The Boundaries of Brotherhood:

Fraternit and the Dreyfus Affair

Abby White
Senior Division
Historical Paper

There is no Dreyfus Affair any longer. There is only one issue: is France still the France of the
Revolution and the Declaration of the Rights of Man? . . . Are we still the noblest, most fraternal,
most generous of peoples?
Emile Zola, Statement to the Jury, 18981
Frances motto, Libert, Egalit, Fraternit, combines liberty and equality, both rights,
with fraternity, a responsibility to others. The Third Republic adopted the motto at its foundation,
using fraternit brotherhood as a basis for unity in France. Yet just decades later, the
Republic faced its gravest crisis in the Dreyfus Affair, which challenged France to define the
boundaries of its brotherhood. Frances virulent anti-Semitism peaked in the affair, as soldiers
and citizens pegged French Jews as foreigners instead of Frenchmen. Thus the Dreyfus Affair
exposed different perceptions of who comprised Frances brotherhood and shaped the largely
republican, but still contested, trajectory fraternit would take in Frances future.
The Third Tenet
Liberty, Equality, Fraternity travelled a long path towards its acceptance in the Third
Republic. Archbishop Franois Fnelon may have first linked the principles during the 17th
century, but they were seldom used during the Enlightenment.2 Scholars agree the triad came
into political use among other proposed mottos during the French Revolution; specifically,
when Jacobin leader Robespierre declared in December 1790: LIBERTY, EQUALITY,

Emile Zola, Statement to the Jury, The Dreyfus Affair: JAccuse and Other Writings (New Haven: Yale
University, 1996), 60.
2
Natalie Bayer, Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, Encyclopedia of the Age of Political Revolutions and New
Ideologies: 1760-1815 (Westport: Greenwood, 2007), 411.

FRATERNITY . . . will be inscribed on the flags, which will bear the colors of the nation.3
From the outset, then, both the motto and fraternity were symbols of revolution and radicalism.
Shortly after, fraternit entered French legislation in the Constitution of 1791, to be fostered
by national holidays to unite French citizens in patriotism.4
Fraternity spurred unity by giving Frenchmen a key responsibility: to treat one another as
brothers. Liberty and equality mean little unless people know to whom those rights apply;
fraternity fills that gap. However, fraternitys boundaries have been vague enough to spur
contention from the Revolution onwards. The first fraternity was that of rebellion: strangers
bonded by a common cause, as during the Tennis Court Oath.5 However, fraternity could also be
based in traditional Christian brotherhood, which defined brothers as followers of Christ.6 Anticlerical revolutionaries such as the Jacobins, however, located fraternity in the nation.
Robespierre charged the gentle knots of universal fraternity with bonding Frances people.7
However, the Jacobins used brotherhood to enforce their Reign of Terror: people were either
brothers of the Revolution, or enemies and brothers had to support one another no matter the
cost.8
When the Reign of Terror ended, for a time, fraternity remained associated with its
deadly extremes. Various alternative mottos were floated until Napoleon Bonaparte instituted

Maximilien Robespierre. Discours sur lorganisation des gardes nationales. Paris. 5 Dec. 1790. Original text:
LIBERTE, EGALITE, FRATERNITE . . . seront inscrits sur leurs drapeaux, qui porteront les trois couleurs de la
nation.
4
The Constitution of 1791. Section I, Article III.
5
Mona Ozouf. Liberty, Equality, Fraternity. Symbols. Ed. Pierre Nora and Lawrence D. Kritzman. (New York:
Columbia University, 1998), 87.
6
Ozouf, 88.
7
Maximilien Robespierre, Rapport du Comit de Salut public du 18 floral an II. Paris, 7 May 1794. Original text:
les doux nuds de la fraternit universelle
8
Ozouf, 90.

Liberty, Public Order.9 Still, Liberty, Equality, Fraternity survived underground as a

revolutionary ideal, promoted in pamphlets and political banquets.10 It returned to public
prominence in 1847, when politician Ledru-Rollin implored Frenchmen to repeat the immortal
symbol LIBERTY, EQUALITY, FRATERNITY!11 He proclaimed fraternitys power as the
inexhaustible source, from whence will spring noble and celebrated institutions; of association,
of strength.12
However, different ideas of fraternity existed as France entered another Revolution in
1848. Because most revolutionaries did not attack the Church in 1848, fraternity could
simultaneously convey both Christian duty and revolutionary brotherhood.13 However, historian
Jules Michelet devised a more secular option,14 rejecting Christian fraternity based on a
community of believers subservient to God. He believed fraternity should be a bond of justice.15
Michelets justice-centered fraternity worked according to natural law: if people followed
governmental and moral laws presuming the two aligned they belonged to the brotherhood,
assuring the protection of individual rights.16
Michelets interpretation of Liberty, Equality, Fraternity contributed to the mottos
inclusion in the 1848 Constitution as the Second Republics principles.17 However, fraternity
was embraced by Paris poor, whose agitation for socioeconomic justice reached its peak in June

Ozouf, 91.
Ozouf, 93.
11
Alexandre Auguste Ledru-Rollin, Speech of M. Ledru-Rollin. Reform Banquet at Lille. Lille. 7 Nov. 1847.
12
Ledru Rollin, Speech of M. Ledru-Rollin.
13
Ozouf, 100.
14
Ozouf, 93-94.
15
Jules Michelet, Le Peuple. (Paris: Hachette, 1846).
16
Ozouf, 95.
17
The Constitution of 1848. Preamble. Ozouf, 93.
10

1848, when the National Guard brutally crushed their uprising.18 Afterwards, Daniel Stern
observed the motto no longer gave rise to any feeling other than bitter irony for Frances
commoners, as their faith in fraternity had met beatings instead of brotherly love.19 The motto
remained in the Constitution, but on Jan. 6, 1852, Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte ordered prefects to
erase it from buildings because of painful memories of the insurrection against the law.20
As Louis-Napoleon supported the church in the name of order, the motto retreated
underground again.21 Its supporters took this opportunity to refashion fraternity for the
contemporary climate.22 They reemphasized Michelets rejection of fraternitys Christian
undertones, which gave no rights except to a community of priests,23 and consolidated
fraternity with solidarity, a nonreligious concept that gained increasing popularity after 1852.24
To accomplish this, fraternity became a quasi-contract: it assumed a preexisting social bond,
but could be assented to once society was formed.25 This fraternity gave Frenchmen a
responsibility to one another and complimented liberty and equality better. With that change, the
motto gained more popularity until, in 1870, the Third Republic adopted it officially.26
Yet different interpretations of the motto, and fraternity, abounded. Philosopher Charles
Fourier found all three principles unachievable, writing of fraternity: How could there be any
fraternity between sybarites steeped in refinements and our coarse, hungry peasants?27

18

Daniel Stern, Histoire de la rvolution de 1848. (Paris: A. Lacroix, Verboeckhoven et Cie, 1869), 425.
Daniel Stern was the penname of Marie dAzoult.
19
Stern, 485. Original text: la deviseelle ne faisait plus natre dautre sentiment que celui dune amre ironie.
20
A. Taillefer. Memo. 8 Jan. 1952. MS.
21
Ozouf, 104.
22
Ozouf, 108.
23
Larousse, 791. Original text: ne nous donne droit qu une communaut de prires.
24
Ozouf, 109.
25
Ozouf, 110.
26
Slogan of the French Republic. France.fr. N.p., 2013. Web. 27 Dec. 2013.
27
Charles Fourier, Critique of the Revolutionary Ideals. 1848. The Utopian Vision of Charles Fourier: Selected
Texts on Work, Love, and Passionate Attraction. (London: Jonathan Cape, 1972).

Conversely, author Emile Zola encouraged equality and wrote about Frenchmens destiny of
liberty and fraternity.28 Anti-Semitic writer Charles Maurras considered liberty and equality
nave, albeit for different reasons than Fourier. However, like Zola, he embraced fraternity.29
Unlike Zola, though, his brotherhood was restrictive, excluding Jews, among others.
The disagreement between Zola and Maurras over brotherhoods boundaries portrays
fraternitys key problem: it excludes as naturally as it unifies. Identifying ones brothers
establishes a community where members must respect one anothers rights, but not those of
people outside the community. As such, community borders make vast differences in national
politics. France, in the Third Republic, suffered that dilemma: its two definitions of fraternity,
one traditional and one modern, established dissimilar borders and could only coexist for so
long. They finally collided in 1894, when the Republics gravest crisis began.
The Jew and the French
Alfred Dreyfus condemnation for treason stemmed from a letter just one page long: the
bordereau, written to the German military attach in Paris, which offered French military
secrets.30 The army obtained the bordereau in September 1894 and Dreyfus, the only Jew with
knowledge of its promised information, became an instant suspect.31 Although a handwriting
expert from the Bank of France challenged the claim,32 General Mercier pushed forward the
investigation. He hired anti-Semitic graphologist Alphonse Bertillon, who asserted the

28

Zola, 170.
Charles Maurras, Dictionnaire politique et critique, Vol. 2. (Paris: Cahiers Charles-Maurras, 1933).
30
Jean-Denis Bredin, The Affair: The Case of Alfred Dreyfus. Trans. Jeffrey Mehlman. (New York: George
Braziller, 1983), 62.
31
Burns, 22.
32
Quoted in Bredin, 68.
29

handwriting was Dreyfus.33 To bolster the case, Commandants Henry and du Paty forged a
Secret File of fabricated documents framing Dreyfus for treason.34 Satisfied, the army arrested
Dreyfus in October.35 On December 22, the First Council of War unanimously declared him
guilty.36
Frenchmen largely supported that verdict.37 Diplomat Maurice Palologue assumed
seven officers would not have convicted a comrade, a brother-in-arms, even if he were a Jew,
without striking proof of his guilt.38 Politician Georges Clemenceau declared Dreyfus had
nothing but a filthy soul and abject heart.39 Journalists from the anti-Semitic La Libre Parole,
who had felt consoled upon Dreyfus arrest that it [was] not a true Frenchman who committed
such a crime, rejoiced.40
Opinions like the Paroles had deep roots. In the Middle Ages, French leaders alternated
between persecuting Jews and protecting their property for tax revenue.41 King Charles VI chose
the former, expelling Jews from France in 1394; they returned in the 1600s, still objects of legal
restrictions.42 Despite those restrictions, some Jews reached the ranks of middle-class
bourgeoisie through money-making activities that were socially unacceptable to Catholic
aristocrats.43 Therefore slander regarding Jews supposed financial control gained particular

33

Quoted in Bredin, 68.

Barbara W. Tuchman, The Proud Tower: A Portrait of the World before the War, 1890-1914. (New York:
Ballatine Books, 1966), 174.
35
Alfred Dreyfus, Arrest and Interrogation: October 15, 1894. Cinq annes de ma vie: 1894-1899. (Paris: E.
Fasquelle, 1901).
36
Archives Nationales, BB/19 95, Dec. 22, 1894.
37
France. The Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th ed, vols. 9-10. (1910), 882.
38
Maurice Palologue, Sunday, December 23rd, 1894, My Secret Diary of the Dreyfus Case, translated by Eric
Mosbacher. (London: Secker and Warburg, 1957), 35.
39
La Justice (Paris, 25 Dec. 1895).
40
High Treason, La Libre parole. (Paris, 1 Nov. 1894).
41
David A. Bell, "Trapped by History: France and Its Jews." World Affairs Journal 13.2 (2009): n. pag. World
Affairs. Web. 4 Oct. 2013. <http://www.worldaffairsjournal.org/article/trapped-history-france-and-its-jews>.
42
Bell, n.p.
43
Anti-Semitism. The Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th ed., vols. 1-2. (1910), 142.
34

strength in Catholic France, adding to religious reasons for Frenchmen to exclude Jews from
their brotherhoods.
By the French Revolution, Jews were still considered anomalies. The revolutionary
regime granted Jews citizenship only if they assimilated totally into French culture,44 revealing a
disturbing belief: that Jews could be French only by forgoing most of their cultural past. French
Jews remained outside social acceptance until 1870, when the Third Republic was established
thanks in part to Jewish republicans.45 That contribution bore two fruits: first, the Third Republic
was the kindest yet towards Jews; second, anti-republicans and anti-Semites banded together,
sharing and exacerbating each others opinions.46 The 1880s Boulangist movement attacked
republicanism for its tolerance of Jews,47 and in the five years between Boulangisms fall and
Dreyfus arrest, both the Anti-Semitic League of France and La Libre Parole were founded.48
Dreyfus posed a particular challenge to conservative beliefs in a France defined by
tradition, the military and Catholicism. An attendee of French schools during childhood, Dreyfus
had assimilated into French culture: French was his mother tongue49 and he wore no yarmulke.50
When the Treaty of Frankfurt made Dreyfus hometown of Mulhouse part of Germany in 1871,
the Dreyfuses moved to Basel, France, to retain their French citizenship.51 Moreover, watching
French troops march through Mulhouse first inspired 11-year-old Alfred to join the army: he,

44

Bell, n.p.
Philip Nord, The Republican Moment: Struggles for Democracy in Nineteenth-Century France. (Cambridge:
Harvard University, 1995), 88.
46
Nord, 89.
47
Michael Burns, Rural Society and French Politics: Boulangism and the Dreyfus Affair, 1886-1900. (Princeton:
Princeton University, 1984), 114.
48
Anti-Semitism, 143.
49
Burns, Dreyfus: A Family Affair, 41.
50
Burns, Dreyfus: A Family Affair, 40.
51
Burns, Dreyfus: A Family Affair, 62.
45

too, wanted to protect his country.52 Yet Dreyfus grandfather had been a moneylender; his father
had made a fortune in the textile industry; and Alfred had received the best education money
could buy.53 Had he been Christian, Alfred would have made an exemplary French brother.
Because he was not, he epitomized anti-Semites nightmares: a wealthy, successful Jew with
some importance in Frances government or military. Because Jews were Jews, not
Frenchmen, as Maurras articulated,54 Dreyfus was no brother to many Frenchmen.
General Georges Picquart, who became chief of the armys Counter-Espionage Bureau in
1895, was one of those anti-Semites.55 In 1896, he initiated an investigation of one Commandant
Esterhazy based on another treasonous letter discovered at the German embassy.56 Picquart
compared samples of Esterhazys handwriting with that of the bordereau and realized Esterhazy
was its true author.57 Picquart reported his findings to the General Staffs leaders, but they
refused to take action.58 In 1897, he gave a lawyer a report on his discovery,59 which led to his
conviction for misconduct and discharge from the army.60 However, the lawyer gave the report
to a senator, Auguste Scheurer-Kestner, who demanded Dreyfus retrial.61 The revelation of
Picquarts discovery compelled Georges Clemenceau to become one of Dreyfus leading
defenders.62

52

Burns, Dreyfus: A Family Affair, 68.

Michael Burns, Dreyfus: A Family Affair, 1789-1945. (New York: Harper Collins, 1991).
54
Charles Maurras, LExode moral [The Moral Exodus]. L'Action Franaise [Paris] 28 Mar. 1911: n. pag. Print.
Original text: Juifs, non des Franais.
55
Burns, France and the Dreyfus Affair, 61.
56
Le Petit bleu, reprinted in Douglas Johnson, France and the Dreyfus Affair (London: Blandford, 1966), 229.
57
Bredin, 151.
58
Tuchman, 186.
59
Tuchman, 186.
60
Tuchman, 187.
61
Tuchman, 187.
62
Georges Clemenceau. Encyclopaedia Britannica. Encyclopaedia Britannica. Web. 16 Feb. 2014
<http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/120962/ Georges-Clemenceau>.
53

On Jan. 10, 1898, Esterhazy was tried for treason and acquitted.63 The crowd roared its
appreciation for the verdict: Long live the Army! Long live France! Death to the Jews!64
Three days later, Zolas JAccuse appeared in Clemenceaus newspaper LAurore, accusing
numerous military officials of giving into religious passions65 and the second court martial of
knowingly acquitting a guilty man.66 Charged with libel, Zola was convicted in
February.67Anti-Dreyfusard riots had occurred throughout the Affair,68 but Zolas trial sparked
violence anew as Frenchmen attacked their fellow Frenchmens synagogues and stores.69
Then, the militarys case began to crumble. In August 1898, Commandant Henrys
forgery was discovered; Henry committed suicide.70 The next day, Esterhazy fled France.71 In
August 1899, Dreyfus returned to France for a retrial in Rennes but, despite the new evidence in
his favor, was convicted again.72 In September, however, President Loubet issued Dreyfus a
pardon, which he accepted.
Thus the Affair rested until 1903, when Dreyfus began petitioning for a retrial.73 In 1906,
the Cour de Cassation annulled the Rennes verdict, declaring officially at last Dreyfus
innocence.74

63

Burns, France and the Dreyfus Affair, 91.

Bredin, 241.
65
Zola, JAccuse, 45.
66
Zola, JAccuse, 52.
67
Bredin, 270.
68
Burns, France and the Dreyfus Affair, 106.
69
Burns, France and the Dreyfus Affair, 106.
70
Burns, France and the Dreyfus Affair, 121.
71
Burns, France and the Dreyfus Affair, 195.
72
Jean-Bernard, Le Procs de Rennes: Impression dun spectateur (Paris: Alphonse Lemerre, 1900), 391-395.
73
Alfred Dreyfus, Petition to the Minister of Justice, Souvenirs et correspondance (Paris: Grasset, 1936), 375-78.
74
Joseph Reinach, Histoire de laffaire Dreyfus (Paris: Fasquelle, 1929), 6:555.
64

Two Visions of France

During the Dreyfus Affair, France split in two. On the surface, each side correlated with
certain views on Jews: Zola called Jews French citizens, our equals and our brothers,75 while
anti-Dreyfusards disagreed. However, the divide also involved views of the army and the nation.
All Dreyfusards deplored the armys fraud.76 Zola maintained the army was insulted
every single day by scoundrels who claim to defend it, yet actually besmirch it with their
sneaking plots.77 Writer Bernard Lazare wrote sarcastically: the army, when it judges, must be
infallible.78 Conversely, anti-Dreyfusards believed the army was the nation, it was France, it
was the greatness of France.79 For them, Dreyfus whose innocence, if proven, would shame
the army threatened France itself. Journalist Maurice Barrs called opposing Dreyfus
nationalism, claiming Jews threatened the upheaval of the French state.80 Maurras called
Dreyfusards the disorganizers of the army81 and asserted Jews would destroy Frances
military.82 Picquart, too, was anti-Semitic, but with a Dreyfusard image of the army: he believed
that to earn loyalty, the army needed integrity. Thus he switched sides when he discovered the
armys fraud, disobeying his military orders not for Dreyfus, but for moralitys sake.83 Moreover,
by supporting the innocent Dreyfus despite his anti-Semitism, Picquart adopted Michelets
modern, justice-centered fraternity.

75

Zola, The Syndicate, 15.

France, 882.
77
Zola, Statement to the Jury, 57.
78
Lazare, Bernard. Une erreur judiciare: L'affaire Dreyfus. Paris: Stock, 1897. Print.
79
Tuchman, 175.
80
Maurice Barrs, Ltat de la question [The State of the Question], Le Journal. (Paris, 4 Oct. 1898). Original
text: cest nationalisme and la nationalit juive qui menace de chambardement l'tat franais.
81
Charles Maurras, Si le coup de force est possible. (Paris, 1910). Original text: dsorganisateur de l'arme
82
Charles Maurras, Prface du Manuel du royaliste de Firmin Bacconnier. (Paris, 1903). Original text: elle [la
juiverie] nerve l'arme et finalement la dtruit
83
Tuchman, 187.
76

10

As such, the two groups differences stem not from conflicting ideas of equality, but from
conflicting ideas of fraternity. Dreyfusards supported a modern France, republican and
religiously tolerant, while anti-Dreyfusards clung to old France Catholic, more autocratic and
reverent towards the military.84 At their foundations, the groups disagreed on who comprised
Frances brotherhood. Dreyfus supporters believed fraternity applied to all Frenchmen with
justice in their favor; Dreyfus detractors chose the Catholic fraternity, which applied only to
traditional France, not the nations changing face.
Dreyfus eventually won the Affair. Clemenceau would be Frances Prime Minister from
19061909 and 19171920.85 However, religious fraternity and suspicion of Frenchmen with
foreign backgrounds remained. Before and during the Affair, established Jews were treated better
than Jewish immigrants. Even Lazare, a Dreyfusard, called Ashkenazi Jews, who were usually
immigrants, these despicable people [coming] into a country that is not theirs.86 During World
War Two, Frances anti-Semitic Vichy government echoed that belief by deporting 76,000
Jews,87 mostly recently-immigrated ones.88 That distinction reflects a modified evangelical
fraternity: it still necessitated conversion, but to a nationalist culture rather than to one religion,
allowing justice-centered fraternity to reemerge after the war.89
Yet both perceptions of brotherhood still exist. Today, some Frenchmen consider all
French citizens brothers; others consider Frenchmen of foreign backgrounds lesser. That latter,
exclusive brotherhood was displayed in 2004 when France passed a law banning visible religious

84

Charles Maurras, La Dmocratie religieuse: Troisime Partie: LAction franaise et la Religion catholique, La
Dmocratie religieuse. (Paris, 1921).
85
Georges Clemenceau.
86
Quoted by Bell, n.p.
87
Raya Cohen. Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, But Not for All: France and the Alien Jews, 1933-1942. Yad
Vashem: Shoah Resource Center. The International School for Holocaust Studies, n.d. Web. 11 May 2014.
88
Bell, n.p.
89
Bell, n.p.

11

symbols, such as Muslim headscarves and Jewish yarmulkes, in state schools.90 Some
Frenchmen maintain the law unites France in secularism; others believe the law forces Muslim
girls and Jewish boys, among others, to choose between religious observance and French
identity. From that perspective, Frances ban promotes traditional fraternity as a governmental
principle. Traditional fraternity also manifests in Frances xenophobic National Front party
which, in Frances March 2014 municipal elections, won 11 mayoral positions and elected more
than 1,200 city councilors, a record for the party.91 Support of the National Front and Frances
ban on religious symbols shows that although justice-centered fraternity may be widely accepted
today, obstacles still stand in its way.
After simmering in France for centuries, anti-Semitism boiled over during the Dreyfus
Affair. Its influence on Frances government and army, which convicted a soldier based on his
religion rather than his guilt, forced Frances radically different definitions of fraternity into the
open. When Dreyfus won his affair, justice-focused fraternity triumphed over its clerical, antiRepublican counterpart, settling for a time what it meant to be French. Yet the debate over
who comprises Frances fraternity has continued, and remains a concern in French politics today.

Words: 2,498

90

Caroline Wyatt. French Headscarf Ban Opens Rifts. BBC News. British Broadcasting Company, 11 Feb. 2004.
Web. 11 May 2014.
91
Alexander Stille. The French Right Scores a Historic Victory. The New Yorker. Cond Nast, 31 Mar. 2014.
Web. 11 May 2014.

12

Annotated Bibliography
PRIMARY SOURCES
Antismitisme. Nouveau Larousse Illustr. Ed. Pierre Larousse and Claude Aug. Vol. 1.
Paris: ditions Larousse, 1904. N. pag. Print.
Larousses encyclopedic entry of anti-Semitism is not, when read, revelatory. However,
its mere existence speaks volumes: in the Larousse dictionary published before the
Dreyfus Affair, there was no entry on anti-Semitism. That anti-Semitism has been added
to the encyclopedia emphasizes the effects of the Dreyfus Affair on French culture.
Barrs, Maurice. Ltat de la question [The State of the Question]. Le Journal [Paris] 4 Oct.
1898: n. pag. Print.
A famous writer and politician in his time, the anti-Semitic Barrs expresses his opinion
of the Dreyfus Affair: chiefly, that opposing Dreyfus is an expression of nationalism.
Barrs article helped me understand anti-Dreyfusard arguments.
Clouard, Henri, comp. La Cocarde de Barrs. Paris: Nouvelle Librarie Nationale, 1910. Print.
Clouard compiled articles and letters from La Cocarde, Maurice Barrs newspaper.
These include anti-Semitic thoughts on the Dreyfus Affair from Barrs and some of his
colleagues, all of which helped me comprehend the opposition towards Dreyfus.
De Girardin, Ren Louis. Discours sur l'institution de la force publique. Paris. 1791. Speech.
The Marquis de Girardin, a French nobleman and one of Enlightenment philosopher
Jean-Jacques Rousseaus last pupils, was one of the earliest advocates for fraternity,

13

especially as a component of the French motto, as evidenced by this speech. His

advocacy helped me trace the history of fraternity.
Dreyfus. Nouveau Larousse Illustr. Ed. Pierre Larousse and Claude Aug. 7 vols. Paris:
Editions Larousse, 1904. N. pag. Print.
I used Larousses encyclopedic entry as a window into a more impartial French point-ofview of the Dreyfus Affair, especially since it was written as the Affair occurred.
Dreyfus, Alfred. Arrest and Interrogation: October 15, 1894. Cinq annes de ma vie: 18941899. Paris: E. Fasquelle, 1901. N. pag. Print.
Dreyfus book contains his personal journals documenting the first five years of the
Dreyfus Affair. In Arrest and Interrogation: October 15, 1894, he details as suggested
by the chapter title his arrest and interrogation for supposed treason; as such, it helped
me learn about that event from his perspective.
- - -. Souvenirs et correspondance. Paris: Grasset, 1936. Print.
Also written by Dreyfus himself, Souvenirs et correspondance includes Dreyfus own
reflections on the affair, as well as some key primary documents from the affair, such as
his petition for a final retrial in 1906. I used these documents to construct my history of
the Dreyfus Affair.
Esterhazy, Ferdinand Walsin. Letter to Maximilian Von Schwartzkoppen. 1894. MS. Lorraine
Beitler Collection of the Dreyfus Affair. U of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.
This letter is the original bordereau from which charges against Dreyfus stemmed.

14

Fourier, Charles. Critique of the Revolutionary Ideals. 1848. The Utopian Vision of Charles
Fourier: Selected Texts on Work, Love, and Passionate Attraction. Ed. Richard Bienvenu
and Jonathan Beecher. London: Jonathan Cape, 1972. N. pag. Print.
Influential philosopher Fourier shares his thoughts on the three tenets of France's motto,
including fraternity. He believes that it is a tricky term, hard both to define and to
achieve. As such, he outlines what he considers the necessary components of true
fraternity. Fouriers piece was helpful for me in understanding different opinions of
fraternity.
Fraternit. Grand Dictionnaire Universel du XIXe Sicle. Ed. Pierre Larousse. Vol. 8. Paris:
Administration du Grand Dictionnaire Universel, 1872. 791-92. Print.
Published just after France adopted liberty, equality, fraternity as its official motto,
Larousses article offers a then-contemporary point-of-view about fraternity and what it
meant, both literally and in the grand scheme of the French nation.
Grgoire, Henri Baptiste. Adresse aux dputs de la seconde lgislature. Socit des Amis de
la Constitution. Paris. 26 Sept. 1791. Speech.
Abb Grgoires speech includes one of the earliest and most important mentions of
Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, particularly in the context of religion. I used his speech to
differentiate between the traditional and more modern definitions of fraternity.
- - -. Motion en faveur des Juifs. 1788. L'abb Grgoire, vque des lumires. Ed. Frank Paul
Bowman. Paris: Editions France-Empire, 1988. N. pag. Print.
Abb Grgoire is often viewed as the Jews liberator in France. However, he, too,
believed Jews had to be totally assimilated in French culture showing, and helping me

15

understand, just how far back Frances close-minded concept of its national identity
extends.
High Treason. La Libre parole [Paris] 1 Nov. 1894: n. pag. Print.
The most popular anti-Semitic newspaper in France, La Libre parole is now known for its
commentary on the Dreyfus Affair, beginning with this article about Dreyfus initial
arrest. It helped me construct my part about anti-Dreyfusard opinion.
Jean-Bernard. Le Procs de Rennes: Impression dun spectateur. Paris: Alphonse Lemerre, 1900.
Print.
A reporter, Jean-Bernard, a relatively unbiased party, became convinced of Dreyfus
innocence after witnessing his second trial. He paid particular attention to the courts
actions in his writing, which helped me, in turn, understand and write about the trial.
Johnson, Douglas. Le Petit Bleu. France and the Dreyfus Affair. London: Blandford, 1966.
229. Print.
While Johnsons book contains much information about the Dreyfus Affair, it proved
mainly helpful for me by reprinting le petit bleu, the letter that first brought Esterhazy
into suspicion for treason.
La Justice [Paris] 25 Dec. 1895. Print.
This issue of La Justice covered Dreyfus first condemnation for treason. It includes
quotes bashing Dreyfus from politician Georges Clemenceau and socialist Jean Jaurs,
neither of them anti-Semitic. I used this article, particularly its quotes from Clemenceau,
to comprehend initial anti-Dreyfusard opinion.
Lazare, Bernard. Une erreur judiciare: L'affaire Dreyfus. Paris: Stock, 1897. Print.
16

Lazare worked with Mathieu Dreyfus, Alfreds brother, and wrote about the Dreyfus
Affair, becoming one of Alfred's most important advocates. In this article, he defends
Dreyfus in light of new information released about Esterhazy and the armys forgery.
Ledru-Rollin, Alexandre Auguste. Speech of M. Ledru-Rollin. Reform Banquet at Lille. Lille.
7 Nov. 1847. Speech.
Ledru-Rollins speech marks the official resurfacing of liberty, equality, fraternity as a
candidate for the French motto, after its underground life since the Reign of Terror. His
speech was an essential step in the mottos ascendance to popular acceptance, and
therefore essential for my paper as well.
Les Scythes. By Voltaire. Le Thtre Franais, Paris. 26 Mar. 1767. Performance.
Voltaires play includes one of the earliest combinations of liberty, equality and fraternity
together; it is also one of the few Enlightenment usages of the terms.
Maurras, Charles. Deuxime partie: Tanger: Le septennat des radicaux et la politique du monde
(1898-1905). Kiel et Tanger, 1895-1905: La Republique franaise devant l'Europe.
Paris: Nouvelle Librarie Nationale, 1910. 81-180. Print.
Maurras expresses more opinions about why Dreyfus and his Affair are almost
irreparably hurting the French government.
- - -. Dictionnaire politique et critique. Vol. 2. Paris: Cahiers Charles-Maurras, 1933. Print.
In this work, Maurras expresses the opinion that, of the three terms in the French motto,
fraternity is the only one of value.
- - -. La Dmocratie religieuse: Troisime Partie: LAction franaise et la Religion catholique.
La Dmocratie religieuse. N.p.: Paris, 1921.
17

In Maurras work, he expresses and sums up the anti-Dreyfusard belief in old France:
rigid Catholicism, autocracy (or monarchism) and reverence towards Frances military.
- - -. LExode moral [The Moral Exodus]. L'Action Franaise [Paris] 28 Mar. 1911: n. pag.
Print.
A few years after the Dreyfus Affair ended, Maurrass article portrays the event's longlasting effects on the French consciousness, from his point of view. He also explains why
anti-Semitism supports France, in his opinion.
- - -. L'Hospitalit [Hospitality]. L'Action Franaise [Paris] 6 July 1912: n. pag. Print.
Maurras argues that Jews do not qualify as Frenchmen or, truly, as people. His
argument gave me insight into the traditional definition of fraternity and how Jews fit into
it. Maurras also says the Jews and the Dreyfus Affair have damaged France.
- - -. Madame Paule Minck. Quand les Franais ne s'aimaient pas : chronique d'une
renaissance, 1895-1905. Paris: Nouvelle librairie nationale, 1916. 162-69. Print.
In Madame Paule Minck, Maurras expresses myriad anti-Semitic and anti-Dreyfusard
opinions which give insight into the logic of anti-Dreyfusards. This chapter was written
in May 1901, during the Dreyfus Affair.
- - -. Prface du Manuel du royaliste de Firmin Bacconnier. N.p.: Paris, 1903. Print.
In a preface to a book about monarchism, Maurras, a monarchist himself, expresses views
pinning Jews against the French army in particular. I used this preface to construct my
section on anti-Dreyfusards belief that Jews threatened the army.

18

- - -. Premire partie: Kiel: Lerreur des rpublicains modrs (1895-1898). Kiel et Tanger,
1895-1905: La Republique franaise devant lEurope. Paris: Nouvelle Librarie
Nationale, 1910. 1-80. Print.
Written, though not published, at the beginning of the Affair, this section of Kiel et
Tanger examines French politics up to that point, as well as some of the first virulent,
published anti-Dreyfusard opinions. Maurras suggests the Dreyfus Affair, and the support
of Dreyfus, is seriously damaging the French government, especially the military.
- - -. Si le coup de force est possible. Paris: n.p., 1910. Print.
Maurras says that anti-Semitism is wise for Frenchmen, accusing Jews of infiltrating and
controlling the government. I used this in constructing my anti-Dreyfusard argument.
- - -. Troisime partie: Inertie et mouvements depuis 1906. Kiel et Tanger, 1895-1905: La
Republique franaise devant l'Europe. Paris: Nouvelle Librarie Nationale, 1910. 181212. Print.
Maurras argues that the French spirit is being destroyed by other, inferior races. His
argument in this article is broader than his usual anti-Semitic one, giving me a clearer
view of the narrowness of traditional fraternity.
- - -. Troisime Partie: LAction franaise et la Religion catholique. La Dmocratie religieuse.
Paris: n.p., 1921. N. pag. Print.
Maurras explains some of his opinions about Jews and the Dreyfus Affair, many years
after the event occurred. He paints Jews as an enemy of Catholicism supporting my
definition of traditional fraternity and repeatedly calls Dreyfus a traitor, 15 years after
Dreyfus acquittal. (Translation: tratre.)

19

Michelet, Jules. Le Peuple. Paris: Hachette, 1846. Print.

Here, Michelet discusses liberty, equality, fraternity and how to make the three terms
compatible with each other. His interpretation would prove the most influential in the
Revolution of 1848, and was also invaluable in my discussion of the history of Frances
motto, and of fraternity in particular.
Palologue, Maurice. Sunday, December 23rd, 1894. My Secret Diary of the Dreyfus Case.
Trans. Eric Mosbacher. London: Secker and Warburg, 1957. 34-35. Print.
A diplomat and not anti-Semitic, Palologues journaling about the Dreyfus Affair
reveals an educated, relatively neutral view of the proceedings, helping me put the
proceedings in context.
Robespierre, Maximilien. Discours sur lorganisation des gardes nationales. Paris. 5 Dec.
1790. Speech.
In this speech, Robespierre supports liberty, equality, fraternity as France's motto.
Some scholars cite it as the first formal use of the motto. I used this speech to construct
my history of fraternity.
- - -. Rapport du Comit de Salut public du 18 floral an II. Paris, 7 May 1794. Print.
In Robespierres speech, he gives his opinions on the importance of fraternity for
unifying the French people, which helped me explain fraternitys role in French society.
Steevens, G.W. The Tragedy of Dreyfus. New York: Harper and Bros., 1899. Print.
Steevens witnessed Dreyfus second trial and wrote about it, including helpful details
about Dreyfus' appearance and the mood of the courtroom. His description helped me
understand the circumstances of Dreyfus second conviction.
20

Taillefer, A. Memo. 8 Jan. 1952. MS.

This order, written by the Prefect of Tarn (a French department), follows and echoes
Louis Bonapartes instructions to erase liberty, equality, fraternity from all public
buildings. I used this detail in my history of fraternity in France.
Tench, Watkin. Letter I. 1796. Letters Written in France: To a Friend in London, Between the
Month of November 1794, and the Month of May 1795. London: J. Johnson, 1796. 1-25.
Print.
Tenchs letter contains one of the earliest mentions of libert, egalit, fraternit as a
triad, in the context of French republicanism. I used it to understand and construct
fraternitys trajectory during French history.
The Constitution of 1791. Section I, Article III.
This constitution includes the first mention of fraternity in a government document.
The Constitution of 1848. Preamble.
This French constitution, establishing the Second Republic, was the first to formally
name liberty, equality, fraternity the nations motto.
Zola, Emile. The Dreyfus Affair: J'accuse and Other Writings. Ed. Alain Pags. Trans. Eleanor
Levieux. New Haven: Yale University, 1996. Print.
Author Emile Zola played a renowned, important role in the case, particularly through
Jaccuse!. No study of the Dreyfus Affair would be complete without his writings.
They all particularly Jaccuse! helped me understand the Dreyfusard argument.

21

SECONDARY SOURCES
Anti-Semitism. The Encyclopaedia Britannica. 11th ed. Vols. 1-2. 1910. Print.
Pages 142 through 145 cover France's anti-Semitism in this encyclopedia entry; the
Dreyfus Affair occupies three of those four pages. The article, written not long after the
affair ended, explains not only the affair itself, but also its anti-Semitic precedents, giving
me a fuller understanding of how the Dreyfus Affair ever came to be.
Bayer, Natalie. Liberty, Equality, Fraternity. Encyclopedia of the Age of Political Revolutions
and New Ideologies: 1760-1815. Ed. Gregory Fremont-Barnes. Westport: Greenwood,
2007. 411-13. Print.
Bayers chapter details the history of liberty, equality, fraternity as a triad, as well as
the individual principles histories. I used it to construct my history of the motto.
Belissa, Marc. Gille Bertrand, Catherine Brice et Gilles Montgre (dir.), Fraternit. Pour une
histoire du concept. [Gille Bertrand, Catherine Brice and Gilles Montgre (dir.),
Fraternity. For a History of the Concept.]. Annales historiques de la Rvolution
franaise 371 (2013): 230-32. Annales historiques de la Rvolution franaise. Web. 4
Oct. 2013.
Belissa analyzes four articles, one each by Gilles Montgre, Marco Meriggi, Pedro Rjula
and Fulvio Conti. He finds shared points in them all: the elasticity of fraternit; the
concepts evolution from a secular idea to a religious one in some places; and fraternits
inferiority to its brothers, libert and egalit. I used Belissas article as a starting point to
understand different perspectives on fraternity.

22

Bell, David A. Trapped by History: France and Its Jews. World Affairs Journal 13.2 (2009): n.
pag. World Affairs. Web. 4 Oct. 2013.
Bells article chronologically outlines the history of Frances Jewry. In particular, it
details French Judaism in the Third Republic, the background of the Dreyfus Affair and
relations between France and its Jews during the mid- and late-20th century. Bells
presentation of historical fact and analysis of it helped me understand the lasting
implications of the Dreyfus Affair and of the debate over fraternitys meaning.
Birnbaum, Pierre. Jewish Destinies: Citizenship, State, and Community in Modern France.
Trans. Arthur Goldhammer. New York: Hill and Wang, 2000. Print.
Birnbaums book is a comprehensive history of Jews in France, extending from Jews
place in the French Revolution to the beginning of the 21st century. It speaks at length on
the Dreyfus Affair, in addition to providing a plethora of quotations from La Libre
Parole. I could not find many texts from La Libre Parole outside of this book, so
Birnbaums work helped me understand French anti-Semitism in particular.
Bredin, Jean-Denis. The Affair: The Case of Alfred Dreyfus. Trans. Jeffrey Mehlman. New York:
George Braziller, 1983. Print.
Widely considered the most comprehensive resource about the Dreyfus Affair, Bredins
book affords me still more insight into Dreyfus case. In particular, it includes helpful
details about the French atmosphere surrounding the Affair.
Burns, Michael. Dreyfus: A Family Affair, 1789-1945. New York: Harper Collins, 1991. Print.
By tracing the Dreyfus familys history, Burns book also traces the history of Jews in
France, an insight which proved helpful in deciphering to what degree the hatred of
23

Dreyfus depended solely on his religion. This book also deepened my understanding of
the Dreyfus Affair itself.
- - -, ed. France and the Dreyfus Affair: A Documentary History. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's,
1999. Print. The Bedford Ser. in History and Culture.
Burns book tells the story of the Dreyfus Affair through primary documents, with
further, thorough explanation between documents from Burns. It was key for both finding
primary sources and constructing my history of the Dreyfus Affair.
- - -. Rural Society and French Politics: Boulangism and the Dreyfus Affair, 1886-1900.
Princeton: Princeton University, 1984. Print.
Another of Burns works, his book offers insight into French politics leading up to and
surrounding the Dreyfus Affair, especially concerning Boulangism and its effects on the
case.
Catane, Moshe. Dreyfus, Alfred. Encyclopaedia Judaica. Ed. Michael Berenbaum and Fred
Skolnik. 2nd ed. Vol. 6. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2007. 18-19. Gale Virtual
Reference Library. Web. 4 Oct. 2013.
Catanes encyclopedia entry about Dreyfus offers a fairly comprehensive summary of the
Dreyfus Affair. In addition, it focuses specifically on the anti-Semitism of the incident
and its repercussions in the Jewish world.
Cohen, Raya. Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, But Not for All: France and the Alien Jews, 19331942. Yad Vashem: Shoah Resource Center. The International School for Holocaust
Studies, n.d. Web. 11 May 2014.

24

Cohen reviews Vicki Caron's book "Uneasy Asylum: France and the Jewish Refugee
Crisis, 1933-1942" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999). In her review, Cohen
both includes useful information about the Vichy government's role in deporting Jews
during World War Two and puts Vichy's institutionalized anti-Semitism into context of
French history, including France's famous motto.
De 1898 nos jours... [From 1898 to modern times...]. Ligue des droits de l'homme. La
Ligue des droits de l'homme., 2013. Web. 4 Oct. 2013.
The page De 1898 nos jours details the history of the Ligue des droits de lhomme
(LDF; in English, the Human Rights Leage); specifically, that the LDH was founded in
1898 in order to defend Alfred Dreyfus from the false accusations of treason. That the
LDH still exists is a tribute to the profound effect the Dreyfus Affair had on France.
France. The Encyclopaedia Britannica. 11th ed. Vols. 9-10. 1910. Print.
In addition to further enlightening me on French anti-Semitism and the Dreyfus Affair,
this article on France details the political climate at the turn of the 20th century. Knowing
more information about France's politics before, during and just after the case helped me
put both the judicial spectacle and fraternitys role in the proceedings in context.
Georges Clemenceau. Encyclopaedia Britannica. Encyclopaedia Britannica. Web. 16 Feb.
2014.
This encyclopedia entry explains Clemenceaus role in the Dreyfus Affair, including his
switch to the Dreyfusard side and his future political successes.
Gross, Jean-Pierre. Fair Shares for All: Jacobin Egalitarianism in Practice. Cambridge:
Cambridge University, 1997. Print.
25

Gross book speaks at length on the perspective on fraternity during the Jacobin era. I
used it to understand fraternitys role in that era of French era.
Hunyadi, Mark. Dangereuse Fraternit? 2006. Justice, Libert, Egalit, Fraternit : Sur
quelques valeurs fondamentales de la dmocratie europenne. Ed. Olga Inkova. By
Philippe Roger et al. Geneva: Institut europen de l'Universit de Genve, 2006. 153-72.
IEUG Euryopa Studies. PDF file.
Hunyadis article is all about libert, egalit, fraternit and the role those three tenets
play in French politics and European politics altogether. It helped broaden my
understanding of fraternitys importance and put that understanding in perspective.
McPhee, Peter. A Social History of France, 1780-1880. London: Routledge, 1992. Print.
Routledge Social History of the Modern World.
Concerning the century approximately preceding the Dreyfus Affair, McPhees book
taught me about French society leading up to the case, giving me further understanding of
the environment surrounding the Affair not only in the government, but also in the public
sphere.
Nord, Philip. The Republican Moment: Struggles for Democracy in Nineteenth-Century France.
Cambridge: Harvard University, 1995. Print.
Nords book details not just the development of Frances republicanism (with particular
emphasis on the Third Reich), but also the Jews' influence on that Republic, and vice
versa.

26

Ozouf, Mona. Liberty, Equality, Fraternity. Symbols. Ed. Pierre Nora and Lawrence D.
Kritzman. New York: Columbia University, 1998. 77-116. Print. Vol. 3 of Realms of
Memory: The Construction of the French Past. 3 vols.
Ozoufs extensive article was the most thorough piece on liberty, equality, fraternity
that I could find. Furthermore, it speaks at length on fraternity alone. It was invaluable
in my study of fraternity.
Read, Piers Paul. France is still fractured by the Dreyfus Affair. The Telegraph [London] 28
Jan. 2012: n. pag. The Telegraph. Web. 31 Dec. 2013.
Piers Paul Read, excerpting from his then-upcoming book, writes about Dreyfusards and
anti-Dreyfusards. In particular, he makes distinctions from the generalizations of both
groups. The distinctions he made helped me construct my own analysis of the Dreyfus
Affair.
Reinach, Joseph. Histoire de l'affaire Dreyfus. Paris: Fasquelle, 1929. Print.
Reinach's comprehensive history of the Dreyfus Affair, written not too long after the
Affairs finish, contains a plethora of quotes and primary sources about the event. I used
it to write about the Dreyfus Affair myself.
Schuker, Stephen A. Origins of the Jewish Problem in the Later Third Republic. The Jews in
Modern France. Ed. Frances Malino and Bernard Wasserstein. Hanover: University Press
of New England, 1985. 135-80. Print.
Schukers article examines the origins of anti-Semitism in France, with particular focus
on its build-up approaching World War II. It was helpful for understanding the course of
Frances anti-Semitism, particularly after the Dreyfus Affair.

27

"Slogan of the French Republic." France.fr. N.p., 2013. Web. 27 Dec. 2013.
This page of the French governments website explains the origins of Liberte, Egalite,
Fraternite as France's motto from the French Revolution onwards, as the French
government tells it.
Stern, Daniel. Histoire de la rvolution de 1848. Paris: A. Lacroix, Verboeckhoven et Cie, 1869.
Print.
Stern the penname of Marie dAzoult spends more than 500 pages describing the
revolution of 1848. In the course of that, she details the evolution of liberty, equality,
fraternity: its initial acceptance and its later downfall.
Stille, Alexander. The French Right Scores a Historic Victory. The New Yorker. Cond Nast,
31 Mar. 2014. Web. 11 May 2014.
Stilles article about France's March 2014 municipal elections both pays special attention
to the National Front helpful for me, as I am focusing on the survival of traditional
fraternity in modern times and puts the pro-right election results into context. That
context helped me understand the importance of the National Front's victory as well as
the extent to which France continues to embrace its traditional, limited definition of
brotherhood.
Tuchman, Barbara W. The Proud Tower: A Portrait of the World before the War, 1890-1914.
New York: Ballatine, 1966. Print.
In her chapter Give Me Combat! Tuchman extensively describes the Dreyfus Affair,
with particular emphasis on the myriad players and their motives during the affair. Her

28

chapter was very helpful in my own construction of the Dreyfus Affair and my argument
about the two competing definitions of fraternity.
Wyatt, Caroline. French Headscarf Ban Opens Rifts. BBC News. British Broadcasting
Company, 11 Feb. 2004. Web. 11 May 2014.
Wyatt's article describes the controversy over France's 2004 ban on visible religious
symbols in state schools. Wyatt includes sources both for the ban
(parliamentary members) and against the ban (French citizens, particularly Muslims).
Her article helped me understand both the language of the law and the conflict it spurred
about French identity.

29