammad Ali and Inram AbbaWatawwereconverted to Christianity
"The former took the baptismal name, Mekael and his godfather was
Yohannes, while the latter became Hayla Maryam and his godfather was
Merrilek n ll3 ThenWallo was divided into two parts, the northernpart came
underthe control of Yohannes, while the southern part carneunderthe control
ofMenelik
1.33

It was the irony of history that Menilek who escaped from Tewodros's
prisonin 1865,gaining the throne of Shawa withthe supportof Wallo Oromo,
nowjoined with Yohannesfor their destruction! The two principal Christian
princes were quick to take cruel revenge on the Muslims who refused to
convert, and that revengereachedits climax in the 18805, at the time when
European-supplied weapons of destruction enabledYohannes and Menilek to
create the most formidable military machine in Africa. As in the days of
Tewodros, massacre, plunder, burning, looting and wanton destruction of
property became the lot of Muslimsin Wallo.. !!'
Althoughthe Oromoin Wallowere conquered by Yohannes' attack from
the north, and Menelik's attackfrom the south, the Oromoin Shawa, the Gibe
region, Wallaga, Ami, Hararghie and Sidamowere defeatedby Menelik one
after the other In this hugeunde:rtaking, Menelik had European arsenals at his
disposal, especially from France.. As early as 1875, Menelik was already
saying that "the French are my friends; it is upon the:rn that I shall base the
hope of my reign," 115 TheFrenchprovidedMenelik not onlywithweaponsof
destruction but also trainedhis soldiers in more ways than one "Menelik
operatedwith Frenchtechnicians, Frenchmap makers,Frenchadvice on the
management of a standing army, and more French advice as to holding
captured provinces with permanentgarrisonsofconscripted colonialtroops
TheFrench also armedhis troopswith firearms and did muchelse to organize
his campaigns Ihe Galla [Oromo] werethus conquered by the Abyssinians.
Without massive European help the Galla [Oromo] wonld not have been
conquered at all -us
Later on Menelik boughthuge quantities of weapons fromthe Italians, the
Russians and otherEuropean nations It was withtheresources plundered from
Oromia, "including gold, ivory, coffee,musk, hides and skins and slaves"!"
that Menelikpaid for this mode:rn Europeanweaponry. "These commodities
were initially obtained through raiding, property confiscation, enslavement,
control of trade routes and marketplaces, and tribute collection and exported
to Europeanmarkets," 118 Althoughthe Oromo put up heroic resistance, they
lacked firearms and were defeatedby Menelik one after the other, By 1878
Gobana Daache, Menelik's greatest Oromo general and e:rnpire builder, had
already conquered the Oromo of Liban, Gulale, Yaka, Metta119 and other
groups for Menelik By 1882, Gobana by the policy of threat and reward,
134
persuaded all the leaders of the five Oromo statesin the Giberegionto submit
to Menelik withoutresistance. The Oromoleadersof the Gibe:
[F]ound justification for their submission without resistance in
Gobana's promiseoflocal autonomy and on theirbelief that, whatever
theydid, ultimately the well-armed and ruthless Gobanawouldforce
them into submission. They saw their own salvation in their
submission withoutresistance
With his ownsecretplan, Gobana
deceived and pulled the kings into his trap, without himself
understanding what the future had in store for him. . These shortsighted leaders realized onlywhenit was too latethat theyhad soldnot
onlythe independence oftheir peoplebut also their own independeut
powel""l20
In 1882, Gobana wonfor Menelik the famous Battle of'Embabc'" over
the control of Oromoresources in whatis today Wallaga TheOromoleaders
ofLeqa Naqamte and Leqa Qellam in Wallaga submitted to Menelik without
resistance because of Gobana's promise of autonomy, which was more
apparent thanreal. By threat and persuasion, Gobana broughtunder Menelik's
colonial administration the Oromoof Shawa, the Gibe region and Wallaga,
and with the wealth obtained from these regions, Menelik imported huge
armaments, whichaccelerated the conquest of the rest of Oromia Gobana, the
formidable warlord, brought the Oromo of the regions mentioned-above
"under Amharain five years-a missionthat Amhara kingsand warlords tried
and failed in fourhundred years."l22
For his spectacular services, Menelik entrusted Gobana with the
administration ofthe Oromo Gibestates, andalsoappointed himas the Negus
(king) of'Kaffa, 123 the province whichwas notyet conquered 124 But Gobana's
appointrneut backfired125 andeclipsed his illustrious political career. Menelik
not only withdrew the title of Negus of Kaffa from Gobana but also
ingloriously removed him from his administration of the Gibe states
"Gobana lost bothhis powerbase and his title. . . . He expected to be the king
of the Oromo confederacy he had created. He was even denied the title of
Negus of Kaffa In reality, he managed to destroy, disarm and diffuse the
135

Oromo forces, upon which his claim to kingly title would have been
established.,126
Likeall Oromoleaders who followed his example in betraying the interest
and the causes of their people, for their personal ambition, Gobana realized
what had happened when it was already too late "It was too late to rebel:
Menelik was powerful and Gobana was old [to rebell"127 Like all shortsighted Oromo leadersof the past and present, Gobanawas disgraced, only
after he had accomplished the major task of subjugatinghis own people.12.
After his removal from the administration of the Oromo region, the
confederation he created in the Gibe region was aflame with rebellion, for
whichthe Oromokings andcommon people alike "were put to the sword "129
This was the price of treachery, and even today Gobana is regarded by the
Oromoas an arch-traitor130 In the following movingpoem, "Gobana, the Son
ofDacche," is referred to as mange dog,who betrayed and worked against the
interest of his own people
It is strange,it is strange, it is strange..
women do not raid houses,
she who gives birth to a dog is strange
Relatives do not burt each other,
the haft of an axe is strange
peopleof onestock do not sell each other
that ofthe son of Dacche is strange 131
A!s in the Gibe region, so in Wallaga, Gobana deceived Moroda Bakare
(1868-1889), the king ofLeqa Naqamte, and Jote Tulln, the king of'Leqa
Qellam,with the promise of localautonomy which turned out to be deceptive
as "Menelik's overseers.judges and especially customsinspectors" controlled
Leqa Naqamte's finances,132 not to mention the heavy burden of imperial
tribute1 33 In oneofhis letters,Moroda's son and successor Dajazmach Gebre
Igziabiherdeclared that the heavyburdenof tribute was ruining his territory;
"the country is uncultivated this being the result of too much tribute, not
becauseof any wrongdoing on my part And now, ifl orderthe people to give
the . overduetribute, the countrywill be completely abandoned."!"
In Leqa Qellam (in southern Wallaga), "indigenous institutions were
largelydemolished or graduallytransformed. The indigenous leadership was
136
A Short History oj OromoColonial Experience 1870's-1990's

. deprivedfrom taking independent action on any crucial matters" 135 The
hollow promise of local autonomy, under which Menelik's soldiers went on
plundering Oromo peasants, gave way to direct Amhara rule in 1908 when
Jote Tullu was imprisoned on a minor pretext The region was then
[November 1908] entrusted to Fitawrari Sable Giyorgis, brother of Ras
Tasama, the overall rulerofthe country Peoplereacted sharplyto the Amhara
take-over and first rebellion took place in Gidami in February 1909,
apparently led by Jote'sownson Mardassa,whomanaged to scarethe Amhara
out of town .. It appears that on this occasion2000 guns wereissued . to
the Oromopeasants who wentto the forest and started harassingthe Amhara
who could not control or tax the countryfor three years. ,136
Ironically, it was with the heavy burden of imperial tribute"? that the
Oromo rulers of Jimma, Leqa Naqarute and Leqa Qellaru bought illusory
autonomy These Oromo states were fairly commercialized and located near
gold bearing areas.. Menelik, who "personally controlledmost of the trade of
his state [and] was literallya merchantking,,,138 receivedthe largest and the
richest tributes from these regions,consistingofgold, ivory,slaves,139 honey,
cattle and Maria Theresa Thalers[currency]. The Dromo rulers ofthe abovementioned states were nothing but agents of indirect rule, who maintained
coloniallaw and order and collectedcolonial taxes from their people.
Unlike the Oromo ofthe Gibe regionand Wallagawho weredeceivedby
Gobana, the Oromo of southern and southeasternparts of Ethiopia resisted
Menelik's conquest The longest and most bloody Oromo resistance (18791886) was registeredby the Arsi,140 who were systematically slaughteredor
sold into slavery. In the final decisive battle, it is estimated that Menelik
conquered the Arsi Oromoouiy afterkiIIing tens ofthousands, not to mention
that the hands of thousands of men that were "cut off and the breasts of
thousands of Oromowomen whichweremutilatedby the orderof Menelikat
Annole in 1886."141 An Englishtravelerwhopassed through the land of'Arsi
Oromo four years after its devastationhad this to say about it
Now was the time for the terrible Gallas [Oromo] to appear.. Where was
the countryteemingwith /usty warlikepeople? Certainlynot here! What we
found as we progressedwas ouly a few poor villagesof a hundredhuts each
and the native presentingthe most abject appearanceimaginable.. Ouly four
years ago they must havebeen a fine raceofmen They lovedto tell us of their
1.37

formerglory; their eyes wouldlight up, and they would forget for the instant
their present condition. Now the Abyssiniansare the masters and these poor
. The Arussa [Arsi] Galla
people are ouly a remnant of a great tribe
[Oromo] here as elsewhere, wereregardedas slaves and wereeven soldin the
market as such The troops were thoroughly drilled and armed with
Remingtons 01' Frenchrifles142
Menelik captured a large number of Oromo prisoners of war during his
Arsi campaign. His mercilessattack on the Ittu Oromoin Charchar,Western
Hararghie "which preceded the occupation of'Harar,left tracts oftheirterritory
depopulated and lands uncultivatedv'" On January 7, 1887 at the Battle of
Challenqo, Menelikrouted the Muslim force, which included Oromo, Adare
and Somali. A few days later he captured the city of Harar and became the
master of a rich, vast region,whichbrought him closerto the sea from where
he was able to importlarge amountofEuropean weapomywhichenabledhim
to create the largest armed force in Black Africa.l44 Oromo captives of the
Battle of Challenqo were mutilatedby cutting off their hands or legs by the
order of Menelikwho made everyresisting Oromo food for wild animals 145
"Atrocities occurred as " troops slayed [slain] adult men and women and
despatchedtheir children.into slavery
herded in groups by their captors,
enchained survivors marchedwith other prisonerstoward Harar The soldiers
sold their surplus to slavers in markets in and around the city" .146
The fate ofother conquered people in eastern and southern Ethiopiawas
not different from that ofthe OrOInO., Menelik's forceplunderedtheirproperty,
burned their houses, slaughteredthem indiscriminately and sold into slavery
tens of thousands of war captives, Let me mention just two examples to
substantiate this statement First, when Emperor Menelik conquered the
Kingdom of Walayta in 1894, it was reported that almost 119,000 men,
women and children were killed or wounded?" Menelik's army captured
18,000 slaves and 180,000 headof cattle, 148 The victoriousemperorreturned
to his new capital, Addis Ababa (Finfinne) with 18,000 head of cattle and
1,800 war captives, his share of the booty149 Secondly, when Menelik's
soldiersconquered the Kingdom ofKaficho in 1897, it was estimatedthat the
population of that land was reduced almostby two-thirds.. I50 It has beenrightly
said that "Menelik's object was the permanent occupation of the conquered
territories
When they opposed him, his policy was one of ruthless
extermination, as many districts whichhave been amongstthe most fertile and
138
A Short History ofOromo ColonialExperience 1870 ~s-1990 's

flourishing in allEthiopiabear witness. Thepopulation of Kaffa,for instance,
is estimated to have been reduced by two-thirds Those who succeeded in
escaping the slaughter weresold into slavery or reduced to the status of gebbar
[serfS]"151
After the conquest and occupation of Oromia, Menelik gave both the
people and their land to his armed-settlers known as neftanya.. The neftanya
whoplayeda pivotalrole in the politics and dominated the politicallandscape
of Oromia, ownedOromopeopleas they owned cattle andslaves.152 Since the
neftanya were neither paid salary nor engagedin productive activities, they
were given Oromo gabars in lieu of salary The gabars worked for and
sustained the luxurious existence of the neftanya. Burdensome and exhausting
obligationswereput on the Oromo gabar
He had to surrender a portionof the produce of the land to the landlordas
tribute. The amountvaried between a quarter and a third but it was usually
more, as the legal ceiling was that it shouldnot be more than three quarters!
Besides, he paid a tenth ofhis total produce forthe tithe. Hewas also expected
to providehis landlord withhoney, meat andfirewood, dried grass andsundry
otheritems Labor service was an added burden, he hadto grindthe landlord's
shareofthe grain, transport it to his residence. buildhis house, maintain his
fences, care for his animals, and act as a porter, an escort or a messenger
Therewas an obligation to presentgifts on religious holidays andother social
occasions. The multipleexactions imposed on the Oromo gabars meant the
loss of a considerable portion of the [gabar!;1 production, onerous labor
serviceand manifoldother impositions. 153
It must be stated clearlythat Menelik gave two-thirds of the conquered
Oromoland to his colonial state, his armedsettlersand the Orthodoxchurch,
whilehe allowed one-third of the landto be used by "theindigenous peopleon
conditionthey suppliedforced labor for the settlers and various taxes, dues
and tithes for his court andthe church."I54 In the land of theirbirth the Oromo
lost their rights, humandignity, and their lands and becamelandless gabars
(serfs) who had no protection against the excesses of brutal and arrogant
neftanya (armedsettlers) The higher officials amongthe neftanya had their
prisons and they were governments unto themselves.. They were governors,
judges and jury at the same time They imprisoned, fined and tortured1S>
Oromo gabars as they saw fit In the wordsof Getahun Delibo, "Gabars did
139

not have legal protection. It must be clear because Emperor Menelik, while
protecting the conquered lands as the propertyof thecrown, gavegabars to his
unsalariedofficers and soldiers as materialproperty to be ownedand used as
personal property ,,]56
Their position mad the Abyssinian conquerors to abuse arrogantly and
dehumanize their Oromogabars "whowerephysica1ly victimized, socially and
psychologically humiliated and devalued as human beings ,,157 Productive labor
was considered beneath the dignity of persons of social standing in the
Abyssinianhomeland ofthe settlers. To the Abyssinian conquerors' the fruit
ofvictory is leisure Theyfought theirwars against the neighboring tribes,won
them" , .through superiorarms and organization, andfromthen onwards settle
back to a life of ease The idea of conquering a countryin order' to workthere,
of treating an empire as a place to which things must be brought, to be
fertilized and cultivated and embellished instead of as a place from which
things could be taken, to be denuded and depopulated
was something
wholly outside their range ofthought"IS8
Brutal conquest of Oromia, the alienation of Oromo land and the total
subjectionof the Oromo to the whimsof the new masters, and the destruction
of Oromoculturalheritage were theprice to he paid for beingunder Menelik's
colonial empire.. Thus, contrary to the popular misconception which claims
that Menelik united Ethiopia, he created a colonial empire 'of which all the
members were subjectsrather than citizens, but in whichalmostall the Oromo
were colonial subjects." IS9 Oncecreated, Menelik's empirebecame a prison of
nations and nationalities,with the minoritywho formed the Ethiopian ruling
class oppressing and exploiting all, including the Amhara peasants and
workers who did not come to Oromia as settlers
As with all forms of colonialism, the drivingsocialforce behind Menelik's
colonialismwas economic.l'" The search for gold, ivory, coffee, slaves, new
sourcesof food for Menelik's soldiers, the plunderof Oromoproperty,forced
Oromo labor and the alienation of Oromo land was the economic motive
Some aspects of Menelik's colonialism have similarities with European
colonialism in other parts of Africa As European colonists dominated the
economicresources and controlled the military,judiciary and the politics of
their' colonies, the neftanya (armed settlers)dominated the economic resources
of Orornia and controlled absolutely the military, judiciaryand political power;
institutionalizing the monopoly of their advantages. The political and
140
A Short History ofDrama Colonial Experience 1870 's-1990's
economicprivileges ofthe neftanya were indicators, symbols ofthe colonial

relationship in Oromia
The writer was born and brought up in the countryside in the Hararghie
region where the neftanya settlers enjoyed unique privileges and excluded
totaIly the Oromo from participation in the government evenat the lowestlevel
up to the 1970s In Hararghie, the Christiansettlersdespisedand looked down
upon the Oromo as their inferiors The settlers thought highly of themselves
and acted as conquerors who were destined to rule with an iron hand, The
ideological aggression with which the settler-eolonists dehumanized the
Orornowas supported with the arsenal weaponry at their disposal, Up to the
1970s, the poorest settler, even a leper, thought himself or herself to be
"superior" to the colonized Oromo. In short, in Hararghie, the Amharasettlers
believed and acted as colonizers while the Oromo knew the nature of the
colonialrelationship with their masters 161
Four defining characteristics of ShawanAmhara colonialismwere in the
field of culture, language, control of land and the monopolizationof political
power First, Amhara-Tigray culture was maintained to be superior to the
Oromoculture, and it was imposed on the Orornopeople, The Ethiopian ruling
class demonstrated its deep-seated hatred for the Oromo, their cultural
institutions and their way oflife This ruling class continuouslydepicted the
Oromo as people without culture and dismissed their cultural achievements
and democraticpolitical institution as "primitive" relics
In a frontal assault on Oromo cultureand national identity,no stone was
left untamed. Oromocultural and religious shrines andplaces of worship were
replaced by those of the colonizers The Amhara ruling class introducedthe
policy not only of baptizing and Amharizing Oromo chiefs but also of
baptizing and Amharizing eventhe land Oromovillage and town names were
replacedby Amharaones For example, FinfinnebecameAddis Ababa,Ambo
was changed to HagereHiwat, Haramaya to Alem Maya, Hademato Nazereth,
Bishofteu to Debre Zeit, Wallisoto Ghion, 162
Second, as Amharic was the language of Amhara rule, it was also the
languageof educationat the lowerlevelin the schoolsystem Everythingthat
was taught in the schools in the name of Ethiopian history, culture or way of
life eitherdenigrated the Oromoor totallydenied their havingcreatedanything
ofvalue, Ibis was to destroythe Oromoyouths' pride in the achievements of
141

their forefathers and foremothers and keep them chained, with no faith in
themselves or in their cultural achievements. Since the entire governmental
bureaucracy, the court system, the industryand the moderneconomic sector
used the Amharic language alone, ouly Amharic-speaking Oromo were
employed in Oromia andEthiopia, evenas guards, up to 1991. Third,in terms
of the controlofland, the Amhara settlers and landlords, the church and the
statedispossessed the Oromoof their landsand madethemlandless, rigbtless
gabars (serfs) who were abused and brutallyexploited.. Fourth, in terms of
political POWeI', the Amhara elite monopolized the state power in its own
interestandbenefit for perpetuating the subjugation of the Oromo up to 1991.
Systematic efforts were made to destroy the Oromodemocratic institution
-. the Gada system Menelik abolished the chafe assemblyl63 The chafe
assembly was the Oromo parliament which dealt with matters of highest
importance, the makingof laws,the declaration ofwar andthe conclusion of
peace. Onceelection to Oromo political offices andthe gathering ofthe chafe
assemblywere abolished, the Gada systemappeared to the Ethiopianruling
class to have lost the raisond'etre (reasonfor existence) This is addressed in
the following short moving poem by a contemporary oral poet who depicts
what happened to the Oromoin Gullallee after they were defeatedby one of
Menelik'sgenerals
Inxooxxoo daabatani
caffeegadlaaluun hafe
Finfinnee loongeessani
hora obaasuunhafe
Tulluu Daalattirratti
yaa'iin Gullallee hafe
Gafarsatti dabrani
qoraan cabsuunis hafe
Hurufa Bombirratti
jabbilee yaasuunhafe
bara jarri dufani
loon teennasindurnani
idda Masasaandufe
birmadummaanis hafe
142
No more standingon Intoto,

to look down at the pasture below,
No more taking cattle to Finfinnee,
to water at the mineralspring.
No more gatheringon TulluuDaalatti,
wherethe Gullallee assembly used to meet,
No more goingbeyondGafarsa,
to chop firewood,
No more taking calves
to the meadow of'Hurufa Bombi.
The year the enemycame,
our cattle were consumed
Since Masasaa'f"came,
freedomhas vanished,lOS
A Short History ofOrama ColonialExperience 1870's-1990's

This means after their conquestthe Gullallee Oromolost their freedom of
movement, their chafe assemblywas abolished, and their cattle were looted.
Menelik's attack did not stop with the Gada system, which the Ethiopian
ruling class perceived as an important Oromo political institntion It was
extended even to traditional Oromo religion.
By 1900 Menelikhad even banned the famous Oromo pilgrimage to the
land of Abba Muda. l 66 By banningthe pilgrimage, Menelikwas attempting to
destroy the unityand oneness ofthe Oromonation167 AbbaMuda (''the father
to whom pilgrimageis due") was the Oromo spiritnaI leaderwho lived in the
region of Bale and Sidamo provinces. Before Menelik officially banned the
pilgrimage, Oromo pilgrimsknown as Jila went to the land of Abba Mudda
from all corners of Oromia Through the pilgrimagetoAbbaMuda, Oromo in
the Hom of Africa,from the Somaliborder in the Eastto the Sudan border in
the West, from Wallo and Tigray in the North to Kenya in the South,
maintained contact with their spiritual father and with one another Their
regular pilgrimages to the land of Abba Muda served as the focal point for
their spirit of unity and oneness
Menelik and his successors justified theircrimes againstthe Oromonation,
its cultural institutions, on what they called the mission to civilize the
barbarian Gallas.!6S Thedestruction ofthe Oromocultwal heritage, the looting
and burning of Oromo property were undertakenin the name of a "civilizing
mission". The gabar system (serfdom) and slavery were maintained in the
name of a "civilizingmission" The Ethiopian colonialruling class not ouly
invented the myth of civilizing the Gallas, but also elevatedit to the plane of
state ideology which was uncritically repeated in the name of scholarship
"The Galla had nothing to contribute to the civilization of Ethiopia; they
possessed no materialor intellectnaI cultureand their socialorganizationwas
at a far lower stage of development than ofthe populationamongwhom they
settled"l69 Thesewords written in 1960 by a well-known scholar,demonstrate
that some foreign scholars who studied Ethiopia used the Ethiopian ruling
elites' prejudice against the Oromo as a cover for their own and took on the
perceptions of the Ethiopian rulers, and those perceptions were profoundly
anti-Oromo 170
For Menelik and the ruling class he headed, Oromo achievements in the
field of agriculture, industry, commerce'?' and, above all, in the field of
143

democratic political institutions, were all categorized under the label of
"barbarism." However, in reality, the charge of Oromo barbarism was a
perverted colonial invention which was intended not onlyto denigrate Oromo
cultural achievements but also to hide the crimes the Ethiopian rulers
committedagainst the Oromopeople. The fact that, on the eve of Menelik's
conquest and colonization, the Oromo and Abyssinian societies were at a
similarstage of material culturewas brushedasideor denied. The filet that the
products of Oromo societymet some ofthe needs ofAbyssinian society and
entirely furnished its foreign trade'? was brushed aside or ignored
Notwithstandingthe achievements of Oromo society,on the eve ofconquest
and colonization, the myth of "Oromo barbarism" had to be fabricatedifthe
crimesofthe Ethiopianluling class were to be hidden.. Thus, the "missionto
civilize the barbarian Galla" was a euphemism for the Ethiopian rulers' plunder
of Oromo property, and their wanton destruction Menelik's colonialism
brought nothing but destruction to Oromia It had nothingto offer in the way
of socialprogress As Evelyn Waugh,a British writerwho visitedEthiopia as
a journalist, observed in the 1930s, "[t]he Abyssinians had nothing to give
their subject people, and nothing to teach them. They brought no crafts or
knowledge, no new system of agriculture, drainage or road making, no
medicine or hygiene, no higherpoliticalorganization, no superiority except in
their magazinerifles and belts ofcartridges Theybuilt nothing,. dirty, idle
and domineering, burning timber, devouring crops, taxing the meagerstream
of commerce that seeped in from outside, enslavingthe people ,,173
In Oromia, Ethiopian colonialism was built on twin pillars: the gabar
system (serfdom) and slavery. The wealth created by the labor of Oromo
gabars constituted the backbone of Ethiopia's economy. The overwhelming
majority of Ethiopia's export items were produced in Oromia Most of the
expenses of the Ethiopian government were met by products and taxation
raised from Oromo territory.. And yet the Oromo gabars did not have any
recourseagainst the excessesof arrogantmasters.'?' Whatis more, observers
have reported that when governorsand their followers weretransferred from
one region to another, they carried away with them their private gabars in
chains175 In this sense, it is difficult to distingnish gabars as any different
from slaves.
This brings me to the question of slavery as the second pillar of Shawn
Ambara colonialism It must be said that slavery existed in the region long
144
A Short History ofOromo Colonial Experience 1870 's-1990's

before Menelikcreated his colonialempire. However, during his long reigo,
slavery and the slave trade increased exponentially. This was for several
reasons. First and foremost, Menelik's war of conquest and continued raids in
southern Ethiopia "yielded thousands of captives for the emperor and his
generals ,,176 Second, and equallyimportant, Menelik was AEthiopia's greatest
slave entrepreneurand receivedthe bulk of the proceeds. ,,1n Third, Menelik,
the Cluistian King of Shawa (1865-1889) was the great sponsor ofthe slave
trade, who collected a tax of two or 3 Maria Theresa Thalers pet' head for
slaves sold in the market of Rogge!" Fourth, some ofhis own generals and
soldiers were slavers who depopulated a number of areas 179 Fifth, while
passing a number of proclamations abolishing the slave trade, Menelik
togetherwith his wife,werethe richest slave ownersin the empirepossessing
some 70,000 domestic slaves at the beginning of the twentieth century 180
Finally, it has been said that "Menelik maintained slavery in colonies as a
means of makingthe conquered subjects pay by their labour all the expenses
of his wars of aggression against them Second,Menelik used slavery as a
method of evangelism to teach his captive aremouyan (pagans) Christian
virtue and divinelove. Third,Menelik issueda seriesofproclamations against
the slavetrade,whilehe maintained slavery as a meansofwar reparations and
evangelism nISI
The Ethiopiancolonial ruling class headed by EmperorMenelikdeveloped
a unique skill at deceiving and flattering foreigners with proclamations,
promisingto abolishthe slavetrade withoutthe intentionof stoppingit Such
gestureswere intended to mislead foreign critics. ''Trickingthe European was
a nationalcraft, evading issues,promising withoutthe intentionof fulfillment,
tricking the paid foreign advisors,trickingthe legations,tricking the visiting
international committeesBthese were the ways by which Abyssinians had
survivedand proSpered"l82 Menelikdied in 1913, leavingbehind an empire
built upon the gabar systemand slavery. In the early 1920s whenthe Leagne
ofNationsbombardedEthiopiawith a barrageofcriticismfor the widespread
practice of slavery and the slave trade (the joint successorswho deposed Lej
Iyasuin 1916)EmpressZewditu and Regent Ieferi (the future EmperorHaile
Sellassie)issuedthe following proclamation whichjustified the enslavement
of the conqueredpeople, saying, that "let none sell or buy a man as a slave,
and since then many other suchlike proclamations have beenmade, The cause
145

ofthese proclamations and the reasonwhysomemen weredeclared slaveswas
that certain nations were at war with us, and this had caused money to [be
spent] which these nations had to repay with their labour"l83
This quotationmakes it clearthat ten years after the death of Menelik,the
colonized peoples of southern Ethiopia were still paying with their labor for
their own defeat and subjugation. As colonial subjects, the Oromo were
subjected to total domination in every aspect of life -- economic, political,
social, cultural and religious. In a fertile land, they were doomed to live in
abject poverty, under a crude system, inherently corrupt and incapable of
improvingtheir lot In 1935 a British diplomathad the following to say about
Ethiopian officials who still practiced slavery: "As their
appearance and
manners, their useless grandiloquent promises of future reforms and their
inability to tell the simplest truth, will completely deceive any Europeanwho
has not seen these same officials in their natural habitat. surrounded by
slavery, corruption, intrigue and petty rascality such as ouly these same
officialscan practice, whileprofessingvirtue from the Emperordownward."l'"
Finally, the twin pillars of Shawan Amhara colonial administration were
abolished duringthe short-livedperiod ofltalian occupationof Ethiopia.. Part
two of this article will coverthe Oromo colonial experiencefrom 1935 to the
1990s Here it is adequate to mentionthat sincethe 1930s governments have
changed several times in Ethiopia Leaders have changed. Colonial policies
have changed Theideologies ofthe ruling elites have changed However, the
Oromo colonial experience has continuedto this day In fact starting in the
early 1990s Oromo have again experiencedthe replacement of one form of
colonial policy by another Leenco Lata observes that "[t]he emerging
Tigrayan colonial policy resembles the British policy of {indirect] rule to the
same extent that the one pursued by its predecessors used to approximate to
the French .. policy of assimilation The manners in which resources are
siphoned off from the colonial southern regions for the speedy development
of Tigray makes the new relationeven more glaringlycolonialthan what used
to prevail ,,185
Endnotes
I Among others see Mekuria Bulcha's "The Language Policies ofEthiopian
146
Regimes and the History of WrittenAfaan Oromoo: 1844-1994," The Journal oj

Oromo Studies, Vol 1 Number 2 (1994): 91-115
2. See for instance, r ecola W Hagos, Democratization: Ethiopia (1991-1 994)? A
Personal View (Cambridge,MA: Khepera, 1995): 27
3 Mobannned Hassen,"Ethiopia: Missed Opportnnitiesfor Peaceful Democratic
Process," State Building and Democratization in Africa Faith, Hope, and
Realities edited by Kidane Mengisteab and Cyril Daddieh (Westport, Connecticut
Praeger, 1999): 234.
4. Ibid, 4
5.. Professor Asmarom Kidane, see "Visit Ethiopia on the Web at URL; http
p: ll/www Ethiopians Com 9-30-1998, p 7
6 Daniell. Elazar, Exploring Federalism (Tuscaloosa:Universityof Alabama
Press, 1987): 5
7. MohammedHassen, "The Militarizationof the Ethiopian State and the Oromo"
Proceedings of5th International Conference on the Horn ojAfrica, May 26-28,
1990, (New York, New York, 1991), p. 100
8.. See for instance, Zewade Gebra Sellassie, Yohannes IV ofEthiopia A Political
Biography, (Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress, 1975),288
9 Andreas Esbete, "The Problems of Regionalismand Religion: Some Theoretical
Considerations," Challenge: Journal ofthe World-Wide Union ofEthiopian
Studen ts, vol. X, no I (1970): 15. In the same issue, see alsoHagos G. Yesus's
"Problemof Regionalismin Ethiopia",p.. 22.
10 AliA &Alamin M Mazrui, The PowerofBabel Language & Governance in
the Africa Experience, (Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress, 1998): 34, citing
Semus Deane, in Nationalism and Colonialism and Literature, Eds Terry

Eagleton et al (Minneapolis: Universityof MinnesotaPress, 1990): 10
11 . See for instance,Abiyu Geleta, "The OromoPeople's Right to Selfdeterminationand the InternationalLaw," Proceedings ofEleventh Annual
Conference ojOromo Studies Association (Universityof Minnesota,Minneapois,
August 9-10, 1997): 23
12.. Bonnie K Holcomb and Sisai Ibssa, The Invention ojEthiopia The Making of
a Dependent Colonial State in Northeast Africa, (Trenton,NJ: The Red Sea Press,
1990): 11-12
13. MohammedHassen, "Menelik'sConquestof Harar, 1887, and its Effect on the
147

Political Organizationof the SurroundingOromoup to 1900," Working Papers on
Society and History in Imperial Ethiopia. The Southern Peripheryfrom the I880s
to 1974, ed DL Donham and WendyJames (Cambridge: African Studies Centre,
1980): 237
14 Mazrui, The Power a/Babel, p 58, Working Papers on Society and History in
Imperial Ethiopia; The Southern Peripheryfrom the 1880s to 1974, edited by
DL Donham and WendyJames (Cambridge: African Studies centre, 1980): 237.
15. MohammedHassen, "TheMilitarizationof the Ethiopian State and the Oromo,"
p 94.
16 Gebru Iareke,Ethiopia; POWe1 and Protest Peasant Revolts in the Twentieth
Century, (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversityPress, 1991): 72.
17 Ibid,p 71
18 GeraldPortal, My Mission to Abyssinia (London.Edward Arnold, 1892): 240
Quoted in I eshale I ibebu, The Making of Modem Ethiopia 1896-1974,
(Lawrenceville, NJ: TheRed Sea Press,1995): xix
19 Heory Duflon, Narrative ojA Journey Through Abyssinia in 1862-3, (West
Port, Conn.. , Negro UuiversityPress, 1970 reprint from 1867 publication): 92
Quoted in Tibebu, ibid., xix-xx
20. Ihe British diplomat EN. Erskine, in a letterto the Foreign Office in 1935/36
F 0371150506 HN09582.
21 E Waugh, Waugh in Abyssinia, (London: Methuen, 1984, reprint): 25-26
22. I eshale I ibebu, The Making of Modem Ethiopia 1896-1974, (Lawrenceville,
NJ: IheRed Sea Press, 1995): 39.
23. Ibid, 40
24.. Iibebu, ibid., 45
25. Addis Hiwet, Ethiopiafrom Autocracy to Revolution (London: Review oj
African Political Economy, 1975): 3
26. Ibid, 4
27. For the copy of the original Amharicletter, see British Public Record,
F095n 51. Ihe quoted translationis by Abdul Mejid Hussein, "TheEthiopianSudaneseBoundary: A Study in Historical andPolitical Geography," PhD
UniversityofLondon, 1981, Vol. I, Appendix I(a): 454 For a copy of the Amharic
original,see Appendix I(b): 456-457
28 Ibid, It is important to note here that in the 1880s and 1890s Menelik and his
148

top European advisorsbelievedthat Oromo territorywas much larger than it
actuallywas.
29 Mohammed Hassen, "EritreanIndependence and Democracyin the Horn of
Africa," in Eritrea AndEthiopia From Conflict To Cooperation, ed Amare Tekle,
(lawrenceville, NJ: The Red Sea Press, 1994): 106
30 MohammedHassen, "Ethiopia: Missed Opportunities for PeacefulDemocratic
Process,"in State Building and Democratization in Africa....., 255.
31. MohammedHassen, "TheDevelopmentof Oromo Nationalism," Being and
Becoming Oromo: Historical andAnthropological Inquiries, ed by P. LW
Baxter, Jan Hultin and Alessandro I riu1zi, (Uppsala: Nordiska: Africa Institute,
1996): 80
32 Hiwet, Ibid, I
33 See for instance,BonnieHolcomb and Siasi Ibssa, The Invention ofEthiopia

The Making ofa Dependent Colonial State in Northeast Africa, chapter 3..
34 See for instance,EdwardUllendorff, The Ethiopians: An Introduction to
Country and People, (london: OxfordUniversityPress, 1%0): 73
35.. MohammedHassen, The Oromo oj Ethiopia. A History 1570-1860,
(Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress, 1990), 1-2
36. Darrel Bates, The Abyssinian Difficulty: The Emperor Theodorius and the
Magdala Campaign, (Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press, 1979),7
37. FeyissaDernie, "Ihe Origin of the Oromo: A Reconstruetion ofthe theoryof
the CushiticRoots," The Journal ofOromo Studies, VoL 5, Nos. I & 2 (July
1998): ISS
38 Muria Bulcha, "Checkered Contributions of OromoLiteracy: Ihe Writingsof
OnesimosNasib and the Adventof ModernEducationin Oromoland,"
Proceedings ofthe Conference on the Oromo Nation held at YorkUniversityin
loronto, Canada,August4-5, 1990, edited by BichakaFayissa. Murfreesboro:
Middle TennesseeStateUniversity, 1991,51
39 Gene Gragg, Oromo Dictionary, (East Lansing, Michigan: MichiganState
UniversityPress, 1982), "Introduction.," xvi
40 Mekuria Bulcha, "Language, Ethnic Identity and Nationalismin Ethiopia," The
Oromo Commentary, vol ill, no I (J 993): 8
4L Iokkumma Oromoo, "The Growth of OromoNationalism," Waldhans-so:
Journal ofthe Union ofOromo in North America, (Washington, DC) vol XII, no
149

2 (1988): 54
42 J. 1. Krapf, Travels andResearch in East Africa, (London: Frank Cass and
Co, Ltd., 1860), 72
43. Paul Baxter, "IheProblemofthe Oromo or the Problem for the Oromo?"
Nationalism and Self-Determination in the Hom ofAfrica, edited by I M. Lewis,
(London: Ithaca Press, 1983), 129-130
44. Surprisinglymost ofAmharic newspapers and magazines stiII refer to Oromia
simply as Region 4. It appears that the Amhara elites have not yet accepted the
reality that Oromia will remain permanentname of Oromo country
45. Asafa Jalata, Oromia and Ethiopia; State Formation and Ethnonational
Conflict, 1868-1992
46. Antoine d'Abbadie lived in the Oromo Kingdom ofLimmu-Enarya between
1843 and 1846.
47. Antoine d'Abbadie, "Sur la Oromo Grande Nation Africaine," Annales de 10
Societe Scientifique de Bruxelles, vol IV (1880): 167-192
48. H S. Landor, Across Widest Africa; An Account ofthe Country and the
People ofEastern Central and Western Africa, as Seen During a Twelve Months'
Journeyfrom Djibouti to Cape Verde, (London, 1907), 120-121
49 Mohammed Hassen, The Oromo ofEthiopia A History 1570-1860, p. 2
50. C.I Beke," On the Countries South of Abyssinia," Journal ofthe Royal
Geographical Society, 13 (1843): 258-59
51 C. L Beke, Letters on the Commerce ofAbyssinia and Other Parts ofEastern
Africa Addressed to the Foreign Office and the Board ofTrade, (London: 1852):
15
52 Hussein Ahmed, "Clerics, Iraders and Chiefs: A Historical Study oflslam in
Wallo (Ethiopia) with Special Emphasis on the Nineteenth Century," Ph D
dissertation, University of Birmingham, England, 1986,268-272
53. Mohammed Hassen, "Islam as a Resistance IdeologyAmong the Oromo of
Ethiopia: Ihe Wallo Case, 1700-1900,' In the Shadow ofConquest Islam in
Colonial Northeast Africa, ed. by Said S. Samatar (Irenton, New Jersey: Ihe Red
Sea Press, 1992): 84
54 On the Gibe states see, MohammedHassen, The Oromo ofEthiopia A History
1570-1860 Chapter3,pp.. 93-113.
55. Max GruehI, The Citadel ofEthiopia the Empire ofthe Divine Emperor,
translated by IF D. Marron and L. M. Sieveking, (London, 1932), 166
150
A Short History ojOromo Colonial Experience 1870 's-1990 's
56 Mohammed Hassen, The Drama ofEthiopia, 196

57. Asmarom Legesse, "OromoDemocracy" a paper presented at the Oromo
studies Association Annual Conference, Toronto, Canada, Angust 12-13, 1989, p
7.. I am indebted to the author for givingme a copy of this paper.
58.. Legesse, Ibid, 1-2 See also his Gada Three Approaches to the Study of
African Society, (London: Free Press MacMillanLimited, 1973): 8
59. See for instance, MohammedHassen, The Oromo ofEthiopia A History 1.5 70I860 pp. 94-96, 152-53
60 For literature on the Gada systemamong others, see 1) Asmarom Legesse,
Gada. Three Approaches to the Study African Society 2) E Haberland, Galla
Sud-Athiopiens (Stuttgart: 1963). 3) K E Knutsson,Authority and Change: A
Study ofthe Kallu Institution among the Matcha Galla ofEthiopia,(Gothenburg:
1967).4) E Cerulli, Folk I iterature ofthe Galla ofSouthern Abyssinia (Harvard
Afiican Studies 3, 1922), 5. G WE. Huntingford, The Galla ofEthiopia : The
Kingdom, ofKaffa andJanjero, (London: 1955) 6 Paul Baxter, "Boran Age-Set
and Generation-Sets: Gada, a Puzzle or aMaze?" in Age, Generation and Time:
Some Feature' ofEast African Age Organisations, edited byP I.W.. Baxter and
Uri Almagor, (London: C Hurst & Company, 1978): 151-182
61 Martial de Salviac, Unpeuple antique au pays de Menelik: Les Galla,

Grande Nation Ajricaine, (paris: H Oudin, 1901): 190-191.
62 MohammedHassen, The Oromo ofEthiopia: A History, pp 14-15.
63 Richard Greenfieldand MohammedHassen, "Interpretationof Oromo
Nationality," Horn ofAfrica, vol 3, no. 3 (1981): 5
64. Quoted in MohammedHassen, The Oromo ofEthiopia p.. 15, from de Salviac,
Les Galla, pp 188-89
65. Mohammed Hassen, "IraditioualMethods of ConflictResolutionAmong the

Oromo" The Drama Commentary Bulletinfor Critical Analysis ofCurrent
Affairs in the Horn ofAfrica, Vol 1, Number 1 (1991): 19
66 Virginia Luling, "Government and Social ControlAmong Some Peoples of the
Hom of Africa," M A Thesis, Universityof London, 1966, 87
67. AsmaromLegesse, "OromoDemocracy," p. 11.
68 MohammedHassen, "1raditionalMethods of ConflictResolutionAmong the
Oromo," The Oromo Commentary, vol I, no 1(1991): 19-20
69 MohammedHassen," Iraditional Methodsof ConflictResolutionAmongthe
151

Oromo," The Oromo Commentary, p21
70 MordechaiAbir, Ethiopia: The Era OfThe Princes The Challenge ofIslam
and the Re-unification ofthe Christian Empire 1769-1855, (New York: Frederick
A Praeger, Publishers, 1968) See chapters II, V and VI
71 MohammedHassen, 'The Oromo of Ethiopia, 1500-1850: With Special
Emphasis on the Gibe Region," Ph D dissertation,Universityof London, 1983,
158-160,250
72. M De Almeida, "TheHistory ofHigh Ethiopia or Abassia," in Some Records
ofEthiopia /593-1646, trans & ed by C. F.. Beckinghamand G.. W. B
Huntingford (London: Hakluyt Society, 1954), 136-137
73 Afrique Memoires et Documents Abyssinie 1838a, 1850 Archives des Affairs
Etrangers, Folio 231 See also A I. A Gem 16A India OfficeRecords, Krapfs
Letterof3 July 1840 fromAnkober,Folio 127-133.
74. Bonnie Holcomb and Sisai Ibssa, The Invention ofEthiopia, p .83.
75. See for example, The Journals ofC. W Isenberg andJL . Krapf, (London:
1968): 197
76 Ibid, 251
77. AfriqueMernoires et DocumentsAbyssinie 1838A, 1850, Archives des
Affaires Etrangers, no. folio, 281.. See also A I A Gen. 16A India OfficeRecords
Krapfs letter ofJuly 3, 1840 from Ankober folio, 127-133
78. The Journal ofIsenberg and Krapf, p 344
79 Mohammed Hassen and Richard Greenfield, " The OromoAnd Its Resistance
To Arnhara ColonialAdministration" in Proceedings ofThe First Intemational
Congress ojSomali Studies, eds, Hussein M Adam and Charles 1. Geshekter
(Atlanta: ScholarsPress, 1992): 550
80 W. C. Harris, The Highlands ofAethiopia, Vol ill (London: Longmans,
1844),191
81 Ibid
82. S Rubenson, The Survival ofEthiopia's Independence, (London: Heineman,
1976): 145
83 Cited in GetahunD.elibo, "EmperorMenelik'sEthiopia, 1865-1916: National
Unificationor Arnhara CommunalDomination?" PhD. dissertation,Howard
University, 1974,32..
84 Ed Simone, "Ihe Arnhara Military Expeditions againstthe Shawa Galla (18001850): A Reappraisal," Proceedings ofthe First United State, Conference on
152
A Short History ofOromo Colonial Experience 1870's-1990 's

Ethiopian Studies, edited by Harold G Marcus, (East Lansing: Michigan State
University, 1973), 138
85 Hussein Ahmed, Ibid, 331 See also Donald Crummey, "Tewodros as
Reformer and Modernizer," Journal ojAfrican History vol 10, no 3 (1969): 466467
86 Hussein Ahmed, Ibid, 329
87. J S Irimingham, Islam in Ethiopia, (London: OxfordUniversity Press,
1952),118
88 M Abir, Ethiopia: The Era ojthe Princes, The Challenge afLslam and the
Reunification of the Christian Empire J 769- J855, (London: FrederickA Praeger,
1968), see Chapter VII
89 Paul Baxter, Ibid, 288
90 Mohammed Hassen, "Islam as a ResistanceIdeology amongthe Oromoof
Ethiopia " Ibid, 89
91. Richard Greenfield and Mohammed Hassen,"Interpretation of Oromo
Nationality," Ibid, 8
92 It has been correctly said that Tewodros' anti-Oromo stance survivedto his last
breath of life "Atthe last minuteof his life Tewodrosreleased all the prisoners in
Magdelaexcept the Walloand ShawaOromonumberingabout 1,000 He killed
all the Oromo prisoners,not even a singleperson escaped his massacre. "
Waldhansso: Journal ofthe Unton ofOromo Students in North America, vol 3,
no. 3 (1979): 19-20
93. Hussein Ahmed, Ibid, 333 See also Donald Crummey, "The Violenceof
Tewodros," War and Society in Africa, ed by A Ogot (London: Longman, 1972),
68
94. Waldhansso, Ibid

95 MohammedHassen, "Islam as an Ideology of Resistance," Ibid, 91
% Getahun Delibo,Ibid, 35
97 SidneyWaldron, "SocialOrganization and Social Controlin the Walled Cityof
Harar, Ethiopia" Ph.d dissertation, ColumbiaUniversity, 1975. See also his article
on" The PoliticalEconomy of'Harari-Oromo Relations, 1559-1874" Northeast
African Studies, vol 6, nos 1,7,2 (1984): 23-39
98 Ewald Wagner, amonghis manyworks, see his " Three Arabic Documentson
the HistoryofHarar." Journalof Ethiopianstudies, Vol XlI, No. 1(1974): 213-
153

222.
99 Camilla Gibb, "Religion, Politics and Gender in Harar, Ethiopia" Ph D
dissertation, University of Oxord, 1996
100 On the history ofthe city ofHarar until about 1600, see Mohammed Hassen,
"Ihe Oromo ofEthiopia 1500-1850: With Special Emphasis on the Gibe Region,"
24-36, 175-218
101 . Mohannned Hassen, "The Relation Between Harar and the Surrounding
Orurno," BA Thesis, Addis Abeba University, 1973, 10-11
102. Ibid See also Richard Caulk, "Harar and Its Neighbors in the Nineteenth
Century," Journal ofAfrican History, vol 18, no. 3 (1977): 381
103. Mohammed Hassen, Ibid, 23
104 Muhannned Moktar, "Notes Sur Le Pays de Harar," Bulletin de La Societe
Khediviole de Geographie, (Cairo, 1877): 386-387
105 I aurin de Cahagne, "In Der Umgegena von Harar," Mitteilungen der
Geographischen Gesellschaft (fuel' Thuringen) zu Jena, vol. 1 (1882): 81-82;
originally appearing as "Auteur d'Harar," Les Missions Catholiques (1882): 244246,261-263,270-271
106 Mohannned Hassen, tu. 28
107. London Public Record Office, F0403182, Folio 126.
108. Major F M. Hunter, Reports on Somali Land and the Harar Province,
Simla, 1885, 69
109. S. Rubenson, The Survival ofEthiopia's Independence, (London: Heinemann,
1976),348
110. As a result ofMuhammsd Ahmed's Mahdist uprising, the Egyptian army in
the sudan was defeated in January 1885 and an independent Mahdist state was
formed in the Sudan
11L Zewade Gebra Sellassie, Yohannes IV ofEthiopia: APolitical Biography,
208
112. Since the fall ofthe Axurnite Kingdom in the middle ofthe 11th century,
Yohannes was the first I igrayan to become the Emperor ofhistorical Abyssinia
113 Hussein Ahmed . , Ibid, 344 See also Harold G Marcus, The Life and Times
ofMenelik II Ethiopia 1844-1913, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1975), 58
114.. Mohannned Hassen, "Islam as a Resistance Ideology," Ibid, 93
115 Harold Marcus, Ibid, 44.
154
A Short History of Oromo Colonial Experience 1870 's-1990 's
116 Lord Lytton, The Stolen De sert, (London: McDonald, 1966), 160.
117 Asafa Jalata, Oromia and Ethiopia, 52
118. Ibid
119. Ibid
120 Mohammed Hassen and Richard Greenfield, , Ihe Oromo Nation and Its
Resistance to Amhara ColonialAdministration,' Proceedings ofthe First
International Congress ofSomali Studies, edited by Hussein M Adam and
Charles L Geshekter Atlanta: ScholarsPress, 1992, 563
121. Addis Hiwet, Ethiopiafrom Autocracy to Revolution, 4
122 Getahun Delibo,Ibid., 8 I
123 Bairn Tafla, "Ihree Portraits: Ato Asma Giyorgis, Ras Gobana Daci and
Sahafi I ezaz Gabra Selassie," Journal ofEthiopian Studies, vol. 5, no. 2 (1967):
148. See also AlessandroTriuIzi, 'The Back-groundto Ras Gobana'sExpedition
to Western Wallagain 1886-1888: A Review of Evidence," Proceedings of the
First United States Conference on Ethiopian Studies.Ibid., 143-156
124. Max GruehI, Ibid, 182.
125. Bairn Iafla,Ibid
126 Hassen & Greenfield, Ibid., 565
127 Ibid
128. Getahun Delibo,Ibid, 82.
129. Hassen & Greenfield, Ibid., 566
130. AsafaJalata, Oromia and Ethiopia, 53
131.. I am indebted to 1ameneBitimafor providingme with this poem and several
others
132 Alessandro IriuIzi, 'Nekemte and Addis Abebe; Dilemmas of Provincial
Rule,' The Southern Marches ofImperial Ethiopia, eds Donald Donham and
WendyJames, Cambridge: CambridgeUniversityPress, 1986, 8 I -82
133 Ibid, 59.
I 34..!bid
135 Iesema Ia'aa, 'The Political EconomyofWestem Central Ethiopia: From the
Mid-I6th to the Early 20th Centuries,' PhD dissertation, Michigan State

University, 1986, 156
155

136. Alessandro Iriulzi, 'Social Protest and Rebellion in Some Gabar Songs from
Qellam, Wallaga," Proceedings ofthe Fifth International Conference ofEthiopian
Studies, ed Joseph I ubiana, (paris 1980), 178
137 lriulzi, "Nekemteand Addis Abeba," Ibid, 59
138 Czeslaw Jesman, The Russians In Ethiopia, (London: Chalto and Windus),
1968,60
139 limothy D. Fernyhough, 'Serfs Slaves and Shefta: Modes ofPtoduction in
Southern Ethiopia from the Late Nineteenth Centuryto 1941,' PhD dissertation,
University oflllinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1986, 186
140 R H. Darkwah, Shewa. Menilek and the Ethiopian Empire, (London:
Heinemann, 1975), 108
141 Jalata, Ibid, 54
142. A Donaldson Smith, 'Expedition through Somalilandto Lake Rudolf;' The
Geographical JournalI (1896) 123-127 For detailed description of the
conquest ofArsi Oromo, see Abas Haji, 'The History ofArsi: 1880-1935,' BA
thesis, Addis Abeba University, 1988, J8-43
143.. Femyhough, Ibid, 185
143. See, for instance, Robin Lukham and Dawit BekeJe,'Foreign Powell; and
Militarism in the Hom of Africa,' Review ofAfrican Political Economy, No 30
(1984): 8-20
145 L Fusella (trans.), "Dagma wi Menilek,' Rassegna di Studi Etiopici 18
(1961): 37. 1 ranslation by Richard Caulk, 'Menelik's Conquest and Local Leaders
in Harar," mimeographedpaper, 1976, 2
146 Femyhough, Ibid
147 Getahun Delibo, Ibid., Jl3114
148 Richard Pankhurst, Economic History ofEthiopia 1800-1935, (Addis Abeba:
UniversityPrinting Press, 1968), 105
149 J G. Vanderhaym, Une expedition de Negus Menilik, (New York: Negro
University Press, I%9; reprint; Paris: Librairie Vivian, 18%), 186
150 Jrimingham, Ibid, 128-129
151 Ibid
152 Mohammed Hassen, "Ihe Militarizationof the Ethiopian State and the
Oromo," Proceedings of5th International Conference on the Hom ofAfrica,
(New York: Marsden Reproductions, Inc., 1991),93
156
A Short History ofDrama Colonial Experience 1870 's-1990 's
153 Abdul Mejid Hussen, "The Political Economy ofthe Ethiopian Famine,'
REHAB Drought and Famine in Ethiopia, ed Abdul Mejid Hussen, (London:
International African Institute, 1976), 14
154 GetahunDelibo,Ibid, 198-199
155 Hassell, Ibid
156. Delibo,Ibid, 213-214. See also A W Hodson, Seven Years in Southern
Abyssinia, (London: I Fisher Unwin, Ltd., 1927),253
157 Hassell, Ibid, 94
158. E Waugh, Waugh in Abyssinia, (London: Methuen, 1984, [reprint]), 248249
159 Paul Baxter, Ibid, 288
160 Addis Hiwet, Ibid, 4 See also Mohammed H=-, The Oromo ofEthiopia,
198-199
161. See for instance, Albert Memme, The Colonizer and the Colonized, translated
from the French by Howard Greenfield Boston: Beacon Press, 1967, 106-107
162 Hassen & Greenfield, Ibid, 576
163 See for instance.zlszac Giyorgis andHi' Work History ofthe Galla and the
Kingdom of Sawa, edited by Bairn 1 afla Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag;
Wiesbaden GMBH, 1987,134-135
164 Masasaa was one of the generals of Menelik who conquered the Oromo in
Gullallee
165 I amene Bitima, "On Some Oromo Historical Poems," Paideuma
Mitteilungen Zur Kulturkunde, 2a (1983): 318-319
166 K Knutsson, Authority and Change: A Study ofthe Kallu Institution among
the Macho Galla a/Ethiopia, (Goteborg, Etnografiska Museet, 1%7), 147-155.
167 Mohammed Hassell, " Ihe Militarization of the Ethiopian State," ibid., 95
168 Please note that Galla was the name by which the Oromo were known to the
non-Oromo until recently Galla is a term ofinsu1tand abuse which was used by
the Ethiopian ruling elites to belittle the Oromo and denigrate their achievements
The Oromo do not call themselves Galla and they resist being so called
169 E UIlendorf, The Ethiopians An Introduction to Country and People,
(London: Oxford University Press, 1960), 76
170 See discussion in H=-, "Some Aspects ofOromo History Ihat Have Been
157

Misunderstood," The Oromo Commentary, vol. III, no. 2 (1993): 24
171 See for instance, Hassen, The aroma ofEthiopia, 114-150

172. Abir, Ethiopia, 88 See also C 1. Beke, Leiters on the Commerce oj
Abyssinia and Other Parts ojEastern Africa addressed to [the British] Foreign
Office and the Board ofTrade, (London, 1852),33
173 Evelyn Waugh, tua, 25-26
174. Delibo, Ibid, 213-214 See also Hodson, Seven Year> in Southern Abyssinia,
253
175. Femyhough,Ibid, 181-182 See also H. Darley, Slavery and Ivory in
Abyssinia, (London: H F.. & G Witherby, 1926), 130-131.
176 Delibo, Ibid, 213-214 See also Hodson, Seven Year> in Southern
Abyssinia, 253
177. Harold Marcus, The Life and TImes ofMenelik 11,73.
I 78 Delibo, Ibid
179. See for instance, R Darley, Ibid, 197-199,201 et passim

180 Parkhurst, Economic History ofEthiopia 1800-1935, 75
181 Delibo, Ibid., 219.
182 Evelyn Waugh, Ibid, 27.
183. Quoted in M. Perham, The Government ofEthiopia, (Chicago: Northwestern
University Press, 1969), 225
184. Ihe British diplomat E. N Erskine, in a letter to theforeign office in 1935/36
F0I37I/50506HN09582
185. Leenco Lata, "The Making and Unmaking ofEtbiopia's Iransitional Charter"
in Oromo Nationalism and the Ethiopian Discourse The Searcb For Freedom &
Democracy ed. by Asafa Jalata (Lawrenceville, NJ: Ihe Red Sea Press, 1998): 74
158

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economicprivileges ofthe neftanya were indicators, symbols ofthe colonial

THE JOURNAL OF OROMO STUDIES

No more standingon Intoto,

A Short History ofOrama ColonialExperience 1870's-1990's

THE JOURNAL OF OROMO STUDIES

A Short History ofOromo Colonial Experience 1870 's-1990's

THE JOURNAL OF OROMO STUDIES

A Short History ofOromo Colonial Experience 1870 's-1990 's

Regimes and the History of WrittenAfaan Oromoo: 1844-1994," The Journal oj

Semus Deane, in Nationalism and Colonialism and Literature, Eds Terry

THE JOURNAL OF OROMO STUDIES

A Short History ofOromo Colonial Experience 1870 's-1990 's

33 See for instance,BonnieHolcomb and Siasi Ibssa, The Invention ofEthiopia

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A Short History ojOromo Colonial Experience 1870 's-1990 's

56 Mohammed Hassen, The Drama ofEthiopia, 196

61 Martial de Salviac, Unpeuple antique au pays de Menelik: Les Galla,

65. Mohammed Hassen, "IraditioualMethods of ConflictResolutionAmong the

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A Short History ofOromo Colonial Experience 1870's-1990 's

94. Waldhansso, Ibid