History Research Center

The Communist Manifesto (excerpts)

Excerpt from The Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, an 1848 treatise that famously declared "the
history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles." The classes were made up of two groups: the bourgeois,
who controlled the means of production; and the proletariat, who produced the goods. The Manifesto proclaimed that the
bourgeois would eventually be destroyed by its own goals of obtaining and concentrating wealth, while the proletariat would grow
as more and more workers were needed to enrich the few at the top. This situation would culminate in a revolution where the
multitudes of workers would overthrow the last of the bourgeois and redistribute goods among the people according to a needbased system. At that point, all people would come together and work for the good of the overall society, and everyone would
have an equal share of society's profits.
One of the most influential documents of the twentieth century, Marx's Manifesto popularized the idea of an exploited, and
therefore oppressed, class that could change society through revolution. This was not a new concept, but the Manifesto's direct
impact on subsequent working class movements was to inspire an idea of class consciousness that allowed certain groups to
identify themselves as oppressed classes, and therefore legitimize the steps these groups took to right what they perceived to be
wrongs. Two major movements in the United States, the Civil Rights Movement and the Women's Movement, relied heavily on
their members' identification as oppressed classes. The realization of this oppression gave way to the desire to abolish it.
Revolutionaries in other countries, such as Lenin in Russia and Mao Tse-tung in China, threw out their previous governments and
adopted Communism as a form of government. The U.S., reacting in part to atrocities committed by Communist leaders like Stalin
and Mao Tse-tung, but mostly to Communism's goal of abolishing capitalism, vehemently opposed the establishment of any
Communist government. The U.S. fought two "hot" wars in Korea and Vietnam to stem the flow of Communism, and entered into
a long and drawn out, but not openly violent, conflict with the Soviet Union known as the cold war.
More than 150 years after its publication, The Communist Manifesto remains a seminal work. Its undeniable historical impact
makes it an important tool for understanding our past, and its insights into the direction of capitalist development underscores its
importance to our future.
The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles. Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf,
guild-master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an
uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large,
or in the common ruin of the contending classes.
In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a manifold
gradation of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal lords, vassals,
guild-masters, journeymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these classes, again, subordinate gradations.
The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal society, has not done away with class antagonisms. It has
but established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle in place of the old ones. Our epoch, the epoch
of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinctive feature: It has simplified the class antagonisms. Society as a whole is more
and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two great classes directly facing each other--bourgeoisie and proletariat.
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A similar movement is going on before our own eyes. Modern bourgeois society with its relations of production, of exchange and
of property, a society that has conjured up such gigantic means of production and of exchange, is like the sorcerer who is no
longer able to control the powers of the nether world whom he has called up by his spells. For many a decade past the history of
industry and commerce is but the history of the revolt of modern productive forces against modern conditions of production,
against the property relations that are the conditions for the existence of the bourgeoisie and of its rule. It is enough to mention the
commercial crises that by their periodic return put the existence of the entire bourgeois society on trial, each time more

threateningly. In these crises a great part not only of the existing products but also of the previously created productive forces, are
periodically destroyed. In these crises there breaks out an epidemic that, in all earlier epochs, would have seemed an absurdity-the epidemic of over-production. Society suddenly finds itself put bad into a state of momentary barbarism; it appears as if a
famine, a universal war of devastation had cut off the supply of every means of subsistence; industry and commerce seem to be
destroyed. And why? Because there is too much civilisation, too much means of subsistence, too much industry, too much
commerce. The productive forces at the disposal of society no longer tend to further the development of the conditions of
bourgeois property; on the contrary, they have become too powerful for these conditions, by which they are fettered, and no
sooner do they overcome these fetters than they bring disorder into the whole of bourgeois society, endanger the existence of
bourgeois property. The conditions of bourgeois society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by them. And how does
the bourgeoisie get over these crises? On the one hand by enforced destruction of a mass of productive forces: on the other, by
the conquest of new markets, and by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones. That is to say, by paving the way for more
extensive and more destructive crises, and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented.
The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself.
But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to
wield those weapons--the modern working class--the proletarians. The Communists disdain to conceal their views and arms.
They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling
classes tremble at a Communist revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win.
Workingmen of all countries, unite!
Marx and Engels, The Communist Manifesto.
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