Fanakalo

Rajend Mesthrie and Clarissa Surek - Clark

1.Introduction

Fanakalo

Fanakalo (also spelled Fanagalo) is a southern African pidgin

that continues to be used two centuries after its inception. It is
spoken in parts of South Africa, Zimbabwe, and Zambia (where
it is usually known as Chilapalapa), Mozambique, Malawi, and
Namibia, where it has been carried by migrant workers to the
South African mines and by white South African farmers who
emigrated to these countries in the early part of the twentieth
century. Fanakalo is a crystallized pidgin in terms of its fairly
stable structure and circumscribed contexts of use. It is a contact language used prototypically in work situations: on farms,
NAMIBIE
on the mines of the
Witwatersrand, which draws a multilingual
workforce from all over southern Africa, in other urban labour
and trade situations, and in domestic employment (between
employers and maids, cooks, and gardeners). Within South Africa it occurs mainly in the provinces of KwaZulu-Natal and
Gauteng (the mining area). Currently one can hear it in situations of sustained labour contacts, as well as in transactional
communications such as in petrol stations, shops, markets, and
rural trade stores, in which one of the interlocutors is black and
the other Indian or white. It is less well known in other provinces, where a rival urban lingua franca in the domain of labour
is Afrikaans. In rural areas population demographics often dictate that white farmers learn the local Bantu language (especially Tswana in the Free State, Xhosa in the Eastern Cape, and
Zulu in KwaZulu-Natal). In former times Fanakalo was used
in non-labour contexts as well. Mayne (1947: ii) reports that it
was used sporadically by white men amongst themselves when
no other means of communication are available, and Mesthrie
(1989: 21516) reports the same when North Indians had no
other means of communication with South Indians. Fanakalo
was used in education contexts, too, when Indians in rural areas
were being introduced to an English education by missionaries
(Mesthrie 1989: 5).

Other names:
Number of speakers:
Major lexifier:
Other contributing
languages:
Location:

TIT

EB

KAR

ER

Mozambique

Botswana
W

itw
a

South
Africa

at

Pretoria

ter
s

ROO

ng
ute
a
G -rant

Swaziland

Lesotho
R

er

Z
wa

ta

a
-N

ulu

iv

PE

NG

SouthZIMBABWE
Africa, also neighbouring
countries
Official languages of Afrikaans, English, Ndebele,
South Africa:
Northern Sotho, Sotho, Swazi,
Tswana, Tsonga, Venda, Xhosa,
and Zulu

LA

Fanagalo, Chilapalapa
c.3 million, in decline
Zulu
Afrikaans, English

India n
Ocea n

2.Sociohistorical background
The first contacts between Europeans and indigenous peoples in South Africa took place in the Western Cape (1652 to
1800, which roughly marks the Dutch period), where the lingua franca Afrikaans arose out of the experience of colonization and slavery. As Afrikaners moved into the Eastern Cape
from c.1770 onwards, Afrikaans was no longer a viable means of

Map 1.

AFRIQUE DU SUD

communication with the Xhosa people, and several strategies of

communication arose. They involved communication by signs,
by simplified (or broken versions of) Xhosa, simplified Afrikaans, or a mixture of these (Mesthrie 1998). In addition,
communication was sometimes effected through interpreters.
English would be added to the frontier in 1820 with the arrival
of the first batch of settlers from England. Fanakalo seems to
have come into existence in the Eastern Cape from the early
1800s. Mesthrie (1998: 13) gives the earliest recorded sentence
as Wena tandaza O Taay You (must) worship God (uttered by

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Fanakalo
the missionary John Read, at Kat River in 1816, who thought
he was speaking Xhosa). Fanakalo does not appear to have been
widespread in this period: it is but one of several strategies that
appear in the archival and travel literature of the times, and
judging from the sources it was not very frequently used. Only
one fragment was encountered in the period 18001850 in a detailed survey undertaken by Mesthrie for the Eastern Cape.
Of the many diffuse strategies of communication on the
Eastern Cape frontier, the one that won out later in the new colony of Natal (established 1843) further north along the coast
was the Fanakalo option. Initially known as Kitchen Kaffir, the
Pidgin was likely to have been brought over by people with the
experience of the frontier (Afrikaners moving away from the
British in the Cape Colony, their coloured servants, English
adventurers, and possibly some officials). No concrete evidence
of this link exists, however, and the accounts and examples of
Fanakalo give a picture of a pidgin being invented anew out of
the contacts between British settlers and the Zulu population
that outnumbered them. Two major crystallizing events for
Fanakalo took place in this period: (a) the arrival of indentured
Indians in large numbers to the coastal province of Natal (starting in 1860); and (b) the discovery of diamonds and gold in the
interior (starting in 1867).
Indians acquired Fanakalo rapidly as a means of communicating with English employers and local Zulus, and occasionally
amongst themselves when there was no other lingua franca between North and South Indians. They were probably the ones
to stabilize the Pidgin. The gold and diamond rush to the interior resulted in a new Babel containing a variety of European
and African languages and some Chinese (Indians were banned
from venturing into the interior from Natal). Fanakalo became
an important means for the mining bosses to communicate
withand controlthe labour force.

3.Sociolinguistic situation
For much of the twentieth century the Pidgin was closely connected with labour in the mining industry. Since the 1990s there
have been moves to phase out Fanakalo because of its negative
stereotypes and replace it with English. It is not clear whether
these efforts have been successful. Because the mining industry
attracted workers from other regions in the continent, Fanakalo
has been taken to many parts of Africa, where it often carries
positive overtonesrepresenting the sophistication of those
young men who have worked abroad in the cities. In South Africa it is frequently denigrated as a language of exploitation and
cheap labour. This contrasts with earlier optimisticif ignorantdescriptions hailing it as a future lingua franca of southern Africa (see e.g. Hopkin-Jenkins 1947).
Fanakalo is receding slightly insofar as English is spreading as a lingua franca. In our experience it is facing competition

from English amongst younger people, even on farms. There

are some non-transactional situations in which it is used. These
include a kind of expatriate solidarity or nostalgia for South
African things by some emigrants who use occasional expressions from Fanakalo corresponding with family in South Africa
(Adendorff 1995a). Fanakalo is sometimes used as a secret language for Zimbabwean or Natal tourists abroad (for those who
do not command a Bantu language or Afrikaans anyway). It can
be used by Zulu speakers as a form of code divergence that playfully signifies harsher relations with interlocutors than is possible using Zulu (Adendorff 1995a).
Adendorff (1995a) drew an important conceptual distinction between Mine and Garden Fanakalo. He showed that
whereas the mining variety is overwhelmingly Nguni (chiefly
Zulu) in its lexis, examples of Garden Fanakalo incorporate a
great deal of English. Drawing on Adendorffs distinction, we
would like to describe Fanakalo in terms of three focal types:
(a) Farm Fanakalo (typically white or Indian employers and
Zulu employees); (b) Garden/Domestic Fanakalo (urban environment where employers are less familiar with Zulu and have
learned Zulu with the specific intention to speak to their servants); and (c) Mine Fanakalo (planned variety (codified by the
mining industry) that arose from Farm Fanakalo). Running
through these is a common core that few analysts would disagree with.

4.Phonology
Fanakalo utilizes a basic five-vowel system, as shown in Table1.
This five-vowel pattern is typical of Nguni, where length is not
phonemic, and diphthongs are non-existent (vowel combinations either via morphological processes or from loanwords lead
to sandhi or glide insertion). Fanakalo does have sporadic diphthongs resulting from fast speech forms: ai ~ hayi no; aikhona
~ hayikhona no: daisa ~ dayisa sell; gwai ~ gwayi tobacco
etc. Penultimate vowelsas in Nguniare typically lengthened: thus [buga] see versus [bugile] saw. Tonal distinctions are not made, apart from the deictics: l this versus l
that (versus lo the); lpha here lpha there (versus lapha
in). Final voiceless vowels of Zulu are usually dropped in Fanakalo: thus az to know rather than -azi; hash horse rather
than ihashi.
The basic consonant system is given in Table2. This schema
is subject to much variation: foe example, aspiration, as in Zulu,
Table1.Vowels
Front
Close
Mid
Open

i
e

Central

Back
u
o

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Rajend Mesthrie and Clarissa Surek-Clark

Nasal
Fricative
Lateral
Fricative/affricate

voiceless
voiced
voiceless
voiced
voiceless
voiced

Rhotic
Glide

Glottal

Velar

t
d
n
s
z
l

Alveolateral

p
b
m
f
v

Alveopalatal

Alveolar

Plosive

Bilabial

Table2.Consonants

k
g

(or l)
l
(or l)

handbooks also give zi- as a plural prefix for animals and -imi
for inanimates. In Farm Fanakalo, somewhat surprisingly, no
regular noun plural exists. If plurality needs to be clarified or
emphasized, speakers use the periphrastic zonke all. Jugmohans (1990) light subjects produce occasional plurals in (prefix) ma-. In addition they show an innovation not recorded in
any other database: the use of plural suffix -s from English. This
is an intriguing anglification of the morphology by urban Indian speakers. (We have no evidence of it, however, in our rural
database.)
The demonstratives in Fanakalo are the following:
(1) l
this vs. l
that
lpha here vs. lpha there

is used extensively (phelile completed, thatha take, khaya

house). However, it is unlikely that aspiration is a distinctive
feature in Fanakalo. Likewise, one can hear an ejective quality
on certain consonants, and the interaction between ejectives
and non-ejectives deserves further study. Clicks are not used
in Fanakalo; they are replaced by velar consonants (usually /k/).
The brackets in the consonant chart indicate variation, along
ethnic lines. Zulu speakers produce // and /l/ as alveolateral
fricatives; other speakers substitute // and /l/ with an initial
alveopalatal fricative followed by a lateral [l] and [l]. In rural
areas Zulu speakers frequently use /l/ in place of /r/ which occurs in non-Zulu words. Delayed voicing of medial consonants
may be retained by Zulu speakers but medial consonants are
usually turned into voiced consonants by others (thus [faka]
put versus [faga]); this results in the variance in spelling between Fanakalo (correct in Zulu) and Fanagalo (correct for
many Fanakalo speakers). Prenasalized consonants may be retained by Zulu speakers but dropped by others: thus ndlebe ear
versus dlebe; nkuni firewood versus kuni etc.
As for syllable structure, Fanakalo mostly follows the Zulu
preference for CVCV syllables or NCV (where N denotes a homorganic nasal, though as already stated, the nasal is dropped
in initial position for non-Zulu speakers). However, the neat
Zulu pattern is broken up in words from English and Afrikaans;
hence Fanakalo admits clusters with /st/, /sk/, /sp/. The clusters
/gw/ and /kl/ are possible in gwai tobacco and klina to clean
(and possibly other words).

5.Noun phrase
Nouns do not generally have inflections, in contrast to the range
of noun class prefixes of Zulu. However, Mine Fanakalo has maas plural marker (usually for [+human] nouns), though some

It is the preponderance of lo as a definite article and demonstrative pronoun that gives Fanakalo one of its many disparaging
names (Isilolo the lo-lo language). Lo also occurs in the name
Fanakalo (like this, i.e. pertaining to instructions of employer
to employee). In ordinary usage as well as in handbook translations lo occurs as both definite and indefinite article. Thus
Mayne (1947) translates a in sentences like Use a dry cloth
(p.25) and Dig a trench here by lo (not munye one). Example
(2) is from Jugmohan (1990: 58), with his translation (as indefinite).
(2) Mina lo nurse gotwa yena lo tisha.
I
art nurse but (s)he art teacher
Iam a nurse, but she is a teacher.
Indeed, as Cole (1953: 6) remarked, speakers of Fanakalo acquired the habit of putting lo before every noun, and a personal
pronoun before every verb, even if the subject be expressed.
For lo this is certainly a matter for closer future investigation,
using categories such as specific, generic, and known to
hearer. Other determiners with a quantifier function in Fanakalo are zonke all, maningi many, ayi-maningi few (literally not many).
The pronouns of Farm Fanakalo are taken from Zulu:

mina I
wena you
yena he/she/it
thina we
nina you (pl.)
bona they

These are free morphemes which in Zulu are absolute pronouns, despite the regularity of the final na syllable which occurs in Nguni for reasons of stress. In Nguni, these free pronoun
forms are used only for emphasis or contrast; in other contexts
only the subject prefix is used. Handbooks of Mine Fanakalo do
not give the forms nina (you pl.) and bona (they), substituting
the periphrastic forms wena zonke you all and yena zonke he/

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Fanakalo
she/it all. These are innovations of Fanakalo and are not possible in Zulu. In Farm Fanakalo the forms zonke wena and zonke
yena (with reversal of the order) are lesser used alternatives (and
not characteristic of deep speakers).
For possession, periphrasis occurs: ga X denotes of X
(where ga <ka, one of the possessive particles of Zulu). With
regard to the word order, Fanakalo follows the Nguni patterns:
(3) imoto ka Sipho(Zulu)
car gen Sipho
Siphos car
(4) lo moto ga lo Sipho(Fanakalo)
art car gen art Sipho
Siphos car
Thus, the possessor follows the possessed in Zulu and Fanakalo,
unlike the unmarked Afrikaans and English order (though English also has the of-construction, which resembles the Zulu and
Fanakalo pattern).

6.Adjectives
Concerning the comparison of adjectives, Jugmohans (1990:
75) speakers use the adjective in its invariant form followed by
ga than (literally of):
(5) Themba makhulu galo Tom.
Themba big
than Tom
Themba is bigger than Tom.
The fusion of the forms ga and lo seems premature to us: more
likely the morphology is ga of, pertaining to plus lo (art). In
other words, since with pronouns the form is ga and not galo, it
is clear that lo is a free form that precedes the full noun.

7.Verb phrase
Verbs are marked by the -a ending (as in Zulu). This form is
the default tense and aspect option signifying present tense,
imperative or infinitive. The past tense in Fanakalo is formed
by the suffix -ile, which is taken from the perfective in Zulu.
This suffix -ile covers the range perfectivesimple past in Fanakalo as well. The future in Fanakalo in our database is marked
by zo (discussed above). Bold (1977: 10) gives a combination
of zo+-ile as future perfect: Mina zo idl-ile Iwill have eaten.
Although this is rare in our conversational database, it is a possible combination given the right discourse context. Examples
are (6) and (7).
(6) Yena bon-ile mina.
he see-pst I
He saw me.

(7) Obani nina siz-a?

who you.pl help-prs
Whom do you help?
Atense category that has gone unnoticed by previous writers in
Fanakalo is the anterior marker gate. Mesthrie (2007) notes that
in Farm Fanakalo gate is frequently used to mark past habitual
or past perfect. With non-stative verbs gate collocates with present as well as past verb forms as follows:
(8) Wena gate
idl-a lo nyama.
you pst.hab eat-prs art meat
You used to eat meat. (also: You were eating meat.)
(9) Wena gate idl-ile lo nyama.
you ant eat-pst art meat
You had eaten the meat.
With stative verbs like azi to know, the usual past in -ile does
not exist; past tense is expressed by gate+verb:
(10) Lo umfana yena gate
azi mina.
art boy
he pst.hab know me
The boy used to know/knew me. (*azile)
Inherited from Zulu is the present meaning of some adjectives
which are formally perfective verbs. Thus:
(11) Mina lamb-ile.
I
hunger-pst
Iam hungry.
(12) Mina gate lamb-ile.
I
ant hunger-pst
Iwas hungry.
Compare these two with the translations of Mina idl-ile Iate
and Mina gate idl-ile Ihad eaten.
Although the Fanakalo verb system is no way as complex as
that of Zulu (where there are short and long perfects, (remote)
past and narrative pasts, situatives (or continuous pasts)) etc.,
it is surprisingly systematic. This highly structured nature of
tense in Fanakalo has not been appreciated by previous commentators, nor its reliance on the stative/non-stative aspectual
distinction.
Other verb inflections, which are all taken from Zulu, are:
-isa (causative) theng-a buy; theng-isa cause to buy, sell;
-wa (prs passive) phek-a cook; phek-wa is cooked;
-we (past passive) phek-a cook; phek-iwe was cooked;
-ela (benefactive) theng-a buy; theng-ela buy for
(e.g. Buy (a shirt) for (me).)
The preverbal particle (h)ayi is used as verb phrase negator.
(13) Lo Nomusa yena az wena.
art Nomusa she know you
Nomusa knows you.

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Rajend Mesthrie and Clarissa Surek-Clark

(14) Lo Nomusa yena ai yaz wena.
art Nomusa she neg know you
Nomusa doesnt know you.

(22) makhulu muntu

big
man
big man

In combination with other particles (e.g. zo for future) the negator remains just before the main verb, in our database at least:

Subjects are always overt in Fanakalo:

(15) Wena-z ai thola lo dawo.

you-fut neg get art place
You wont get a place
Hopkin-Jenkins (1947: 16) gives the reverse order (neg+fut
with no alternatives):
(16) Yena aikhona zo hamba.
he neg
fut go
He will not go
This order also occurs in Mayne (1947: 14); whether we are
dealing with a genuine dialect difference needs to be investigated further.
Copula absence is normal with predication:
(17) Yena gane ga mina.
it
child poss I
It is my child.
(18) Yena mnandi.
it
nice
Its nice.

(23) Yena hamb-ile.

she travel-pst
She has travelled/She went away. (*Hambile)
In fact, Fanakalo prefers a topicalized syntax with every full
subject NP followed by an appositional pronoun. Thus John
he went rather than John went (cf. 1314).
Apart from Mayne (1947) there is no discussion of reflexives in any previous descriptions of Fanakalo. Mayne records
zi as the reflexive (prefixed to verbs), based on similar usage in
Zulu (meaning by oneself). This appears to us inauthentic
(Maynes intention being to bring about a synthesis/compromise between complexified Fanakalo and simplified Zulu). In
our oral database, the hybrid English-Zulu innovative form self
ga pro occurs:
(24) Yena enzile lo
into self ga yena.
she did the thing self of she
She did it by herself.
We suspect that this is a recent innovation. Other reflexive
meanings are handled by emphasis and intonation. It is not possible to form reciprocals in Fanakalo in any grammaticalized
way.

However, with location, copular khona is mandatory:

(19) Yena khona lapha.
it
be.loc here
Its here.
Some examples of serial verbs occur in Fanakalo, rather like the
simple serial order of colloquial English:
(20) Yena funa hamba.
he want go
He wants to go. (infinitive ga variably deleted)
(21) Bona hamba dayisa lo mangwe.
they go
sell art mango
They are going to sell the mangoes.

8.Simple sentences

9.Complex sentences
Relative clauses involve embedding either with a zero relative
marker or with lo. Lo has no tonal marking in this instance, unless a distinction between this one who (l) versus that one
who (l) is specifically intended. Sentence (25) is from Adendorff (1995b: 12).
(25) Lo (kuba) yena lo into lo
tina lima
ka
art (hoe) it art thing which we cultivate with
yena lapa kaya ka lo ma-sim.
it at home in art pl-field.
Ahoe is a thing with which we cultivate the fields at
home.
Noko is an important subordinator for clauses with if and
whether:

(26) Yena buza noko wena-z hamba lapa stolo.

Fanakalo is SVO in structure in main and subordinate clauses.
she ask if you-fut go
loc store
However, it is not rigidly SVO insofar as it permits topic
She asks if/whether you will go to the store.
comment order as well.
In terms of word order it is noteworthy that Fanakalo em- Apart from the presence of complementizer noko, no other
changes occur to main or subordinate clause.
ploys the adjectivenoun order:

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Fanakalo
Table3. Examples of Fanakalo words from different sources
Akha v.

Build

<Zulu -akha

phuza v.
vula n.
stelleg adv.
melek n.
senga v.
skaf n.
stimela n.
picannini n.

drink
rain
strongly, very, a lot
milk
to milk
food
train
child n.

<Zulu -phuza
<Zulu imvula
<Afrikaans sterk strong
<Afrikaans melk
<Zulu -senga
<English skoff
<English steam via Zulu
<Portuguese pequeninho small
child

10.Lexicon
Cole (1953) calculated that, on the basis of the dictionaries and
handbooks of the time, Fanakalo was comprised of about 70 per
cent Nguni (chiefly Zulu) lexis; 24 per cent English and 6 per
cent Afrikaans (see Table 3 for some examples).
Amore explicit count was done by Adendorff (1995a) for
Mine Fanakalo. He counted lexical items in terms of types (not
tokens) from three instructors on the mines whose home languages were Tsonga, Xhosa, and Zulu respectively. His results,
which we adapt into percentages, were very similar to Coles
(see Table4).
Adendorff (1995a: 181) remarks on the high typetoken
ratio in his sample (occurrences of separate lexical items compared to the total number of lexemes). He notes further (1995a:
1812) that lexical richness prevails over processes that entail
reconstituting lexical roots in order to yield new items. Such
a principle underlies compounding, reduplication (an instance
of compounding) and circumlocution. In the mine variety Fanakalo evidently possesses sufficient lexical primes without
having to resort to these means.
Neither Cole nor Adendorff report words specific to Xhosa
or Sotho in their sample; even though (a) Xhosa was the dominant language of the eastern Cape where Fanakalo probably originated and (b) Sotho is the majority indigenous language in
the mining region. Accordingly, regional variation in Fanakalos
lexicon is slight. Even in Zimbabwe only a few words specific to
the region occursee Ferraz (1980) for specific examples. In
Farm Fanakalo of KwaZulu-Natal some words from Indian languages pertaining to food and vegetables are used.

Table4. Origin of Fanakalo vocabulary (n = 554)

Zulu
English
Afrikaans
Portuguese
Uncertain
Names and dates
Other

70.6 %
13.5 %
2.9 %
0.5 %
3.1 %
7.2 %
2.2 %

It is worth noting that almost all Fanakalo verbs come from

Zulu (in Trapps (1908) 60 sentences this is true of all verbs;
Coles (1953) examples have only six verbs derived from Afrikaans or English).1

Glossed text
Excerpt from conversation between Mrs. M. Ramphal and Mrs.
L. Govender of Kwa-Zulu Natal. Recorded by R. Mesthrie in
1987.
A: Manje indaba wena ai hambile skul?
now why you not went school
Tell me, why have you never been to school?
B: Ai hambile skul, lo baba ena ai facile lapa
not went school the father he not put to
Why didnt I go to school? My father never put me
skul. Ai khona skul lapa. Muva ena buyile skul.
school not is
school there later it came school
in school. There was no school nearby. Later a school
Lo skati yena zonke gane mangane mangane
the time they all child small small
was built. When they were all youngvery small
mangane, sistela ga thina ai fundile, muva sistela ga
small
sister of we not studied later sister of
our sister hadnt gone to school; later the next sister
mina ai fundile, muye tombazana yena fundile.
I
not studied another girl
she studied
didnt go to school either; the next sister did go to school.
Lo mabili yena fundile lo English, nangu
the two they studied the English there.you.are
Two of them studied English; you know the
ena shatile lapa Stanger, muye ena shatile
they married in Stanger another she married
one got married in Stanger, and the other married
lapa Drift. Zonke thina hlangwile izolo... umshato.
in Drift all
we meet
yesterday wedding
in Drift. All of us gathered at yesterdays wedding.
A: Ubani ai hambile skul?
who not went school
Who didnt go to school?
B: Lapa khaya ga mina? Mina na muye sistela ga
in house of I
I
and another sister of
In my house? My sister and I,
1These are aina to iron; basopa to look after; mosha to spoil, waste, mess;
shova to push, shove; penta to paint; sheva to shave.

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mina, mabili. Thina mabili guphela ayi hambile
I
two we two only not went
the two of us. Only the two of us did not go.

A: Wena az bichana?
you know a.little
You know a little, then?

A: Wena ai fundile lo English ga khuluma nje?

you not studied the English to speak indeed
So you didnt learn to speak English?

B: Az je
bichana. Mina phendula, noko yena ai
know indeed a.bit
I
answer if he not
Ido know a bit. Ianswer sometimes. If he doesnt

B: Hakke. Nangu
lo Krish ena buya, ena khuluma
no
there.you.are the Krish he comes he speaks
No. You know Krish comes and speaks

az,
futhi... yena az
goto, lo fana
understand too
he knows but the boy
understand, Irepeat...the boy knows though,

ga English. Mina phinda yena.

with English I
repeat him.
in English. Irepeat after him.

yena az.
he understands
he understands.2
2She probably means Tamil here.

References
Adendorff, Ralph. 1993. Ethnographic evidence of the social meaning of Fanakalo in South Africa. Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 8(1). 127.
1995a. Fanakalo in South Africa. In Mesthrie, Rajend (ed.), Language and social history: Studies in South African sociolinguistics,
176 192. Cape Town: David Philip.
1995b. Adescription of selected grammatical characteristics of
Mine Fanakalo. South African Journal of Linguistics Supplement 27.
318.
Aitken Cade, S. E. 1951. So! You want to learn the language! An amusing and instructive Kitchen Kafir dictionary. Salisbury: Centafrican
Press.
Aubry, Caroline. 2001. The origins of Fanagalo reconsidered through its
grammar and its lexicon. Paper presented at the SPCL (Society of
Pidgin and Creole Linguistics) meeting, Georgetown University,
Washington DC, January 2001.
Barter, Catherine. 1855. Alone among the lus: The narrative of a journey
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