Women of Value, Men of Renown New Perspectives in Trobriand Exchange Annette B. Weiner ‘Texas Press Sourecbooks in Anthropology ‘University of Texas Press, AustinChapter 8 Yams and Women’s Wealth ‘We now come ta the most remarkable and one might Say sociologically sensational featare of Trobrignd mar Hage...» Marrige puts the wife's family under a perman nt wibotary obligation tothe husband to whom they have to pay yearly contibatins far as long os the household exists. From the moment when they sienity by the fst ft that they tccept the mariage, they have to produce, year afer year Uy ther own labour, a quantity of yams forthe Kins woman's farily-—Malinowski 1929, p. 121 “The fist year of marrage is «publicly marked period of time in the life eyele of each spouse. They no longer participate in she peer activities of adolescence, yet they have not assumed the fall, Fespousbilitis of ada A woman cant cook fod, since she ‘has not been given a hearth, Her husband grows yams for nother ‘mano yams have yet been given to biz. Each day, the couple ‘have ther common food, yams, ee only tsne in this Hives they tll et wih an adule of the opposite sex. Hating together demos: rates thatthe kin ofeach spouse have fulfled ther initial ob fcons, thus sanctioning the mariage. Now the spouses must Bemoustiete that they can fulfll each other's needs as indivi tals, The exchanges, inerently hazardous, donor begin again vn ‘i the end ofthis tal period, During this yea, the frst child is ‘heen conceived! Thus, bythe end of che year, the reproductive (yee is regenerated andthe yam eycle is reconsticuted "Fora Trobriander, at any dein their ives, open discussions concerning the sexual lations ofa husband and wile ae strictly {tboo in their presence, Alehough banter among adults and even Small children often takes the form of "tock your mother, fuck Your father," and #0 on, the most horrendous inul, with dire196 Yams and Women's Wealth consequences, is to say to 4 man “fuck your wife” In Kwal- tween young man was foreel to move to another village be- cause in the hest ofan agument with his mother’s brother, be creamed at him, "Fuck your wife!” Inthe coneet ofthis taboo, the sharing of yams between wile snd husband seems to come Closest to any public stavement regarding thelr sexual union ‘Yams symbolically represent fruity, fertkty Which combines both female and male elements “The importance of the union of maleness and femaleness is made explicit im the magic spells for yams. Tn the frst stage of gardening when the concern is wid fruity of he sil and the flevelopment of the yam ender ground, the eycle of gardening sells contains sepeitous use of such phrases asthe belly of my {inden swell as with a child” and “swell oat, Oso, swell out as ‘with a child” [Malinowski 19882, pp 101,102) In preparation for the range of spells be chanted at tis time, ceremonial belts are Covered wath herbs contsining specal magical qualities Bu the Ines are placed berween the sx blade anda stip of died banana leat earfly folded over the ax bid, . 95), thus enclosing the herbs becween the x and serp of autuniga [bundles of banana leaves). Later in the gardening cycle, when the viaes begin to breakthrough the ground and wind around the poles erected aver tach yam plant the metaphors and metonomy ia the spells henge [se ibid, pp. 102-148 The emphasis is now on such movements as "come out" “shoot” and "anchor." elements of sale sexuality? The growth stage ofthe vines i further drama {teed by the building of large erect poles ama Te seems expecially gnifcant that wife and husband do not smerely share food, but cht they cuteach yam in half and together consume the one Tobriand symbol representing the union of both male and female complementary powers oferty. "Re the close of the teal perio, i the mariage remains in good standing. a woman's Kinsmen make a final confimation of the contact by bringing a yam harvest co the husband's In in pay- ‘ient fr the valublessleady piven to them. Shortly theese, ‘woman's father prepares a yam garden inher name, "Yam exchange gardens from a man to a maried woman. A ‘man makes fis ft female exchenge garden (Roya) for his tarred daughter and continues w present his daughter with ‘Yams each year until one of his sons takes over this production. ‘When other daughters marry, or when 2 mam grows old, andlor ‘when a man's sons mary, « womans brother begins to produce ‘he annual garden for her Usually, the association in birth order ‘Yams and Women's Wealth 197 provides the link between a pascular man and is sister thats {lies brother makes 4 garden for his eldest married sister, nex Eldest brother for the nexeeldest marred sister, and soon. If {man has many daughters he himself ill not always inate ga. dens for his youngest daughters This ¥esponsbity falls wo one of fer brothers If she bas no brothers, ber mothers brother will, usually take om this role, athets and brothers give yams, husbands receive yams. These ‘yams provide a man access toa lager and more significant st of {Uocial relationshipe than he has Been able to cultivate before. ‘Now, forthe fst time, a ney marred man is able to make in {ependent desisions beyond the pale of the fatherion relation: Ship Through the annual presentation af yams made to him by Ins wile's Kinsmen, a man moves into an adul role. He now coo ‘Hols his own supply af yam, the basic medium of exchange. Tn sense this process does seem as sensational as Malinowski eseriped. But Trobrind mariage is far more complex than is Seen from Malinoweli’s assertion chae mariage places “the snfe’s family under a permanent tibutary ebligation tothe hus tana!” (1929, p_ 121). The yams given to.a man by his wife's kin can be wued by him, but eventually he must reiprocate ‘These annual yams ae gown by a woman's kinsman in a garden | marked in her name. When the yams are arranged in font of her Husband’ yama house, chey ae pesented inher name. In stat Sense she i dhe owner of she yams. With the receipt of yams, a ‘an isnot obligated to his wie’ kin but to her dretly. ‘Reciprocal exchanges from @ man t0 his wife. Alchough 3 ‘woman is able to manufacture skirts and bundles alone, she heeds lr more wealth than she cen accurnlate herself in onder Forher to participate asa major distibutor of wealth ina mor ay ceremony. The major rspoasitlity of man to his wife sto provision her with addisional wealth. A man supplies his wife fetch wealth in two ways, Fins, 4 man's “sisters” formally pre ent bundles, skirts, and now pieces of clico and Wester cosh Ing to his wife just pur t the sear ofthe women’s mortuary ‘ceremony. Each "sister ives wealth because she is reciprocating for the buskets of yams that her “brother” gives her each veat ‘Although a man’s “sisters” publicly give wealth to his wile, they do so only when they themselves have received yams from him ‘These wansactions described in chapter 4 are called kabiyamil In the women's mortuary disribution, women walk in a line across che center of dhe hamlet, carrying objects of wealth o thei “other” wife. Tis line of women fom eight 10 fey women)198 Yams and Women's Wealth publicly symbolizes the sie and extent of « man’s range of fe- {mule help Second, dough valova [exchanges of pig, valuables, Western trade goods, et, for bundles and skirts) aunah assists is wife in accumulating women’s wealth. Her huge Bled baskets at the start of che dstbution and her ality to contaibute bundles tw every exchange during the day are public statements of her Ihasband’s suppore and wealth The signifeance of valov iste fleced in the fllowing statement, made by one of miy infor ‘We watch ur sister's husband carefully to see how fast he helps her ge zeady for dhe women's mortuary ceremony, the does not help her quickly to collect her things, then we say that man isnot a good husband and we donot want tomake a garden for our sisterany more ‘Thus man reeproeates the annaal yam presentations by com verting his own male wealth into women’s wealth fr his wife His vale's wealth in tor, is distributed on Beall of her ki in ling her father Women’s performance in mortuary distributions. When a man snakes a garden fr his mamed daughter, he is ensuring her su port in any mortuary distabutions which members of his dala perform. A woman will continue to suppore these distributions ven when her brother takes over the production of he arden. A ‘man’s presentation of yams throuth hie daughter to her husband {is indivecey securing his som inl’ service forthe members of his own dala, The retur service is exhibited through the smont of wealth @ man’s daughter contbutes ta distribution, there fore ber husband, in team for yams, should help his wife secu ‘late this wealth “The peormance of women in mortuary distributions atthe ‘aro gubseau) << natuabiestatola) | ‘yams (vewoulo) > snngal ——________> <—$_ nrowraary reciprocity 1. urigubu, Kovisi, and gubwauli wansactions wife's relatives husband’ relatives 24 > << ratnaes aoa) yams {rilakolig) —___5 snnual yam garden > <—$_ moray reciprosity 2. marriage transactions Figure 22. Exchanges from men to married women210 Yams and Women's Wealth ship relationships Bus, sn order for this relationship to grow into ‘formal exchange relationship, 2 woman's father must enter the picture, and she must many Inthe marriage contac, she movement of women and yams to the husbands’ residence suggest a symbolic association beeween ‘women snd yams, Yams reproduce Remlves, just as women are thoaghe ta do, Yams, however, need culvation as fetus needs to be shaped by a man, The movement of yams from the father fd brother of wounaa to her husbane symbolizes the tansfor- ‘mation of her sexuality nto a sexual unin that proves a child ‘bom not only of dala hood but provisioned with patemal went ty, Since the sual ae between husband and wile can never be publicly discussed, and since a father ox bother can never ac- knowledge a womsa's seul behavior, the yams exchanged be ‘oween chese men, through 2 woman, speak the elemental words ‘hat constitute ll men's immortality In marrage, men give away valuables and receive yams, ‘Through thet valushles, dey zeceive righ to their children, ‘whom they develop and provision just as their own fathers Shaped and mortared them. But, because they aso receive yams, ‘en continually expend their own wealth im provisioning their ‘wives with women's wealth. Te importance of women's wealth fexeeods he impartance of the histoncal time controlled by men. In their performance of mortuary dstibutions, women contol forall Kiswinans the abistoical aspect of ime: the continuity of ‘aloma and dala idetiy Chapter 9 ‘The Nature of Trobriand Exchange the final gol, of which an Ethnographer should never lose ight.» is broly, to grasp the nauve's point of view, his elation to lif, to realise his vision of his world. We have to study man, and we must study what concers him mos imately thats the hold which ife has on hm. ln eal culture the values are slightly diferent, people aspire ater diferent ‘ims, follow different impulses, year after a diffeent form of Iappiness” To stady the institutions, customs, aad codes orto study the behavior and mentality without the subjec tive desire of feling by what these people live, of realising the substance oftheir happiness, in iy opinion 0 miss the greatest reward which we can hope to obtain from the study of man-—Malinowshi 1922.25 ‘Malinowski sought to find cukuzal meaning in subjective desire. ‘To understand the Trobriander's mind ie was necessary Yo con Ceptualize events through the "ntive’s point of ew.” Subjec tive desire as 4 mauvating force for behavior could then be {ricolated into logical structures of Trobrind realty. For Mali ‘owsky, the reduction of such mouvation to psychological phe- ‘pomena became the pmary reference point om which to des- abe and explain the Trobriander' “vison of his world.” While ‘Malinowski realized cha the system of exchange could provide him with insights into the poychology ofthe Trobnand people, be failed to realize that the system serves ruch the same function for the people themselves, obvanders regulary use the particu: lags of specific exchanges 0 read and send messages about each ‘thet’ states of mind. Th this study, too have besa conecened with subjective desire, ‘Bu, ulike Malinowsl, have attempted to read objects of exara Trobriond Exchange change asthe Tobrande’ symbolic presentations of thir town thought {9 the Trobsands, whee exchange fo Ge Basie framework around which formal pattems of socal interaction ae tnganized,abjeces Become high signa Beease a their ‘manner of presentitionauaicy, quantity, aad the hke—they Cre sed san oetfcon te iste In ode for Thoviandes to sed specific exchanges a rfc tions ofthe thoughts and feelings of the partipants, they must possess 4 eye of interpretation, Ethnogaphers have sumed {ae this sytem can be understood by eleng the ales fr spe ‘le exchange events. But the system desrbed inthis way a lows only two messages either prtitpants adhere wo the rales ania well or they donot follow the rae, m which ease ometing'i roe Amn the robin howe Io saved a ch wider ange of Commsiaton Gough exchange Seg. Thobsandes evaluate eachother’ thoughts and feelings fn lig ofthe vlve of specie exchanges, and they ake eae that the siopostons they wish imputed to themselves wil be cor recty ea by other "ach person I accorded some dees of autonomy in al social teladonships.Threlore, the dang! in exchange i that rlaon- ‘Ships remain at best tenuous. The persons with whom ane ex hangs an change residence, divorce, or not work 100 har ‘he gardens, Through conflicts, « man may lowe his yam hook ot 1 woman wil be able to produce only + meager aupply of er ‘vent, Hee, as elewhee, there exists 4 strong eth of equiva ence, despite rank and other sas dierenctons. People are ot fee «command each other They cannot ect thet wll ‘rer another person, Bot Tobiandes belive tat is posible Infinence the position of others. Soc invence, however, hs limitations nd te process emotions fallible “Giving things to hes andthe ue of magic pelle ae the wo ost elective persuasive devices availabe t every individual Magi spells ae am stem eo gain contol ver objets and per {ens through power verbal persurson see Tabiah 1589), The Gymamics of exchange embody simile though less powerfa ‘enpts at persuasion Wile mage when sucess can ducely ontol the mind of another exchange even when auccenful, Aepends ona general ele of geneonty In exchange, the giver Smid eorniy evens e rhe step x Batie The central eontadicion, which suggest ha impliatios for a general teary of exchenge Is that exchange ehates the op ‘Dobnand Exchange 213 sition between the self and others, while simultaneously i een fences the very same opposition. Every individual believes him- fell or berself sb to aegoriate some measure of control in all re [frinships, yet recogaition of te inherent limitations of contol fs jue as immanent. ‘Thos, whereas Lévi-Strauss saw exchange ab the meliatoe of faxed opposed categories of relationships, | am suggesting that ‘Tlobuiand exchange erates and reinforces oppositions of selfn ferent atthe same time that those opposicians are momentarily (vercome, Tobnand exchange prevents the identity of one pe on ftom being totally absorbed by snodher, the untenable ex fremes of complete autonomy from others and total dependence fon others are avoided through the mechanism of exchange. Ex Change allows social space tobe negouale tthe same time that personal space fone saonomy] i inviolable Tn contast, magic Bea mechanism that allows ene person to incude upon the per onal space of another, Were magi rather than exchange the mo- for operand! of daly social interaction, the spit of society into tho clases—contolles and conuolled—would be complete ‘Tals speculation suggests the social value of exchange, The po Sites of gaining power oer other people ae limited, but the liabilices are also limited. Individuals axe constrained by ex: ‘change, but they also maintain their personel autonomy within ses Framework ‘Because everyone believes in her or his own independence and because contil is constrsned, selrinterest must be disguised ‘The constraints on the system demand that self-interest not be expressed in words, hence, inthe Tobnands, desire and individu ‘STintent should not be overly stated. Asin the ease of pokala Sd marrage exchange, verbal statemenes of intent ae withheld fantil it becomes clear dough the noaverbal medium of ex Change that one's expectations wil be fulled. Villagers ead ex Change events by testing the objects and styles of exchange 35 evidences ofatitudes nd expectations In this way, objects com fhunicate what words cannot Objects change hands in formal ‘Setings, publiely announcing one's expectations but keeping the Calculations verbally silent. The cransaeton usualy states an ac ompished fact while allowing each patcipant co subvert that face Exchange does not alienate the donor, a8 Marcel Mauss and Karl Mare implied jee Sablins 1972, pp. 180-181), but gives Scope to an ongoing process wherein the don0: and the recipient fay continualy reevaluate the other's and their own current Condition or states of being inthe system._ .... 4°. ang Trobriand Exchange ‘put words have heir own power; in sexms of conflict, words are aa era tnd therefore ultimately more powerful than ob re etalk chess, duccly and rumediately calles ieee ord erreen contol aad personal autonomy. This | Su the lhe venom thatthe spoken words of magic spells contin fee ie sy eee one’s desis, desires thas camo fe fhe Power tel chvough the formal channels of exchange. The accomplished epee are the fantasies of private thouht and) ards of Per thene words are the projection of power The pac ara net extends the strength of one's creative and manip [ce of ma contol and publicly displays one's autonomy. tive intent Jpjects most alco be displayed. Bu, inthis case, di er ctatskes ones aby to matntin relationships ros ay ea oels of ecpvoeity. Throughout life, an individual {he forme on resources obtainel though others, Ascrbed is devon unt be fortified and expanded by achievements ‘oe, nally vliated sn public dplay. Given de Tro inc a eo thig achievement is indeed a great accomplish- briand mmiG ets demand constant care and watchful conto 6 Beene A oe anothey, all extetaal property can be Jost Goods in om aod ave im constant circulation, providing avenues for including Hr one Kid of resource into apther. Jn the corer conversions gions, increases in contol can be efeced. But co os epee canis asa stzady or increasing sate demands spantain Be famce, Again we ace another contradiction in the conta fexchange, a elaborate system with an ever constant ce fy coward los, Sach lose i, however, contol OF &P ropensiy ng system In acl practice no an can VE 5 aoe chestongest men cannot escape from the dam [esinherent in the game they Bly. a ponge iste feodamental oad to al rlationships, Fenty Sele road to tavel. A man spends bis if eying to itis ale a uoshipe and objects together, Building a yam house ana pay tothe ability fore canon do sof another man spa eatimot ge earen or bi. The elaborate construction of ¢ is mahing he symbolic sgnticane of te decoration, 1 Pet yam hou, ycoinencein the hamlet-—ll combine ro visually mene cactus cf people vei ath ober A Yam ouee Symone nication of the complete ‘zansformation of Powe: |s the Peasy of youth ro the power of objects now displayed it tr ta elince, symbolizing the power of «man who Knows a permancy elaconsips work. Year after year, yams must be dn eb the soppy always being converted ato someting ‘Trobriand Exchange 215 lke or eaten and therefore destoyed. The demand remains con ee ot are hous, whether ful or empty, stands asa symbol of Sant A Pinu fare relatonships with women and men ST both pas ake a mth, aggrandis the continuity of cose el a tetas of reality which understands thoroughly che [enalness of ll social relationships aucune Sof fe owner, « yam house must be demanded en esrb srurare that remains is the four coral bon! ee onl Bade base. The yam house isan extemal symbol of Se oof a many ic is nota symbol of dala cause sis only he powcr death oft owe, At death all Ya m4 permanent Omjcted anew The deceased's stored yams ate dit Tmt Pf aer the fist saga dese yam cannot be used 35 formal trlbae payment, not ean ehey be passed on tosuccessos, Far ‘ores Yanan loses the allegiance of other me, be must re parte mb a eosin fd cake down his yam mar. ol, whose father is dead, lived with Todai—his class 2a tiers other~and mae amain garden kaymata for Seaton soos ceceved yma from avery sal arden oy ‘im, Todeiase wife's brother. Todal bad a reputation for being + 1a mate Pin, woually lacking in generosity. He and Motawolt ‘lsc Tm reled over betel nuts and coconuts, which Mots Can ng aright to take fom Todas palms because Ne wel arden fr isn Todi always objected. One day they bids ade «fale over betel nt, and Motawoli became angry and Reed his house away co another hamlet red his hows tea five with his “sister” [they both had ebe anne morher's soothes] and her husband, Moeswol i saa moter an to make a Lage garden for Masavea, bis sister's apeeet hue yam house, and now there noting in fron of ie Roles wee except four coral scones, The yams chat Toda, = Jing hs affine ae few in number, and he stores thems See er of his living house. There is Kete public pride fm these yams and much shame oe yams 2jatlonship between 2 man and his on can Bs Pee Noma ar iro ones own choice. Aman, unhappy about a earl ay, "La red this yeat and I cannot work 82 Thnd in the ganden for yO." din th Fac, where oven the most seemingly permanent Otx6 Trobrland Exchange ‘ol over others ean be lot, a men—end women—use magic in an effort to retain and maximize thie own situation, The power ‘of magic is exploited atthe highest political level, and every nd ‘idual stems co build up her or his own pers repertoire of nape spell When people belive in the forces of mage, mage becomes the most creative and powerful tool that anyeme can ‘wield. Magi i calculated to serve the right case at the right time. Someaimes its se is deliberately withheld, while at other times magic is companied by great ritual and polities! dapay. ‘Malinowski contrasted technology and magic. According to bhim, when technological skills ran out because of te limits of his empirical knowledge, peimitive man tums to magic to allay his ansiey, bulle up out of the realization tht he lives ina hoe tile, uncontolled physical environment” Malinowski (1925, pp. 30-31} clase example supporting this view was that men ‘who fish in the safe waters of the lagooa do not use magle, while openrsea fishing necessitates extensive use of magie spell. My point of departare from Malinowski begins witha collapse of the {eas summarized in the following quotation. “Magic isto be expected and generally tobe found when: fever man comes to an unbridgeable ap, «hist in ie knowl ‘ge or in his powers of pracial control. and yet has ¢o cou finue in his pursue Forsaken by his knowledge, baled by the results of his experience, unable to apply any effecive technical skl, he ealizes hie impotence Yet his desie grips ‘im only the more strongly His fears and hopes, his general anety, produce astate of unstable equlibaam inhi nga sm, by which hes vento some sort of vicarious ae. ‘ivy. (1981, pp. 638-639) ‘The words of Tobriand spells contain explicit references tall ‘manner of objects, btds, animals, and soon, inthe environment ‘which are called upon as agents to pectorm the actor’ wil (see Weiner n.d). The use of metaphor and metamymy ia the spells lustates the subtlety and sophistication of the Tobrianders knowledge oftheir physical environment see Munn nd, Tame biah 1968), ‘To distinguish categorically between the logiality and the izatonaity of magic is vali (gee Tambish 1973). Fo, in the Tobriande's “vision of his word,” magic ia resource ra ‘donally concepmualized snd powerfully exercised, Wale i i true that the use of magic occurs at an “unbridgable ga,” the gap oes not result from che kindof impotence suggested by Mal Trobriand Exchange 217 novrski, The hostile environment fs not che physical surround {ngs for ehrough the spells that environment Becomes a powerful att of one's resources. Rather, the “hiatus” isa result ofthe lack ‘of knowledge of what is in other peoples minds, the possibility that others interests wil conflict with one's own interests, and the consequences these factors have for the Trobsland system of power "The physical world proves hazardous only wen it has been rendered 20 by someone ele's mapie. Other mage spells wil be Alected against oneself only when one’s actions have had for threaten to havel undesirable cansequences for someone else? By thesame coken, a Bobsiander uses magic whenever the actions of others have consequences for herself or himsel and theres rea son to believe that these consequences do not agree with one’s own interest, or when one's own interests may be alvanced by fulfling the expectations of others, Exchange obligations ave an example ofthe later case. Thus, scconding t0 my informants, mea do use Bshing magic in the lagoon shen they need to full an exchange obligation. Furthe, ‘Sshing on the norhem coast for Kalala necessitates a more ex tensive use of manic than does anyother kindof ishing see Mal ‘nowsls 1918) Kalla ishing occurs in the shallow water along the beach, a place not physically dangerous. However, the isher- ‘men of Lael must produce large amounts of kalala because this fish is exchanged wich the Tabalu of Omarakana in an obligation that goes back tothe Taal origin story [see chap. 2). Moreover, ‘man ures garden magic only n those gardens whic he grows for Someone else; no one ses magic in subsistence gardens, fortis produce is immediately converted into food and does not fi {te the maintenance of exeended formalized social relationships “Therefore the hostile envionment ie one's socal muscu with the inherent threat of rejection. In order to retain consol, men rst constantly draw on and publicize thelr own internal re ourecs, ther personal lmowledge of spells. Nowhere is the can- ‘aadiction between nocd and fear dramatized soimpresively as ‘ula. For men, Kala is very like the game that adolescents play ‘where competition and jealousy ae rife and the game of atrac- ton is paramouat. When men embark on overseas hula expe tions they leave behind the symbols of theis power: their yam houses, wives, sisters, and children. The ony dbjecsifeatons of potrer men take ae themselves, thir canoes, their beauty, their Secorations, and their magic. On kulz, en return toand daw onax8 Tiobriand Exchange the power of youth: che use othe selfs the primary mechanism for atuaction Love magi is wed ab itome were seducing 2 kale partner, for, as Vanoi once told my young fiend Dabweyows ‘garding kitoma: “Remember, a kala shell is like a young pi she looks over every man until she decides which one she likes best. ‘One:man is chosen and the others are sent away” ‘Thus magic must be understood as 2 counterpart to the process of formal exchange. The knowledge of spells and thei ose dean” ‘onstrate perhaps better than any other aspect of Trobriand le the ‘oppositian between dependency on others and the feat of pesca utonomy. Magi snot only used aainet others as an exerlon of owe, its also used to coerce thers into believing in one's si catty and good intentions. Magi represents bots love and da fe, need and far, andthe trauma of lines and death. Magic in fis use value as the power to change aperson’sthoaghts and, for the person who has knowledge of s magic epell, he use of that spell has the power to make the owners ambitions a seality. The owe of spels gives acess to those aeas where the device of ex: ange sinsuficent for contrl and also allows the intent unde. Ing reciprocal obligations to be publicly demenstrated. I ob jects of exchange effect mited contol over others, then knowl- fige of magic spells, esding within a person and therefore not Subject to the same hind of Tore as objects, effects the strongest possible control atthe moment that the spells ae spoken. For the power of mapic, unlike exchange, lie in spoken word. “Mage resides inthe belly fonfying a woman or a man with something that cannot be lost. Magic does ot fot, nor it eat tut and reuieved or lost like stone ax blades or Lad Te mast be periodically displayed vo afirm one's power and che couiplete Knowledge of the spell For, when magic does not work, itis ‘thought that pare of che spell was not tanemited by the former ‘own. In old age, magic is given away line by line so that ¢ man fora woman who owns magic eaninually receives support fa Someone who wants the magic. Magic, therefore i caly lost ‘cross geaerations, when someone dies belore she or he has shared the complete knowledge ofthe spells. On the other hand, “new” magic fom other islands is always being sought a i= ported’ “The power of magic and its concomitant uneven distribution and ownership produce anxiety a others so that a closed ice of forces is formed. Magic breads fear of others and ear of others ‘overcome by magic. Technial ski in the garden is essential for producing Yams, but the production of yams is related to net Tiobriond Exchange 219 ‘works of relationships. People are far more diffcut to contol ‘than yams-—a fact no Kriwina person eve forgets, From hie perspective I propose the following premises that seem to underwnte the dynamics of Bobiand exchange) eis ‘sential for people to control human behavior, but this conta is fomsteined by formal males of social interaction 2) Despite fo ‘mal rales, complete control over others is never assured because very individual is accorded some measare of ratoncmy. Ths the nature of contol and autonomy ineduces an element of danger nto the relationship 3] This dager ie further ntezsified beeause of the eyelical nauuze of Trobriand exchange. The a fenmpe to contil i noe limited #0 the sociopolitical sphere but includes a casmic order of ime and space Individuals are coo- ‘cemed not only with present situations but with a past and af ‘ture in which death is made less threatening To ensure that ores rather than chaos is maintained the "socal construction of rei 4" Berger and Luckmana 1966) is buile up on the dialectical fpposicin between persanal deze and the social and cultura btdering of events and persons ‘Thus human thought must be recognized asa partial distortion of reality, a reordering in which myths ae created from the fabnc of desize: Death, the use of map, and instances of political com frontation most dramatically explode these myths, leaving &= posed fora moment the fact that others’ personal autonomy has Collapsed. At these moments all efor marshaled to bind the rupture, but such a momene also serves to reenorce the conti tel need for disguise. “Mareel Maus, drawing heavily on Malinowski’ Trobriand eth nography, introduced the concept of exchange a5 "total soeal ‘phenomena’ containing elements a once social, economic, legal ‘moral, aesthetic, and so an. Mauss analysed exchange by separ Ing the ats of giving, receiving, and repaying. inorder 0 expose the structure of exchange, reciprocity asa totl concep was fag ‘mented into diseree categories. Mauss's reciprocity was ami step toward a general theory of exchange, but te segmentation of reciprocity was a majercouceptial eo [pee Levi Sas 19660; Sebline 1972), In analyzing Tiobriand exchange, Ihave indicated cat f ex change events are desenbed within a single dimension, tat is, ‘tansactions of gift and countergit the processes of soa ter aston then sppear tobe determined by principles of eause ane: fect. The mistake hereis to reduce exchange vo an act seen with the limitations of the present rather than to analyze exchangesao. Tobriand Exchange event comprising a systenn of tegeneration in which the tem: owl content of geneatonl continuity cules ab uch weight {Scconomi and polite facto. Maui's concept of exchange efeccvelyexphasizod he im portance of understanding the concrete totality of socal life, the eed to eaplore beyond «frstcwork of crete ingtieatons But Meough Mauss scemed fhe searching for boner bouadazies than chose of ination, hese of he words soil” and“ pears 3060 st the ame of male chat ar eoretal per ‘Pecaves sul focus on socal boundaries in terms of e ten {Tonal unthpologcltstttions of Kinship, mariage, economy {ey an polite Parke confct tnd the prac of magic Ce Counterpart of exchange ave not heen integrated into "totl” ‘few of exchange The Malinowshian Gemma of “ving fr the [Eke of ving Iollowed by ote ethnographic sxount of ev {helen lover "genera," has ended to obscure the nate at power and contcls undeuping exchange events "The view of prniive exchange te prmarl social fm matte because othe gencrlzed character of reciprocity and kinship {Se shlie 196) seams unsattactry. By continually empha Sing the primacy of exchange a social acer than econo, “hmpologits have tended ignore exchanges partol «power Syotens We mst push exchange beyond the level of ou Wew af ike socal world and see to understand exchange as te means, however Late, of gaining ower over people nd contra over ‘oures inthe wider sense ee Adams 1973) Léw-Stamsy « Fropoene ofthe tcl ve of exchange, wrote: “From an coe omic viewpoint, no onchargined and so one has ost But the ppntis thar thercleanich more nthe exchange tuelf han inthe {Binge exchange 1988p. 59) The "mores the sol ela thn established he of obligation thst "makes ne bls fated and always beyond what has been given of atcepted” f.59. What semsmising from an approach emphasizing the sci natu of exchange a0 form of al ogunization Is en wader amdiog of exchange a stio-scton engaging donor aad re {Splentin games of contol which transcend the pure soca, ‘Sonoma snd pote domain a snte Malinowski empha Sion the convert of situation aod Mauss eal fora sty of “oul” behavior ae the pnt to which we must return. But we ‘ust se conte though a temporal peopecive and mus ew xchange events actos of eral the widest sense, Thus Ste mun expand soil hes of setion to ince what Halowell = Trobriand Exchange 23% ths called a "total colually constiuted envionmene,” making the boundaries of analysis conform to informants’ concepts of time and space, rather than imposing a pioa largely evsnocente Social categories. The basi force that gives momentum to the processes of hu sma intrction is conc the clan of gods ort Wworkpower, nd over the final regeneration of persons through Social and cosmic time. From this perspective, sllinterest 8 not simply a calculated part of exchange (see Firth 1967) sel Interests paramount. Toren enildren do moe merely grow, ‘marry and die. Rather, fom the moment of conception, recog tion of the potential ofthat child-to-be predominates and is mea sured in soeil and politcal ces that include conuols over the ‘sconsttution of each Tiobland sell Therefore, the processes of exchange must of necessity accommodate relationships shat wil ‘extend overlong periods af time. This extension of ime, into cing the importance of eyelcity im exchanges that exeste 04 ‘maintain fndamental socal relationship, reenorces the danger inthe system because tzardless ofthe relationship, power over others oman rently weak ‘we tum for 3 moment to the anthropologists wha have de- vised theories aboue exchange, we find an interesting Series of dependencies. The Trobriand informants wna say they exchange for “love” or "generosity" are following a myth that serves 12 their society eo hie a reality of self-interest. The anthropologist who then insists on labeling this ae as aft” seems to be per Petuating the Robrand nv’ my. Bu chi abil oly Incidental to what she o he is doing In weaving the "ift” mye, ‘snr the anthropologist hiding a realty that concems his or her sole in his other socteyt Tse or she not pepetnsting and cre sting an image of "the primitive” asa person, or “primitive cock fy" as a way of Ife, that has survived on some fundamental Prneiple other then selfinteres? Although Sabline intially Seems skepical about clams of altruism im primitive exchange, ‘nevertheless he formulates a model of exchange that cies onal trust, nonexploitaive behavior among close kin asthe central paaciple "Generalized reciprocity” refers to wanssctons that are putatively aluulstie,eransactions on the lie of sss- tance given and if possible and necessary, assiscancese ‘turned. The ideal type is Malinowsli's “pure elt” Other Indicative ethnographic formulae ae “sharing” "hosptali-aaa Trobriand Exchange cy hee gle" help," and “generosity.” Les sociale, but ‘ending toward the same pole are "kinship dues," “chilly dius,"and "noblesse oblige”. This isnot to say tha hand {ng over things in such form, even to “loved ones," gener ates no counter obligation. But the counters not stp laced by time, quancy, of quality: the expecation of reciprocity is indefiite. (1965, p 147] ‘Why isthe emphasis wholly on reciprocity and obligation? Could itmor be on investment and isk taking nd on fear aswell? Ie not the “indefinite” quality ofthe “recigeocity” more meeninful f Seen asthe uncertainty inherent in tk taking? And, following Ellzabeth Colton (1974), is nor the “obligation” payehologeally an expresion offer ofthis uncertainty? ‘Clearly, veithout the logically prior obligation of reciprocity, there could be no investment, no risk, and s0.0n. The possibility of using the system to advance self-interest wholly contingent fn the norm of seciprocity- Ie for this eaton that reiprocity land generosity have ban emphasized by Levi Strauss, Saline, and others. But logical prity does not necessary imply struc tural centrality. Norms of reciprocity do nt exist outside of and ‘rior to the members in society. Rather, norms mast be constant Iynegosated and renegotiated inthe arguments and justifications surrounding specific acts. Logical priority serves the purposes of Srgumentaton because noms are oaly invoked in the paricalat tates of compliance or aoncompliance Tn order to secure individal clams, people disguise their sl interests by arguing that soy failure co reciprocate ia a particular Instance might establish the precedence of a counternocm of selfishness. Therefore, iis in the interests ofthe exchange pare ‘er to sustain the normsso shat e may take advantage bimsell st Slater time, In an oral wadision, norms do not exit spate f0m the occasions oftheir use norms ace abstract formulations, eflectve apart fom their azeitlation, then every allure to comply must count as breach If, however, norms are part of the shetorieal equipment people ) sion of dala density. Thus women’s power over cosmic [aistort fall ime is singularly within thei ova domain. Women, through ‘hci wealth, alo enter sno the historical domain of men. Bue Ihere their power is less complete hecause they share the stage with men, Women do not contol male objects of wealth (kala ‘aluables and eku), but they do operate within their own sphere tof nfluence in mortuary distabutions. Men, however, eannoc en ter into the ahistorieal domain of women in which the continy tity of dala identity is recapitulated through unmarked came, for can men reclaim dala names Tent to others, aor ean men lone secure the indigenous reconstitution of dala hamlet and {atden lands, From this view, Trobriand women participate 02 both the social and cosmic planes, but men are limited t0 the so ial. Even onthe social plane, women are an integral part of con- trol and power Men ean only contol objects and persons which remain toully within a generational perspective of social time find space. Meo, therefore, zemain destined to seok thelr measure232 An Epilog of smmortaliey through perpeuating individual (as opposed to ala) dense. "Tndiidual male identity seems more singularly encapsulated sn male objects of weslen These ar the only objects which cary {man’s name outside dala control and ccculate beyond his life fime Peter once told me tht "men on Fegussoa island do not know my face, but fom my fla valuables they know my name tnd say father’s name.” Another man said that he found a new [Kula partner because, although the her man did ot know his fe, he recognized his deceasc's father's name from the former cireulaion of lange kala armshell. But male valuables demand fhe recording and memory of names for thls personal aricula ton with the activites ofthe living, and male valuables are of fen lost ro others, nis, paeners are easily atacted to stronger men and to more advantageous possibilities. Genesloges of own ‘ership are changed to hide the “heft” of kale valuable, as valu- ables ae lost forever from anes contra. Women cannot reclaim “aluables for men in eis political sphere. Aldhough Thave some ‘evidence that indieates that women pay a patin the exchange of [kala valuables seithin Kinwins, women cannot eecapeue val able nthe way they ean relaim dale propery. Thus male valu- ables, made irom shell and stone, the least perishable aiaes in ‘the Tobriand corpus of exchange objects, carry a man’s name ‘nly a8 long as he can demonstate hi power over thes men, “Thea son may iahert his father’s stone 2x bade or Kula road | fin the course ofis own transactions with other men, be may cisly lee his ight inheritance. Thevenuousness of malemale {elatinships sms to miro the eile nature of men's attempt {to attilcially produce indvidval immortality beyond the para ters of dale inti. Especially withia che limits of dala property, men's struggle against the danger of loss i constant. The concept of dala em Bodice the male dilemma: Daa eles both vo deny conceived | through women and to property (ie, land, decorations, and ames) contolled by men. But, in the male domain this property [Sent to others of diferent dala Blood. Without women 10 re- over property and reproduce, dala property is lost. Further, the ten controling data land must remember a genealogy of the de tiled exploits of specie people. Therefore, land does nor provide {transcendental Wentty in the way that women's egeneraive tility maintains the continuity of dala identiey. Within the fe tale domain, the power of immortality is noe subject loss An Epilog 233, Uhrough misfortune and misealeulation. Women do not need to talk or memonze to demonstrate thet conta, but men must ‘commit to memary the facts ofthe founding of lan. In order fo ‘maintain control, men must be ready to publicly display this Knowledge. Land genealogies, unlike personal genealogies, are ‘used fr political advantage, and dala Land is subject othe same ‘icsstudes of loss as other property that men contol “The founders of land differ significantly from ancestral beings. ‘The former are individuals with specific identities who are aso lated with specific historical evens, The later have lost thelr personal identity and only recapitulate dala identity through linmatked time, which remains outside specifle generational ‘ume. Origin stores are political dogmas used by men not only to venly their rights to land but to establish thir prerogatives to taboos, rank, and in some cases to polygamous practices. In this ‘vay, eign stores conseieue ideology as supersteuceare. Can versely, the shallowness ofthe details of genealogy, the move- sent ofa baloma spst through unmarked ume, andthe power of women alone to repreduce dala entity function apart fem the politics of men. The elements that women contol cannet be conceived as political ideology. Rather shey fom Une very base of “Trobriand society “Thus, inthe Trobriands, male power over others i limited and the male search for immorality can only be fully achieved through women’s control of dala identity. Men's attempt to achieve individual immorality must always remain an imitation of women’s contol over che regenesisof human lf. Men seek to Imltate regeneration through contol over property, which allows them #0 coastuct power hierarchies composed of women and ‘men. But danger of desrsction lies cose to the surface. Most Aamaticaly the shaterng ofa hierarchical network is exempli fied at death, as men must literally pickup the pieces [parts ofthe deceased's body) and work on the construction of another net ‘work, Tn summarizing a passage from Simone de Beauvoir's The Second Sax (1953), n which de Beauvose discussed the negative ‘value placed on women’s ole as procreator, Shery Ortner wrote: In other words, woman's body scems ta doom her to ‘mere reproduction of life; the male, in contrast, lacking ‘tural eeative functions, must or has the opportunity to) assert his creatviey extemlly, “artificially, through the234 An Epslog modivm of technology and symbols. In so doing, he creates {elatively sting, eternal, transcendent objec, while the woman eretes only pershables-human beings. {1974p 75) ~ Tuobriand women sith their complete control over he contin ui of life and deat, never contont a possible lows oftheir con- trol The seractare of ime and space that wamen control mst be Seen ab fundamental to the organization of the Trobriand uni: ‘verse Equally significant, ie also serves as a model forthe struc tue of dime and space that men control. The fact of matnlinea- ty gives women s domain of contol tat men cam neither em Tate successfully nor inflate with any degree of lasting power. Bus, dhe power of Trobrand women is efleced in matilineali- ty, it becomes essential #9 explore the relationships between ‘omanness and the culeural value atached wall Bobrianders, ‘Since individual human beings in the Trobeands ae valued, the autonomy granted all people does noe produce the lund of Slenation found in Westem society Fear sele-interest, and da er enist, but chey exist in a milieu where freedom and contcol are Selieatly balanced and individual production and knowledge are ‘in no sense deemed worthless. Of equal importance is the fact, that the female domain, the regeness of han lf, is accorded primary value Inthe Tiobsiands, cognition is given to the perishability of human beings, bu, rather than diminish the erent value of thuman beings ae a means for aeeving immorality, this recogni tion, especially enacted in death ial, stresses the value placed fn the Contngity of life, In this ay, the perpetuation of fe oF Inuman survival ip given far more wanscendental significance than isthe kind of immorality found in objects orn “culeral” survival. Therefore women, innately ted to the continuity off, remain the loos for the means by which human survival ans- fends ite, Because of che exgcacics of poical events, Tobsiand men, ‘rough this artfcal object, can only achieve «limited desree of immortality. But all major xchange objects remain symbolic ally tid to the process of fe, death and rebirth, so that immor tality ean only be achieved through this cycle o a replieation of Such a eyele. From this view, men must follow women. The ob jects men "ezeate” down transcend the fundamental concern for dnsman survival In Wester society, the obacts men create are alienated from 4 ‘An Bpilog 435 symbolic referents to individual eoncers with origins and death, In is dsesssion of che "Yetsism of commodities,” Mare des tribes dhe way the social character of a proces an arise only hrough the exchange of commodities: "the elations connect. ing the lbour of one inividaal with that of the ext appesr, ot 4s diect socal relations between individuals at work, but a8 ‘what they really ate, material zlations between persons and o lalrelaions berween things” 1906, p. 8) rom this view, social ‘relations become objecued, but they are objected through the ‘commodity itself, which does noe carry any subjective referent to hhuman lf in ters of continuity and perpetuation “Thus, in the creation and production of resources that are free ‘rom the proceses of life cycle, objects became depersonalized land shift occurs in the relations between persons and things I seems imperative for ws as anthropologists to consider hese views inthe light of Wester society before establishing analyti+ al categories for the study of non-Western societies. For exata ple, in our own society, bas religion as an insdtuton assumed {contra over the fonlation ofan ideology ofthe life and desth brocesses, and cherelore at some point have men become fee to pursue the means eo their own immowality dough objects, sym: bol, and scientific exploration that have litle eo do wih rene ‘ssi Within tis trend, I sugges that, when men seek avenues © create their own tanscendence that are fre of assurances for the perpetuation of fe, he value of women declines, ted t0 the de> ine in the value paced on fe sel Conversely, but in a sense not 0 diferent, in some non. Wester societies other ares in Melanesia, among the Austei- lian Aborigines, and in other parts of the world-objects carry 2 symbole valu of fertiiy and regeneration, but men attempt to onto all such objects. Therefore, we find the physical seca toa of women from men's cult houses and ntual secrets and ‘yths often explaining the way men once stole power and com: trol over objects fom women. In these socitis, the power af men is continually expended in attempts to assume and incor porate the power af women, Here we mast question whether con tool over others is of such a nature that mea, despite the overt Separation ofthe sexes, cannot symbolically separate ehemselves from the biological and cultural regenerative powers that women possess, But, in order to begin to resructure dhe questions we ask four data we must begin to objectify the proceses in our own, historial waditon that have effectively denied both che biologi cal and culeuzl powers of women.236. An Epilog ‘The questions that eis perspective raises are questions of pow- cer, As men in Western societies seak 1 gin greater contol over ‘other: and thus destroy the valve of individeal autonomy, does this alienation create a disregard fr che subjective nature of ‘man beings! When buman fe is only valued as someting to be ‘conuolled and whea, fr example, religion as an organized inst tution provides substitute secuty, or power in its own Tight, {in terms of individual immorelity, women’s concer in lite, death, and regeneration is magpnalized, displaced by men’s par {nthe sociopliieal sphere Does men’s clutching afer immor tality cirough objects incapable of regencration merely serve t0 devalue human beings and women’s tole in the perpewacion of life In che deve for the only kind of power they can get, men fectivly separate themselves from Women and thereby cont ‘ie toa myth that denies the fundamental power of women, pre venting womanness from becoming publicly valued as being ‘qual too superior tothe power of mea. Only by uomasking that ‘myth, by placing the value of universal womanness within 2s ‘soculestal context recognized as powerful within its own ight, wall the importance tached t0 the perpetuation of human fe Ihave a chance to be restored The Trobriand islanders, geographically and technologeally = moved from the mainstream ofthe history of human societies, ecognize the value of womanness and by extension the value of human beings and the continuity of life. Since the tum of the century, chey have provided anthropologists with classi ethno fraphie examples which now fom the base of much anthrope Togtea cheory However, despite al that has gone before, he Tzo- Iianders sil provide ws withthe means to reevaluate our thisk ing in order to formate theeries more significantly sound and Jess ethnoeentrcaly based and chauvinistically conceived. On ‘many levels, we have much to lea fem them. Appendix 1 Body Decorations for Guyau and Tokai Dala 1 Shel decorations ‘A Raw mate 1 Banas white cowie bells arcu ses 2 Soulva:spndylas ells ‘poled ino beads 3 Katona: pony hells ahoot theo of anachel, Poled 4 val one sells polished avo arm bands 5 Dog: shells polished Sat kta bon’ tack: Abou feckisalo wel 1B tody decorations ‘caret Tekst 1. Sedubae: ban of Kaloma Band of Ram wor arosnd ‘worn soundhead with waist, Tuller shell sched 1 Srpadil: ether olome or Cannot wear ula worn sang bit tailwith Dune ace Bora, Only Tabla syotubane fa wear slong sepedl “Tabat of al oer ane? dats can wear ashore, fesadale 8. Reso: ange buna ted 0 ‘eich wrist Oaly Tabled ‘Mju dal ean wear esa, 4 Tabata soulava wath sell Worn around neck ealy ached, worm camsrotsed trerchere 45. Waka: band of four ive Wor below wis wih only ene cannot wear ws cflalome ween sow ofebells, 6.Luhtboda:swingof mall Cannot wear buna worn below each knee