MINIMAL

OLD CHINESE
and LATER
HAN CHINESE
A Companion to
Grammata Serica Recensa
AxeI 5chuessIer
ABC Chinese Dictionary
Minimal Old Chinese
and Later Han Chinese
ABC CHINESE DICTIONARY SERIES
Victor H. Mair, General Editor
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Axel Schuessler
Minimal Old Chinese and Later Han Chinese: A Companion
to Grammata Serica Recensa
Axel Schuessler
Minimal Old Chinese
and Later Han Chinese
A Companion
to Grammata Serica Recensa
Axel Schuessler
University of Hawai'i Press
Honolulu
Schuessler. Axel.
2009 University ofHawai'i Press
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America
14 13 12 11 10 09 6 5 4 3 2 1
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Minimal old Chinese and later Han Chinese : a companion to Grammata serica recensa / Axel Schuessler.
p. cm. - (ABC Chinese dictionary series)
ISBN 978-0-8248-3264-3 (hardcover : alk. paper)
1. Chinese language-Ancient Chinese. 600-1200-Phonology. 1. Karlgren. Bernhard. 1889-1978.
Grammata serica recensa. II. Title. III. Title: Companion to Grammata serica recensa.
PLl20l.S352009
940.54'4910943-dc22
2008061455
University of Hawai'i Press books are printed on acid-free paper and
meet the guidelines for permanence and durability of the
Council on Library Resources.
Camera-ready copy prepared by the author.
Printed by Edwards Brothers. Inc.
CONTENTS
PREFACE .... .. .. .... ............ ... .. ........ . ........................... ........ ..... ........ ..... ....... ............... ix
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ... .. ...... ............ ... ...... ... ... .... .... . ................... ..... ... ........... ..... xiii
GSC ENTRIES .... ......... .. .. ... ............... ......... ...... .... ....... ........... .. ....... .......... ......... ..... xv
TRANSCRIPTIONS .............................. .. ... ......... ... .. ... .... ...... ..... .... .... .. ......... .......... .. xix
SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS .................. ... ........... .... ...... .. .. ... .... ..................... xxi
INTRODUCTION ....... ....... .. ... .. ............................... ..... ................................. ............. 1
I APPROACHES TO THE HISTORY OF CHINESE ................ ....... ....... ........... ...... ... 1
1.1 Alphabetic records ..... ............. .. ..... ....... .. ... ......... ......... ....... ... .. ..... ... ....... .... .. I
1.2 The comparative method and internal reconstruction ......................................... 2
1.3 The philological approach ... ....... .. ........ ..... ... ........ ..... .... ...... ... .................. .. .. . 3
1.4 Segments of a Chinese syllable ......... .. .. .... .... .. .................................. ............. . 3
1.5 Ancient stages and dialects ... .. .... ... ..... ......... ...... ... ... .... ...... ...... ........... .... ....... 4
2 MIDDLE CHINESE AND THE QIEY(JN ....... ... .. ... ..... ..... . .. ..... ... ...... .. .................. 5
2.1 The rime dictionary Qieyun ... ... ... .. .................. .... . . ..... ............ . .... .. ................. 5
2.2 MC notational systems ................................... ..... .......... .............. ...... ............ 6
2.3 Middle Chinese tones ... ....................................................................... .......... 6
2.4 The QYS (MC) medials and ' Divisions ' ... ....... ... ... ............................... ........ 7
2.5 Problems with the Qieyun and Middle Chinese ............... ... .. ...... ........... ....... ..... 9
3 OLD CHINESE: PHONETIC SERIES ..... .. .............. .... ........... ....... ...... .. ............... 10
3.1 Composite graphs ......... ... .. ....................... .... ... ........... ..... ...................... .... . 10
3.2 The Xiesheng principle ... ..... .. ..... ...... .. ... ..... .. .... ... ......... .. ... .... ........... .. ...... .. . II
3.3 Incongruous series ........ ......................... ...................... ..... ....... .... .... ......... .. 12
4 OLD CHINESE THROUGH INTERNAL RECONSTRUCTION ... .... .. .... ....... ...... .. 12
4.1 The distribution of QY initials ............. ..... ... .. ... ....... ... .... ......... .... ................. 12
4.2 MC initial y- ..................... .... .......... . ............... .. . ........................... . ............ 13
4.3 MC palatal initial s ..... .. .. ... ........ ...... .. .. ....... ..... ..... ............ ........ ............... .... 13
4.4 MC medi al wand u ............................ ... ... ......................................... ..... ..... 13
4.5 OC consonant clusters and *r ....... ...................... ....................... ... ...... ....... .... 14
4.6 OC syllable types A and B: QYS Div. III and medial yod ............. ......... ... ......... 16
5 OLD CHINESE THROUGH THE XIESHENG SYSTEM ... ... ... .. .................... ...... .. . 17
5.1 I nitial consonants ................................... ..... ...... ........ ... .. .... ......... ... ..... ... .... 17
5.2 Ch6ngniiJ doublets ..... ....... .................. ... ..... ....................... ......................... 20
5.3 OC sources of MC tones .... ....... ... ........... ............. ..... ..... ..... ........... .... .... ....... 22
5.4 Summary of OC rimes ..... .. ............................................ .. ...... ... .... ...... ....... .. 25
5.5 Summary of OC initials .......................... .................... .... ............. .. .............. 26
6 MINIMAL OLD CHINESE: PRINCIPLES AND CRITERIA ................ .... .... ...... .... . 27
7 LATER HAN CHINESE ......................... ... ........ ................ .... ..... ....... ...... .......... 29
7.1 Phonemes ... ......... .. .. ... .............. ... ... ... .... .. ..... .... .... ..... ... .. ............ ..... ..... .... . 29
7.2 No consonant clusters ......... .... .............. .... .. .......... ........... ...... .. .... ..... ........ ... 29
v
CONTENTS
7.3 Palatalization of certain velar consonants ....... ......... ...... ..... ........ ...... .............. 29
7.4 Tones and vowellength .... .... ..... ............ .... .................................................. 29
7.5 LHan Final -s .. .... .............. .. ..... .. ..... ....... .... .. ... ...... ...... ......... .... ....... .. ... .... .. 30
7.6 Vowel bending or warping ........................................................................... 30
8 HAN PERIOD SOURCES ON PHONOLOGy ...... ........... ..... .. ... .. ........... ............... 31
8.1 The Shuowen jiezi ........ .. .................................. ........ .... .. .. .... ... ..... ...... .......... 31
8.2 Sound glosses ... .... ....... .... .... .... ..... ... .................. ................................ ... ...... 32
9 INTERPRETATIONS OF IRREGULAR PHONETIC COMPOUNDS ...... .............. ... 34
9.1 Premises ... ... ........................... .... ... ........ ....... ........... .... ..... .. ........... ... .. ....... 34
9.2 Illustrations for premises and assumptions .................... ... .............. ..... ........... 35
10 CONCLUSION .. ...... .... .... ..... ......... ... .............. ........... .... ....... ........ .. ................ 39
REFERENCES ..... .... .. ........ .. ........ ... ... ... .. ..... ... ... ...... ...... ....... .......... .. ........................ 40
oeM rime *-a YU bit ...... ....... .............. .. ............ .... ......... .......... 45
2 OCM rime *-ak Du6 bit ...... .......... ..................................... .. ........ 64
3 OCM rime *-alJ Yang bit ....... .. ......... .................................. .......... 75
4 OCM rime *-;) Zhfbit Z ......... .. ............ .. .. .... .... ... ............. ... .. ....... 91
5 OeM rime *-;)k Zhi bit ...... ... .. ........ ............................................ 107
6 OeM rime *-;)lJ Zheng bu .......................................................... 114
7 OeM rime *-e ZhfbiJ .... .. ... .... .... .. ....... ............ .. ... .. .... ......... .... 119
8 OCM rime *-ek Xfbit ... .... .. .... ... ...... .......... ... ........... ... .... .. ... .. .... 129
9 OeM rime *-elJ Geng bit ............................................................ 135
10 OeM rime *-0
II OeM rime *-ok
12 OeM rime *-OlJ
13 OeM rime *-u
14 oeM rime *-uk
H6u bi! ............................................................. 145
Wlibu ...... ......... ...... .... ... ............. ... ............... .. 156
Dong bi! ....... ............................ .. ...................... 162
You bi! ......... .... ... ................................ ......... .... 170
JUI! bit .. .. .. .. 185
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
oeM rime
oeM rime
OCM rime
oeM rime
OCM rime
OCM nme
OCM nme
OCM rime
OCM rime
OCM rime
oeM rime
oeM nme
OCM rime
OCM rime
oeM rime
oeM rime
OCM rime
*-UlJ Dong bu ........... ....................................... ........ . 190
*-au Xiao bu ................... ....... ....... .......... ..... .. ......... 193
*-auk Yao bit ............................................................. 205
*-ai Ge bu (I) ................................ ........ ...... ............ 210
*-oi. *-wai Ge bu (2) ...... .. .. ...... .... .. .. ........ ...... ............... ..... 219
*-et, *-es Yue- n bu (I) .......... . ............ ........ ..... ............ 225
*-at, *-as Yue- n bu F.l (2) ................ ......... .. .. .... .. ... ... ....... 230
*-ot, *-wat, *-os, *-was Yue- n bu F.l (3) .............. .. ..... .. .. . ........ 239
*-en Yuan bu 5tffil (I) .... . . ........... .. ........... .... ..... .. ............. 244
*-an Yuan bu (2) .............. . .............. ...... ...... .... .... ..... 251
*-on, *-wan Yuan bu (3) .................................. .. ........ . ......... 264
*-i, *-;)i Zhfbu .............................................. ................ 275
*-;)i Wei bu 1t&$ (I) .............................................. . .... ..... 286
*-ui, *w;)i Wei bu (2) ........................................................ 290
*-it, *-i(t)s Zhi bu ............... .. ....... .. ....... .... ....... ......... ......... 296
*-;)t, *-;)(t)s Wu bu (I) .. ..... ... .. ......... . . .......... .... ........ ......... .. 305
*-ut, *-u(t)s WU bu (2) .......... . ...... ................. . ................. .... 311
vi
CONTENTS
32 OCM rime *-in Zhen bu $ ... ........ ... ................. . .. .. ... ... ...... ........... . 3 16
33 OCM rime *-:m Wen bu (I) .......... . .............. ...... .............. ..... ..... 325
34 OCM nme *-un, *-w:m Wen bu (2) .. .... .. .. .. .... .. ....... .... ......... .. .. .. ... ........ 333
35 OCM nme *-ap, *-ep He bu ................. ........ ........ ...... ........... .. .. ........ 341
36 OCM rime *-am, *-em Tan bu .. .... .. ..... ...... ...... .. ........ ...... .. ..... .. .. ..... .. .. 346
37 OCM rime *-;}p, *-ip Qfbu t.JlI W ...... .... .......... ....... ....... ..... .. .. ..... ....... ... ...... 354
38 OCM rime *-;}m , *-im Qfn bu 1fW .. .... ..... .. .. ..... .. ..... ........ .... ....... ...... ... .. .... 359
GSR NUMBER = GSC NUMBER .. .. . ............. . .... .. .. . ......... . ... ......... ... . ... . ....... . ............. 369
PINYIN INDEX ....... .. ....... . .......... .. . ... .. .................. .. . ............... .. ... . .... .. ... ................. 375
TABLES
Table I-I:
Table 1-2:
Table 1-3:
Table 1-4:
Table I- I:
Table 2-1 :
Table 4-1:
Table 7-1:
MC Div. 3/3 without OCB medial *r .. ............ .. . ........ .. .... .. .... .. .... .. .. .. ...... 21
OCM final *-s .. . ..... ... . ... ....... ..... ................. .. .. . ... ... ... ... .. ... .. ... .... .. ........ 24
Karlgren 's voiced final *-g .. .. ...... .. ....................... ... .. .... .............. .. ........ 24
LHan vowel bending ... .. .. .. .. ..... .. . ... ... .... . . .. ....... .. . .... .......... . .. ..... ..... .. .. .. 30
OCM rimes *-al), *-ak, *-a in QYS categories .. .... .... .. .... .. ...... . .. .. ............. 45
Comparison of OCM rimes *-al), *-ak with *-el) , *-ek .. .. .. .. .... .. ........ .. .... .. .. . 64
OCM rimes *-;}l), *-;}k, *-;} in QYS categories .... .... ........ .......... ........ ... ...... 91
Comparison of OC *-i , *-e and *-ai in QYS Divisions ...... .... ..... .. .... .. ..... .. 119
Table 8-1 : OCM rimes *-el), *-ek. *-e in QY S categories .. ...... ............ ...... .......... ..... 129
Table 10-1: oeM rimes *-ol), *-ok, *-0 in QYS categories .... .............. ...... .. .. ........ .. .. 145
Table 13-1: OCM rimes *-ul), *-uk, *-u in QYS categories .. ........ .. .. .. .. .... ... ....... .. ...... 170
Table 16-1: Comparison of OCM rimes *-auk, *-uk, *-(i )au, *-(i)u ...... .... .. .... ............. 193
Table 17-1: Comparison ofOCM rimes *-ek, *-ak, *-auk, *-uk .......... .... ........... .. ...... . 205
Table 20-1 : OCM rimes *-en, *-et, *-e(t)s in QYS categories .. .. .. .... .... ... ...... ...... .. .. .... 225
Table 21-1 : OCM rimes *-an, *-at , *-a(t)s, *-ai in QYS categories .. .... .......... .. ............ 230
Table 25-1: OCM rimes *-on / *-wan, *-ot / *-wat , *-oi / *-wai in QYS categories . ....... 264
Table 26-1: OCM rimes *-i , *-;}i , *-ui and *-;) in QYS categories .. .. .... .. ........ .... ........ .. 275
Table 28-1: OCM rimes *-un / -w;}n, *-ut and *-ui / -w;}i ...... .......... .... ....................... 290
Table 30-1: OCM rimes *-;}t. in QYS categories ...... .. .. ........ ...... .. .... 305
Table 31-1: oeM rimes *-ut , *-W;}t. *-wit , *-ui, *-u(t)s. *-w;}i, *-W;}(t)s, *-wi(t)s .. .... ..... 311
Table 32-1: OCM rimes *-in, *-it, *-(t)s, *-i in QYS categories .. .. .... .. .. .. .. .... .... .......... 316
Table 33-1: OCM rimes *-in, *-:m, *-it , *-;}t ...................... ........ .... .. .. ...... .. .. .. .. .... .... 325
Table 34-1 : OCM rimes *-un, *-w;}n, *-win, *-ut, *-W;}t, *-wit.. .. .... .. .. .. .. ..... .. ............. 333
Table 35-1 : oeM rimes *-am, *-ap, *-em, *-ep in QYS categories .. .. .............. .. ........ . 341
Table 38-1: oeM rimes *-;}m, *-;}P, *-im, *-ip in QYS finals .. .. .......... ...... .... ........... .. 359
vii
PREFACE
Bernhard Karlgren's Archaic Chinese (= Old Chinese, OC) as presented in his standard work
Grammata Serica Recensa (GSR) of 1957 has long been outdated. This present manual is an
attempt to update GSR with a relatively simple "Minimal Old Chinese" (OCM, for OC-
Minimal) which incorporates those features on which there is broad agreement among
investigators today. Though this manual can be thought of as a Grammata Serica Recensa
update, T will refer to it as Grammata Serica Companion (GSC) for short.
The perception of the mysterious nature and confusing state of OC has been shaped by
several factors. First, GSR does not present the data in a transparently organized fashion, so
that only patient scrutiny reveals what the OC system is, behind Karlgren's bewildering
diacritics and phonetic symbols. The ordinary user has to take Karlgren's, or anyone's,
authority at face value. Secondly, the experts' arguments are so specialized and arcane that
only the initiated are in a position to follow them. The Introduction to this manual attempts to
provide an overview over some of the terms and issues, demystify OC if you will, so that
outsiders may have some notion of the data, sources and theories on which expert arguments
are based. Thirdly, superficially scholars do not seem to agree on much, because they debate
unclear issues and not the many features of OC on which there is a tacit consensus. Further-
more, old settled issues in Middle Chinese (MC) and OC phonology are periodically raised
again so that the non-expert must conclude that almost all about OC is still up in the air.
Since the publication of GSR, historical linguists have tried to simplify and systematize
Karlgren's reconstructions, have suggested emendations or their own OC systems which
sometimes look as different from each other as if they were different languages. Compare, for
example, (P: = Pulleyblank):
Karlgren GSR
' today'
A
kL;)m --,
' remember'
~
ni;)m
'offspring'
r
tSt;)g
'plum'
*
li;)g
'offense'
~
dz'w;)d
'think, be'
'1'&
dLw;)r
'little bird'
1
~ L w ; r
Baxter 1992
k(r)j;)m
nims
tsj;)?
rj;)?
dzuj?
WJIJ
Sagart 1999
-im
[am;)_ ]anem-s
btsi?
bt(;) )-wij
btum
Pan 2000 OCM
krfum bm
mqlrnms nfms
splfu . tS;)?
b-rfu . r;)?
sblul ' dzQi?
wi
P: kwj;)l tui
After Karlgren, the field seems to have fallen apart. The occasional user of OC material
probably finds it difficult or impossible to tell which OC proposals are just an author's latest
theories, ideas and speculations, and what is actually widely accepted. 1 For the purposes of
OCM, we will attempt to separate generally agreed OC features from more speculative and
probing hypotheses - however valuable and insightful they may be - which are often
presented in such definitive language that an unsuspecting reader may think he now has the
OC language in front of him to work with.
1 Witness comments like this by the Indo-Europeanist Douglas Adams: "There are a number of
'competing' systems of [OC] reconstruction (Karlgren, Pulleyblank, Li) whose inherent likelihood and
mutual interrelationships can baffle the outsider" (JIES 23, 34, 1995: 40 I).
ix
PREFACE
The Introduction outlines basic issues in ex:: phonology since GSR, and the rationale for
OCM, a relatively simple form of OC, a minimum on which most investigators may agree, and
which shows that OC is not quite as enigmatic and complex as it often appears. The OCM
forms are "minimal" in several respects: they incorporate only the more widely accepted
insights into ex:: gained since GSR was published, but leave out more speculative proposals
with their often complex OC reconstructions; OCM is based on simple and less complex
hypotheses and assumptions than some other proposals (see Intro. sections 6, 8 and 9); OCM
is written in a simple form, similar to recordings of modern dialects. Unfortunately, these
objectives need to be compromised on occasion because it is necessary to decide a detail on
which there is no consensus , in order to be able to put something on paper. But these doubtful
cases will be clearly pointed out.
The user will find, it is hoped, a simple, transparent form of OC that may be useful. This is
the essence of this endeavor. As pointed out in section 9.2.5 of the Introduction: The user of
this manual can add phonemic elements to OCM forms as he may deem appropriate, but it is
difficult, even impossible, for an unsuspecting user to visualize an initial cluster presented to
him with a questionable or highly hypothetical element deleted or changed; thus a minimalist
form *rauk or *tam is preferable to writing *g-rauk or *qlam.
A manual like the present one is not the place for original contributions to OC; with few
exceptions, all proposals and ideas have been offered in the past by others. OCM is to a large
extent a mechanical transcription of Karlgren's OC into Baxter' s 1992 system with some
mostly notational changes. However, the approach to the material on which reconstructions
are based is unusual for OC. Often, an investigator asks : could the data possibly support a
certain reconstruction? The answer is usually "yes," and then hypotheses are developed and
reconstructions built on a possibility - reconstructions that may, or may not, stand the test of
time. We will turn the question around and ask: do the data necessarily compel us to postulate
a certain (complex) reconstruction for OC? Our answer is usually "no." Therefore typical OC
sources of MC forms override irregularities and oddities in the phonetic composition of graphs
of the kind that often result in complex OC reconstructions. As a result , OCM is eliminating
much that is highly hypothetical in others' (and my former) proposals , is on firmer ground,
and appears relatively straightforward.
The user should be aware of some features of GSC:
(1) This GSC can stand on its own as long as one wishes to look up pinyin, MC, LHan and
OCM readings of graphs. However, it is really only a companion to GSR because it does not
repeat other information provided there, such as English glosses , reference to first textual
occurrence, and inscriptional forms. In addition to Karlgren's original GSR, the following is
available:
Pan Wuyun translator and editor. 1997. Him wen dian Shanghai .
Pan's is a translation of GSR. Its merit is a pinyin index of all the graphs in GSR; but it refers
only to Pan ' s page, not to the GSR series number which is, however, found on that page.
2
Pan
also quotes the text passage of a graph's earliest occurrence; and he corrects the occasional
error.
2GSR numbers can also be looked up in Pulleyblank 1991 which, however, does not include graphs which
occur only in OC texts ; Schuessler DEZ (it includes only graphs found in early Zhou texts).
x
PREFACE
(2) This manual's Introduction provides a broad sketch of major sources and methods for OC
for the lay-person (first parts of the Introduction), as well as explanations for what I am doing
and why, for the inquisitive reader (later parts). Each can conveniently skip over sections
which are irrelevant for his quest. Because of the manual's general survey nature, references to
scholars and publications are kept to a minimum. That information, the history of ideas and
discoveries with proper credits, as well as more detail and depth, is found in:
Baxter, William. 1992. A Handbook of Old Chinese Phonology. Berlin.
(3) For further phonological notes and details on OCM, as well as other information (abbrevia-
tions, list of languages, bibliography, complete etymological notes) the reader is referred to:
Schuessler, Axel. 2007. Etymological Dictionary of Old Chinese (EDOe). Honolulu.
In addition to OCM, GSC also provides
Later Han Chinese (LHan or LH) is the earliest form of Chinese which can be set up without
relying heavily on interpretations of phonetic series and morphological speculations. The
transcription of LHan forms are much simpler than Karlgren' s/Li' s traditionally quoted MC
in that it avoids most of the diacritical clutter and is written in the way modern Chinese
dialects are recorded. It also antedates MC by almost half a millennium. At the very least ,
LHan can be viewed as MC written in a simple notation and adjusted by evidence from Han
data.
Originally I suggested that LHan represents a hypothetical conservative strain of the
language of about the 2nd century AD. After completing this manual it occurred to me that a
more fitting name for this language should be Mid-Han Chinese (MHan), as that stage still
had all those features which survived as archaisms in later dialects, and which have been taken
into consideration for the conservative LHan forms for this manual.
This manual also provides the traditional MC readings of graphs (i.e., Li Fang-kuei's
emendations to GSR's 'Ancient Chinese') which are often cited for phonological reference.
Unlike GSR, I will note the Qieyun system's so-called ch6ngniu doublets and Divisions (see
2.4). The Divisions can be ascertained in:
Shen Jianshi Guangyun shengxi 1977. Taibei.
Liang Sengbao . S1 sheng yunpu 1967. Taibei.
In addition to these reconstructed stages of pre-modern Chinese, transcriptions in alphabet-
ic scripts, and Chinese transcriptions of foreign names and words have been cited (see Intro.
l.1). For this purpose I have drawn heavily on many relevant publications of W. South Coblin
who has analyzed and interpreted transcriptional data from different periods.
Often, I have added in the right margin Baxter's 1992 reconstruction which will show the
usual similarity with OCM, but also on occasion differences. Baxter 1992 does not , however,
represent its author's current thinking. This will become available in the Baxter-Sagart
reconstruction of Old Chinese that provides cutting edge scholarship, with OC forms that may
be more complex than OCM and therefore engender discussions for some time before one or
other aspect of it (or all) will be widely accepted.
A work like this manual deals with masses of detailed and minute data. GSR is nearly error
free, Pan Wuyun has caught some of Karlgren's rare oversights; in addition I have still
encountered a couple of slips in GSR as well as in Pan; these typically involve erroneous tone
xi
PREFACE
marks, vowel timbres or diacritics.
3
The compilation of this present GSCrequired manual
copying; every effort has been made to prevent new errors from slipping in.
The present work also includes a comprehensive pinyin index.
Organization
The original plan was to retain the sequence of GSR numbers since this work is meant to be a
companion manual. But syllable types that according to our present knowledge should belong
together are widely scattered in Karlgren' s work - he grouped the phonetic series strictly by
syllable finals with his minutely differentiated OC vowel timbres. Thus syllables of the type
*KAN are found in GSR 139-143, 184-185, 191-192, 196-198, 249, and 1248. For logic
and convenience, we list all syllables with similar initial and identical OC rimes together. GSC
sorts the OC rime categories into sections (1 to 38). Within phonetic series, the graphs are
here also rearranged in a way that brings out subgroups with their phonological
characteristics.
This being a by-product of the author's Etymological Dictionary of Old Chinese (EDOC),
some parts have been taken over from that work, notably Signs and Abbreviations and the
References. The EDOC ought to be consulted for additional details.
Some OCM and LHan notations differ here occasionally from those in the EDOC; they
should be considered to supersede the latter.
3E.g., GSR 1143m cao t* should be Me tshau
A
, not tshau
B
; GSR 866i lllE 'some sort of wine' should be
read ti, not tfin Pan's edition. In many instances, dictionaries disagree on Mandarin readings; I usually
follow Pan, but in cases of competing pronunciations I often rely on Gudiii Hiinyu cfdian.
xii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This manual is a by-product of the project by A. Schuessler, Etymological Dictionary of Old
Chinese, Honolulu 2007. Therefore I wish once more to express my gratitude and
appreciation to Victor Mair who secured financial support through grants from the Freeman
Foundation and other generous sources. Furthermore, this manual has benefitted from helpful
suggestions by W. S. Coblin, Victor Mair and especially Ch. Harbsmeier. Of course the
mistakes are this author's responsibility.
xiii
GSC ENTRIES
> 'developed into, becomes'
< 'derives from an earlier form / from an earlier stage of a language'
-> 'loaned to'
<- 'borrowed from'
<> separates footnote entries
'cognate (to)' or ' allofam' (fellow member in a word family)
refer to sections in the introduction to the EDGe
or, variant
K. = Karlgren's GSR number. Rare graphs which I was unable to find in an available
font are referred to by their GSR letters
pInyIn transcription of Mandarin, followed by the Chinese character(s) zl::f:. When no
character exists (as is often the case with colloquial dialect forms) an empty box D
takes its place.
MC Middle Chinese or Qieyun system (QYS), ca. AD 600.
LH Later Han Chinese (also LHan) of the 1st and 2nd centuries AD. See 12.1.1. In the
text, LHan is usually placed in brackets, thus [ka] = LHan ka unless otherwise
identified.
MHan
QYS
S
S.
OC
OCB
OCM
R.
R!
ac
gr
lab
w
[D)
Middle Han transcriptions of foreign names and words (Pulleyblank 1962; Coblin
ms . 1993)
Qieyun System = MC
alternate Old South form of LHan (from later southern dialects, especially Min)
Siamese (Tai)
Old Chinese
Baxter's OC (1992)
Minimal Old Chinese form (starred items)
Rime section (nos. 1 through 38)
the unexpected rime and tone are confirmed by a rhyme in poetry
acute initials (see 1.4)
grave initials (see 1.4)
OC labial[ized] initials (p .. . m [kw ... ]); non-lab = non-labial initials
OC initial w- (which allows pre-initial velars and s, z)
Chinese dialect forms ; col. = colloquial form (bai S), lit. = literary or reading form
(wen y). Dialects (actually Sinitic languages) are identified by location. See 12.1.3.
Since many of them are not well known, the dialect affiliation is prefixed to the name
of the location. These abbreviations are: G = Gan, K = Kejia (Hakka), M = Min, W =
Wu, X = Xiang, Y = Yue (Cantonese), Mand. = Mandarin, P = Proto-, as in PMin =
Proto-Min (also CMin = Common Min). Place names are sometimes shortened: -m =
-men, -zh = -zhou, HK = Hongkong.
xv
GSCENTRIES
[E] comments on etymology, especially foreign connections (cognates or loans); details
and the key to abbreviations are found in the EDGC
[N] introduces further notes or comments
[f] transcriptions of the Chinese word; these are occasionally provided to show a word' s
later development (see 12.1) :
Sin Sukchu or Sin S. (EMing = Early Ming period Chinese); SR 'standard reading, ,
PR 'popular reading,' LR 'left reading'
MGZY = Menggu ziyiin CPhags-pa) of the Yuan (Mongol) period ( 1270- 1308)
ONW(C) = Old Northwest Chinese from about AD 400, as interpreted by Coblin
1994. Occasionally Sui-Tang Chang ' an (Coblin's STCA, ca. AD 640) and MTang
(Middle Tang, ca. AD 775) forms are also added.
BTD = Buddhi st Transcriptional Dialect (later Han period) (Coblin)
MHan = Middle Han (pre-BTD) (Coblin ms. 1993; Pulleyblank 1962); sources are
mostly the Hanshu and the Hou-Hanshu (HHanshu)
The OC rime categories are arranged and numbered as follows :
I a
12
ak , 3 al)
4
g
15
gk
6 gl]
7 e 8 ek 9 eI]
I
I
10 0 I 1 1 ok : 12
I
01)
13 u 14 uk i 15
I
uI]
16 17 auk
I
au --
-- 18 ai 19 oi
20 et, e(t)s ! 21 at, a(t)5 22 at, o(t)s
23 en 24 an 25 on
26 i 27
gi
i 28
ui
29 it, i(t)s 30 gt , g(t)s
! 31
ut, u(t)s
,
1
3 4 32 In 33 ;:)n un
35 ap,op 36 am, am
. ~
I 37 gp, ip, up I 38 gm, im. urn
:
Within rime categories, the phonetic series are arranged by initi al types, usually in the
following sequence (OCM initial s):
k kw w hew) lew) I)(w) t I j r n ts s p m
xvi
GSCENTRIES
Tables
The entries in the fields consist of MC + LHan + OC *
Horizontal lines = MC (QYS) 'Divisions'
Vertical columns =OC rime categories
Grayed fields show phonologically impossible combinations
R.
ac
gr
lab
non-lab
w
= Rime section in GSC
acute initials (see 1.4)
grave initials (see 1.4)
OC labial[ized] initials (p .. . m, kw ... );
= non-Iabial[ized] initials
OC initial w- (which permits pre-initial velars and s, z)
xvii
TRANSCRIPTIONS
Middle Chinese
Karlgren's MC ( ' Ancient Chinese') of GSR with Li Fang-kuei's emendations (Li 1971: 4-7;
1974-1975: 224-227) will be used here with some additional adjustments (see also 2.2):
(1) The tones will be indicated by superscript letters ABCD; see section 2.2.
(2) Glottal stop will be represented by 7.
(3) e (e) will be written e.
(4) i' will be written i .
(5) In Karlgren's/ Li's MC, the rounded medial is represented as -u- in some syllables (I)uo,
gju:m); as -w- in others (mwan, kjwan, kjwei); in some syllable types rather inconsistently:
there are both kjuen and kjwen ; kufit, but the qusbeng counterpart kwfii
c
. To eliminate this
confusion, I will write MC wfor Karlgren's/Li's medial was well as u, thus pwfin (not pufi n),
kjwan, k j w ~ n etc. Some syllables have a well-established ua where I will keep it (kuo, suoI).
In the Introduction where I specifically cite Karlgren's/Li's MC forms, the u may still appear.
After labial initial s, the medial u/w is redundant - one could write pan for puan, or pat for
pwat. The Diy. I u/w is written systematically and well established; it will be retained here
(puan); but the win Div. II is not applied consistently: Li writes pwai (in analogy to ywai) ; but
phan in analogy to kan , and not parallel to kwan; or pek (not pwek). Therefore, the w will
usually be omitted in such Diy. II syllables (pat, pek), as is done by some writers.
(6) The strong palatal medial in ch6ngniu Diy. IV (here '3/4'; see Intro. 2.4) is represented
by ji in Li's system (e.g., pjian 4 vs. pjan 3). But in some syllable types , it is written simply as
i without the j which is so characteristic of Div. III, 3/4 syllables: pi 4, si, kwi. In light of MC
syllables like kjwie 4 (vs. kjwe), the omission of j looks odd, therefore one could write more
logically kjiwi instead (parallel to jiwi , and contrasting with Li ' s kjwi 3). In the EDGe I wrote
kjiwi , etc., but here I will remain close to Li ' s system and write kwi 4. The numbers 3 and 4
whieh are referring to the ch6ngniu divi sion are always added for clarity (pi 4, pji 3).
(7) Like Karlgren, Li omits the medial j in syllables with the single vowel i (zwi, parallel to
kwi 4), but Li inserts aj with other finals, e.g., zjwe (Karlgren zwie).
Later Han Chinese
The LHan transcription follows for the most part Me. Note, however, the distinction between
a and a; the latter could also be written a if one prefers. See Intro. section 7.
Old Chinese
The Minimal Old Chinese (OCM) phonemes are for the most part Baxter' s. The initial
consonants are listed in the Introduction 4.6.
Some notational changes to Baxter's system are self-evident, e.g., OCM *kw for Baxter's kW;
since the source of some MC kw- is ambiguous , it could derive from *kw, *kuV or *kw < k+w.
Though aspirated initials ph kh t
h
tsh are unit phonemes in LHan and MC, their OC sources are
often voiceless sonorants or may be C+h clusters, hence OCM ph, etc.
Voiceless sonorants are marked by an h,but are unit phonemes. See Intro. 5.1.5 for details.
xix
TRANSCRIPTIONS
Some OC pre-initials or prefixes which are weakend or lost by MC are hyphenated to avoid
confusion with otherwise identical initial configurations, thus Him < *g-ram vs. gam < *gram;
or zjwen < s-win vs. sjwen < swin.
Baxter's (and OCM's) six OC vowels are a i u ego. The six vowels are written without
additional marks in OCM syllables that correspond to MC Div. III (e.g., ~ OCM *tal) >LHan
tsol), MC tsjal). In MC Div. I1IV and II syllables (no medial j), which seem to have been lax
(huan f.\i) in Later Han Chinese, the OCM vowels are marked with an accent circumflex (as in
French liiche 'lax') which is here purely symbolic; however:
OC syllable type A (> MC Div. IIlV, II)
OC syllable type B (> MC Div. III, 3/3, 3/4)
i i f u ~ o
aiuego
E.g., 1i OCM I)a? > LHan I)OB, MC I)UO
B
; or:fit OCM *I)ai? > LHan l)oiB, MC l)a
B
; note that
the MC circumflex a represents a darker a, as in French lache, and is not (directly) related to
the symbolic OCM one.
Elements of diphthongs, including the unstressed ones, are written with vowels (i y u), as in
modern dialect transcriptions, instead of semi-vowels (j, w), thus fflt *riau, for example.
xx
SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS
This list is taken from the EDOC and may include abbreviations that do not occur in this
manual.
o

<>
>
<
<-
->

a.
AA
AAS
abbr.
ac
acc. to
AM
AN
aux.
BEFEO
Beida
BI
BIHP
BMFEA
BSLP
BSOAS
BTD
BV
[C]
CAAAL
CDC
CH
CLAO
cogn.
[D]
DEZ
ditr.
E
[E]
EAC
EOC
no Chinese graph exists (for a dialect word)
cognate, aIIofam, members of a wf within a language
cognate(s), or loans between languages in either direction; separates forms
cited from different language families
s. w. as = same word as
or, variant
develops into
deri ves from
borrowed from
loaned into
cross-reference
section / paragraph of the Introduction to EDOC
and
Austroasiatic (languages)
Association for Asian Studies
abbreviation( s)
acute consonants
according to
Asia Major
A ustronesian (languages)
auxiliary (e.g., verb)
Bulletin de 1 'Ecole Frallyaise d 'Extreme Orient
BeijIng Daxue: HiJllyu fangyan cfhui Il!
bronze inscriptions
Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology (Academia Sinica, Taiwan)
($:*lVf%lm,
Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Stockholm
Bulletin de 1a societe linguistique de Paris
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London
Han Buddhist Transcriptional Dialect (W. S. Coblin. ms.)
Bahing-Vayu languages (= Kiranti languages; Tibeto-Burman)
introduces comments on further cognates
Computational Analysis of Asian and African Languages
Common Dialectal Chinese (J. Norman's reconstruction)
Chinese
Cahiers de Lillguistique Asie Orientale
cognate
introduces Chinese dialect forms
A. Schuessler, A Dictionary of Early Zhou Chinese
ditransi ti ve
east(ern); early
introduces etymological comments
Dobson, Early Archaic Chinese
Early Old Chinese, Shang and early Western Zhou
xxi
f. (ff.)
FY
G-
gr
GSC
GSR
GY
GYSX
Hao-ku
HCT
HJAS
HK
HOCP
HJYTB
HST
ICSTLL
id.
IG
intr.
IST
J(.)
JA
JAOS
JAS
JCL
JCLTA
JDSW
JGWZ
JIES
JP
JR
JWGL
K-
K.
Kan.
KC
KN
KS
KT
lab
LAC
LB
LB-M
Ig. (lgs.)
LH, LHan
LL
LOC
LTBA
Lush.
M-
M-
MC
MGZY
SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS
following page(s)
(1) Fang yan 1i' by Yang Xiong m$!; (2) the modern journal Fangyan 1irE
Gan dialects
grave consonants
Companion to Grammata Serica Recensa
B. Karlgren, Grammata serica recensa
Guang-yun YU Nai-yong 1974. Hu zhujiilOzheng Song ben Gufing-Ylln
Shen Jianshi i:t* . Guangyun sMngxi
Ulrich Unger, Hao-ku. Sinologische Rundbriefe
Li Fangkuei 1977, A Handbook of Comparative Tai
Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies
Hong Kong
William H. Baxter 1992, Handbook of OC Phonology
Matisoff 2003, Handbook of Proto-Tibeto-Burman
W. South Coblin 1986, A Sinologist's Handlist of Sino-Tibetan Lexical
Comparisons
International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics
idem (the same as above)
indo-germanisch ('Indo-European')
intransitive
R. Shafer, Introduction to Sino-Tibetan
Journal
Journal Asiatique
Journal of the American Oriental Society
Journal for Asian Studies
Journal of Chinese Linguistics
Journal of the Chinese Teachers' Language Association
Jrngdian shiwen by LU Deming
U Xiaoding *;;f:Ji::, Jiagu wenzi jfshi
Journal of Indo-European Studies
Ii'ng-po :l'l'I: tm (a Tibeto-Burman language)
rGya-rung = Jia-rong (a Tibeto-Burman language)
Zh6u Fago lfnwen gulfn (bu) Urn)
Kejia (Hakka) dialects
Kachin (a Tibeto-Burman language close to or identical with Jing-po)
Kanauri (a Tibeto-Burman language of the Himalayan branch)
Kuki-Chin languages (Tibeto-Burman)
Kuki-Chin-Naga languages (Tibeto-Burman)
KalIl-Sui languages
Kam-Tai languages
labial[ized] initial consonants
Dobson, Late Archaic Chinese
Lolo-Burmese languages (a Tibeto-Burman branch)
Matisoff's reconstruction of LB
language(s)
Later Han Chinese (Eastern Han)
Language and Linguistics (Academia Sinica, Taipei)
Later Old Chinese (Zhanguo)
Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area
Lushai (a Tibeto-Burman language of the Kuki-Naga branch)
Min dialects
Middle (e.g., MM = Middle Mon)
Middle (or ancient) Chinese (ca. AD 600)
Menggu ziyUn
xxii
MK
MKS
MM, MMon
MS
MSOS
MY
MZYW
[N]
n.
Oxx
OB
OC
OCB
OCM
OE
OL
OM
ONW(C)
P
p. c.
PCH
perh.
PLB
PMin
poss.
prob.
PTai
?rib.
PVM
PWA
PWMiao
QY
QY(S)
R.
R!
S.
Siam.
Skt.
Sorui
SSYP
ST
STC
SV
sv.
SW
SWJZGL
s. w. as
[T]
TB
TSR
Tib.
tr.
vb.
Viet.
SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS
Mon-Khmer languages
Mon-Khmer Studies
Middle Mon (an Austroasiatic language)
Monumenta Serica
Mitteilungen des Seminars filr Orientalische Sprachen
Miao-Yao (Hmong-Mian) languages
Minzu yuwen
introduces further notes
noun
Old xx (e.g., OC = Old Chinese)
Shang dynasty oracle bone inscriptions
Old (or archaic) Chinese
Old Chinese, Baxter's reconstruction
Minimal Old Chinese
Oriens extremus
Oceanic Linguistics
Old Mon (an Austroasiatic language)
Old Northwest Chinese ca. AD 400 (W. S. Coblin, Old Northwest Chinese)
Proto
personal communication
Proto-Chinese
perhaps
Proto-Lolo-Burmese (= 'Lolo-Burmese,' LB)
Proto-Min (J. Norman's reconstructions)
possibly
probably
Proto-Tai
Proto-Tibetan
Proto-Viet-Mong languages
Proto-W estern-A ustronesian
Proto-Western-Miao
Qieyun JJJ ru'!
Qieyun system, i.e., MC (or 'ancient Chinese') reconstructions
Rime section
final confirmed by rime in the Shijing or Chuci
Siamese
Siamese
Sanskrit
Shima Kunio Inkyu bukuji sorui ,Ij)i:\';ffi
Sf sheng yr}npu by Liang Sengbao
Sino-Tibetan
Paul K. Benedict, Sino-Tibetan: A Conspectus
Sino-Vietnamese
stative verb
Xu Shen Shu6wen jiezi mxMoJ:
DIng Fubao T milf!:, Shu6wen jiezi gulin
same word as
introduces transcriptional forms
Tibeto-Burman
James A. Matisoff, The Loloish Tonal Split Revisited
Tibetan
transitive
verb
Vietnamese
xxiii
SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATrONS
W
W-
west(ern)
WU dialects
w
WB
wf(s)
W(r)
WT
OC syllables with initial *w-
Written Burmese
word family (families)
Written-
Written Tibetan
WTib. Western Tibetan di alects
X- Xiang dialects
XS xiesheng series (phonetic series)
Y- Vue dialects (Cantonese)
YWYJ Yuwen yanjiil
YYWZX Yuyan wenzi xue
Zang-Mian 1992 Huang BMan 1,f1lifL et aI., Ziwg-Mianyu z u yilyan CIlwi
ZGYW Zhongguo yuwen
ZM92 Zang-Mian 1992 (Beijing)
ZWDCD ZhOngwen dilcidian
xxiv
INTRODUCTION
1 APPROACHES TO THE HISTORY OF CHINESE
The Chinese language has a long documented history that started with the writing on the
Shang Dynasty oracle bones around 1250 Be. The most important pre-modern stages of the
language are Old Chinese (ca. 1000 to 200 BC) and Middle Chinese (around AD 600). This
'Companion to Grammata Serica Recensa' (,Grammata Serica Companion', or GSCfor short)
is concerned with Old Chinese, but cites the conventional Middle Chinese forms, and adds an
intermediate layer of Later (Eastern) Han Chinese (ca. I st cent. AD). Later Han Chinese (LH,
LHan) was intended to represent a hypothetical conservative strain of the period; it could, with
hindsight, be considered Middle Han Chinese of the first centuries BC and AD.
Records in alphabetic writing provide the best information on the phonology of earlier
stages of Chinese; these reach back to the Yuan Dynasty, the late 13th century (see 1.1 below).
Beyond that, Chinese transcriptions of foreign words, especially in Buddhist literature, reach
back to the Han period (206 BC to AD 220). But these transcriptions tell us only what at the
time a Chinese translator found to be the nearest Chinese equivalent to a foreign sound (ba-Ja
for Indic brah-, for example). The methods of comparative historical phonology offer another
approach by comparing modern dialects in order to reconstruct their common ancestor
(Common Dialectal Chinese, 1.2), leading us back no farther than the middle of the 1 st
millennium AD, though. Middle Chinese (MC) is reconstructed with a philological approach,
through the rime dictionary Qieyiin of AD 601 (section 2 below).
Old Chinese (OC) is only indirectly recoverable; its two major foundations are (I) MC, and
(2) the writing system and rimes in poetry (3 below) that reveal abstract phonological
categories which are filled with MC phonological content. The OC writing system has evolved
over a thousand years until it was standardized around 200 Be. Therefore OC is not really 'a
language', since the OC reconstructions represent information on the reading of graphs that
may come from different centuries and, we must assume, also different dialects. This is the
best we can do. When setting up sheng *1IIl. as OC *m-l::lI] 'rope', the *m- disappeared perhaps
around 1000 BC, while the *1 had lost its lateral feature before 100 BC or so. On the other
hand, a simple word like 'five' *I]a may not have changed much during the first millennium
Be. Overall, an OC form gives us a good idea of what a word was, phonemically and histori-
cally, during the Zhou period, thus *m-I::lI] is from a historical and linguistic standpoint an
early, informative and relevant form - however Confucius might have pronounced it.
1.1 Alphabetic records
The phonologically most accurate recordings of Chinese are in alphabetic scripts. Missionary
publications and documents from the 17th century onward have used transcriptions in the
Latin alphabet (e.g., Francisco Varo, late 1600; see Coblin 2006). Pre-missionary transcrip-
tions of Chinese in Korean (by Sin Sukchu) and 'Phags-pa alphabets (derived from Tibetan)
reach back to the early Ming (14th century) and late Yuan (Mongol) period (13th century
AD), Tangut material even to the end of the 12th century (Gong Hwang-cherng 1989). In
GSC, samples of early transcriptions are provided as an additional 13th-14th century stage of
Chinese (after the symbol [f) - these forms kindly provided by W. S. Coblin):
INTRODUCTION
Sin Sukchu or Sin S. (EMing = Early Ming period Chinese); SR 'standard reading,' i.e.,
the reading pronunciation; PR 'popular reading' is the vernacular; LR 'left reading' (by a
different recorder).
MGZY = Menggu ziyun CPhags-pa) of the Yuan (Mongol) period (1270-1308)
(Coblin 2007).
Even earlier, Tang period documents found in Dunhuang include Tibetan transcriptions of
Chinese words, as do Tibetan inscriptions of AD 822 in Lhasa. However, these transcriptions
do not indicate tones, and the material is not as plentiful as the later alphabetic records.
Information on still earlier stages of Chinese is available in the form of transcriptions of
foreign words with Chinese graphs, mostly transliterations from Indic (Sanskrit, Prakrit,
Gandhari). A corpus of transcriptional forms is the basis of Coblin's
ONW(C) = Old Northwest Chinese of about AD 400 (Coblin 1994).
On a few occasions Sui-Tang Chang'an (Coblin's STCA, ca. AD 640) and MTang (Middle
Tang, ca. AD 775) forms are also added. Buddhist transcriptions from the Eastern Han period
(2nd cent. AD) have been investigated by Coblin (1982, 1983, 1993); they are utilized here
for the reconstitution of Later Han Chinese. Earlier Middle Han (MHan) transcriptions of
foreign names and words are quoted from Coblin ms. 1993; his source was primarily
Pulleyblank 1962.
1.2 The comparative method and internal reconstruction
The standard approach to historical reconstruction is the comparative method; three or more
of today's seven major 'dialects', more accurately 'Sinitic languages', are compared and
through 'triangulation' their common proto-forms reconstructed. The Chinese term translated as
'dialect', fangyan h1!J, lit. 'regional speech', can refer to any local Chinese language or
dialect. The Sinitic languages are: Modern Standard Chinese, conventionally called 'Manda-
rin' (guanhua or putOng-hua :m-m[!5, gu6yu Wu (major cities include
Shanghai and Suzhou), mm (Nanchang), Xiang (Changsha), Yue (=Cantonese),
Kejia (= Hakka; a major city is Meixian), and Min dialects (Fuzhou, Xiamen =
Amoy). This list of seven dialects follows a practical convention, yet the lines separating
dialect groups can be fuzzy, and other configurations have also been suggested. Except for
Min and the oldest colloquial layer in southern dialects (Norman's 'Old South'), the phonolo-
gical categories of modern dialects correlate with the Middle Chinese (MC) categories of the
rime book Qieyun (see 2.1). Since information from modern dialects provides the phonologi-
cal basis for MC, GSC occasionally cites dialect forms for illustration (after the symbol [D)).
1. Norman (2006) has compared modern dialects, excluding Min, and arrived at common
forms, Common Dialectal Chinese (CDC). For example, Mandarin men F5, Shuangfeng
mien, Meixian and Guangzhou mun all derive from a CDC mun
2
. With this method one can
reach back as far as the Tang period (ca. AD 600-800), perhaps.
Of particular interest for pre-MC are the archaic Min dialects, because their phonology and
that of Old South cannot always be correlated with the categories of the Qieyiin; therefore
these dialects must have separated from the rest of Chinese before MC, probably as a conse-
quence of migrations during the Qin-Han dynasties (221 BC-AD 220). (Proto-Min [or
'Common Min'] forms cited here are earlier reconstructions by 1. Norman.) For example, the
MIn and general Old South word for 'I, me' I]aiB (Mand. wo iJ(;) is not an analogue of MC
2
INTRODUCTION
l)aB; Mandarin chang ft: 'long' agrees with MC whereas MIn would correspond to a MC
dal); shin 'stone' agrees with MC ijak, while MIn would correlate to a MC (d)ijak; Win 7(
'heaven' corresponds to MC thien, while MIn points to than; yU 'fish' corresponds to MC
I)jwo, while some MIn forms have initial h- instead of 1]-; Jill ;\ 'six' has initial s- in northern
MIn dialects. Also the MIn vocabulary is more archaic, thus the word for 'dog' is etymologi-
cally the quan 7:. of classical texts, while this has been replaced in other dialects by gou 1bj.
Internal reconstruction is another tool of historical linguistics; it will be successfully
applied in section 4.
1.3 The philological approach
The reconstruction of MC and OC are not possible through the above material and methods
because of the non-phonetic writing system and the impossibility of triangulation (OC has no
known dialects or Sinitic sister languages). The reconstruction of MC is based on rime
dictionaries and rime tables; see section 2 below. MC is projected back into OC, i.e., MC
forms must by default be assumed to have been the same in OC unless there is OC evidence
that requires adjustments. OC evidence is provided by the (fortunately many) graphs which are
phonetic compounds with corroborating support from rimes in poetry (section 3), and by
phonological distributional patterns (section 4). Sections 5 to 9 of this Introduction are
concerned with the philological approach because this is the main path to OC.
This philological procedure for recovering MC and OC is not ' reconstruction' in the usual
sense of historical linguistics; it is more like 'interpreting' the Chinese characters (Coblin).
But since the term 'reconstruction' is well established, we will continue to use it.
1.4 Segments of a Chinese syllable
Sinitic languages (Chinese dialects) share many areal features with neighbors. With the likely
exception of OC, all forms of Chinese, including all modern dialects, are tonal languages. OC
and MC were monosyllabic languages (one word = one syllable = one graph), notwithstanding
bisyllablic expressives (like Eng!. ding-dong) and a few other words, notably names for insects
(like Mandarin hUdie 'butterfly', 'ant'), which are seized upon by those who
want to disprove the 'monosyllabic myth'; technically they may have a point, depending on the
definition of a 'monosyllabic language'. It is sometimes hypothesized that OC may also have
had 'sesquisyllabic' (Matisoff) or 'iambic' (Sagart) words, i.e., with an unstressed pre-syllable.
What matters for MC and OC phonology is that a Chinese graph writes a syllable which
linguists analyze as consisting of segmental and supra-segmental phonemes. For example, the
MC syllable kjal)B:
k
a
I)
= initial, initial consonant
= final
= rime (rhyme), rime category (i .e., the final without
medial(s), tone and vowel gradations like ii, B)
= medial, medial glide (j, w) or medial vowel (u, i)
= vowel
= coda, final consonant
B =tone
Syllables can have an additional medial u or w, called Mkou -Et 0 'closed mouth', i .e. ,
'rounded mouth' (2.4). Thus MC kjal) has a Mkou counterpart MC kjwal), or MC kiln vs.
kwan, etc. A syllable without medial w/ u (like kjal)B) is called kaikou 00 0 'open mouth'.
3
INTRODucnON
Certain initial consonants can occur only before certain categories of finals (see 2.4; 4. 1).
Occasionally, finals of a rime category differ depending on whether the initial consonant is
grave or acute (see more details in 4.6):
grave consonants are alliabials (p ph b m) and gutturals (velars k kh g 1), and
laryngeals h x y 7), i.e., where in articulation the tongue is not involved
acute consonants are all others: dentals (t n s ts etc.), retroflex ... ), palatals (tsj ... ),
lateral (I), i.e., those where the tongue is involved
After acute initials, the OC final *-un, for example, developed a high glide in front of the
dental final (OC *run > LHan luin, MC ljwen), but after grave initials, no glide emerged, or
the glide was a less prominent:;) (OC *kun > LHan kun > MC kjw;:)n).
1.5 Ancient stages and dialects
Before delving into the matters at hand, it is important to remember that the pre-modern
stages of Chinese, which are known only from written records, represent literary standards,
koines, but probably not spoken dialects of specific regions. Yet vernacular variants and
dialects must have existed at earlier times, just as today. Literary readings of graphs vs. a
vernacular language are attested for the early Ming period (Coblin 1999; 200 I). Earlier, the
preface to the rime dictionary QieyUn (AD 601), the basis of MC, points out that at that time
the reading pronunciations of north and south differed.
Commentators and philologists of the Han period (206 BC-AD 220) were aware of
dialectal differences. Yang Xiong mtt (53 BC-AD 18) has collected dialect words in his
Fangyan hl'. Rimes in poetry and sound gloss patterns also allow conclusions about
specific regional dialects (Coblin 1983: 20-26). For example, a few features of the Shan dong
(ancient Qf dialect are revealed by the commentator Zheng Xuan Z (AD 127 -200), a
native of Shandong who worked in Luoyang (for a biographical sketch, see Coblin MS 34,
1979-1980: 265), as well as by his contemporary and fellow Shandong native Liu
(ca. AD 200), author of the Shimfng (Bodman 1954; Miller in M. Loewe 1993: 424ff).
Their dialect distinguished the OC rimes *-a and *-0, while these have merged in the language
of other Han writers and poets. Zheng's dialect also had lost final n in some environments. In
Xu Shen's language (d. AD 149), OC *-wa (III) and *-0 (III) had merged, as they have in
modern dialects. Zheng Xuan stilI retained the OC rime *-ai (as do modern MIn dialects whose
first wave of immigrants came from Shan dong during the Qin and Han dynasties). In early
Eastern (Late) Han, the dialect of Chang'an had a final velar -1] in feng 00, 'wind', while the
Luoyang dialect in Central China still retained final -m (Coblin A048, 1987: 107).
According to Baxter the OC language of the Shijing and the phonetic loans and compounds
of graphs had merged the syllable types *mo and *mg (> *mg), while there must have been an
OC dialect ancestral to MC which distinguished these two (MC e m;:)u vs. !&J:
A historical stage of Chinese is not necessarily a direct descendent from the previous one.
For example, what is called 'Mandarin' was until the middle of the 19th century a standard
based on the Nanjing dialect, the old capital city of the Ming Dynasty; but after the destruc-
tion of Nanjing during the Taiping rebellion in 1864, Mandarin shifted to a standard based on
the dialect of Beijing, the capital of the Manchu empire since the 17th century.
4
INTRODUCTION
2 MIDDLE CHINESE AND THE QIEYUN
Middle Chinese (MC, Karlgren's 'Ancient Chinese' = Anc. Ch., Zhonggu Hlmyu $3ilj'jR)
of around AD 600 is the point of departure for investigations of pre-MC stages of the
language, because MC is the earliest form of Chinese which is known from a comprehensive
rime dictionary and phonological tables. (Chao Yuen Ren started the habit, followed by some
authors, of using in Chinese linguistics the English spelling 'rime' for 'rhyme.) The recon-
struction of MC is based on the rime dictionary Qieyun and its interpretation through rime
tables which have been created centuries later. However, these MC forms include, at least
symbolically, all available phonological information for a given syllable and are therefore
often cited as points of reference for older stages of Chinese as well as modern dialects.
This present manual on OC is not the place to debate the issues and controversies relating to
MC and the QY. The following sections summarize only some relevant points about Me.
2.1 The rime dictionary Qieyim
The basis for MC is the rime dictionary Qieyim :)]{fJt (QY) by Lu Fa-yan J)i1t 1 (completed
in AD 601). Best known among the later enlarged versions are the Guiingyim ${fJt (GY; AD
1007-1008) and the Jiyim (JY; AD 1038-1039). The latter include characters which are
rare or not attested in actual texts; some variant readings of graphs may be "informed
rationalizing guesses on how a graph ought to be read rather than observations on how they are
read, or reports how in earlier sources they were said to be read" (Ch. Harbsmeier, p.c.). Hence
one cannot always be sure if one deals with 'real' words or with lexicographic ghosts.
The QYlists graphs in homophone groups which are separated by a circle (niu f.ffi); these
groups are combined into rime categories. The sound of a graph or homophone group is
suggested by afiinqie BZ:)] spelling. This system has been used since the 2nd century AD in
commentaries and dictionaries to indicate pronunciation. A word is split into its initial
(consonant) and its final (what comes after it; see 1.4 above); each is expressed by a 'speller',
the first ('upper') indicates the initial, the second (,lower') the final; for example, dong de
hOng fan means that dong * is spelled de (t[;:,k]) + hong ([Y]UI)A) = tUI)A
(from Baxter 1992: 33).
The QY material is organized and interpreted through Song Dynasty rime tables, the
earliest and most important of which is the Yimjing (prefaces from AD 1161 and 1203).
The table format brings out systematic relationships among and within rime categories (or
rime groups, yunbu Within a rime category, individual finals belong to one of four
deng 'divisions' or 'grades' (see below 2.4).
The often cited rimes of the QYas interpreted through the rime tables are summarized in
many publications on the subject, for example, in
Baxter 1992: 65-85
Pulleyblank 1962: 72-73; 1984: 238ff.
Li Fang-kuei '$1JtlI971. yIn yanjiu Tsing Hua f. of Chinese
Studies, n.s. IX, 1&2: 1-61 (see p. 21 f). In English: Gil Mattos, translator, Li Fang-
kuei, Studies on Archaic Chinese. MS31 (1974-1975): 219-287 (seep. 226f).
Pan Wuyun 2000. Hanyu lishiyihyunxue ilj'jRM p. 83ff.
The QYand the rime tables provide only categories of initial consonants and of finals. These
empty categories need to be filled with phonological content. For this purpose, Karlgren
5
INTRODUCTION
collected the pronunciations of graphs from several modern dialects as well as from Chinese
loan readings in Sino-Japanese. Thus he concluded, for example, that the initial consonant of
de in MC t-, and that the rime must have been MC -;:)k (cf. Cantonese tuk
55
).
The nature and linguistic value of the Qieyun and the language it represents has long been a
matter of debate which colors one's attitude towards MC as well as Oe. Lu Fa-yan's preface
makes some points clear: the QieyUn was written for those interested in literary pursuits, "for
use in writing literature and in vocalizing literary texts" (Coblin, lCL 24.1: 95). It incorporated
much information from earlier, now lost, dictionaries and commentaries. What prompted the
compilation was the realization among Lu and his friends that north and south differed in
their pronunciation. Thus the MC of the QY does not represent a language that was actually
spoken, but reading traditions of the literati (Coblin and Norman lAOS 115.4 [1995]: 580).
In light of these and other caveats (see 2.5), Coblin and Norman proposed the term "Qieyun
System" (QYS) instead of 'MC' to refer to this somewhat artificial dictionary I rime table
construct. 'MC' is a well-established term, but we will occasionally prefer 'QYS', especially
when referring to features which are not reflected in an actual language, but only exist in this
QY system, such as 'categories' and 'Divisions' (see 2.4).
2.2 MC notational systems
Today 'MC' usually means Karlgren's 'Ancient Chinese' as emended by Li Fang-kuei (1971;
1974-1975) who simplified Karlgren's MC by eliminating some non-distinctive diacritics-
he replaced Karlgren's i by j; he indicated aspiration by h (phj- for Karlgren's p'i-); etc. Those
who cite Karlgren/Li have often further eliminated non-contrastive features, such as non-
phonemic distinctions between medial wand u after labials (see the note on Transcriptions in
the front matter).
There are alternative proposals for MC, most notably Pulleyblank 1984; 1991. In spite of
improvements over Karlgren I Li, Pulleyblank's MC does not have as much practical value
because the author introduced his own complex notations (-ejk, -:Jep, puawIJ, and the like), and
because many words which occur only in OC texts are of course not listed in an inventory of
Me. Baxter's version of MC (Baxter 1992: 27-85, especially the charts on p. 45 and on pp.
82-85) is a computer-friendly notation without IPA symbols, so that a not immediately
transparent phonetic value needed to be assigned to some ordinary English letters. In the end,
the Karlgren/Li version appears to be the most often cited.
2.3 Middle Chinese tones
The QY's MC had four tones: A pfngsheng 'level' or 'even' tone; B sbangsheng
'rising' tone; C qusheng 'departing' or 'falling' tone; D rusheng 'entering' tone,
i.e., a short-stopped syllable ending in p, t, or k. A 'tone D' syllable can be viewed as toneless
so that only three of the traditional four 'tones' remain.
I will use these letters for tone notations as is done in modern dialect studies, and add them
as superscript letters to a MC (as well as LHan) syllable: thus MC khuoBfor Karlgren's k'uo:,
kuo
e
for his kuo-. As long as one notes tones Band C, tones A and D can be left unmarked.
Occasionally, I may add A for the first MC tone to emphasize that this, and not a potential
other one, is intended.
MC still had voiced initial consonants like gdbz, but their later devoicing caused a split into
so-called yIn (MC ?j;:)m
A1
) tones after voiceless initials (e.g., 7-), and yang (MC jial)A2)
tones after most voiced initials (e.g., ji-), resulting in a post-MC category of four yIn series
6
INTRODUCTION
tones AI, B 1, C 1, D 1, and a corresponding yang set A2, B2, C2, D2. As a result, Chinese
dialects can have up to eight tones, rare further splits may lead to additional ones. In most
dialects, the tones have coalesced again into a smaller number, in Mandarin into four where
MC tone A pingsheng split into a yin ping (Mand. tone 1) and a yang ping (Mand. tone 2), so
that Mand. syllables like dang and tang had the same MC tone (taIJA, daIJA).
MC Mand. MC Mand. MC Mand.
taIJA > A 1 dang daIJA > A2 tang thaIJA > A 1 tang
taIJB > B 1 dang daIJB >B2 dlmg thaIJB > B 1 tang
taIJc >CI dang daIJc >C2 dang thaIJc > CI tang
tak
D
>D 1 duo dak
D
>D2 duo thak
D
> D 1 tuo
Also in Mand. and some other dialects, yangsMtng tone B2 merged with qusheng (tone
C) (sMtng gUfqu 1:1$"* "tone B goes to C"). Therefore the four MC tones do not correlate
directly with the later four Mandarin tones:
Mand. tone 1 dang (A 1)
2
3 dang (B 1)
4 dang (B2, C 1, C2)
tang (A 1)
tang (A2)
tang (B 1)
tang (CI)
This is a simplified summary; some syllable types have their own tonal developments. For
instance, after MC nasal initials and 1-, the yangsMtng tone behaves like a yin tone.
2.4 The QYS (MC) medials and 'Divisions'
The rime tables systematize the QY material and place the graphs of every rime category into
one of four so-called "Grades" or "Divisions" ('Div.', deng resulting in up to four
different finals within a rime. A deng can be envisioned as a row in the rime tables:
Div. I: Modern words in the first Division have no palatal medial (Mandarin gai, lang,
gong, etc.), only initial consonants can occur which are non-palatal, not retroflex, not
affricated (except ts-oo.), or not dentilabialized, which leaves MC k-, t-, p-, 1-, S-, etc.;
see 4.1.

Div. II: also has no palatal medial, but the MC vowels have a special timbre which caused
a rather recent palatalization of velars (* jia < ka); MC Div. II vowels in Karlgren's /
Li's system are a, a, ii, l?, e. Only gra ve (labial and guttural; see 1.4) and retroflex initials
.s-) can occur in this Division, but no dentals and palatals.
Div. III: includes words with a palatal post-initial glide, i.e., Karlgren's MC medial 'yod'
i = Li's j; words in this Division have in Mandarin medial i, or affricate, sibilant or denti-
labial initials, e.g., liang, jiang, chong, fen, etc). There are no dental initials (t t
h
d n).
Div. IV: includes syllables with a prominent medial i after the same initials as in Div. I
(Mand. tian, diao, etc.). Because of this and because of complementarity (no main vowel e
in Div. I, only main vowel e in Div. IV), Div. IV belongs structurally to Div. 1. Therefore
one can combine them into 'Div. I1IV'.
A defining feature of a Division is the presence or absence of a medial yod j or i: there is no
medial in Div. I and II, j in Div. III, i in Div. IV. Div. III j mixes freely with Div. I, II and IV
syllables in phonetic series (see below) as well as word families (kjan, kan, kan). The other
medial wor u marks so-called bekou EtD 'rounded mouth' syllables (MC kjwaIJ, kwan)
7
INTR ODUCfION
(Karlgren/Li write w in some syllables, u in others); syllables without this bilabial medial are
called kliikou F7fl 0 'open mouth' (MC kjaI), kan). The MC w is, however, of a completely
different nature from medial j. The latter is tied to Division III, but the medial bilabial can
occur in any Division and freely combine with Div. III j (-jw-) and Div. IV i (-iwe-): kwan,
kjwan, kiwen. The medial w/u belongs to a word's root, hence h6kou words do not mix with
kliikou words in phonetic series (see below) and word families. Similarly, Div. IV i also
belongs to a word's root. For the description of syllable structure kliikou examples suffice,
because the h6kou counterparts are predictable.
Karlgren reconstructed MC finals belonging to the four divisions of rime category -an, for
instance, as follows :
Div. Mand. MC kiiikou Mand. MC hekou
~
han van
' guan kwan
II
~
yan ngan
M
guan kwan
III f ~
jiim kjen
C
~
quan khjwen
B
IV
J!
jiim kien
c
*-
quan khiwen
B
Some rimes, such as -an, have an additional set of finals with medial j, the so-called
ch6ngniil doublets. As we have seen, a circle called niu m 'knot, button', marks the start of a
set of homophones. In some rimes a set is followed by a superficially identical one (looking
like a 'doublet') which is introduced with a 'second button' (ch6ngniu mm). But one set is
placed in Div. III, one in Div. IV. We will write a 3 or 4 after a ch6ngniu syllable, and refer to
the subdivisions as 3/3 (ch6ngniu Div. III) and 3/4 (ch6ngniu Div. IV) respectively:
Div. Mand. MC ch6ngniu doublets
0
~
han van
II 0
~
yan I)an
III 0
~
jiiln kjen 3/3 o JI jian, MC kjan
B
3
IV 0
J!
jiiln kien 3/4 o ~ qian, MC khjian
B
4
These doublets occur only in certain rimes after grave initials (see 1.4 above). Grave initials
tend to have more finals (e.g., MC kjen, kjan, kjian) than acute initials (only tsjan).
Karlgren considered the finals of JI k i ~ n and ~ k'ian (in his MC notation) the same-
considered them 'doublets', and the ch6ngniu distinctions spurious. Li took note of the
ch6ngniu doublets in his emendations to Karlgren's MC, thus his kjan for Div. 3/3, a stronger
medial kjian in Div. 3/4. Traces of this ch6ngniu 3 vs. 4 distinction have been uncovered in
Chinese dialects, medieval transcriptions, and Chinese loans in Vietnamese and Korean.
There is a trace even in Mandarin: ji JI' (GSR 538e), Karlgren's Anc. Ch. g'iwi-, is actually in
ch6ngniu Div. 4 (Karlgren says that ji for the expected gui is 'irregular'), vs. kui II (GSR
540g) Anc. Ch. g\wi- in ch6ngniu Div. 3.
With these ch6ngniu subdivisions, the QYS has up to six finals within a rime category,
actually seven when considering two vowel timbres in Div. II:
Div. I
Div. II
Div. III
no MC medial yod - ~ han, MC van, OCM *gan
from OC medial *r - ~ yan, MC I)an, *I)ran
from OC medial *r - Fa' jian, MC kiln, *kren
MC medial yod - ~ jilin, MC kjenC, *kans
8
Div.3/3
Div. 3/4
Div. IV
INTRODUCTION
ch6ngniu Div. III after grave initials - ~ jilin, MC kjan
B
3,
*kran?
ch6ngniu Div. IV after grave initials, only in combination with OC
front vowels - ~ qilin, MC khjian
B
4, *khen?
MC 'pure' Div. IV - J! jifm, MC kienc, *kens
All these Divisions have, of course, h6kbu counterparts: MC ywan, I)wan, kjwtm ... kiwen.
2.5 Problems with the Qieyim and Middle Chinese
The value and reliability of the Qieyiin, and with it of MC, has been much debated, among
other reasons because of its admittedly and obvious heterogeneous composition as well as its
interpretation through much later rime tables.
Some MC features did not exist in AD 600 but have been projected back from the rime
tables of later centuries. When these tables were compiled, the main vowel e (as opposed to je)
always combined with a preceding i, there was only ie as in tian 7:. thien. The rime tables
placed these syllables into a fourth row, Division IV, which according to Karlgren was
characterized by this strong vocalic medial i. However, earlier during the Tang period and
before, the final was simply -en, as transcriptions of foreign words indicate and the syllable
structure of MC would require. Thus 7:. was really MC then; the vowel e warped into ie only
later (on warping, see 7.6 below). Thus the MC Div. IV syllables are really of the Div. I type,
and can be combined into Div. IIIV, as was already noted.
Another rime table feature, which Karlgren and his successors have perhaps misinterpreted
and projected back into MC, concerns Div. III syllables with later dentilabial initials (f, w). In
the tables, Mand. fan (Div. III) relates to ban (Div. I), as zhan (Div. III) does to dan (Div. I).
It was assumed that a Div. was marked by a single feature, which for Div. III was believed to
be the palatal medialj. Since zhan could derive from MC tsjan, it was then assumed that fan
must derive from something like pjwrm. However , all dialectal and transcriptional evidence
points to a bilabial glide w, without a palatal ; also phonetically, a medial w(or main vowel u) ,
notj, would explain dentilabialization (pw-> f ; mw-> W- , mut> wut) (Coblin 199Ib). Hence
there was no medial j in any of these labial-initial syllables; the rime tables may have placed
them in Div. III because of the parallelism and complementary distribution with medial j
syllables after non-labial initials. While Karlgren / Li write, therefore, WU ~ D 'thing' as MC
mjw;}t, Pulleyblank (Early MC) and Norman (CDC) are certainly correct in postulating EMC
and CDC mut; the word was the same in LHan. However, QYS forms are customarily quoted
for reference, because they contain all the linguistic information of the Chinese philological
tradition. Thus mjw:lt tells the reader that historically (i .e., in MC) the initial of wu ~ D is m-,
the rime category is -:It, the syllable belongs to Div. III (-j-) , and it is a hekbu syllable (-u-) . A
frontish vocalic glide has developed between the vowel u and the following dental , thus
phonemic mut was probably phonetically realized as [mu;}t] so that -:It was felt to be the rime.
Such off-glides are still clearly heard in Mandarin in careful enunciation so that lun "1fB sounds
like JU:ln or Juin.
The heterogeneous nature of the QY corpus is not only mentioned in its preface, but is also
revealed by several syllables which do not fit the system. Thus di tfu (MC diC) 'earth' and Jeng
~ (MC h'lI)B) 'cold' are non-canonical syllables, because d- cannot occur in combination with
final -i, and J- and Div. II -/?- are mutually exclusive. Less conspicuous is a word like jIn ~
MC kjien
B
, whose k- in front of the Div. 3/4 medial -ji- should have palatalized. Its failure to
9
INTRODUCTION
do so betrayes}in as a Southern intrusion. The QY is not in error because the Mandarin
pronunciations of these three words are regular analogues to Me. On the one hand, this raises
the question: which features of the QY reflect regional doublets that should not be projected
back into OC? And given this uncertainty, should one dare reconstruct OC at all? And the QY
has a suspiciously large inventory of phonemes. Some scholars have suspected, for example,
that MC ij- and dij- reflect dialectal variants. On the other hand, virtually every QY distinc-
tion has been confirmed by some dialect somewhere. Then again: reconstruction of CDC
results in a simple phonological system so that CDC looks like a 'real' language, and the QY
surreal. On the other hand, CDC is painted with a very broad brush; inclusion of more dialects
would probably alter the picture and bring it closer to the QY.
Whatever the QY may be, it is not fiction; it has preserved pre-QY features, as is confirmed
by the OC phonetic series. Furthermore the QY is all we have to work with when probing into
pre-QY stages of the languages. We have no choice but to base reconstructions of earlier
stages like OC on the QYS reconstructions. Even considering that incongruous readings have
slipped in, the bulk of the QY material is probably reliable, as long as one restricts oneself to
words that are still in use today, or words that occur in actual texts.
3 OLD CHINESE: PHONETIC SERIES
Any reconstruction of Old Chinese (OC = Karlgren's Archaic Chinese = Arch. Ch. shanggu
Hanyu .1. including, of course, Baxter's (OCB = Old Chinese - Baxter) and Minimal
Old Chinese (OCM) is based, first , on Middle Chinese which was discussed in the previous
section 2; and secondly, on the composite graphs as grouped into phonetic series which are the
subject of the present section. Phonetic series are analyzed together with rimes in early texts,
especially the Shljlng a collection of about 300 early and mid Zhou-period songs, but
unfortunately redacted during the Han period.
3.1 Composite graphs
Graphs (,characters') are key to Oe. They fall into several types (for more details, see, for
example, Norman 1988: 65ff; Boltz 1994; Qiu Xigui 2000). The main division is between wen
::Xc 'simple non-composite graphs', and zl * 'composite graphs'. Wen are semantographs;
they indicate the meaning but contain no phonetic information. These include pictograms: ri
8 'sun' , mil * 'tree'; symbolic graphs: shang.1. 'above', yT- 'one'; deictic graphs: ben
* 'root' where a stroke at the lower part of mil * 'tree' indicates that the root is meant.
The vast majority of graphs are composites or compounds. They are of two kinds: (1)
semantic composites (hulyl 'joined meanings'), like haa iff 'woman' + 'child' = 'love'.
(2) Crucial for the reconstruction of OC are the much more numerous phonetic composites or
'phonograms' (xiesheng or xfngsheng rr-;V) that consist of a phonetic element, which
roughly indicates the sound, and of one of 214 classifiers or ('radicals', 'significs'), which
broadly suggests the semantic category. Phonetic compound graphs emerged in order to
disambiguate multiple readings and their words. Thus originally wrote both zl 'self' and bf
'nose', then bl:W- 'give' was added to 'nose' as the phonetic element, hence" 'nose', but now
zl 'self' only. Much more common was the inverse process in which a classifier was added
to a graph that was borrowed for its sound, as yan g MC I]j1ln 'speech' was added as
classifier to wu R MC I)uo 'I' serving now as phonetic to write the word yu MC I]jwo
B

10
INTRODUCTION
Graphs with the same phonetic element form a phonetic series, or xiesheng series (XS series).
The implication is that members of a phonetic series sounded similar in OC at the time of their
creation, as their MC forms already suggest, e.g., WI tan
B
, B. tjan, tsjan, t! zjan
c
.
The Han period dictionary ShUiJwenjiezi (SW) by Xu Shen (d. 149 BC)
explains the role of a particular element in a graph, whether Xu takes it to be phonetic or
semantic. The SW may therefore furnish information for ambiguous graphs, or confirm what
modern scholars already suspect. But the SW is to be taken with a grain of salt; see the
discussion in 8.1. Many graphs write different words with their distinct readings as, for
instance, :R chang 'long', zhiing 'grow'; or qil 'conceal' can be borrowed for gou
'crooked'. Commenting on classical texts, the Jfngdiiin shiwen (JD) by Lu De-
ming (556-627) identifies the correct word behind a graph with multiple readings
and provides the appropriate [anqie spelling.
3.2 The Xiesheng principle
A graph by itself, like W!fl, tells us nothing about its OC pronunciation. All we can do is fill in
the blanks with MC readings. Thus the graph can only be interpreted through its reconstructed
MC reading tan. OC is basically MC; we must assume MC phonological values for OC unless
there is evidence from OC phonological categories and phonological distributional patterns,
and perhaps also other evidence, that the MC forms need adjustment to fit OC categories.
The first step in the reconstruction of OC is to identify the categories of initials through
phonetic series, and of rimes through phonetic series and rimes in poetry. As in MC, these are
abstract categories with no phonological content. The challenge is to distribute the rather
unsymmetrical, reconstructed MC phonological categories over the OC ones (tables at the
head of many GSCRime sections illustrate this). The list of the generally accepted OC
categories is presented below (5.4) with OCM (basically Baxter's) phonological values. Many
dictionaries are organized by rime categories, including Karlgren's GSR. Unfortunately, GSR
numbers the phonetic series without break from 1 through 1260, without making the rime
categories explicit. (In this GSC, the rime categories are numbered from 1 through 38.)
There was apparently a system behind the creation of OC phonetic compounds, the' xie-
sheng principle' (XS principle), according to which members of a phonetic series share the
same OC rime and the same or similar set of initial consonants. This principle led Karlgren to
a number of conclusions about OC, including:
One set of words in MC -jBI] (e.g., Jit kjBI]) occurs in XS series consistently with words in
OC *-aI], another set (e.g., It kjBI]) in OC *-el) series, hence two distinct OC rimes must have
merged in MC (see Table 2-1 under Rime 2).
The MC final -jan must have been an-like in OC: note WI tan
B
, #!f tjan, tsjan, t\l1l zjan
c
.
These words all had the same OC rime, because in phonetic series MC -jan mixes with MC
-an, but not with MC -ien.
MC -al) has systematic XS contacts with MC -Ul), -jwol); according to the XS principle, Jiang
iI must have had the same OC rime as the other graphs in the series; note gong I (MC
kung), hOng #1 (yung), qi6ng (gjwong). Consequently the OC words were, in OCM
notation, kOl), gal), gOl), krOl).
Li's XS principle was formulated in simple terms: (1) every OC rime category had one
vowel (and not variants correlating to QYS Divisions, such as a, a, a, B). (2) In a XS series
only initials from a single manner series (set of homorganic consonants) can occur. This
formula advanced our understanding of OC phonology in significant ways.
II
INTRODUCTION
3.3 Incongruous series
Naturally, a XS concept is apt to have fuzzy edges. The developers of the OC script have
occasionally stretched the principle by allowing XS contacts between homorganic final
consonants (-k - -I) - open vowel; -t - -n; -p - -m), and final -i and -n are occasionally written
with the same phonetic. Velar initials can also co-occur with laryngeals h- and 7-, or even
nasal 1)-.
Many phonetic series are difficult or impossible to reconcile with a XS principle. These are
of two kinds: (1) Systematic incongruous series in which the initials belong to completely
different places of articulation, like MC I co-occurring with k, p, or s. This kind of mix in
phonetic series is encountered so often that some principle was followed in their creation.
(2) Occasionally phonetic series include initials of different manner series and/or different
vowels/final consonants alternating in a rare, even unique and therefore unsystematic way;
note, for example, 'bird' zhurfE, which was borrowed for the word wei 'to be' (9.2.6). These
cases leave much room for interpretation and speculation, and generate, of course, the most
hypotheses and disagreements - and since specialists debate mostl y these, they project the
skewed impression that virtually all about OC is still not settled. I believe that some of these
unsystematic series and graphs share only the rime, or initial , or no common phonetic
denominator at all so that , I submit, the XS principle does not apply; see 9.2. 1.
4 OLD CHINESE THROUGH INTERNAL RECONSTRUCTION
The Preface (p. x) has already defined "Minimal Old Chinese" (OCM). In this section and in
section 5 of this Introduction, generally accepted post-Karlgrenian improvements and
proposals, which are also incorporated in Baxter's OCB and hence OCM, will be summarized.
'OC' and 'OCM' are for the most part (nearly) identical. Sections 4 and 5 present the
rationales for reconstructions in broad outline; for details and proper intellectual credits,
consult Baxter 1992. Throughout, particulars of OCM will be pointed out; section 6 summa-
rizes some principles and criteria for OCM; for a fuller account of my rationales for certain
OCM details, see the Introduction to EDOC. Assumptions, premises, interpretations and
sources will be considered in sections 8 and 9.
Karlgren's objective was to reconstruct the sounds of OC, not its phonemes. He represented
his sounds and their subtle gradations with diacritics and special letters that alone create for
the occasional user a formidable barrier for detecting a system. Therefore scholars after
Karlgren soon tried to simplify and systematize his Arch. Chin., now called OC.
Some phonemic features of OC can be reconstructed with the methods of internal recon-
struction, without reference to graphs, XS principles, and interpretation of phonetic series.
Therefore the conclusions generally tend to be well founded.
4.1 The distribution of QY initials
Studying MC in alphabetic transcription, without reference to graphs, already reveals several
features of pre-MC, i.e., Oc. The MC initial consonants are distributed over the QYDivisions
(2.4) unevenly, resulting in an unbalanced phonological system. The tabulation on the next
page shows:
With Div. I1IV finals can occur all initials except g, palatals, and retroflex ones.
With Div. II finals can only occur grave initials (except g) and retroflex initials.
12
INTRODUCfION
All initials can combine with Div. III finals, except y and the dentals t t
h
d n.
Div.
grave
acute
IllY -an/-ien
kkh_1)1'x
y
P ph b m
ts tsh dz s I
t t
h
d n
II -an
k kh -1) l' x
y
p ph bm
<;11)

III -jan, -jen
kj khj gj lJj 1'j xj
pj phj bj mj
tsj tshj dzj
sJ
zj Ij
tsj tshj ij dij sj nij j
tj <;1j I)j

(MC finals of the -an rime category are added to the Div. for illustration.) Thus van, gjan, Ian
and tan are permissible MC syllables; fan, san, Ian or tjan are not, but {jan and
again are.
4.2 MC initial y-
The tabulation in 4.1 shows that the MC initial y- (only in Div. IllY, II) is in complementary
distribution with MC gj- (only in Div.lII). The earlier, i.e., OC source of y- was *g-:
Mand. MC OCM Mand. MC OCM
k-
T
gan kan kan 7! jiim kjen
C
kans
kh_

khan
C
khans

qian khjan 3 khan
g

qian gjan 3 gan
y

han van gan
The phonetic series confirm this because y- mixes freely with velars. The phoneme y- can thus
be eliminated from OC, and the system of initials is thereby simplified and regularized.
4.3 MC palatal initials
The tabulation in 4. 1 shows that the palatals and dentals are in complementary distribution;
palatals are the Di v. III counterparts to the Di v. I dentals: tsj- relates to t-, as kj- does to k-.
Palatals must have resulted from OC dentals + j (tj-), or rather from OC dentals plus the
feature which resulted in the QYS Div. III finals with medial j (4.6). XS series confirm the
affinity of palatals to dentals, as in GSR 148, for example: Jll. UtnB < OCM *tan1', iii tsjan <
*tan, jot: ijan
C
< *dans. Thus the set of palatal consonants is removed from the OC inventory,
and phonetic series in question conform now to Li's XS principle. This is confirmed by the
near absence of palatals from foreign transcriptions in the Middle Han period and earlier
(Coblin ms. 1993: IS); for foreign palatals Chinese dental affricates are used (LH *khu-
dzid = Kuca [Hanshu); LH H* tshiaB-mot = Calmadana; LH Jigt khu-dziu = Kujula) .
4.4 MC medial wand u
One striking imbalance in the distribution of MC rimes is the association of medial wor u
(hekbu -@tD 'rounded mouth') with dental final consonants (-n, -t, Karlgren *-r = OCM *-i)
after all initials, even after acute ones twan), whereas this medial occurs in velar and most
open rimes only after guttural initials in MC; there are no OC *tuang and *tUd1), nor *ton and
*tun in Karlgren' s system:
13
INTRODucnON
MC OC MC DC
T
kan *kan
~ U
kal) *kal)
' kwan (1) *kwan
71:
kwal) *kwal)
-w
kwan (2) *kon
:'1}
kUI) *kol)
9a
twan *ton
*
tUI) *tol)
tN
bn *bn Ii
k;ll) *bl)
~
kW;ln (I) *kw;ln
w.z:
kW;l1) *kW;l1) 5:l[
~
kW;ln (2) *kun
'
kjul) *kul)
w..
tW;ln *tun
~
tuol) *tul)
The dental hekbu rimes are parallel to the finals *-01) and *-ul); therefore, MC twan derives
from *ton, tW;ln from *tun. For velar rimes, one assumes labialized unit phonemes such as
OCB *kW_, *?W_, *hw_ (in OCM simply *kw-, *?w-, *hw-). Baxter has tried to show that rimes
such as *-un, *-on, *-en (rather than *-u;ln, *-uan, *-ian) formed distinct categories in the XS
series and Shijing poetry and hence in Oe. By and large, the rimes appear to support such
narrower categories and simple vowels for OC. At any rate, this phonemic analysis presents a
balanced picture, whatever the actual pronunciation might have been around 600 Be.
Neither internal reconstruction nor the XS principle can determine which MC kwan and
which Me kW;ln had an OC labiovelar initial (kwan, kwgn) , and which a rounded vowel (kon,
kun). One must rely on the interpretation of rimes in literature, which are, however, lacking
for the majority of words in question.
4.5 OC consonant clusters and *r
MC 1-, retroflex initials, and Div. II are traced back to an OC *r by using the XS principle
together with the method of internal reconstruction.
4.5.1 In not a few phonetic series MC 1- interchanges with velar, labial, or retroflex initials.
Following Karlgren (1933: 57f; 1954) and Li (1971), all investigators assume OC consonant
clusters in such series. Consider series 36-5/609 which includes jilm !N:f. 'look at ' and Jan ~
'indigo' . How to apply the XS principle (Karlgren's OC forms) :
(a) jilin !N:f. (kam) < *klam
(b) jilin !N:f. (kam) < *kam
(c) jilin !N:f. (kam) < *klam
- Ian ~ (lam) < *lam
- Ian ~ (lam) < *glam
- Ian ~ (lam) < *gliim
Karlgren (who used GSR 766.:fr for illustration) opted for the consonant cluster (c) because
this best complied with his principle in making the OC forms most similar, and because of
support from Tai where ~ ' indigo' has initial *gr-. He needed two initial OC *g-, though, in
order to account for minimal pairs in which one aspirated consonant survived in MC, one
unaspirated disappeared:
Ian ~ MC lam (Div. I) < *gliim vs. xilin tt MC yamS (Div. II) < *g'lam
Bodman, followed by OCB and OCM, symbolized the distinction by hyphenating the suspected
pre-initial that was lost in MC: Ian < OCM *g-riim vs. xilin < *griim. Karlgren cautioned that
his choice (c) is not necessarily appropriate in all XS. In some of his series MC 1- derives from
Arch. Ch. *1-, in others from *gl- or *bl-.
14
INTRODUCTION
4.5.2 Li's XS principle does not permit initials from more than one manner series to mingle
in a XS series (hence MC tsj < OC *tj); when MC 1- is part of the mix, one assumes clusters, as
in jiim FEf above. MC s, ts .. . and retroflex ... do mix, though:
24-45/193 shan Ll1
xian 1ill
MC
MC sjan
Li's XS principle requires clusters here. That the retroflex initial derives from an earlier
combination MC s- + r (Li's OC *1) is suggested by XS contacts like this :
4-52/975 shr !5i:..
Ii
MC Div. III
MC Iji
C
Div. III
< OCM *sra?
< OCM *rah
Retroflection develops under the influence of an adjacent retroflex sound; an earlier OC *r is
about the only candidate for triggering retroflection. An r is in the world's languages,
including many cognate Tibeto-Burman ones and other languages in the geographic neighbor-
hood, typically a retroflex flap or trill of some sort. Note, for example, Skt. (not varna)
'color', 'bull'; Skt . iras nom. 'head', gen. 'of the head'; Written Tibetan (WT)
drag> modern Tibetan WT bkra > modern Tib. while Vietnamese tral] for MC tjaI] is
most instructive. According to the rule of economy, a single OC phoneme *r accounts for both
MC 1 and retroflection, therefore the reconstruction of the OCM forms above.
4.5.3 MC Div. II goes back to the same feature as retroflex initials; it must also have been
triggered by the loss of an OC medial *r, because
if shan MC Div. II
then ! jilin MC kam Div. II
< OCM *sram,
< OCM *kram.
(Note that in OCM the circumflex as in a does not indicate a special timbre, but is a neutral
symbol for the unknown source of later Div. I1IV and II.) Karlgren already reconstructed a
medial *1 (= OCM *r) in GSR 609 (*klam), but he did so because of the XS principle, which
can, however, be subject to interpretation (note how he pondered the cluster choices). Now the
Div. II medial *r is proven on phonological grounds independent of the XS environment.
The tabulation in 4.1 above shows, furthermore, that MC initial 1- in Div. I1IV is in
complementary distribution with retroflection and Div. II (the only exception is MC
[Div. II] > leng 'cold' ), so that 1- in MC Div. IIlV and Div. II syllables had the same OC final:
Ian
j!
MClil.m Div. I <OCM *ram
jilin ! MCkam Div. II <OCM *kram
shan Div. II <OCM *sram
OC medial *r can also occur in MC Div. III syllables:
shr 3E.. MC Div. III <OCM *sra?
Ii
5e:
MC Iji
C
Div. III <OCM *rah
4.5.4 As to the phoneme sequence, whether the *r and so no rants followed the main conso-
nant (*kram, *sTa?) or preceded it (OC *rkam, *rsa?), or followed the vowel as Pullayblank has
suggested (*karn), a maxim of linguistics holds that not all possible combinations have equal
15
INTRODUCTION
weight. In languages throughout the world the sequence C+r is typical, it is 'unmarked',
normal and natural, while the switch of the two would be highly marked, unusual, and requires
special pleading. An exceptional (!) language is Written Tibetan (WT) with words like rta
'horse'. But even in Tibetan it is the post-initial r that triggers retroflection (WT drag >
while pre-initial r does not (WT rta > tii).
4.6 OC syllable types A and B: QYS Div. III and medial yod
Since MC Div. I/IV and II share the same OC final (4.5.3), only two syllable types remain in
OC (Li's Div. III j is written in for clarity, though recent OC proposals have eliminated it):
(A) Div. I1IV /II -an
grave k kh g IJ? h
kr khr gr IJr ?r hr
pph bm
pr phr br mr
acute t t
h
d n
tr thr dr nr
ts tsh dz s r
tsr tshr dzr sr
(B) Div. III -jan
kj khj gj IJj ?j hj
krj-... inferred from XS series
pj phj bj mj
prj-... inferred from XS series
tj thj dj nj I j
trj thrj drj nrj
tsj tshj dzj sj zj rj
tsrj tshrj dzrj srj
Now the parallelism and balance are perfect; the two OC syllable types are:
type A corresponds to QYS Div. I/IV and II,
type B corresponds to QYS Div. III (including 3/3 and 314 with j).
In Karlgren's I Li's MC, all Div. III syllables are characterized by a medial j which in the past
has been projected back into Oc. A medial j in an OC reconstruction like or *tjan nicely
explains both the palatalization as well as the vowel fronting in the MC equivalent tsjan.
However, a little more than half of all MC words have this yod; an actual Han period text
has 3/4 of all words with MC medial j, only 114 without (Jakob Dempsey, p.c.). This propor-
tion is very unusual for a language. Pulleyblank has long argued that these yods did not exist in
OC, and this is widely believed today. Many Div. III syllables had no j, even in MC, according
to Pulleyblank (see 2.5), nor in LHan (see below); dentilabialized syllables never had a palatal
glide (2.5). The absence of j is suggested by the rule of economy and by the transcription of
foreign syllables without medial yod, which are rendered by Div. III syllables (Pulleyblank
1994: 73f); and the closely related TB language group, which does not have this phenomenon
of a prolific medial palatal, supports the assumption that such medial j are typologically
unlikely for ST; they seem to be a Chinese innovation.
Two Han period commentators have described the pronunciation of Div. I vs. Div. III
syllables, but their phrasing leaves some room for interpretation:
(1) Pan Wuyun (2000: 148-149) quotes and discusses the remarks by Gao You ri'D 5 (fl. AD
196-219), the commentator of the texts Huainanzi and Liishi chunqiu (all statements cited in
Coblin 1983: 228-233). According to Gao, the Div. III words are pronouncedjf qJ the
Div. I/IV/II words huan qJ Zhengzhang Shangfang understands these terms to mean
'fast' Ufbasically means 'urgent') and 'slow' (huan basically means 'slack') articulation,
which he takes to mean 'short' and 'long'. However, the terms could just as well be translated
16
INTRODUCTION
'tense' and 'lax' pronunciation (Pan and Zhengzhang reject this because they believe that more
TB languages make length distinctions than tensellax distinctions).
(2) He Xiii 16]' {* (AD 129-182), quoted by Bodman (1980: 162), describes the distinction:
-gJl; ' -grffi (nzji) (Div. I) is pronounced inside
and deep, and nzji (Div. III) is pronounced outside and shallow" (QYS readings).
Whatever this means, the Han commentator did not describe long vs. short. He might possibly
have tried to describe lax = and tense (>'} = ?), or pharyngeal vs.
plain.
So far the OC origin of the QYS Div. III is a matter of hypotheses and speculation. Pulley-
blank considers the distinction prosodic (leL 22.1, 1994: 95). Norman leaves type B syllables
unmarked and considers Type A (Div. I1IV) syllables pharyngealized. Zhengzhang Shangfang
and Pan Wuyun explain the distinction as differences in length. Most promising is the idea
that at some point in OC the difference has been between tense and lax syllables as in
Austroasiatic (AA) register languages (Ferlus); in fact, Pulleyblank (1994: 93) has already
pointed to parallelism with Khmer registers, after having drawn heavily on the AA languages
Vietnamese and Muong in his arguments.
Proposals for OC usually indicate the syllable types with phonologically neutral symbols.
For OCM we mark type A syllables (Div. I1IV and II) with a symbolic circumflex accent (as in
French lache 'lax') and leave type B syllables unmarked; but the notation of the features is
immaterial (*OC > MC):
Syllable Type A TypeB
OCM>MC *tan > tan *tan >tsjan
Norman *'tan > tan *tan > tsjan
Recent trend *ttan > tan *tan > tsjan
Pulleyblank *tan > tan *Um > tsjan
Sag art 1999 *"tan > tan *btan > tsjan
Pan Wuyun *tan > tan *tan > tsjan
Karlgren, Li *tan >tan *tjan > tsjan
Baxter 1992 *tan >tan *tjan > tsyen
5 OLD CHINESE THROUGH THE XIESHENG SYSTEM
The methods of historical linguistics discussed so far (above) have provided fairly reliable
reconstructions of some features of OC. However, other aspects of OC are only recoverable
through the analysis of the graphs and the phonetic series with the XS principle. For example,
if it were not for phonetic series, the connection between MC initial x- and nasals could never
be known (5.1.5). Unfortunately, the phonetic series do not reveal other OC features as
transparently as in the case of MC X-, so that one needs to rely on interpretations based on
assumptions and theories (see section 9).
5.1 Initial consonants
5.1.1 The QYS has two MC initial yod U-, in Chinese yu Il), one placed in Div. III (yz) san
Il-=::), one in Div. IV (yu si 1l1l9):
17
INTRODUCfION
yu san = MC jw- Div. III , as in yue MC jwet, Karlgren *giwat (OCM *wat)
yu Sl = MC ji- Div. IV, as in y u t ~ MC jiwat , Karlgren *diwat (OCM *lot)
Since MC jw- has XS contacts with gutturals, Karlgren set up Arch. Ch. *giwat ~ with g-; for
MC ji- he variously postulated initial *gi-, *bi-, *zi-, but mostly *di- depending on the XS
environment, hence t ~ is *diwat in his Arch. Ch. To distinguish the voiced stops, which
disappear by MC, from ones that survive, he set up the more endurable type as aspirated: *g\-,
*b' i-, and *d'i-(see4.5.1).
MC jw- occurs always with the medial glide w (exceptions are the two grammatical words
yan 1.% and yJ * with plausible sandhi explanations). This initial is now generally written as
OC *w-, as required by the rule of economy, and confirmed by Buddhist transcriptions of Indic
words in Han-period transliterations where this initial consistently represents lndic v, e.g. , yue
~ jwet 3 < *wat for Indic vat.
The process of elimination and historical phonology both lead to the conclusion that the
major source of the Me ji- was OC *1. MC ji- mixes in phonetic series with d and th, among
others; they must all be variants of a distinct OC consonant. The source of MC ji- cannot have
been a dental stop or *r (they are already identified in OC), nor a palatal (it would not mix
with dentals). It cannot have been OC *j-, because too many unusual phonological steps would
be required to explain a connection with *d-. This leaves OC *1-: phonetically it is only one step
from 1 to d (1 is simply d with the air escaping laterally), as illustrated in Lfnchuan ti di) for
Mand. Ii . Then, initial 1- being replaced by j- has parallels, e.g., Burmese (r, 1> j , note
Yangon ' Rangoon' ), and Spanish. By the Middle Han period a high medial glide (i or j) had
emerged in later Div. III syllables as a result of vowel warping (see 7.6). This medial became
the new initial j- because the old *1- had to give way to a new 1- (> MC 1-) from OC *r-:
~ OC *ral) > rial) > LH Jial)
~ OC *Ial) > Jial) > LH 0ial) = jal)
because
therefore
perhaps also ~ OC *wu? (?) > wiu? (?) > LH 0iu
B
= juB (MC jiau
B
); see below.
Foreign loans and cognates confirm the OC *1 (e.g., ye ~ MC jiap < *lap 'leaf' ~ TB *lap
'id. '). Karlgren ' s Archaic Chinese set of voiced stops is thus replaced by a single phoneme *1-:
Arch. Ch. *gi-, *di-, *bi-
Arch. Ch. *g\-, *d\-, *b'i-
=OC *1- (Li OC *r-)
= OC *g-, *d-, *b-
=MCji-
= MC g-I Y-, d-, b-
Thus phonetic series with dental initials fall into two sets, one with OC initial dental stops (T
series'), one with OC *1- ('L series'). They can be distinguished with these diagnostic MC
initials (see also tables in EDGe 8; 12.1.2):
( I ) T series only
(2) T and L series
(3) L series only
MC t, ~ (*tr-), tsj (*t-), zj (*d-)
MC t
h
(*th"- I *Ih"-), d (*d"- I *1"-), <;I (*dr- I *r-I-?),
~ h (*thr-, *rh- I *r-Ih- ?? - rare), tshj (*th- I *k-lh- - rare)
MC ji (*1-), sj (*Ih-), dzj (*m-I-), zj (*s-I-)
In an OC T series, only initials from sets I and 2 can occur; in an L series only, sets 2 and 3.
This distinction accords with Li 's XS principle. For an example, compare GSe 9-11 with
9-17; both are particularly large XS where the absence of any irregular initials cannot be
chance. Co-occurrence of MC ji- and t- is exceptional. Some XS are ambiguous (e.g., only d-),
some include exceptional graphs, but the distinction is a strongly marked tendency.
18
INTRODucnON
YU sifollowed by MC w Uiw-) derives from OC *Iu. Thus it would seem that the pre-
classical copula wei 'Ht*'l (GSR 575; Karlgren *di war) should be something like *Iui . Li
reconstructed it *rad, Tibeto-Burmanists took it as something like *wai. An emerging
consensus (Baxter, Sagart, this writer, and others) interprets this syllable type as OC *wi
(Baxter *wjij). The high vowel i caused the syllable to move into the yU sl (Div. IV) category in
spite of the initial OC *w-. The OC and Han period form *wi is confirmed by its use for Indic
vi in Han Buddhist transcriptions, just as yue jwut 3 < *wat is used for Indic vat.
OCM only: In some XS, MC ji- may derive from OCM *j-, not *1- (see EDOC 9, and Table
in 12. 1.2), but this is difficult to sort out. OCM assumes *j- where the phonetic series includes
initial *ts-, as in yiln ft and you @; the phonological reasons for these XS contacts are not
clear. Also some other phonetic series probably had *j- rather than *1-, such as yang $ *jal),
as opposed to yang *Ial); yi ?JF *jak and all its members; yan .1m *jam < *r-jam 'salt'.
OCM only: I suspect that MC ji- can also reflect earlier (PCH, OC?) *w- which was lost
through labial dissimilation when followed by a back vowel; e.g., % you; see previous page.
5.1.2 Karlgren's MC has two voiced palatals, ij- and dij-. This QYS distinction has often
been thought artificial, but it is confirmed by the [anqie of Yan Shfgu (581-645)
(Coblin 1991: 20f), and in the Chinese of the Miao people of Jfnshulxilmg in Hunan who
distinguish shen 1 (dzj-) cil)A2 from shf'E (zj-) dzia
c2
(Pan 2000: 49).
Initial dzj- is rare, but zj- is as common as tsj-, tshj-. This shows that it is zj-, not dzj-, that
derives from an earlier ordinary dental stop *d-, just as MC tsj- derived from *t-, hence
tsjan < *tan, and 1='1& zjan
C
< *dans.
The rare initial MC dzj- (LH z-) seems to derive from OCM *m-l(i)- (see EDGe: 89f.). The
OC *m-l cluster is suggested, among others, by the phonetic series 6-24; almost all foreign
cognates of syllables with QYS dz- have initial *m-I-, which confirms the OC form.
5.1.3 MC zj- can derive from OCM *s-l-, *s-w-, *s-j-, perhaps even *zj- (in non-ST loan
words, as probably in xiimg because this initial only occurs in XS with OC *1- (see 5.1 . 1)
or with *s-. OCB writes *zl-, but since hyphenation is already introduced (4.5.1), the OCM
consonantal inventory can be simplified by replacing z with *s- as in *s-l-, etc.
5.1.4 In OCM only: In a few word families and phonetic series MC alternates with MC l-
or only. OC *dz- is not a derivational morpheme; therefore OCM *s-r (MC is assumed
in such words, which is parallel to *s-I (MC zj-); 4-32/967 is a suggestive XS.
5.1.5 OC voiceless sonorants (i.e., nasals, T, 1, j, w) are clearly revealed by phonetic series.
MC initials t
h
_, sj- co-occur in XS with n- and ji-, th_ also with 1-; MC x- (x-) co-occurs with m-
and 1]-, rarely also with other sonorants. Karlgren set up OC clusters like t'n-, sn-, X1]-, xm-.
These can be simplified by postulating voiceless sonorants so that the single feature voiceles-
ness explains them all. Since voicelessness is often accompanied by aspiration (as in 'Lhasa'),
it is customary to write these initials with an h: OCM *nh, *rh, *Ih-, *hm-, and *hl)- - note
that these are unit phonemes. In OCM, the h is written after the sonorant when the MC
outcome is an acute initial, but before it when the MC trace is x-, in order to distinguish an OC
cluster as in *hriik > MC xuk (Div. II) from a voiceless *r as in *rhiik > MC thiik (Div. I).
A few illustrations: hai Wi MC < (phonetic is mei 'ffi: t1 a MC thiei
B
<
*rhil (phonetic is II MC liei
B
< *n'?), shi t!t MC sjaiC < *lhats writes yi 1t1 MCjiai
c
< *lats,
xiang til MC sjal)A/B/C < *nhal)?/h shares the phonetic with rang Ml MC ilzjal)c < *nal)h.
19
INTRODUCTION
A summary of OC sonorant initials and their MC reflexes C = syllable type A):
Div. I1IV
Me
I) x
<oeM
< *I)A *hl)A
m x < *m
A
*hm
A
n t
h
< *n
A
*nh
A
d t
h
< *r *lh
A
(also < *d
A
*th
A
)
t
h
< *rA *rh
A
Div. II instead of I1IV
Me <oeM
vw xw < *w
A
*hw
A
(also < *grA, *hO
Div. III
Me <oeM
IJ.i xj < *1) *hl)
mj xj
nzj sj
ji sj
(also
Ij
< *m *hm
< *n *nh
< *1 *lh
< *j, *hj)
< *r *rh (also < *thr)
jw xjw < *w *hw
5.1.6 Not widely acknowledged: MC tshj- in XS, which include both initial *K- and *1-,
derives from *k-hl- (tl k-hlut). MC th- may perhaps on rare occasions represent a parallel
configuration *k-hr- k-hrut).
5.2 Ch6ngniii doublets
The distinction between so-called ch6ngniu Div. III and IV doublets has been introduced in
2.4 above.
5.2.1 Ch6ngniu 3/4 syllables mingle in phonetic series and rimes with 'pure' Div. IV
syllables (Karlgren's MC -iei, -ien, etc.); they represent the equivalent of Div. III (yod)
syllables in association with the high front vowels *i and *e. Above (2.4) we have provided an
illustration for the ch6ngniu arrangement in the rime tables:
Div. Mand. MC ch6ngniu doublets
I 0

han van
II 0 //,
yan I)an (also 0 t* jian Anc. Ch. kan: MC kenB)
III 0
Jt
kjnn
C
o jian Anc. Ch. Iqan: MC kjan
B
3
IV 0
5!
jian kien o qian Anc. Ch. k'ian: MC khjian
B
4
According to Baxter, these fall now into the following OCM rime patterns with the two main
vowels *a and *e:
I

van < *gan IV
5!
kien
c
< *kens
II //,
I)an < *I)ran II
t*
kanB < *kren?
III
19t
kjnn
C
< *kans 3/4
'EE.
m
khjian
B
4 <*khen?
3/3

kjan
B
3 < *kran? (or *kan? ?)
5.2.2 In certain rimes Div. 3/3 reflects an OC non-front vowel (without *r), thus MC -jau 3 <
*-au ('EED vs. -jiau 4 < *-iau (!tt'); and MC -je 3 < *-ai (EZ) vs. -jie 4 < *-e (.$). Baxter
accounts for the many other instances of Div. 3/3 by postulating an OC medial *r (hence
*kran?). Such grave initial syllables would then be parallel to retroflex initial syllables in Div.
III as zhang 5:R *tral). He cites examples where TB cognates to such syllables have indeed a
medial *r (ji J1 MC 1G
B
< OC *kri? * WT khri 'seat').
Baxter's medial *r in Div. 3/3 is different from the Div. II medial *r. The latter alternates in
XS with other initials, e.g., MC 1- < *r- interchanges with Div. II k-, and others (*r- - *kr--
20
INTR ODUCTION
*sr-... ); the consonants seem to be 'movable'. The ch6ngniu 3/3 medial *r, as well as the *r in
MC retroflex Div. III syllables like zhiing 5:& *tral), have hardly any XS contact with MC 1-,
they seem to be a firm part of the initial. Gong Hwang-cherng has suggested writing OC *r as
a pre-initial in these retroflex syllables; he may write *r-tal) instead of *tral).
Rimes without a QYS Div. 3/3 category are ambiguous as to OC medial *r; Baxter wrote
*k(r)ji, *k(r)jo, etc. OCM writes *b, *ko, etc. by default and inserts an *r only when supported
by evidence.
5.2.3 The many syllables of ch6ngniil Div. 3/3, with Baxter's OC medial *r, result in a
suspiciously large number of OC words with *r. For example, according to SSYP (p. 336)
there are in MC
15 syllables of the type MC
27 syllables of the type MC
o syllables of the type MC
mjwgiIII
mji 3/3
mi 3/4
< OCB *mjgj, OCM *mgi
< OCB *mrgj, *mri = OCM *mri ?
- (would be OCB *mjij, OCM *mi)
By comparison we find with OC rime *e, *-ai (SSYP, p. 318)
16 syllables of the type MC
3 syllables of the type MC
27 syllables of the type MC
mjeIII
mje 3/3
mjie 3/4
< OCB *mjaj, OCM *mai
< OCB *mrjej, OCM *mre
< OCB *mje[j], OCM *me
Something is out of balance with these types of syllables. For the sake of simplicity, OCM will
try remove *r in some Div. 3/3 finals. Table 1-1 provides a synopsis.
Table 1-1: MC Div. 3/3 without OCB medial *r (R. = Rime no.)
Div. III < OCM *-Wg-, *-wa- Div.3/3 < OCM *-u-, *-0-
R. MC LHan OCM
.L OCB
MC LHan OeM
i OCB
I
34 wun *wgn
I wjgn it jiwen
B
juinB *jun?
,
,
"f! kjw;m kun *kwgn kjun m gjwen
B
3 guin
B
*gun? I *grjun?
mjen
B
3 minB *mun? *mrj;m
:: tshjwen tshuin *thun *thjun
31 jwei
C
wus *WgS wjgts ill jwiC 3 wis *wus *(w)rjgps
jt kjweiC kus *kwgs lit gjwiC3 guis *gus *grjuts
28 III jwei wui *wgi rJt jwi 3 wi- *wui
&w kjwei kui *kwgi kwjgj gjwi3 gui *gui
ME zwi dzui *dui
J:t mjwei
B
mui
B
*mgi?
i *mjgj?
mji
B
3 mi
B
*mui? I *mrjgj?
I
25 W:jwBn
B
wan
B
*wan? I *wjan? 1i jiwiin4 juan *lon
JJ] khjwBnC khyan
C
*khwans ' kjwiin
B
3 kyan
B
*kon? I *krjon?
22 wat *wat *wjat
i
kjwiii
C
3 kyas *kots
m sjuiiiC suas *lhots *hljots
21
!
gjiit3 giat *gat *grjat
I
k
h
jiii
C
3 khias *khats *khrjats
In some rimes, the proportion of OCB medial-r-syllables to ones without the medial is
implausibly high; in some finals there are only syllables with *-r-, as seen above. I suggest that
21
INTRODUCTION
in many rimes in n, t and Vi, the Div. 3/3 finals had the OCM plain vowel 0 or.U, while the
regular Div. III finals had a *w followed by *a or *;:). Most syllables with OC initial *w- occur
in Div. III, while Div. 3/3 is rare with this initial. If MC gjwiC 3 < OCM *gus, then it follows
that the rare fir. jwiC 3 < OCM *wus, and mji
B
3 < OCM *mui? **mi? ?). In this proposal,
the MC finals after gutturals are the same as after acute initials. See further detailed explana-
tions in Rime 28.
This proposal agrees with the XS series and simplifies OCM, because a medial *r is
removed from many syllables, and reconstructions are less complex. In GSC, OCB is cited
where available so that the reader can adjust OC to Baxter's if the reader wishes (reinserting
medial r in most 3/3); the MC readings would provide the necessary information - they are,
after all, supplied for such a purpose.
Further elimination of OC *-r-: In the OC rimes *-en (R. 23) and *-e(t)s (R. 20), MC h6kbu
Div. II ywan (normally < *[g]wran) and ywai
C
(normally < *[g]wrats) are very common, I
take these to derive from OC *wen and *we(t)s, also after aspirated *kh-. The rarer MC yiwen
and yiwei
C
derive, I assume as a working hypothesis, from OC *gwen and *gwe(t)s; similarly
Div. II ywan derives from the expected OC *gwren.
5.3 OC sources of MC tones
MC tonal categories (see 2.3) agree with corresponding OC ones. That the OC sources ofMC
tones B (shiingsheng) and C (qiisheng) were segmental phonemes *-? and *-s is now widely
accepted. Tones A (pingsheng) and D (riisheng) had no additional feature, were unmarked.
Haudricourt proposed this tonogenesis because of Chinese parallelism with Vietnamese
(where *-s became a tone via *-h). Evidence from dialects and transcriptions of foreign words
support the reconstructions. Some Chinese dialects have preserved a glottal stop in the shang
sheng; also the creaky phonation of Mand. tone 3 shiingsheng) is a typical trace of
glottalization. For the sake of simplicity and clarity, I will use the term 'tone' for the
categories in spite of earlier OC segmental features.
5.3.1 Comparing the transcriptions of foreign words of the Middle Han period with those of
the Later Han period reveals interesting tonal developments.
It is striking that in the Middle Han period only tone A and D syllables are normally used in
transcriptions while tones Band C do not occur (except in special positions). This implies that
the latter were not suitable because of the presence of some additional , interfering segmental
feature. The exceptions occur with tone C syllables from earlier dental series, which consis-
tently render foreign final -s or sibilants (LHan forms after the graphs):
Tsushima f:t tu;:)s-ma?
* nos
to-los
Japanese (kara)nashi; also in Skt. [Vara]l)asl
Talas
kias-pin Kashmir
kuis Kusan
kiop-pas karpasa 'cotton' (an Austroasiatic loan)
?iol)-guis Tocharian B 'asafoetida'
bo-luis (*ba-rus) Bars (*barus) (Altaic 'tiger', Mongolian bars)
wus Skt.
nis Indic (Coblin 1982: 132; 1983: 87)
yuos, iT was Skt. vasa
22
INTRODUCTI ON
'* m;;lS Skt. (sa-)madhi (Pulleyblank 1983: 100: Skt. dh > Prakrit z)
The last four Indic items are from the later LHan where this final -s still survived, but rendered
occasionally dentals in general. These transcriptions (and additional ones in BTD material)
confirm a Han period and OC final -s in the relevant OC rime categories.
Never does tone C from non-dental finals suggest an s. Instead, the rare transcriptions
suggest an -h or -X in such finals:
yuoh-tsou? waxsab
:l\::n doh-lyon ? *Taxwar, T6Xapot (Tocharians) (assuming dah rather than das)
zah ?Sa hi 'Shah'
kel)h-Ioh *-rakh) qil)iraq 'Hunnish sword'
Otherwise, tone C syllables (from non-dental finals) occur, rarely, in the last syllable of a
foreign word when additional sounds are omitted, as if final -h reflects some trailing off:
li.Jlf..t khu-dziuh Kujula
raJ IYft kou-buoh (Kabul)
Tone B syllables are rare; they typically occur at the end of a foreign word where they
represent a final stop consonant; this seems to confirm the final -7:
re.::r kU;;ln-tsi;;l? (*kiin-ts;;l?) *qi"rsaq 'arctic fox'
5gffi.::r
!t:

Tocharian A sisak, B 'lion'
(or sr;;l??) S(u)Jiy'Sogdian'
phok-deu?l-theu PuskaHivati, I1'l>KAU(i:rW; (ambiguous)
yuoh-tsou?
tt tU;;ls-ma?
?iam?-sos
waxsab
Tsushima (tone B not clear - short syllable?)
Abzoae, f\6pcrtol
B* tshia?-mot Calmadana
The last two items with tone B in the middle of the word seem exceptional. In the last name,
LHan tshia
B
was perhaps to be read LHan tsio.
In the BTD of LHan the final -s from OC dental final categories was still reserved for Indic
syllables ending in s, 5, but occasionally also for dental stops. But the other tones were now
disregarded in transcriptions, except that LHan syllables in tone B tend to avoid Indic long
vowels, their brevity is probably a trace of the final glottal stop (e.g., suB-do-was Skt.
5uddhaviisa). Non-dental qiisheng (*-h) has a slight tendency to represent Indic long vowels
(e.g., hyai-sah-lih Skt. Vaisali). All this suggests that the OC and MHan segmental
features were strong and prominent -7 and -X; but they were giving way to phonemic tones in
LHan (BTD).
OCM only, concerning tone C (qusheng). Considering that the Han period -s from dental
finals is in complementary distribution with the -h from non-dental finals, one should
reconstruct a single OC phoneme *-s. This is generally done. On the other hand, the s / h
distinction must be maintained for OC as well. OC qusheng words with open syllables (+ s) like
OCB *bs have occasional rime contact with ones in *-k like *bks; these converged eventually.
But if the feature here actually was *-s, one should expect rime contact with *-ts as well. But
this is not the case; in OC rimes the two are strictly kept apart, which suggests two distinct
phonemes, although at one point in the past their common source was probably an *-s. Further-
more, I suspect that some phonetic series with (almost) exclusively qusheng words (OCB *-ts)
actually ended in a simple *-s (see EDOC 3.4). Therefore *-s cannot be used for tone C with
23
INTRODUCTION
open syllables, as both MC kuo
c
and MC kai
c
would then derive from OC *kas. Therefore I
suggest *-h after open vowels and velar finals, and *-s after dental finals or when by itself:
Table 1-2: OCM final *-s
MC OCB OCM

yai
C
gats gats
*-
dai
c
lats das
1'&
kuo
c
kas kah

luo
c
raks rakh
= OCB *njits, here OCM *nis; iJi OCB *rats, here OCM *rats; i'& OCB *kas, here OCM
*kah; OCB *tj;)ks, here OCM *t;)kh. However, the reader can mechanically rewrite all
OCM *-s to *-ts, and all OCM *-h to *-s, if preferred.
5.3.2 MC tones and Karlgren's OC voiced final consonants. One puzzling feature of
traditional OC rime categories is the presence of MC open and closed syllables in the same
phonetic series, as, for instance, in 5-13/920 (vs. 4-27/962), and also inter-riming in
literature. Thus, using OC *-;)k and *-;) as an illustration, the MC reflexes seem to form a
single rime category:
Table 1-3: Karlgren's voiced final *-g
GSR phonetic series MC Karlgr.OC LiOC OCB '92 OCM
920 Jffll( zhi duty tsj;)k tj;)k tj;)k t;)k

zhf to weave
tsj;)k
tj;)k tj;)k t;)k

zhi cloth tsi
C

tj;)gh
tj;)ks t;)kh

zhi remember tsi
C
tj;)gh
tj;)ks t;)kh
962 Z zhf walk tsi
tj;)g tj;) t;)
;=t- zhi aim tsi
C
tj;)gh tj;)S t;)h
(A reminder: Baxter 1992 actually wrote i for ;), and he has since eliminated the OC medial j.)
If MC tsi
C
were compatible with MC ts;)k in OC, they must have had a final consonant
as well, according to Karlgren: GSR Then it follows that $ MC tsi
C
must also derive
from and Z MC tsi as well: Through this sort of chain-reasoning, the majority of
words in MC open syllables ended with a final consonant *-g, *-d, *-b, or *-r in Karlgren's /
Li'sOC.
Karlgren's successors have projected MC tone categories back into OC where rimes and XS
confirm their existence. This revealed that final consonant contacts occur only with a limited
number of MC open syllables, all with MC qusheng (tone C), and in XS which include final
*-k or *-t. Contacts between final stop consonants and open syllables with tones A (level) and
B (rising) stand out as exceptions. For example, the MC final i
C
resulted apparently from a
merger of the two OC finals *-;)kh (or OCB *-;)ks and *-;)h (or OCB *-;)s $). Thus, the
OC categories needed to be cut differently from Karlgren, as in the OCB and OCM columns in
Table 1-3. Consequently, OC final voiced stop consonants *-g, *-d, *-b and *-r are not
24
INTRODUCTION
warranted; this simplified inventory of final consonants brings OC, now with a majority of
open syllables, typologically in line with MC, modern dialects and cognate TB languages.
The Shijing and other Zhou period poetry occasionally include exceptions where the rimes
do not agree in tone, or especially where a short-stopped syllable (-k, -t, -p) rimes with an open
one. Some of the incongruous rimes are so consistent that one can assume an OC final which
would agree with the OC rime (Mattos) rather than with a MC backward projection; for
example, l<ii * OCM *r;) ended in the oldest parts of the Shijing in a stop consonant, either -k
or -7. Occasionally in the Shijing, and more frequently later in Han poetry, the last line of a
rhymed stanza ends in a short stopped syllable (ending in -k, -t or -p) (see examples in Coblin
JCL 11.2 [1984): 6-7 and in Luo and Zhou 1958). In the Shijing it can be the second-to-last
line. Therefore, some of these exceptional rime contacts reflect poetic prosody.
5.3.3 The inclusion of tones and elimination of voiced final consonants had the following
consequences for OC:
(a) Karlgren's *-g are eliminated; instead of *-ag, *-;)g, *-eg, *-6g, *-og, *-ug we have now OC
*-a, *-;), *-e, *-u, *-au, *-0. Those with rime and XS contact with *-k are set up by most
investigators as OC *-ks, here OCM *-kh. An additional consequence is the combination of
GSR *-a, *-0 (nos. 32-107) with some *-ag (nos. 801-807 and elsewhere) into the now
generally accepted OC rime *-a; and Arch. *-u and *-ug form a single rime OC *-0.
(b) Final *-d with tone C is now *-ts (and also OCM *-s). Words in Arch. Ch. *-d with MC
tones other than C derived from *-i (Karlgren's *-r).
(c) Final *-b is eliminated; it either was also OC *-ts; or it was not warranted due to misinter-
pretation of the phonetic elements, as in GSR 642.
(d) Final *-r is replaced by OCM *-i (OCB *-j). Thus *kai (or *kaj) for Karlgren's *kar.
Karigren reconstructed final *-r in order to explain occasional rime / XS contact with *-n. But
archaic southern dialects show *-ai, etc. in these finals which would explain the occasional
interchange with *-n just as well. Now Arch. Ch. *-a and *-ar actually form one rime group,
OCM *-ai (OCB *-aj).
The absence of voiced final stops and the presence of segmental phonemes for later tones
are now widely accepted. The only influential authority to retaine the voiced finals was Li
Fang-kuei. This was perhaps prompted by his, and a general Chinese, skepticism toward the
idea that the MC tones could derive from a toneless form of Chinese. However, Li left the
question open, retained the voiced finals, and added the symbols -x and -h to his syllables to
indicate sources of later tones Band C.
5.4 Summary of DC rimes
Bodman had proposed and Baxter has worked out a six-vowel system for oc: a, ;) (Baxter
1992 i), e, i, 0, u; diphthongs OCB aj, ;)j, uj , aw, jaw, iw, also ej (OCM ai, ;)i, ui, au, iau, iu;
OCB ej = OCM e). As a result, Baxter's system of OC rime categories overlaps exactly with the
traditional ones which had been identified by Chinese scholars and adopted by Karlgren. The
system is furthermore confirmed by TB cognates (see EDGe). All that is necessary to update
GSR rimes and vowels is simply to substitute mechanically Baxter's 1992 values for
Karlgren's: *-u for *-6g, *-ai for *-3... .. OCM is Baxter's system except where indicated:
GSR *-0, *-ag
GSR *-ak, *-al)
= OCM *-a; except some GSR *-ag in MC tone C
=OCM *-akh (OCB *-aks), i.e., MC tone C
= OCM *-ak, *-al)
25
GSR *-u, *-ug
GSR *-uk, *-u1)
GSR *-og
GSR *-ok, -(1)
GSR *-og
GSR *-ok
GSR *-;:)g
GSR *-;:)k, *-;:)1)
GSR *-eg
GSR *-ek, *e1)
GSR *-a, *-ar
GSR *-ua, *-uar
GSR *-;:)r
GSR *-u;:)r
GSR *-at, *-ad, -an
INTRODUCTION
= OCM *-0, except some GSR *-u(g) with MC tone C
= OCM *-okh (OCB *-oks), i.e., MC tone C
= OCM *-ok, *-01)
= OCM *-u, except some GSR *og with MC tone C
= OCM *-ukh (OCB *-uks), i.e., MC tone C
= OCM *-uk, *-u1)
= OCM *-au (OCB *-aw); except some GSR *-og with MC tone C
= OCM *-aukh (OCB *-awks), i.e., MC tone C
= OCM *-auk (OCB *-awk)
= OCM *-;:) (OCB 1992 *-i)
= OCM *-;:)kh (OCB 1992 *-iks), i.e., MC tone C
= OCM *-;:)k, *-;:)1)
= OCM *-e; except some GSR *-eg with MC tone C
= OCM *-ekh (OCB *-eks), i.e., MC tone C
= OCM *-ek, *-e1)
=OCM *-ai
= OCM *-oi, except after gutturals also *K wai; not after labials
= OCM *-;:)i or *-i
= OCM *-ui; rarely after gutturals also *Kwi; not after labials
= OCM *-at, *-a(t)s (OCB *-ats, and similarly passim), *-an
GSR *-uat, *-uad, *-uan = OCM *-ot, *-o(t)s, *-on, except after gutturals also *Kwat, etc.;
not after labials
GSR *iat, *-ian = OCM *-et, *-en
GSR *-;:)t, *-;:)d, *-;:)n = OCM *-;:)t, *-;:)(t)s, *-;:)n, also after gutturals *Kw;:)t, etc.
GSR *-u;:)t, *-u;:)d, *-u;:)n = OCM *-ut, *-u(t)s, *-un, after gutturals also *Kw;:)t, etc.;
GSR *-et, *-en
GSR *-ap, *-am
GSR *-iap, *-iam
GSR *-;:)p, *-;:)m
GSR *-i;:)p, *-i;:)m
not after labials
= OCM *-it, *-in
= OCM *-ap, *-am
= OCM *-ep, *-em
= OCM *-;:)p or *-;:)m
= OCM *-ip, *-im
5.5 Summary of DC initials
This is a list of MC initials and their OC sources which are for the most part Baxter's (1992):
k, kh, g, 1), 7
gjw
y/yw
x
t, n, 1
t
h
d
< OC k, kh, g, 1), 7
<OCw
< OC g, rarely perhaps fi / gw or w
< OC hm, h1), h, hew), rarely hI, hn
< OC t, n, r
< OC th, nh, lh, rh
< OC d, 1
< OC tr, nr
< OC thr, rh, rarely perhaps t-hl
< OC dr, dr < rl ?
26
ts, i (LH di), ni
tsh
di (LH i)
s
ji
ts, tsh, dz, s
zj / zjw

p, ph, b, m
INTRODUCTION
< OC t, d, n
< OC th, rarely k-hl-
< OC m-I (also m-d?)
< OC Ih, nh, hj
< OC I, j, rarely w
< OC ts, tsh, dz, s (some tsh- perhaps from earlier ks-)
< OC s-I, s-j / z-w
< OC tsr, tshr, dzr, sr
< OC p, ph, b, m
6 MINIMAL OLD CHINESE: PRINCIPLES AND CRITERIA
As pointed out earlier, OCM simply has selected and adopted more or less commonly accepted
proposals for OC and does not claim credit for the OC forms (except for rare suggestions).
Two points need to be stressed: First, OCM does not necessarily preclude the validity of other
OC reconstructions. Thus Ie is OCM *riiuk, but it could well have been *g-rauk, or
something else. Second, etymological relationships often remain unaffected by the MC system
or most OC reconstructions; E 'five' is cognate to TB *b/l-I]a whether we read it MC I]uo
B
, or
Arch. Ch. (Karlgren) *1)0, or OCB *I)a?
OCM retains the widely recognized overall categories of GSR, while incorporating post-
Karlgrenian proposals which have been summarized above. Thus OCM is broadly based on,
and agrees mutatis mutandis with, Baxter 1992 (OCB) and others' reconstructions, but it errs
on the side of simplicity. OCM avoids some finer, debatable distinctions of others' systems.
For details of the OCM notations, see under Transcriptions, pp. xix-xx; for Baxter's 1992 *i
OCB write as he does in his later work.
Occasionally, OCM needs to settle on a default form, especially in cases of ambiguous and
controversial evidence. The following general principles and criteria serve here as a guide for
evaluating proposals and ideas for the purposes of OCM; most have been tacitly assumed by
others.
All reconstructions of, and proposals for, OC are based on implicit or explicit premises,
assumptions, biases and interpretations. Some will be discussed in more detail in the Introduc-
tion sections 8 and 9.
(I) Investigators often approach OC phonology and the interpretation of graphic elements
with this question: Is there possibly a phonological connection between two or more
elements under consideration? (E.g., jrn phonetic in tan The answer is mostly yes,
and then OC forms are reconstructed (rightly or not) on a possibility. For OCM, we ask:
are the indications, is the evidence, compelling for postulating a phonological link? The
answer is often no, resulting in simpler, more conservative forms for OCM.
(2) I am suspicious of chain reasoning, especially chains that include links which are supposi-
tions and conjectures. This kind of procedure has led to Karlgren's voiced final conso-
nants, for example, or to complex initial clusters.
(3) Following the rule of economy, OCM prefers the smallest number of steps to arrive at a
reconstruction - simple hypotheses or OC forms are preferred to complex ones (Occam's
razor).
27
INTRODUCTION
(4) Simplicity. E.g., OCM retains final *-an where Baxter and Starostin suggest *-ar (though
they may be right). Or OCM Ie ~ is OCM *rauk, but it could well have been *g-rauk.
(5) Because the comparative method of historical reconstruction cannot be applied, we are left
with projecting the QYS (MC) back into OC. The QYS values are assumed to reach back
unchanged unless evidence (rime, phonetic series, patterns for internal reconstruction)
requires adjustments.
(6) Priority ofMC. When in doubt, the typical DC sources of Me forms will override oddities
in phonetic series, because phonological evolution is expected to be regular, whereas the
selection of one graphic element over another can be at the whim of a writer (Qiu Xfguf
2000: 269, referring to Zheng Xwin J ~ ~ [AD 127-200] to that effect).
When there is no scholarly agreement on the same data, the issue is apparently beyond
rational explanation, no matter how erudite the argumentation. When a proposal for a
reconstruction cannot be proven or disproved, OCM is content with backward projected
MC values by default.
(7) In light of most of the above criteria, OCM refrains from sweeping addition of phonemes.
Occasionally, pre-initial elements or medial laterals seem to be motivated by the assump-
tion that all members in a phonetic series were more similar in OC than is really required
by the overall syllable structure of Sinitic languages and ST. To anticipate what is said in
7.2.1 below: The user of this manual can add phonemic elements to OCM as he deems
necessary, but it is very difficult for an unsuspecting user to visualize an initial cluster
with an element deleted.
(8) A phonological reconstruction of OC, such as OCM, should be kept separate from an
etymological reconstruction. OCM restricts itself to those features which are knowable from
within Chinese, as far as possible, without recourse to extensive etymologization. For
example, nei pg MC nu*i
c
'inside' is written with the phonetic element ru A MC ilzj;}p,
OCM *n;}p 'enter'. There is no rime that would suggest an OC labial final for nei (*nups)
or any other word which etymologically might have ended in *-ps. The 'phonetic' element
ru for nei is explained by the transparent etymological relationship beside some similarity
in sound. An etymologizing reconstruction of OC would set up *nups and *nup respective-
ly; but all that can be safely assumed is OCM *nuts and *n;}p.
(9) Foreign cognates or loans are only taken into consideration in cases where they could
clarify which of a number of choices within OC would be the likely one, e.g., initial *hm-
in hUD j( 'fire' and hui R 'snake', thus ruling out the theoretical alternative *hI)-.
However, TB morphemes and phonemes are not projected into OCM. Thus hUD j( OCM
h m ~ i ? 'fire' was not OC *sm;}i?, as TB *sme or *smai may suggest, since there is within
Chinese no evidence for an *s- in this word, only for a voiceless nasal. Or: It is suggested
that in some words morphological voicing of an initial consonant was due to an earlier
nasal prefix, thus jiiw 3% OCM *kens 'to see' > xiiw :EJiI, OCM *gens 'to appear' which
could have been at some early period *Nkens. TB parallels as well as MY loans with
nasalized initials seem to confirm this (Baxter 1992 writes *fi-; L. Sagart 2003 writes *N-;
Schuessler 1987 had *m- in some words, now only in *m-I-). But for the sake of not
complicating matters, OCM retains the simple voiced initials; there seems to be no
compelling evidence within OC for a distinction between ordinary voiced and pre-
nasalized initials; furthermore, it would be difficult to sort out which OC initial would be
which kind - after all, one of the intended purposes of OCM is its practicality.
28
INTRODUCTION
7 LATER HAN CHINESE
Later Han Chinese (LHan, LH) represents an older strain of the language of the Eastern Han
period from perhaps the 1 st century AD. It includes features of Middle Han Chinese (MHan),
which must have been present in some LHan speech because they survive in the modern Min
dialects as well as in the language of Later Han period writers from Shandong. Thus MIn
dialects still have traces of the OC / MHan diphthong -oi (in rimes as in and of
unpalatalized velars as in 3Z. LHan is based on modern dialect evidence (especially Min), Old
Northwest Chinese (ONW, ONWC; Coblin 1991a; 1994b), Han period rimes in poetry (Lue
Changpei and Zh6u Zume 1958), Wei-Jin rimes (Ting 1975), and Buddhist transcriptions
(Coblin 1982; 1993). LHan is discussed in detail in Schuessler 2006. It retains most of the QY
categories, but is about 500 years older and simpler than Me. The conservative strain of
LHan, which is provided in this manual, could perhaps also be called Mid-Han; it can be
converted to that of Eastern Han mainstream literature using the following paradigms:
LHan older (MHan)
tl ko
B
m kio
mua
% kiai
koi
3Z kie
7.1 Phonemes
LHan mainstream literature
ko
B
kb
mu;)
kie
ko
tse
a > ;) in open syllables
a > ;) in open syllables
0>;) in open syllables
merger with the reflex of OC gre, MC gjie 3 :j5z
oi > 0 in open syllables
palatalization of velars (see 7.3)
See the note on Transcription in the front matter. The consonants and almost all vowels are
the same as in MC, but high medial glides, which are Han period innovations, are written as
vowels i, i , y, u (in later QYS Di v. III) , not j, ji and w (see 7.6). The vowels a (could also be
written a) and a are not to be confused.
LHan's notation is phonemic, has shed some of the complexities of MC and follows the
transcriptional conventions used for CH dialects (e.g., -au, -ai, -iau; -yaIJ for MC -jwaJ).
7.2 No consonant clusters
Like MC and CH dialects, Mid-Han and LHan had no consonant clusters, as transcriptions
show: shi:.Jj gffitlJ LH = Skt. srr; p6-Iu6-men F5 LH ba-la-man 'brahmana' (tim jt
'brahman' is an earlier transcription, or one that simply ignores some element in a duster).
7.3 Palatalization of certain velar consonants
This occurred under the influence of the immediately following high vowel i, even a secondary
one, thus OCM *ke > LH kie > tse > MC tsje 3Z. For reasons that are not yet clear, this
palatalization of velars did not occur in all rimes (e.g., jf E MC kjet < OCM *kit), nor with
aspirated k
h
_, nor with voiced g- in tone A (Schuessler 1996).
7.4 Tones and vowel length
Tones are marked with letters (B, C) as in MC (see 2.3); for the tonal development in MHan
and LHan, see 5.3.1. LHan may have preserved earlier segmental features in weakened form,
thus one could write LHan kaa, ka?, kah; however, for the sake of consistency we use the tone
letters instead, hence LHan ka, ka
B
, ka
c
. Vocalic length distinctions did not exist in LHan
29
INTRODUCTION
syllables. The transcription of Indic syllables with their strict length distinctions reveal no
correlation with the later QYS divisions. Only open syllables in tone B tend to be avoided in
transcribing Indic long vowels.
7.5 LHan Final -s
As transcriptions show, final *-s survived from OC finals *-(t)s (Karlgren's OC *-d, Baxter's
*-ts); see 5.3.1.
7.6 Vowel bending or warping
Vowel bending (or warping) resulted from the distinction between high vocalic onset syllables
(HS = Pulleyblank' s OC type B syllables) vs . low vocalic onset syllables (LS = OC type A
syllables), as explained in Schuessler 2006 (see also 4.6). In HS the onset of a vowel is bent up
to the high vowel above it which becomes a medial (i j y u); in low onset syllables the vowel is
bent down. In Table 1-4 the unbent vowels are in the marked boxes; these are i and u which
cannot bend any higher, and a cannot bend any lower; the eventual change from a J:!l ka
B
to 0
J:!l ko
B
is due to a different type of phonological change where the original a was pushed into
the slot of earlier 0 which had warped to (1tJ kdU
B
) .
Table 1-4: LHan vowel bending
HS
(*ki tsi 3Z: kie > tse m kia kig kio (or kuo)
:tL ku
.ltpiB $ pie ill mug >mu
i! bu
% siB 5;0 W sia T tsig
B
If:x: tshio
B
Tjc tsh(i)u
--_.-
OC i e a
g
0 u
LS kei mke J:!l ko
B
W< kg 1tJ ko
B
1S kou
MHan
*mei
B
1'"" be
::ffl pac %f; mg f,J: moB J!f pou
B theiB
rfiiT de taB 7t dzg Ey! do m dou
B
LHan m kei mkei J:!l ko
B
W< kog > 1fiJ bo > buB 1S kau
later
*mei
B
t"" bei
::ffl poc 4# mag > f,J: mgo > mgu
B
W pau
stage
1m theiB
rfiiT dei toB 7t dzag > lm dgo > dgu lli dauB
The basic pattern of up-bending is represented in the first row of the table (with initial k).
Deviations and further changes are the result of other phonological mechanisms. Thus the
high glide was assimilated to u after labial initials (;fW, HS [mio >] muo), but was assimilated
to j after acute initials (T HS [tS1g
B
>] tsig
B
). Uncertainties remain, e.g. Tjc qiU < MC tshjgU
could have been MHan tshu (the high vowel u does not bend), or it could have been MHan tshiu
(after acute initials the glide is j). The two stages in LS are suggested by transcriptions and
rime patterns.
Syllables with diphthongs or final consonants are subject to the same vowel bending, e.g.
Mand. < MC < LHan < OC

dong tuol) toul) Wl) NWC (ca. AD 400) toul); cf.15Ji in Table 1-4
*
biao pjau
B
3 piou
B
pau?

biao pjiau 4 piau piau i in iau cannot bend higher
11\ xiao sjau
B
siou
B
s(i)au?

ji kjeiB kiiB < kigi
B
bi? leveling might have occurred
30
1* fo
B jf
liao
INTRODUCTION
bjwdt but
kjiet 4 kit kit
lieu leu < leiau rHiu leveling might have occurred
8 HAN PERIOD SOURCES ON PHONOLOGY
The dictionary Shu6wen jiezl and phonological information from Han period sound glosses
are considered important sources for the reconstruction of Oc. These frequently mentioned
materials will be briefly introduced and their utility for OC phonology discussed.
8.1 The Shuowen jiezi
The oldest comprehensi ve dictionary of graphs, the Shu6wen jiezl "5tzflf:f: (Shuowen for
short [SW]) seems to provide answers for puzzling phonetic composites. Its author Xu Shen
(d. AD 149) was removed from the OC period by only a few centuries. Among others,
the eminent philologist Duim Yucai (1735-1815) has made emendations to the
transmitted text that had been tampered with over the centuries, and has added comments
which are widely taken as authoritative interpretations. The SWarranges the Han period
corpus of graphs (with a few omissions) under 540 'classifiers' or 'radicals', and identifies the
other graphic element, if there is one, as either phonetic or semantic. The SW thus provides
early information on phonetic series and indirectly on OC phonology. A frequent formula is
cong A , B sheng "A is the classifier, B is phonetic"; for example, yii, cong yan,
wu sheng [SW 961] '''to tell': yan 'word' is the classifier, wu 'I' is phonetic." Occasionally, a
graph may serve as an 'abbreviated' phonetic, as in SW2532 shu cong mil
shu sheng sheng " shu 'comb': 'wood' is the classifier, shu is the abbreviated phonetic"; only
the right element of shu iffrt is used as phonetic, while the actual phonetic to the left is left out.
Occasionally the SW uses the formula cong A, cong B, B yi sheng "A and B are classifiers, B
is also phonetic," because no clear line can be drawn between the phonetic and semantic role
of a graphic element; for example, SW 989: ilij ... M "* zhfw ... cong yan cong
zhfw, zhiw y1 sheng" zhfw ' to tell' ... has the classifiers yan 'word' and zhao 'to call', zhiw is
also phonetic." The phonetic role may be less obvious, or wrongly assumed, in a graph like
gulin m; 'cap' (SW3357) where Xu Shen states that yuan JC 'head' is "also phonetic."
Typically the SW's identification of a graphic element as semantic or phonetic agrees with
the obvious structure of the graph and its membership in an OC phonetic series according to
the XS principle. However, by "phonetic" Xu Shen may occasionally have meant as little as
the rime. the final consonant, the initial consonantal category, or nothing phonetic at all, as in
this case:
SW 518 states that in mou *mu? 'male' (of larger quadrupeds), til *thil.? 'earth' is
"phonetic." However, in the OB the element was actually sh1 'male' (Li Xiaoding
1.159), neither til nor shi can have been phonetic, mau was originally a semantic compound.
In a few instances, Xu Shen says that a graphic element is semantic (cong M) when it must
also have been at least partially phonetic. Thus SW 1283 analyzes the graph jilin *kln
'hard' as consisting of the semantic elements qin !lX *khins 'solid ' and til *thil.? 'earth',
where q1n is clearly (also) phonetic.
Thus Xu's explanations for irregular compounds need to be treated with caution. His loose
XS "system" was apparently also that of the earlier creators of graphs.
31
INTRODUCTION
Several additional limitations of the SW and its author must be kept in mind.
First, Xu and his contemporaries were not aware of the OB and BI and therefore of the
paleographic history of graphs. Often Xu simply describes the graph he sees without explain-
ing it. Thus the left element in the graph for she!%j 'to shoot' he described as shen ~ 'body',
whereas we know from OB that what appears like shen is the corrupted form of a bow with
arrow. See Qiu X. 2000, especially ch. 8 for cases where Xu Shen has misanalyzed graphs.
Secondly, this was not a dictionary of words and their phonology, but only of graphs and
graphic relationships - phonetic (phonetic elements / loans) or otherwise (see 8.2.1).
Third, Xu Shen's Later Han Chinese language had simplified and eliminated initial
consonant clusters and voiceless sonorants. Evidence for LHan simplification include, for
example, writing chiIUl: LHan ~ h a > h i (the phonetic is *ta? > LHan tsa
B
) for the graph chi
If,G *nhra? > LHan ~ h a 'shame' (Qiu 2000: 20). Buddhist transcriptions of Indic words show
that LHan had no initial clusters; an Indic cluster with post-consonantal r is split into two
syllables, see 7.2; conversely, a Div. II syllable like jia J!l!! MC ka (would be OC *kra)
transcribes Indic ka. When foreign clusters in Han period loans agree with OC clusters, the
loans must go back to Early Han or earlier. In Xu's language, the initial consonants of jian !iKf
LH kame and Jan ~ LH lam were phonetically as irreconcilable as today. When he states that
the former is "phonetic" in the latter, he cannot have included the initials if he based this
comment on his own language; he can only have meant either the rimes, or he made a guess
based on philological traditions and the many parallel k - I interchanges in phonetic series.
These instances already show that the SW's notion of "phonetic" is looser than the modern
definition of the XS principle, and that we are dealing in the SWat least partially with Han
period Chinese, not OC. The subsequent discussions will demonstrate that, whatever Xu Shen's
insightful pointers, we cannot build an OC reconstruction of a specific word on his statements
alone.
8.2 Sound glosses
Late Zhou and especially Han period literature contains sound glosses where one graph is
suggesting, or is thought to suggest, the sound of another. The interpretation of such glosses is
somewhat uncertain and has been much discussed (see a summary in Coblin 1983: 10-13).
Sound glosses fall into different types; most common are loan graph glosses (graph X is to be
read as Y, is a loan for Y), so-called duma glosses (8.2.1), and paronomastic glosses (8.2.2).
The phonological parameters for these glosses, which actually are puns, are uncertain. At best,
broad tendencies may reveal features of the language or dialect of a writer. But they cannot
always be relied upon for the reconstruction of a specific OC word.
8.2.1 Duruo glosses. Occasionally the SW and commentators remark that graph X "is read
like" graph Y (X dli ruo i'iJi5 Y, hence the name) (for an introduction to these, see, for
example, Coblin 1983: 12f; JCL 6.1, 1978: 27-33). Clear are the cases where a duma gloss
tells us which of two or more readings of a graph is at issue. Often a gloss seems to refer only
to part of a word's sound, similar to English, '''either' is pronounced like 'eat' and not like
'eye"'. For example, SW 1440 states, jue mI, MC ?iwet, LHan ?uet, *?wft (13-17) is "read
like .... JfnP", xu, MC sjuet, LHan suit, *swit (that is, in the sense of 'care about' as in wu xu o/J
JfnP 'don't care', and not like xu JfnP, MC swat, LHan suat , *sut 'to rub'), i .e., with final
*-it, and not like its phonetic yao ii, MC ?ieu
B
, LH ?eu
B
, *?iu? with the vowel *-u.
32
INTRODucnON
An example for a misunderstood duruo gloss is the following case, where the SW is
sometimes thought to confirm that zi 'self' was phonetically similar to bi " 'nose' in OC,
hence one encounters OC reconstructions like *zbid.
SW 1472: .. zi bi ye, xiitng bi xing .. . "Z! 'self' is bi 'nose', the pictograph
has the shape of bi 'nose' .. . "
Xu Shen was compiling a dictionary of wen X 'simple graphs' and zl * 'compound
characters', not words, sounds, and etymologies. Given his objective, he can only have meant
that originally the graphs for ' self' and 'nose' were the same (which is indeed true) , nothing
more. Therefore this statement does not prove complex initials. But elsewhere he has the gloss
!fIB" zi d6 ruo bi"self is read like nose," which has been discussed in sinological
literature. But turning to the complete SW passage one discovers that the phrase has been
taken out of context and completely misinterpreted:
SW 109 (under huang ... fri:lit!. ... @f;:fi. 0 ... zi
sh1 ye ... zl d6 ruo bi. jrn s6 y1 sh1 sheng z1 wei bi Z1.
In the seal script, the upper element in huang was not bii B, but looked like zi (its OB
source was yet something else). Xu explains: " ... means 'first' .. . is read like bi'nose' .
Nowadays one customarily considers the first -born offspring bi Z1." Taken out of context, he
seems to say that 'self' is to be read like 'nose' . But he suggests nothing of the sort. First, he is
referring only to the graph , not the word zi 'self' or any other behind it. Since the graph
originally wrote both zi 'self' and bi 'nose', Xu points out that the graph in question is to be
read like bi(and not like zi) since it stands for a homophone 'first(-born), (also written W). In
sum, a phonetic similarity of the two words 'self' and 'nose' is certainly not suggested by Xu
Shen. As to 3000 years ago, there could have been, as today, a mental association of the two
because one customarily points to one's nose when pointing to oneself.
8.2.2 Paronomastic glosses. Some late Zhou and Han period texts make use of so-called
paronomastic glosses which may indicate a word's sound. The Shiming *,i'; (written ca. AD
200) is a collection of such glosses by Liu (Bodman 1954). Some glosses, like
Shiming 7.24 provide interesting information on pronunciation:
0 , 1:(jPJT.tJf.5Ait!.. cheguzheyuejii(LHkio). shengr6jii
(LH kio), yan xing suoy1 jii ren yeo '''Carriage', the ancients called it kia. It sounds like
'dwell' kia, because one says that when travelling it is that whereby one causes a person to
'dwell' [in it]."
9 B 0 jIn ri che sheng jin she ye .. . "Nowadays, 'carriage' (LH tsha) sounds
close to 'stay in a place' (LH sa
B
) ... . "
The author's point is that the graph for 'carriage' has two pronunciations, an older one (LH
kio) and a current one (LH tsha). These are obviously puns with a phonetic as well as a
semantic ingredient.
Apart from clarifications of this kind and general trends which may reveal something about
an authors dialect, the utility of paronomastic glosses for the reconstruction of individual OC
words is doubtful. A pun does not prove much about an individual graph, especially since the
material in the Shiming does not reveal identifiable phonological patterns (glance through
Bodman 1954). The basis of some glosses seems to be even purely graphic rather than
phonological, as [u f1 in rong (Coblin 1978: 50, 51; Bodman 1954: 128-129, notes 274,
33
INTRODUCTION
347). Furthermore the historical stage and dialect of the punning language are uncertain.
Once formulated, a paronomastic gloss "became a philosophical verity .... For example, the
gloss ~ ~ - t n dui yue ye "The hexagram dui means 'pleasure' ," occurs in the YijTng,
Shuowen and the Shimfng" (Coblin 1983: 15). At least some glosses are phonologically close
in LHan, but were quite distinct in OC for which they are thought to be revealing, note t ~ shi,
LH dii
B
glossed as ~ shl , LH dieS - but these are oeM *gi? vs. *de?
Considering all these caveats, a pun like sang wang ye ~ L - t n '''Burial' means to
'disappear"', for instance, does by itself not necessarily prove an oe *sm cluster in sling; nor
does she % LH sac as a gloss for kii '* LH kha
c
prove a velar in she.
9 INTERPRETATIONS OF
IRREGULAR PHONETIC COMPOUNDS
The XS principle is only meaningful when applied to regular and systematic phonetic series
(3.2). It has limited, or no, applicability for unsystematic series and irregular graphs. Pushing
the XS principle beyond a certain limit into this area can lead to over-interpretation -
something that most investigators have understood (Karlgren, Li, Baxter).
9.1 Premises
One's approach to the interpretation of phonetic series, graphs and data is guided by many
conscious and unconscious premises and assumptions which can lead to spectacularly
different oe forms. There are two premises with which one can approach irregular phonetic
compounds: (a) the strictly phonetic premise; and (b) a premise that allows for broader mental
or cultural associations and inferences in the choice of graphic elements. In this section 9, some
difficult-to-analyze graphs are discussed as examples for the different results of these premises,
and for the preference of the 'associative' path. (More practical guidelines have been mentioned
in section 6 above.)
9.1.1 The 'phonetic' premise, as it could be called for lack of a better term, approaches XS
primarily through deduction. A hypothesis like the XS principle is formulated and with strict
logic applied to all phonetic series whose members are assumed to have been as similar as
possible. If one postulates *gHim for MC Jam, then one could deduce that ren A (OCM *nin)
was oe *znin because the graph is phonetic in qilin -=f (OCM *snhfn) 'thousand' . The
hypothetical oe *znin is based purely on this exclusively phonological way of interpreting the
XS principle in all phonetic series and irregular graphs, yet outside the frame of the phonetic
premise there is no evidence for the phoneme *z-, for a XS contact with *snhin itself is not
evidence, it merely suggests one of several possible interpretations. Evidence would be only
MC forms, for example.
9.1.2 The 'associative' premise relies on what we actually know about the language (MC,
categories, transcriptions, typology), and approaches irregular phonetic series and graphs with
the realization that not only phonological, but also mental or cultural associations can have
prompted the choice of a graphic element, so that the strict phonological similarity, which
strict logic would require, cannot be assumed in irregular cases.
34
INTRODUCfION
9.2 Illustrations for premises and assumptions
9.2.1 IT * (4-37/980)
In SW 2376 Xu Shen defines It* 'plum' as a 'fruit' (guo 5F1:), and the graph as consisting of
the classifier mil * 'tree' and the "phonetic" ziT 'offspring' (T).
The phonetic premise: Pan (2000: 307) sets up It as OC *b-rw' (the rationale for his b is
immaterial here); since zi T is 'phonetic' , he reconstructs it as *splw' in order to create a
phonological link. This exemplifies the strict phonetic premise as well as the rigid application
of the deductive mode of reasoning. The reconstructions may be right, but for by now familiar
reasons and for the sake of simplicity, we prefer the other method.
The associative premise: First, we have seen that Xu Shen's notion of 'phonetic' was not
identical with that of modern investigators; he could mean as little as the rime, or nothing at
all. Second, Xu Shen explicitly had It the fruit on his mind, not the tree. Traditionally, plums
are a symbol for prolific offspring (ziT). That this symbolism does not derive from the
graph, but that the graph probably reflects a folk tradition is suggested by mei m 'a kind of
plum' (without the element ziT) which carries the same symbolism. Thus cultural associa-
tions have played a role in the choice of the element zi T so that there is no compelling
reason to bring the initials together phonetically. Finally, zi cannot be separated from the
prolific TB root *tsa. Consequently, * was OCM *r;:)7, and Twas *ts;:)7.
This example demonstrates several OCM premises and assumptions:
(1) Usually one has reconstructed the OC language by applying the classical XS principle to
the writing system. In light of our knowledge of OC (based on MC, etc.), I now stand the XS
principle on its head when considering irregular graphs. The question is: why was the word
written in this way- not: what was the puzzling OC word behind the odd graph?Not: what
was the presumably complex word for 'plum' and 'offspring'? But: why was plum (which for
all we know was OCM *r;:)? < MC Iji
B
) written in this particular way?
(2) Rather than proposing complex word forms, in odd 'phonetic' compounds the typical OC
source of a MC form overrides writing conventions (phonetic series).
(3) Not too much weight should be given to Xu Shen's identification of a "phonetic" when he
is proven to be wrong on other occasions, as in mou, 8.1 above.
(4) This example demonstrates the associative premise: not only phonology entered into the
choice of a graphic element, but also cultural and other mental associations. The selection of
elements in a composite graph can be on a sliding scale, from purely phonetic (as in ju ,@ *ka
'dwell', phonetic gil til *ka? 'antiquity'), to purely semantic (e.g., jilin ~ 'pointed': graph for
'small' on top of 'big'). Many graphic choices fall between these ends, like liwhich still shares
the rime with zi The greater the semantic or mental overlap of a graphic element with the
word it writes, the greater the chance that phonological similarity has been compromised. A
strict XS principle works only when the compound is strictly phonetic; when other mental
associations could have interfered with the selection of a graphic element, a phonology-based
XS principle may lead to phonological connections where probably none existed.
9.2.2 XI ~ (26-33/596)
There are other irregular graphs which share only the rime, if that. Xu can only have meant the
rime at best when he states (SW 540) that in the graph for xT s ~ i 'rhinoceros', the element
wei ~ *m;:)i? 'tail' was "phonetic." The initials were irreconcilable in Xu's Han period
language as well as throughout the preceding archaic stages of Chinese because the words
35
INTRODUCTION
derive from ST *S;)j 'rhino' and *mr;)j or *rm;)j 'tail' respectively (assuming something like OC
*ms;)j - cf. WT bse - drifts into the realm of speculation). When investigating phonetic
series, we encounter more examples of just rimes being sufficient as a common denominator
(see 8.1). Therefore, we cannot assume that in such instances the initial consonants need to be
reconciled for OC.
9.2.3 ZUl W (28-20/513)
The graph zui W *dzfii? 'crime, offense' was originally written., but for taboo
reasons was replaced during the reign of Qin Shi Huangdi by W which originally wrote a
word for 'fish trap' (SW 3381). Fei looks like a possible phonetic, but initial consonant
clusters of the type *sb- did not exist during the Qin dynasty, if they ever existed in oc. Hence
the choice of the element rei 'is not' could not have been phonetic; it was probably chosen
for its mental association with the notion 'wrong, offense'. Because of the possibility of
semantic interference I doubt that an OC reconstruction with an initial sb- cluster (or the like)
is justified. All we can say is that the OC form was something like *dzfii? If the SW intended
to say that rei was phonetic, it would have referred only to the rime -(u)i.
9.2.4 wei fir (31-7/539)
Morphological patterns can be of help in establishing an OC form (see 9.2.9). The problem is
that morphology is often a judgement question.
In the OB and BI, the graph -.lL stood for both wei fir MC jwei
C
'position, seat', as well as
for Ii -.lL MC lj;)p 'to stand'. Li -.lL is often believed to be phonetic in wei fir and thus
phonologically very close and perhaps even etymologically related. Thus the two words look
similar in some scholars' OC reconstructions. OCM tries to stay on the side of mundane
straightforwardness. Li 'stand' would be a prime candidate for a semantic element in a graph
for 'position', which weakens the case for phonological similarity (9.2. 1 [4]). The final *-ps in
wei is based on the possible cognation with Ii, and initial *w- is otherwise not known to
alternate in word families with initial *r- except in PCH *r-w- configurations which cannot be
the case here, in light of the TB cognate *k-rap for 1i (EDGe I 0). Hence OCM *wr;)(t)s (or
even *wus - see 5.2.3) vs. *r;)p.
9.2.5 yue and Ie (J 7-8/1125)
Many phonetic series include MC features which leave us in a gray area where the application
of the XS principle and its premises are debatable. Karigren and Li applied it in some cases
more comprehensively than is proposed here for OCM. For example:
Co-occurrence of MC IJ- and 1- in a series is rare, as in the much-discussed which writes
(a) Ie 'joy' (MC lak) OCM *riiuk, and (b) yue (MC IJak) *IJrauk 'music'; the graph was
originally invented for (c) Ii (MC liek) *riiiuk ' oak' and then borrowed for the other words
is the drawing of an oak tree; U. Unger Hao-ku 29, 1984). Because the same graph writes
two words with rather different MC initials, Karigren thought that strict logic requires that Ie
must have had some velar initial in OC as well, in order to make it more similar to yue, thus
Karlgren's *IJlok vs. *glak. Accordingly, he reconstructed almost all graphs in the series with
initial *g-, even though not a single one shows a trace of it in Me.
OCM a voids sweeping creation of oe phonemes which are based not on tangible evidence
(MC or otherwise), and assumes the simplest forms , hence *I]rauk vs. *rauk. As already
pointed out, the user of this manual can add phonemic elements to OCM as he may deem
appropriate, but it is very difficult for an unsuspecting user to visualize an initial cluster,
36
INTRODUCTION
which has been presented to him, with an element deleted; thus *rauk may be less misleading
than writing "*g-rauk" - even though, we may speculate (!), this may have been the OC form
after all.
9.2.6 wei it'I1Ut (28-11 /575)
Strict phonetic application of the XS principle led to Karlgren's conclusion that wei it'I1ut
'to be' must have been Arch. Ch. (OCM *wi) with an initial dental stop consonant,
since the graph was originally invented for zhuf it (OCM *tui) 'little bird' (so SW
4685; GSR 575; OB). Sagart follows Karlgren, although he recognizes, like Baxter (as well as
OCM), that at least the root of 'to be' was *wi (or *wij, *wjij) . He explains the puzzling choice
of a word beginning with *t- for phonetic in 'to be' with no dental initial in MC by hypothesiz-
ing that the copula must have had an iambic prefix that was regularly lost by MC
(Sagart 1999: 91 ). Thus the iambic prefixes seem to correspond to some extent to Bodman's
(and OCM's) hyphenated in OCM.
However, we prefer a simpler solution through the associative premise. All that is knowable
with some degree of reliability is that, based on MC, 'bird' was *tui and 'to be' was *wi . When
in doubt, OCM assumes these MC-based OC forms regardless of phonetic environment in XS.
What is not knowable is the mental association by which a writer 3200 years ago selected *tui
'bird' to write the grammatical word 'to be' so that a contemporaneous reader could retrieve
the intended word.
Just for the sake of argument, an alternative hypothesis for the irregular XS series could run
like this: the word it OCM *tui 'little bird' is likely an onomatopoetic imitation of a bird's
chirping; the same phonetic writes another imitation of a bird's call, that of a 'female
pheasant': wei (yao) OCM *wi? Classifiers like kou [J 'mouth' and 'bird' are
later additions to disambiguate graphs, hence it could have originally written both *tui and
*wi? From *tui derive some graphs in the phonetic series, from the *wi? others like wei it
*wi 'to be'. This hypothesis requires fewer assumptions and steps, and is hardly more
speculati ve than alternati ves.
The preceding considerations may leave the impression that the OC word 'to be' was the
issue, when in fact they were only about the *t-, not the widely agreed-on base *wi. Thus even
this t-prefix hypothesis does not invalidate an OCM *wi (and vice versa) which is taken as the
minimal foundation on which further hypotheses can be built. This discussion illustrates
furthermore how easy it is to become distracted by marginal hypotheses about such things as
prefixes, to the point of obfuscating fundamental consensus on OC issues.
A final consideration: Availability. The degree of adherence to a phonology-based XS
principle seems to depend partly on the number of words in a rime category and, in correlation
with this number, the availability of graphic elements for writing a word. A rime category with
a large corpus of words naturally has a sufficient supply of graphic elements to allow a fairly
narrow phonological parameter of a phonetic series. Thus in the common OC rime *-a, words
of the type KA and KRA each tend to have their own phonetic Ct:l3R 'ffiZ) . Rimes which are
comprised of relatively few words, such as *-dP, *-en, and *-ui, have a more limited supply of
graphic elements, therefore phonetic similarity may occasionally be reduced to the rime or
even the final consonant. This could possibly have something to do with irregular graphs and
series.
37
INTRODUCTION
9.2.7 jIn 8J, tiln ffit, nHm;%': (38-3/651,652)
The graphs tan MC (OCM 'to covet' and niim MC niem
c
(OCM *nfms)
'think of' share the element jib -5J MC kjgm (OCM *bm) 'today' which SW states is phonetic
in the other two. This implies that all three words must have sounded similar in OC; according
to strict logic, they should have had some complex initial clusters in OC (see p. ix).
Let us step back for a moment. We know as facts the MC forms and niem
c
; we know
that tan would normally derive from OC *thgm, *lh;}m, *nhgm, or *rhgm in a regular fashion,
there is little argument about that; transparent cognates make OC *rhgm a virtual certainty.
MC niem
c
normally is expected to go back to something like OC *nems, *niams or *nims,
depending on one's OC system. It is known that tan is related to TB *C-rum and that
Chinese regularly unrounds vowels before final labial consonants (ST *-um > OC, MC -gm);
and that nian (*nfms) is related to WT snyam-pa. On the basis of MC alone, common ST
forms like *C-rum (ST *-um > oe *-gm > MC and *nim (?) - *njam can be postulated.
Any OC reconstruction which is significantly out of line with these givens must be suspect, no
matter what the XS principle can be construed to imply. The claim of an OC medial *r in jib is
probably based on tan. An m-prefix for nian is suggested by a meaningless preceding wu
*ma in one Shijing line. The oe form may well have been *mnfms, but for the sake of
simplicity and to avoid arguments about elusive prefixes, we will be content with the minimal
form oeM *nfms. When Xu Shen looked at these graphs and stated that -5J was "phonetic," he
may have had just the rimes in mind, or he may have presumed that there ought to have been
some earlier phonological connection, just as in the case of LHan kam - E;: LHan Him of
his language.
Since we have touched on speculation, let me add my own in order to show that there can be
alternative interpretations. It seems that the graph -5J was invented for the word han
'jaw', it shows the downward-turned open mouth (cf. ming frJ 'to order', yue 1M 'pan pipe',
]fng 4? 'order', qian 'glib-tongued', he i!i 'fit' = downward-turned open mouth covering the
opening of a vessel like a lid; shf jt 'to eat' = open mouth hovering over a full bowl); a stroke
points to one side, i.e., the jaw, just as ben * 'root ' is mll * 'tree' with a stroke pointing to
its lower end. (In 'jaw', the elongated stroke may suggest the tongue, perhaps,) 'Jaw', like
'mouth' , is associated with words meaning 'hold in the mouth, hold back, resent'. 'Hold/keep
in the mouth' is a widely encountered metaphor for internal psychological processes.
Therefore, -5J is at least partially semantic in 'to covet' and nian 'to think of', which
diminishes the likelihood of a purely phonetic role of 4'.
Ruminations as in the preceding paragraph illustrate the above claim (see 9.2. 1) that in
unsystematic XS the principle is stood on its head. Here, these speculations have no bearing
on the OCM forms, because the question we tried to address was: why did they write these oe
words with this graphic element? This is the opposite of asking how similar the words that
share this graphic element must have sounded. In contemplating the phonological rules and
steps required for connecting Plin's forms with MC, OCM seems less complex and hence
preferable.
9.2.8 jiang trr: (3-52/729)
SW 5729 states that injiang 1lI 'do carpentry work, carpenter' bothjfn IT 'axe' and fang c:
It: 'box' are semantic. In spite of this, it has sometimes been proposed that fang was phonetic
after all , and the word should hence be reconstructed oe *zbjal] or the like and related to WT
byaI]-pa 'skilled, experienced'. However, a phonetic role of fang is not compelling in light of
38
INTRODUCTION
the semantic overlap of graph and word, hence OCM *dzaI]h. This is apparently confirmed by
foreign connections: Jiang is indirectly connected with Khmer ca{11iJa IcaI]1 'to dress (wood,
stone), rough out, trim .. .' (i.e., do carpentry work), while the WT word is probably cognate to
fang 11 'method' * fang 'imitate, conform'.
9.2.9 ji 'gf (26-3/124Ia)
The word ji 't MC kiei
c
'calculation, accounting' is often reconstructed with an OC final
labial, i.e., *-ps, because shf+ *gip 'ten' is suspected to be phonetic. Karlgren refrained from
proposing an OC form because he graph for ji is not a rime word in poetry, the SW (1002) is
silent on the question if + is phonetic. Because shf'ten' can in a word for 'calculate' playa
semantic role, the requirement for close phonological agreement according to the XS principle
is weakened (see 9.2.1). A semantic role of ' ten' is, in fact, confirmed by an early variant of
the graph written with qian T 'thousand' instead, so at least these writers made no phonologi-
cal connection with + *gip. Because a phonetic role of 'ten' *gip is not compelling, let us
reconsider what the simplest solution could be. MC kiei
c
can theoretically derive from many
different OC syllables: from OCM *ke(k)h, *kfh, *ke(t)s *ke[t]s or *keps), or from *kf(t)s
*kf[t]s or *kfps) - these would be in Baxter's system *ke(k)s, *ki(k)s, *kets *kets or *keps),
or *kits *kits or *kips). Since open syllables are more common than closed ones, and final
labials are particularly rare, the OC default form should be suspected to be either OCM *keh or
*kfh. Now we should look for possible cognates for confirmation among words with an open
syllable. Indeed, it turns out that ji is simply an ordinary tone C derivation from jrfr!! MC kiei,
*kf 'to calculate', hence ji was OCM *kfh. If shf*gip played a phonetic role, it was only its
initial and vowel.
10 CONCLUSION
It was my intention that with this Introduction's summaries and considerations of data,
sources, premises and assumptions, the reader may perhaps follow arguments about OC in
broad outline. I hope it may help the non-specialist evaluate OC reconstructions by distin-
guishing (relatively) widely accepted proposals from more probing hypotheses.
39
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Ting Pang-hsin. 1975. Chinese Phonology of the Wei-Chin Period: Reconstruction of the
Finals as Reflected in Poetry. Taipei.
Thurgood, Graham, and Randy LaPolla, eds. 2003. The Sino-Tibetan Languages. London and
New York.
Thurgood, Graham, James A. Matisoff, David Bradley, eds. 1985. Linguistics of the Sino-
Tibetan area: the state of the art. Paul Benedict Festschrift. Canberra.
Unger, Ulrich. 1982-1995. Hao-ku. SinologischeRundbriefe. Nos. 1-51. Munster.
Wang Li 3:.)]. 1958. Hilnyu shIgao Beijing.
---. 1982. T6ngyuan zidian [alYm!":!J:!!.. Beijing.
Wang, William S-Y., ed. 1995. The Ancestry of Chinese. JCLMonograph 8.
Wang, William S-Y. 1995. The Ancestry of Chinese: Retrospect and Prospect. In W. Wang,
ed., I-XI.
Xu Shen ca. 149. Shui5wen jiezi (SW); see Drng Fubao.
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YU Nai-ybng 1974. Hu zhujiilozheng Song ben Guang-yun
Taipei.
Zhengzhang Shangfang 35'. 1987. Shanggu yunmu xitong he si deng, jieyin, shengdiao
de fayuan wenti (The Old Chinese system of initials and the question of the origin of the 4
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ZhOng wen dilcfdian r:p :::Z::kM:!J:!!. (Encyclopedic dictionary of the Chinese language) . 1973.
Taipei.
Zh6u Fligao 1972. mll1Yu he Hfll1-Zfll1gyu Journal of
the Institute of Chinese Studies of the Chinese Univ. of Hong Kong 5: 159-244.
---. n.d. Hnwen guIfn Taipei.
44
1 oeM rime *-a YU bu
GSR 32 - 106
Baxter 1992: 478 ff. ( 1 0.2.4)
The OC / Han period value *-a is confirmed by sporadic archaisms in dialects, and MHan
transcriptions where the vowel represented foreign a (see examples under the entries).
The OCM final *-wa has eventually merged everywhere with *-a into MC div. I -uo.
MC div. III -jwo and -ju rti have merged in the North, but in the South (as seen in PMin
and some Wu and Gan dialects) QYS -jwo is unrounded -jy, while MC -ju is rounded (Mei
Tzu-lin CAAAL 9, 1978: 44ff; Sag art 1993: 191). The ONWC and BTD also maintain the
distinction. Initials *w, *kw- probably developed into LH WUO!], kwuo etc. in QYS div. III; but
we write LH WO!] , kyo, etc. Sporadic MC -ja III after acute initials has developed in analogy to
the regular forms in OCM *-akh > MC ja
C
, as in {'/if MC tsja
C
, LH tsia
C
< OCM *tsakh.
Table 1-1 : OCM rimes *-a!], *-ak, *-a in QYS categories
Div. *-al) R.3
I ! jijijJ kal) kal) *kal)
7'C kwal) kual) *kwal)
! '1lt tal) tal) *tal)
III lab:
!
III gr iI kjal) kial) *kal)
: jwal) wal) *wal)
-C mjwal) mual) *mal)
III ac tsjal) tsal) *tal)
Jl jial) jQI) *lal)
m sjal) sial) *sal)
til *sral)
i *-ak R. 2
I
;fr kak kak *kak
kwak kuak *kwak
: Wi: lak lak *dk
! mak mak *mak
1'lP khjak khiak *khak
JI kjwak kyak *kwak
bjwak buak *bak)1
*drak
(rare)
I *-akh R.2
I luoc lac *rakh
I
f,(t sjwoC sac
: *lha(k)h (rare)
!
*-a R.l
i
I gjuC gyaC *gwah
T ju wa *wa
; ;!!lii mju mua *ma
5 kjwo kia *ka?
iJ sjwo sa *Iha
jiwo ja *Ia
pIT B *sra?
III ac :
: E zjiik dzak *dak
. tfJ\ jiiik jak *jak
f1l tsja
C
tsa
C
*takh i U. zja
B
dza
B
*da?
i fjlf jia
D
jaB *la?
I
I
1M dzjiik hk *m-Iak
57 zjiik ziak *s-jak
3/3 gr I '* kjBI) kial) *kral) kjBk kiak *krak
, 5G hyan *hwral) pjuk piak *prak
l
II
I
I 71< JWBI)B wal)B *wral)?
BA mjBI) mial) *mral) I
I 'E kef] kaf] *kral) . '$ khBk khak
! fip\; kWBI) kual) *kwral) ' Ef;
I '!l phBI) p"al) *phdl) I B pBk pak
I I ywek yuak
I
I
*khrak !
*drak
*prak
*wrak !
M dzja
C
h
C
*m-Iakh
I
!
i * ka ka *kra
, kwa
B
kua
B
*kwra?
i ES pa pa *pd
Notes on the Table: In the boxes are provided: * / QYS / LHan / *OCM. Abbreviations: gr = grave
initials, ac = acute initials, lab = labial(ized) initials. R. in the top row refers to the Rime and section in
GSU. Occasionally heavier framed boxes include MC homophonous finals.
I The only syllable of this type, MC bjwak and pjBk (or pjiik 3) are unique.
45
oeM *-a (GSR 32-106)
I-I = K. 49, 1258a Mand. MC LHan OCM
a il gil kuOB b
B
< ko
B
kil?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ku Ct.); MGZY gu Ct) [ku] ; ONW ko <> [E] WT rga-ba ' old'; JP I;)ga
m 15 gil kuOB ko
B
kil? OCB *ka?
q!t gil kuOB ko
B
kil? PTai *kliu
AI
'salt'
r @: gu kuOB ko
B
kil?
t!i male gil kuOB ka
B
[f] ONW ko <> [D] PMin
go M!15 gii kuo ka kil M [D] PMin *ko
k it a river, buy gii kuo ka kil
careless gil kUOB ko
B
kil?
P $ gii kuo ko kil
g ' gii , kii k(h)UO k(h)O kil, khil
t& gu kuo
c
koc kilh OCB *ka?(s)
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ku (*); MGZY gu (*) [ku]
u E bitter kil khuO
B
kho
B
khil? TB *kha ' bitter'
[f] Sin Sukchu SR k'u (.1.) ; MGZY khu (.1. ) [k' u]; ONW kho <> [D] PMin *khol3
E bad gil kuOB ka
B
kil?
h ' t! a tree hu yuo
B
goB gil?
bad gil kUOB ko
B
kil?
t5 kii khuo kho khil Khmer / khah/ 'dry up, wither '
vxy JlIif! '/'iSti!i hu yuo
B
goB gil?
b' @i!i hu yuo
B
goB gil?
gii kuo(C) ko(C) kil, kilh
f IlID gu kuo
C
ko
C
kil(k)h
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ku (*); MGZY gu (*) [kul; ONW ko
e' fi gu kuo
c
ko
C
kil(k)h
1258a he yak gok gak
f' '001rn! ge kit
c
ko
c
< koi
c
kaih
[f] Sin Sukchu SR b (*), LR b ; MGZY go (*) [k::>]; ONW ka
[D] Y -Tai shan ku::>i
c1
, Kaiping kuai
c1
; K-Meix 55ke
c
; PMin *kai
c
' bamboo stalk' > ' piece,
item' <> [E] PTai *kai BI, Saek k
h
al
4
galA) > k
h
an
4
cl assifier
a' - WJ > hu yuo g::> < go gil ' dewlap' > 'beard '
M what hu yuo go ga TB *ga 'what'
butterfly hu yuo go ga
i ' k' f"litiij hu yuo go ga fAjJ see 24-44A; AA see 19-19
j' hu yuo go gil [D] PMin *fio
I'm' hu yuo go gil
c' 5 dwell jii kjwo ki::><kio ka?, kah JtJ-18/85achu M!f{, 'dweU'
[f] Sin S. SR ky (SjL ); MGZY gyu (:lJI) [ky]; MTang ky < k\'l , ONW k\'l < kio (?)
[D] Y-Guangzh 55kccyAI, Taishan kui
33
, M-Amoy 44ku
AI
@ final parti cle jii kjwo, kji kio ka
o'p'q' jii kjwo kio ka t Jt J-9/803f
n'r' s ' ju kjwo
C
kio
c
kah OCB *k(r)jas <> [D] PMin *kyC
t' 11* jii kjwo(C), kio(C), ka, kah,
khjwo khio kha
u' ff,@ jii, qu kjwo, gjwo kia, gio ka, ga
46
oeM *-a (GSR 32-106)
1-2 = K. 50 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ag n if gu kuoB ka
B
kil.?
[E] PWa *klo? ' bronze-drum', PTai *kbl)AI 'drum', Saek tb::lI)AI <> [D] PMin *ko
B
1-3 = K. 51 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a gu kuoB ka
B
kil.?
[E] KS *kwa I. S. khaa
A
1 < *kh_ 'leg, thigh '
b

gu kuoB ka
B
kil.? Kan. khas ' sheep'
1-4 = K. 52 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
11 9
U kuoB ka
B
kil.?
= K. 56 Mand. Me LHan oeM

hu vuo go gil.
1-6 = K. 53,91 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a P hu vuo
B
gaB gil.?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR yu (J: ); MGZY Xu (J: ) [yu]; ONW yo
[E] TB *(C-)ga 'door ' ; LB *?ga
l
'door' ga
3
'open', NNaga *ga
A
' door ', WT sgo 'door'
c hu yuo
B
gaB gil.? WB ka
B
' stretched, widen'
hu vuo
B
gaB gil.? TB-Lu. khaar
R
< khaar? ' a weir '
de hu vuo
B
gaB gil.? WB 'wages'
g,IDi gu kuo
C
ka
C
kil.h
[T) Sin Sukchu SR ku C-*); MGZY gu (* ) [ku]
91a pfT 'whack!' hu xuo
B
hOB hil.? = 1-30/60i; see also 1-63/9Ia.
1-7
abc
Mand. Me
hu vuo
c
LHan
ga
C
oeM
gil.h
1-8 = K. 642a-g For ilii. and the graphs GSR 642g-x, see 35-1 . The phonetic '* (GSR
642a) resulted from a merger of two different OB graphs that look superficially similar: one of
the phonological type KAP showing 'a lid', one of the phonological type KA? showing a
standing person with an opening indicated between the spread legs (note WT 'excrement').
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a put away qu khjwo
B
khia
B
khat ' get rid of'
go away khjwo
C
khia
c
khah OCB *kh(r)jas
[f] Sin Sukchu SR k' y <-*); MGZY khyu (*) [k' y]; ONW khjj < khio (?)
[E) WT skyag-pa, bskyags 'to spend, layout, expend' skyag rkyag ' dirt, excrement'; WB
kya
C
'fall, become low, expand' khya
C
'throw down, put down'
c at qil khjwO(C) khia(C) kha, khah
de ft:ft qil khjwo khia kha
g ijt enclose qil khjwo khia kha
f qu khjwO
B
/
C
khia
B
/
C
khat , khah
1-9
a
c
= K. 803

3i
Mand.
qu
ju
Me LHan oeM
gjwo(C) gia(C) ga,gah
gjwo
C
gia
C
gah
47
oeM *-a (GSR 32-106)
fiI mat gu gjwo gia ga
basket ju kjwo
B
kia
B
ka7 3i = "@; 1-54176j
k gu gjwo gia ga
fg ju kjwo
C
kia
c
kah 3t ju :j:@ 1-1/490'
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ky (*); MGZY gyu (* ) [ky] ; MTang ky < k, ONW k < kio (?)
e M ju gjwo(C), gia(C), ga, gah
gjak giak gak
h jue gjak giak gak
JjU ju gjuk giak grak
1-10 = K. 74 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a]\[ chi!, thja, tha, k-lha ,
jii kjwo kia ka
[E] Cf. Toch. B kokale
OCB *k(r)ja
[f) Sin Sukchu SR tt>'je ClfL) ; MGZY chya (1fZ) [tt>'je]; ONW tsha
e J$ ku khuo
C
kha
C
khfth
fJ!l! pants ku = 1-23/43h
1-11 = K. 32 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a * Jla ka ka kra OCB *kra
[f] Sin Sukchu SR kja (1fZ);MGZY gya (1fZ) [kja]; ONW kii <> [E] WT mkhar 'house'
e fjJ. jEl ka
c
ka
C
krah [0] PMin *ka
c
'marry'
f 1* jia ka
c
ka
c
krah
[f] ONW kii <> [E] KT: PTai *kla
C1
, Saek tlaa
3
> traa
3
'rice seedlings ' , KS *kla
3
id.
1-12 = K. 33 Mand. MC LHan OCM
acd Jla ka
B
ka
B
kra7
[T) & Sin Sukchu SR kja ct); MGZY gya (..t) [kja); ONW kii <> [E) WT kar-skyin 'a loan'
ef jiii ka ka kra
!I!f!1 xiii ya ga gra rOl PMin *fia ' shrimp'
hjk1- xi:i ya ga gra
9 xia ya
C
ga
C
grah
1-13 = K. 34
a
1-14 = K. 35
Mand. MC
jia ka
B
Mand. MC
LHan
ka
B
LHan
OCM
kra7
OCM
a r down xia yaB gaB gra7 [0] PMin *a
B
descend xia ya
C
ga
C
grah
[f] Sin Sukchu SR yja (..t * ); MGZY (Hya Hya LUi;') [yja] ; ONW yii
B
[0] PMin *fia
C
d T rush xia ya
C
ga
C
grah
Rehmannia hU yuo
B
gaB ga7
1-15 =K.36 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a Jl great xia
yaB gaB
gra7 (or fia7 ?)
summer xia ya
C
ga
C
grah [0] PMin *fia
c
cd
II
xia, sha yaB gaB
gra7
1236c

sha 7ai
c
7as ? srah, ?as ? ' breaking voice'
48
oeM *-a m (GSR 32-106)
1-16 = K. 38 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a fffi xift xa
B
ha
B
b merchant gu kuo
B
ka
B
kat
[f] JIM Sin Sukchu SR kja (*); MGZY gya (*) [kja]. <> [E] WB d-kya
C
'price'. <>Tai:
Saek khaa
5
< gaa
B
'value, price' khaa
6
< khaa
B
'engage in trade' -> P-Miao *Nqa
C
If price jia ka
c
ka
c
krah [D] PMin *ka
c
c 11 price jia ka
c
ka
c
krah [E] WB d-kya
C
' price'
d 11 jift ka
B
ka
B
kra?
1-17 = K. 55 Mand. Me LHan OCM
ae f)'$ hii yuo fio fiii
[f] Sin Sukchu SR yu (lj!.); MGZY Xu (3fT.) [yu]; ONW yo
h OS! hii xuo(C) ha(C) ha,hah
hii xuo ha ha
1-18 = K. 57,78,85 Mand. MC LHan OCM
57bf rJfJJJt hu xuo
B
haB hla? OCB (post 1992) *hl1l?
[f] MHan IlEAAt (harpax) <> [D] PMin *khoB <> [E] AA *kala? 't iger ' > MK *kla? >
OKhm *klaa
85a dwell chu tshjwo
B
tsha
B
k-hla? l-1I49c'
place chu tshjwo
C
tsha
C
k-hlah
[f] chil Sin Sukchu SR (*); MGZY chyu (*) ONW < tsho
[E] WT gda'-ba 'to be there', Mikir kedo 'to dwell'; TGTM *gla:
A
/
B
'place'
78a mound qii khjwo khio kha
empty xii xjwo hia ha
J!!1[ [f] Sin Sukchu SR xy MGZY hyu (lj!.) [xyJ; MTang hy, ONW < hio ?
78b ruins qii khjwo khia kha
market xii xjwo hia
[D] Y -Guangzh 55hceyAl, Taish 21hui 'seasonal market'
78c xii xjwo hio ha
78d xii xjwo(C) hia(C) ha, hah
78eg ju gjwo
B
giaB gat
1-19 = K. 95 Mand. MC LHan OCM
ace E 1 ju kju
B
kya
B
kwa? 'carpenter's square'
9;E ju [fl Sin Sukchu SR ky Lt.); MGZY gyu <-1::.) [ky]; MTang ky < kuo, ONW kuo
f ju kju
B
kya
B
kwa?
1E oppose ju gjwo
B
gioB gat
1E troops in sq. ju kju
B
kyoB kwa?
a IF great jil gjwo
B
gio
B
gat
[E] ST *wa 'large, wide, distant'; TB-Lushai vak
H
'with force, very hard / much, (open
mouth) wide'
jkno ffi k ;fEfE ju gjwo
B
giaB gat
pqr ju gjwo
B
gioB gat p also tone C
gh- 1.2 qu gjwo gia ga
1-20 = K. 96 Mand. MC
qu gju
LHan
gya
49
OCM
gwa See 2-7.
oeM *-a mtm (GSR 32-106)
1-21 = K. 41 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a JJ1 gua kwa kua kwra OCB *kWra
[f] Sin Sukchu SR kwa (-'f); MGZY gwa (f) [kwa]; ONW kua <> [D] PMin *kua
bcd DJ.llJm.m. gu kuo kua kwa
m [E] WB khwa
c
'kind of net' TB *kwan - *gwan 'casting net', WT rkon 'net'
::tm [E] Tai: Wuming kla
c2
< *gl- 'orphan'
efg gu kuo kua kwa
hi 5JJl1'1Q hu yuo yua gwa OCB *gWa
1J.ll hu [E] OTib flo, Tib. dial. *gwa, WT wa, Bunan goa-nu - gwa-nu
1-22 =K. 42 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
JJ
gua kwa
B
kua
B
kwrii?
1-23 = K. 97, 43 Mand. Me LHan oeM
97a
T
yu ju wa wa
[f] Sin Sukchu SR y (f); MTang y < uo; ONW uo; Han BTD SkI. va. MHan :rliJ wo-den
Hvatana (Khotan) <> [E] TB *wa, *s-wa: Newari wa 'to come', JP wa
31
'to go back' ;
Chepang wah-7u 'muving', wah-sa 'walk'; WB swa 'to go'; Magari, Chepang hwa 'to walk'
qijkn

yu ju wa wa
h
*
yu
juB waB
wa?
-++-
yu ju
C
wac
wah 0
T
[D] PMin *uo
c
<> [E] Area word: MY *v:m
B2
<> WB wac 'kind of potato'
p
if
yu, ju, wa, wa,
yu ?ju ?ya ?wa
y- HHI yu ?ju ?ya ?wa
za' fiJ;f5 wu ?uo ?ua ?wa
tuv- xu xju hya hwa
d'
rs
Or xu xju
B
hya
B
hwa?
97b'c'
Hf'J 143k
wu ?uo ?ua ?wa 'impure'
[1'] Sin Sukchu SR 7u (f); MGZY 'u (:5f) [?u]; ONW 70
impure, dig wa ?wa ?ua ?wra
43abc kua khwa khua khwra WB krwa
B
'be vain, boastful'
d step over kua khwa
C
khua
C
khwrah
squat over kua! khuo
C
khuo
C
khwah
e

kua, khwa, khua, khwra,
xu xjwo hia ha
fg

ku khuO
A
! khua khwii
hi

ku khuo
C
khua
C
khwiih = 1-10174

hu yuo(C) yua(C) gwa, gwah
1m
mm
hua ywa
C
yua
C
gwrah or wah
1-24 = K. 98 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

yu
juB waB
wa?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR y <-1::); MGZY xyu (.1::) [fly]
cd

xu xju
B
hya
B
hwa?
50
1-25
ad
efg
1-26
oeM *-a (GSR 32-106)
= K. 99 Mand. Me LHan oeM
yu
juB waB
wa?
[T] MTang y < UO, ONW uo
;fWqm;*
ju kju
B
kya
B
kwa?
= K. 100 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a ffi rain n. yu juB waB wa? OCB *w(r)ja? [D] PMin *fiuo
B
[T] Sin Sukchu SR y Ct.); MGZY xyu (.1.) [fiy] ; MTang y < uo, ONW uo <> [E] TB *r-wa?
ffi to rain yu ju
C
waC wah
1-27 = K. 44 Mand. Me LHan oeM
There are no OC syllables with initial w- in Div. I in this rime, only in Div. II; I suspect that they
represent OC simple *wa rather than the more complex *wra. This shift into Div. II after OC initial *w-
seems to have occurred in other rimes as well. 1-23/97 yU is perhaps phonetic.
a .1 flower hua ywa yua wra or wa
[T] ONW yua <> [D] PMin *hua
Al
hua ywa yua wra or wa
a- .2 a mt., hua ywa
C
yua
C
wrah or wah a mountain
hua ywa
C
yua
C
wrah or wah
:It [E] WT gro-ga 'bark of birch'
d hua! xwa hua hwra or hwa
1-28 = K. 61 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ad wii ?uo ?a ?1i
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ?u ( :>jZ) ; MGZY 'i (3]L) [?u] ; ONW ?o; BTD Skt. 0; MHan ,%\; wllllE ?a-
Alexandria; ,%:f ?a-yuan *Awar
e jj$;- oh wii ?uo ?a ?1i
jj$;- be in; honor. yu ?jwo ?io ?a [E] TB *?a- honorific prefix
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ?y (-'jI);MGZY 'yu (!jl) [?y]; MTang?y < ?\1, ONW ?io (?) >?\1
jj$;- satiate yu ?jwo
C
?ia
C
?ah =
9 yu ?jwo
C
?ia
C
?ah
h yii ! ?jwo
C
?ia
C
?ah
m:: yii ?jwo ?ia ?a
270a IUJ e ?at lot ?at
1-29 = K. 58 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ae E. {li WU l)UOB l)aB l)a? OCB *I)a?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR I)u (.1. ); MGZY u (.1.) [uJ; ONW 1)0 <> [D] PMin *l)hO
B2
[E] TB *I-I)a, *b-I)a > WT h)3, WB l)aB, PL *l)a
2
, Lushai paL_l)a
H
< I)aa
f .g I, my wu l)uo l)o l)a
[T] Sin Sukchu SR I)u (:>jZ); MGZY u (1f) [u]; ONW 1)0
[E] TB *I)a > WT I)a; WB I)a 'I' * I)a
e
, PL *C-I)a
H reserved yu t]wo l)ia l)a
m ffl wu l)uo l)a l)a
jklno wu l)uo
c
l)Oc l)ah IIEHtlm = 1-30/60gh 'I'ttl:
s to go yu t]wo l)ia l)a
a place ya l)a l)a l)ra
pq 1E-IDz yu t]wo
B
l)io
B
l)a?
51
oeM *-a (GSR 32-106)
to speak yu IJjwo
B
l)io
B
I)a?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR I)y (1:); MGZY xyu ct) [fiy]; MTang I)Y < 1)0 < ONW I)io (?)
[E] WT I)ag, dl)ags 'speech, talk, word' 3l'sl)a
to tell yu IJjwo
C
l)io
C
I)ah
v- mtm yu IJjwo(B) l)io(B) I)a, I)a?
1-30 =K. 60 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
q:
wu l)uOB l)oB I)ii?
f
it
wu
l)uoB/C l)oB/C
I)ii?, I)iih
gh
'Iq:tt
wu! I)UO
C
I)OC
I)iih = 1-29/50kl mag
approve xu xjwo
B
hio
B
hl)a?
"'Cf whack hu xuo
B
hoB
hii? = 1-6/91 a pJT
k
m
hu xuo
B
hoB
hl)ii?
[E] WT dl)o 'shore, bank'
ffE!J drive yu
IJj
wo
C
l)io
C
I)ah
ffE!J meet ya l)a
C
I)a
c
I)riih 2-11766u' 1-34/37fe
[E] WB I)ra
B
'meet'
p
mIl
yu IJjwo
B
l)io
B
I)a? [E] WT ml)a' ' might'
?J'
1-31 = K. 79, 67 Mand. MC LHan OCM
79agdm yu IJjwo l)iG I)a
[T] Sin Sukchu SR I)Y (3:fL); MGZY xyu (3:fL) [fly]; ONW I)io (?) > 1)0 <> [DJ PMin *I)Y
[E] TB *I)ya: WT fia; Lushai I)ha
F
, Tiddim l)aa
R
< *I)aa?, Chepang I)a? 'fish'
67a fi su suo so sl)ii
67c lif su suo so OCB *sl)a
[T] MHan iiif'ffi sa-ge:h soyd or soyoak
1-32 =K. 81 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a

yu IJjwo
B
l)io
B
I)a? = 1-29/58p
1-33 = K. 80 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a yu
IJj
wo
C
I)io
c
I)ah
1-34 =K.37 Mand. MC LHan OCM
ad
?f3f
ya I)a I)a I)ra
[T] Sin Sukchu SR lJ.ia (3:fL), PR, LR ja; ONW I)u <> [D) M-Xiam b. gc
A2
, gioA2, w. ga
A2
[EJ MK: Viet nga, Bahnar 1):)la 'tusk, ivory'. PTai *l)a
A2
; PWMiao *l)ha
A
<> TB: Lushai
I)ho
L
'tusk'
gc
!fiilf
ya l)aB l)aB
I)rii?
fe

ya l)a
C
l)a
C
I)rah
3l' 1-30/60 I <> [E] WB lJra
B
'meet'
h

ya ?a ?a ?fii or?a
1-35 =K.59 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
*
wu I)uo I)uo I)wii
de

wu I)UO
c
I)uo
c
I)wiih
fjk

yu IJju
B
l)yoB I)wa?
gh

yu IJju I) yo I)wa
52
1-36 =K.62 Mand.
a earth tu
roots du
d O tu
g- ;fig du
e
ft
tu
U
she
OCM *-a (GSR 32-106)
Me
thuo
B
duoB
thuoBjC
duoB
duo
zja
B
LHan
thoB
daB
thoBjC
daB
do
dza
B
oeM
thii?
dii?
thii?, thiih [EJ TB *(m-/s-)twa 'spit '
dii?
dii [EJ Tai: S. taa
4
'only, sole'
da?
1-37 = K. 64 Mand. Me LHan
do
OeM
dii a III tu duo 3f 2-16/80Ia
1-38
ad
p
I'
klmnq
o
r
m'
h
k'
9
n'
0'
p'
e'
h'
yb'
ffJ MHan PY!i'0l bu-da Buddha
=K.45
:ffMi
Mand.
zhe
Me
tsja
B
zhu tsjwo
chu !
LHan
tsaB
tso

oeM
ta?
ta
dra
'W
fa I IJ-fI zhu tsjwo
B
tsoB ta?
[EJ TB *t(y)a: WB tya 'very red'
ffJ MTang ty, ONW < tso
ffJ Sin Sukchu SR <-.1::.) ; MGZY jyu (1:.) <> [DJ PMin *tsyB
zhu tsjwo
C
tso
C
tah
shu! zjwo
C
dzo
C
da(k)h
Bi:f shu, shu zjwo
C
dzo
c
dah or djah ?
[EJ WT 3f ya ' above, up' 3f yar 'up, upward' > 'char-ba, sar < *s-yar 'ro rise' (of sun, moon)
zhu tjwo tra
ffJ Sin Sukchu SR MGZY jyu <> [DJ W -Kaihua to
Al
(Chen Zh6ng-
mIn ms.I); W-Wenzhou tsei
Al
tsi), G-Linchuan teAl, M-Xiamen tiAl.
mi zhu tjwo tra
chu thra? ,
tuo
B
taB tii?
W zhu tra? = 1-39/84g l!T

B zhu drah [DJ PMin *dyC
place n. zhu tjwo
C
trakh
[EJ WT sta-gon 'preparation' 3f stad-pa 'to put on, lay on' , Tsangla tha 'to put, place' ,
Kanauri ta 'place, set, appoint', Kachin da 'put, place' , LB *ta
2
, WB tha
B
< ?ta
2
'put, place',
Lushai da?L 'to put , place, set, put aside'
to place zhuo tjak
attach zhuo
particle zhe tjak, -
trak
drak
ffJ ONW tak
ffJ MTang ONW dak
ffJ Sin Sukchu SR (}\.), LR MGZY jew, cew CA) - A
Mand. progressive suffix
m advance... chu dra
jump over chuo thiok thrak = 2-21/1 258b
zhuo tjak trak
du tuo to tii
ffJ MHan ta-Ias Talas; ta-mit (*ta-mrit) Tarmita, Termes
do tuo, to, tii,
dzja za
ffJ BTD zuit-za Skt. vidhya, Pali vijja
:f:iiljJ:g du tuo
B
taB tii?
53
c'd'
i 'j'
s
oeM *-a (GSR32-106)

du tuoB

du tuoB

tu duo
[T] MHan F-m bu-da Buddha
#fa
xu zjwo
B
taB
taB
da
zia
B
til? [T] ONW to [E] TB *ta 'to see'
[E] S. t
h
aa
C2
< *d- 'challenge'
dil
s-Ia? = 1-43/83h ff;; 1-42/820
shu sjwo sa Iha
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ?y ('); MGZY shyu (') [?y] <> [D] PMin *tsy - sy
X shu sjwo
B
sa
B
Iha?
e she sja sa Iha
1-39 = K. 84 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a T zhu, chu <;ljwO(B) <;lia(B) dra, drat
cdf zhu <;ljwoB diaB drat
-e zhu <;ljwoB <;liaB drat
*7 [D] PMin *ds?lB 'flax' <> [E] WT ras 'cotton'
9 zhU ! tjwo
B
tra? = 1-38/45g fg
1-40
b
1-41
a
1-42
a
Ii
f
9
m
c'
x
uvd'y-
st
pq
o
= K. 1242b

= K. 86
;j:f
=K. 82
*
Mand.
chu
Mand.
chu
Mand.
yu
MC

MC
tshjwo
B
MC
jiwo
LHan OCM
thia thra or rha ?
LHan OCM
tsha
B
that q: 1-30/60a is not phonetic
LHan OCM
ja la
yu jiwo ja la
[T] MTang iy < is?l < ONW io. <> [E] Tai: S. lia
A1
< *hl- 'left over'
field yu jiwo ja la PEMiao *la
6
'field'
she sja sa hja? LB *hja
1
'swidden', WB ya
yu jiwo
C
ja
C
lah = 1-45/89i, ffl< 1-43/83e
eliminate chu <;ljwo <;lia dra < r-Ia
[T] Sin S. SR ('); MGZY cyu (') MTang <;ly; ONW ds?l < dio (7)
[D] M-Xiam lit. dU
A2
pass away zhu <;ljwo
C
<;lia
c
drah < r-Iah
chu <;ljwo <;lia dra < r-Ia
* tea cha <;la <;la dra < r-liI
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ('); ONW dii. BTD Skt. <;la, jha <> [D] PMin *da
A
[E] Loloish (TB) *Ia 'leaf, tea'
]t a bitter plant tu duo da Iii
]t slowly shu sjwo sa Iha
]t a plant EY she dzja za m-Ia also 'to scoop, ladle'
[T] Han BTD Pkt. jha (Coblin 1993: 882)
tu duo da Iii
[T] ONW do <> [D] PMin *dho 'soil, earth'. <> [E] S. t
h
aa
A2
< *d- 'smear, paint'
s she sja sa Iha ONW sa
*,4 xie ja Ja


xu
xu
zjwo
zjwoB
zia
zia
B
54
s-Ia
s-Ia? = ff: 1-43/83h, f:itf 1-38/45s
oeM *-a (GSR 32-106)
a'
to ! thuo tho
Ihii
b'

to !, thuO(B), thO(B),
Ihii, Iha?,
du
duOB daB Iii?
1-43 = K. 83 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
T'I'
yu jiwo joB la? !
T give yu jiwo
B
joB la?
[T] MTang iy < ONW io
c
if
?
e slow, joy yu jiwo
C
joC lah = 1-42/82g, :if 1-45/89i
[N] Does not mean 'elephant' , the right element has a different graphic origin
f ;ff shuttle zhu \IjwoB dio
B
dra? < r-Ia?
oak shu dijwo
B
ioB
m-Ia?
trough shu dijwo
C
ioc
m-Iah
9 tT
shu! dijwo
B
ioB
m-Ia? WT ' dag-pa 'remove'
k
%Y
shu sj wo so Iha WT sla-ba 'easy'
f-y
'"
shu, sj wo, so, Iha,
shu dijwo io mla
h
i
xu zjwoB zio
B
s-Ia? = 1-42/820, M!lI-38/45s

xu zjwoB zio
B
s-Ia?
1m country ye jia
B
jaB
la? ONW ia = l-44/83n
field hut, villa shu ijwo
B
dia
B
da?
1-44 = K. 83n Mand. Me LHan oeM
n
ye jia
B
jaB
la? = 1-43/83 I
1-45 = K. 89, 75 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
n
yu jiwo
A
! jo la tone A acc. to GY
b
.ill.
-', give yu jiwo
B
joB
la? = f- 1-43/83a
[T] Sin Sukchu SR y (J: ); MGZY yyu (..t) [jy]; MTang iy < ONW io
W participate yu jiwo
C
joC
lah (or *jah ?)
W a particle yu jiwo jo la

e a particle yu jiwo jo la OCB (post-I 992) *Ui
fl

yu jiwo ja la
praise yu jiwo ja la WT bla - ria 'above, upper'
W joy yu jiwo
C
jaC
lah = 1-42/82g, ffli l-43/83e

yu jiwo jo la Tai: S. \:);)B 'car, carriage'
9
yu jiwo
B
joB
la?
k

yu jiwo
C
jaC
lah
n
W
xu zjwoB, zia
B
, s-Ia? ,
yu jiwo
B
joB
la?
0 jfJiJ xu zjwo
B
zia
B
s-Ia?
75a

ju kjwo
B
kio
B
kla? [T] MTang ky < ONW < kio (7)
1-45A Mand. Me LHan oeM
!=J
yu jiwo
B
joB
la?
55
1-46
a
e
1-47
ab
abc
1-48
oeM *-a
=K.63 Mand. Me LHan

tu
thuo
C
thoC
tiger tu
thuo
C
thoC

tu duo do
=K.47 Mand. Me LHan
!fB Jm a place ye jia ja
[f] ONW ia. MHan moh-ja Skt maya
slow xu zjwo zio
obliq. xie zja zia
= K. 48 Mand. Me LHan
(GSR 32-106)
oeM
Ihah Jiarong ko-lo ' rabbit '
Ihah MK *kla? 'tiger '
la
oeM
la or ja ?
s-Ia
s-Ia or s-ja ? 'oblique'
oeM
a 1' give she sja
B
sa
8
Iha?
[f] Sin S. SR * (J:); MGZY shya (J:) ONW sa <> [E] MMon salah 'to give away,
disburse'
1' stop she sja
C
sac Ihah
[fJ BTD hyoi-sah-Iih Skt . Vaisalf <> [E] KN-Lushai thla?L *slas) 'to let go'
e t! she sja
B
sa
B
Iha?
1-49 = K. 92 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a shu sjwo
8
s08- tsho
B
nha? ? OCB *hja? ( 7)
[f] Sin Sukchu SR (J:); MGZY shyu U:.) ONW so > sill
[D] Southern and NW dialects: PMin *tshyB: Xiam tshu
B
, Fuzh tshyB; Ke *tshU
B1
: Meix tshu
B
;
Wu Wenzh tc
h
i
45
(Beida tshei
B
) . NW-Xininy Dunhuang Lanzh ptt'U
33
b 1.1 shu sjwoB SOB nha? ? [E] TB *na > WT na-ba 'ill, ache'
1-50 = K. 93 Mand. Me LHan
SOB
oeM
nha? ?
a
shu sjwo
B
OCB *hja? [f] ONW so > sill
1-51
ad
jkl
mno
p
e
qr
u
f
vy
x
= K. 69 Mand. Me LHan
lEi 1!: III Iuo 10
[f] BTD l:tllil9' pi c-lo-<;Iig Skt.
JtJ:fjni III luo 10
iiliitii
!Ii
'boat '
III
lli
luo
luo
Iuo lli
Iu luo
B
10
10
10
oeM
ra
ra
fa
Ta S. phaak < *phr/ l- 'forehead'
TB-WB hlo- 'boat'; KS *lwa
A
JiiIll1 lu ! Ijwo lio ra WT gra-ma ' the awn, bristles'
IU Ijwo lio ra WB laB 'mule'
I!i [f] Sin Sukchu SR ly ( ); MGZY lyu en [ly]' ONW lio
LI IU Ijwo lio ra [D] PMin *Ihoc
JJl lu Ijwo
C
lio
c
rah
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ly (*); MGZY lyu ($:) [lyJ; ONW lio; BTD Skt. 10
[E] ST *rwa- ?: WT bgro-, bgros 'to consider ', Lushai ruat
F
' to think, believe, consider'
jillf IU Ijwo
C
lio
c
rah
liMit IU IjwoC lio
C
rah
fit Iu Ijwo
B
lio
B
ra?
tl. ehu rha
56
oeM *-a m -gG (GSR 32-106)
9 JI
fU pju pua pra OCB *prja
[E] Cf. TB *s-pak > WT -lpags 'skin' .<> Tai-S. pliakD!L < *pl- 'husk, bark'
1-52 = K. 70 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ae
1i,;fi
lu luo
B
laB
rat oeB *C-rja?
1-53 = K. 71 Mand. Me LHan OCM
a

lu luo
B
laB
rat TB *s-la 'salt'
1-54 = K. 76 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ade 1;f III Ijwo
B
liaB rat =1ffi. l-55177a
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ly (1.); MGZY lyu C.l::.) [lyJ; ONW lio
III Ijwo
B
lia
B
? rat (?) WT ra-gan 'brass' < rag
9 00 III Ijwo lia ra
h G III Ijwo
B
lia
B
? rat
j I 13"8 ju kjwo
B
kiaB kat = l-9/S03j [E] LB *kak 'large basket'
1-55
ae
f
1-56
a
f
9
r
q
s
o
p
u
vy
= K. 77 Mand. Me LHan oeM

III Ijwo
B
liaB
rat = IS l-54176a

hi luo la ra = 1li:ftAi l-51/69dj oeB *g-rja?
=K. 94 Mand. Me LHan oeM
!J:. woman nll I)jwo
B
l)ia
B
nra? OCB *nrja?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ny (1:.); MGZY nyu (1:.) [I).Y]; ONW < nio <> [D] PMin *nyB
[E] WT mna'(-ma) 'd.-in-law'; West Tib. nag(-mo) 'woman'; JPn!!33 'older sister, sister-i.\.'
!J:. give a worn. nti I)jwoC I)ia
c
nrah
*!2: nti I)jwo
B
l)ia
B
nra? WT mna' 'cake'
#J. ru nzjwoB naB nat
[D] PMin *nyB, Amoy liB! <> [E] TB: *na *nal) 'you'
Po
ni nzjwo, na, na, Mru na 'be so'
nzjwoC na
c
nah see 21-27/3IS
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ry (-'); MGZY Zhyu (-') [ry]; ONW rIO >
%i madder ni nzjwo na na
%i interlaced ni nzjwo(C) na(C) na, nah
rotten ru nzjwoB naB nat
%i to swallow ni! nzjwoB/C naB/c nat, nah MY: *na?7 'to swallow'
Also: PVM *s-J1a:? 'to chew, masticate'; KhariaJ1o? 'to eat'
%i deliberate ru nzjwoC na
c
nah WT mno-ba 'to think'
190 ru nzjwo(C) na(C) na, nah WT na 'meadow'
:i:
"M
ftl[]
t;1Q
JL!J'
silk
to season
ni
nu, ru
ru !
shu
xu
chu
nzjwo
I)jwo
na
1)10
na
nra
nra
nhah
snah
nhrah?
nu nuo na na
[f] Sin S. SR nu (:5fL); MGZY nu (-') [nu]; ONW no. LH huol)-na Xiong-nu, Huns
"*m nu nuo na na
57
oeM *-a

(GSR 32-106)
b'c' na I)a I)a nra [T] BTD Skt. I)li
d'

nu, nu nuo(B) no(B) na, na?
e'

nu, nuo(C), no(C), na, nah
na I)a I)a nra
f'
Yi
nu nuo no na

nu nuo
B
naB na?
a'

nu nuoB/C noB/C
na?, nah
[E) ST *nwar: Lushai nJr
F
< nJJr? 'press, push' * Lushai nuar
H
I nJr?L < nuar < nJr?/h ' be
displeased, disgruntled', Khami *nuar ' get angry'
Z
%
nu nuo
B
naB
na?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR nu (J:.); MGZY nu (J:.) [nul; ONW no
[E) PTai *hnaa
c
, PYM *s-na:?; Khmer snaa, PSBahn. 'crossbow'

na I)a
c
t, i.e., prob. na
c
[JY] TB *na 'ill'
1-57 = K. 46 Mand. MC LHan OCM
ab' i 1 > t13. ancest zu tsuo
B
tsoB tsa? ONW tso 'ancestor'
h'
*13.
cu, tshuo, tsho, tsha, [0] PMin *tsho
zu dzuo
B
dzo
B
dza?
i 'j'
m.m
ell dzuo dza dza
m' ,m zu, dzuo
B
, dzo
B
, dza? ,
zang tsal)B tSOI)B tsal)?
d'
f13.
zu tsuo tso tsa
q'
11
zu, tsuo, tso, tsa,
qu, ju tS(h)jwo ts(h)io tsa, tsha
e'
*,fi
zu tsuo
B
tsoB tsa?
k'
m
CUO dzuo dzo dza
v's'u'

zha tsa tsa tsra
r'
M
chu tshra?
113.
zha tsra
tl3.
zha, jie, tsja B tsia
B
, tsra, tsa?,
jie dzja
B
dzia
B
dza?
46a i
2
moreover qie tshja
B
tshia
B
tsha?
[T] Sin S. SR ts'je (J:.); MGZY tshya (J:.) [ts'je]; ONW tshia. MHan B*-mat = Calmadana
B obstruct qu tshjwo tshio tsha
i many ji1 tsjwo tsio tsa
h
=
jie tsja tsia
.El
tsa
k 11. leak ju dzjwoB dzio
B
dza? WT 'dzag-pa 'to drop, drip'
11.
marshy ju tsjwo
C
tsia
c
tsah
n'
m
' - 1
JU . tso tsra
U Ol.
V 1
JU .
dzjwoB dzio
B
dza? TB *dza? 'eat '
m
ju tsjwo tsio tsa
opqrs
' - 1
JU .
tshjwo tshio tsha
t
-++-
i hemp, straw
'- 1
JU .
tshjwo tshio
tsha
straw shoe qu, ju tS(h)jwo ts(h)ia tsa,tsha
dung straw zha
n ilJEi ju ! tshjwo tshio tsha
58
oeM *-a m {fG (GSR 32-106)
vy zu tsoB tsra?
x m zu ! tsrah
ju ! d?jwo
B
d?OB dzra?
z M zhu d?jwo
C
d?oC dzrah
CTJ Sin Sukchu SR (1:); MGZY cu (1::)
0' ib zhu, ehu d?jwo(C) d?o(C) dzra, dzrah
p' i!J eM d?jwo d?o dzra
1-58
a
1-59
a
1-60
a
1-61
a
1-62
90a
[D) W-Kaihua zaA2; PMin *dhy, dy, QY <> [E) OKhmer /cras/ 'to scrape', OKhmer *
OKhmer cal)1ras 'to rake, hoe' * Khmer ra'sa /rogh/ 'to scrape, rake, hoe, harrow'
=K. 65 Maud. Me LHau oeM
*fIj
cli tshuo tsho tshii
= K. 66 Maud. Me LHau oeM
II
eli tshuo tsho tshii
= K. 87 Maud. Me LHau oeM
:,JJ ehli tsho tshra
[f] Sin Sukchu SR (Sf); MGZY chu (Sf) MTaug ONW <
[D] PMin *tsh\!l, Xiamen lit. tsh:)AI, col. tshue
A1
= K. 68 Mand. Me LHau oeM
*
su suo
c
sac
siih Khmer /soo/ 'white, colorless'
= K. 90,88 Maud. Me LHau oeM
JE
shu
sra
bd imtJm shu sra
[f] MHan Skt. sramana <> [D) PMin *S\!l
.tJrt shu [D] PMin *S\!l
[E) ST *Crja(t): TB *hryat 'to comb': KN-Lai hriat / hria?, WT(g)sad-pa < *(g-)rhjat
88a ehu tshra?
[f) Sin Sukchu SR (1:); MGZY chu (1:) 'u]; ONW >
[E] Khmu /cgrla?/ 'thorn'
90e W xu sjwo sio sa
f xu sjwo
B
soB sra?
[N] Probably with OCM *r because shU rm 7-21 /878h) is the same word
[E] Khmer /srokJ 'to drop, drip'
g- xu sjwo
B
sio
B
sa?
h m xu sjwo
B
, sio
B
, sa?,
shu sra?
i- xu (-) sio
c
sah son-in-law
- siei
c
se(i)C
[f] ColI. Shazhou siei (si?) <> [D] PSMin *sai
c
: Xiam col. sai
c
, lit. sec, Chaozh sai
c
, Fuzhou
sac; W -Wenzh sei
c
, K-Meix sec, Guangzh Jai
C2
1-63 = K. 91 Maud. Me LHau oeM
a ptf 'place' suo sra? OCB *s(k)rja?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR (1:), LR MGZY (zhu shu Ct.) ONW <
[E) TB *sra 'place': JP Jli.
31
-ra
31
' place', WB ra 'place, situation, thing, subject'.
59
1-64
a
oeM *-a COSR 32-106)
[N] It seems that the graph for 'whack' 1-6 pJT may have been borrowed for an obsolete **ga
'place' , cf. JP ga
55
' earth, place', and then used for the synonym sub. This **ga is perhaps
represented by hu p 1-6a 'to stop', and perh. also by the meaning 'household' (i.e.,
'dwelling'?) which folk etymology may have associated with the homophonous 'door' as a
pars pro toto (words for 'stop, dwell, place' tend to be related).
ilirrr chu SW
=K. 72
Mz
s
Mand. Me
pu phuOB
oeM
pha?
1-65 = K. 73 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a #" bu buo
c
bac bah
[f] Sin Sukchu SR bu (*); MGZY pu (*) [bu]; MTang bu < bo, ONW bo
[D] PMin *J?-: Jianyang v0
6
; Yao bia
6
*nb-) <> [E] TB-Mru pak 'go, walk
1-66 = K. 101 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a :;t::: man fU pju pua pa TB *pa > JP wa
33
'man'
:;t::: that fu bju bua ba PL *m-ba', WT pha 'there'
[f] Sin Sukchu SR fu (3jZ); MGZY Hwu en [fu]; MTang pfu < pfuo, ONW puo
f tJ( assist fu bju bua ba al so a pre-syllable [D] PMin *bhuo
tJ( a measure fU pju pua pa
[f] MTang bvu < bvuo, ONW buo <> [D] PMin *bhi o <> [E] TB *pa 'palm of hand '
tJ( crawl fli, pu bju, phuO bua, pha ba, pha
e jj( fU pju pua pa - 1-671102h
gh fj(:J fu bju bua ba
1-67 = K. 102,771 Mand. Me LHan oeM
102ah x: > jf: axe fu pju
B
puaB pal OCB *p(r)ja?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR fu (J:. ); MGZY Hwu (1:. ) [fu] ; MTang pfu < pfuo, ONW puo
[D] PMin *puo
B
<> [E] TB *r-pa ' axe'
a x: father fu bju
B
buaB ba? TB *pa, Lu. paF < *paa?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR fu ( 1:.); MGZY hwu (J:.) [vuJ; MTang bvu < bvuo, ONW buo
x: honorific fu pju
B
puaB pal
f fu bju
B
buaB ba?
n m honorific fu pju
B
puaB pal WT -pa masculine suffix
rst fu pju
B
pua
B
pal
u Ii fu pjU(BjC) pua(BjC) pa, pal, pah
v m fu bju
B
bua
B
ba? [E] OKhmer 'support'
y y fu bju
B
buaB ba?
i'j' umM bu ! buo
C
bac bah
rrm [D] PMin *bo
C
, but Jian' ou pb
44
(prob. from *bo
c
vi a roo C)
z I1ID pu ! puoBjC paBj C pal, pah OCB *pas
e ' M bli puo(C) pa(C) pa, pah TB *wa (or *pa) ' bite, chew'
c' fm bu pUOB paB pal
[f] MTang pu < po, ONW po <> Also WB pha 'mend, patch' <> [D] PMin *puo
B
[E] MK: PVM *k-pa:? ' to repair, sew', Khmer /pah/ (i.e., prob. =pa?) 'to patch'
f' 1m pu phuO
B
pha
B
pha? Viet pha < ph a? 'inlet , cove'
n'o' 1m:fm pu buo ba ba
[f] iUJi ba-Ius Bars (*barus) ' tiger' [Hanshu]
60
d'
k'
g'h'
1 '
m
p'q't'
u'
v'
x'
y'
771a
d
n
gj
f
o
p
qr
m
1-68
a
oeM *-a (GSR 32-106)
$ bii puo po pa
[E] TB: WT sbas 'hide, conceal', 'ba-bo 'hole, cave, cavern', Kitanti bha 'anus', Mikir il)bo
< *m-ba
A
'lose, get lost'
IDti drinking pu buo bo ba
deity bu buo
c
bo
c
bah
pii, fii phuo, phju pho, phuo pha, pha
1miID pu-fu buo, bju bo, buo ba, ba
[D] Mand. col. pa re 'to climb'
iJiJ pu-tao buo-dau bo-dou 'grape'
<- Iranian *budawa or *badawa
;:fp bu puo
C
pac pah
[f] Sin Sukchu SR pu MGZY bu [pu]; ONW po <> [D] Min *pio
c
W-Qingtian pa?
(Pan 1991 :238) <> [E] Lushai pha?L *phah) 'to spread' (as cloth)
II%" pu phuo
C
phoC phah
[T] ONW phOC <> [D] Mand. col. pa 'l'B 'to fear' <> [E] TB-Lushai ph:J:JkF 'be afraid'
q' fii phju phuo pha [T] ONW phUO
l' assist fu pju
C
puo
C
pah
attach bju
C
buoc bah
fu bju buo ba
fu bju
C
buoc bah
y'

tW beat, seize
drum




pii
b6
b6
b6, fu
b6
phUO
pak
pak
pak, pju
C
pak
phO pha
pok pak
pok pak
pok, puo
c
pak, pakh
pok pak
b6 pak pok pak
b6 pak pok pak
po phak phok phak
[T] ONW pak
[E] PMon *pnah 'shoulder'
Also TB-LB *pak *?pak > Lahu phil? 'unfasten, dismantle' 3!: pil? 'collapse, come undone';
Akha pa
HS
'break, split.
a river b6 pak pok pak
great pu phuoB phOB ph a?
b6 buoB boB ba?
11 trellis, thin b6 bak bok bak [E] TB *ba 'thin'
[T] Sin Sukchu SR baw (A), LR baw?; MGZY paw (A) [bawl; ONW bak <> [D] PMin *!?ok
11 a sound po phak phok phiik
brUt b6 bak bak bak
Also PMonic *c(J)-m-:Jk 'a hoe, spade', in Yue dial. like Taishan p:J1)35fAI
ilt!]: fu bjwak buok bak
[T] MTang bvuak, ONW buak < bak <> [D] PMin *buk > Amoy bak
D2
, Fuzh pUO?D2, Jiany
pOD2 'to tie'. <> [E] MK-Khmer pa'ka fpak/ 'to enlace, embroider' 3!: fbamnak/ 'to be
enlacing, stitching together'; Mon Semai frok/, Temiar frogf 'to bind'
=K. 39
1:}
Mand. MC LUan OCM
bi} pa pa pra
[T] Sin Sukchu SR pa (0/); MGZY: suppl. ba (:if) [paJ); ONW pii
ES bamboo bi} ba
B
, pa ba
B
, pa WT spa sba 'cane'
ES fence bi} pa TB: *rpa 'fence'
61
oeM *-a (GSR 32-lO6)
@ ba pa pa WT 'bar 'uneven, rough'
c ES ba pa pa pnl
d ba pa pa pra MK-Wa-L.-B. *bras 'wild boar'
b bli paB paB pra?
[T] Sin S. SR pa (1:.); MGZY: supp\. ba <-1:.) [paJ) <> [E] WT spar-ba 'the grasping hand'
B pa pha pha
[E] WT 'bar-ba 'to blossom'; Lepcha bor 'to bloom' a-bor 'blossom'; Lushai paarH 'flower,
blossom' par?L 'to open' (as flower) phar?L 'to open' (as hand, flower), KN-Khami par
'flower'; WB panB 'flower'; JP Inam-
2
pan
-e pa, ba ba(C) ba(C) bra(h) [T] ONW bli
[E] ? JP bra?56 'forked' (road); Kanauri pra 'spread, stretch', WB pra
B
'divided into several
parts', JP bra?55 < brak
55
'be forked'
1-69 = K. 103 Mand. MC LHan OCM
agh > wu mju
B
muaB mal 'dance' OCB *m(r)ja?
not have wu mju mua ma [E] ST *ma: TB *ma 'not'
[T] Sin Sukchu SR, LR vu (5f); MGZY wu (3f) [vu]; MTang mvu < muo, ONW muo
j$ wu mju
B
muaB mal
[E] S maa
C1
(WrSiam hmaa) 'beautiful'
Irfm stupefied wu mju
B
, huo muaB, ha mal, hma
Irfm love wu mju
B
muaB mal 2-40/802h
[T] ONW muo
B
<> [E] WB mal)A 'to like, love'; KS *mal)4 'to like'
k 1!!fJIL wu mju
B
muaB mal
[E] S. m;):P < *hm- 'cooking pot'
1m wu mju mua ma
n
o
q
p
1-70
a
mm
big

a state

= K. 106
7G
hu
hu,xu
wu
xu
tu
Maud.
wu
xuo
. B
xuo, XJU ,
mju
mju
B
xjwo
B
phju
B
Me
mJu
ha
ha, hia
B
,
mua
muaB
hiaB
phua
B
LHau
mua
hma
hma, hma?, 'big slice of dried meat'
mal
hma?
pha?
- *hl)a? l-30/60i
oeM
ma = l-70/l03a
Maud. Me LHau 1-71 = K. 104 oeM
a:Ii\ wu mju
B
muaB mal OCB *Np(r)ja?
f
9

EI#
tlJt,
[T] MTang mvu < muo, ONW muo. <> [E] WT dmag 'army'
wi!
fli
mju
B
pju
C
muaB
pua
c
mal
pah WT dpya 'tax, duty, tribute'
The 'phonetic' wli may have been chosen because tax collection was until not too long ago
enforced with the help of the military
1-72 = K. 105 Maud. Me LHau oeM
a wu mju mua ma
b
[N] The original graph shows two hands holding up some object. <> [E] WT 'ba-po < *Nba
'shaman(ess), sorcerer'
wu mju mua ma [E] Chepang ma?- 'to lie, deceive'
62
oeM *-a ~ { f ~ (GSR 32-106)
1-73 = K. 40 Mand. MC LHau OCM
a
~
rna
maB maB
mra? OCB *mra?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR rna (...t); ONW maB <> [D] PMin *ma
B
<> [E] TB *mral)
f
W
rna
mac mac
mrah
h ,\i; rna
maBlc maBlc rna?, mah
63
2 oeM rime *-ak Duo btl
GSR 766 - 807
Baxter 1992: 484 ff. (10.2.5)
See Table 1-1 for OCM rimes *-aI], *-ak, *-a in QYS categories.
Table 2-1: Comparison of OeM rimes *-aI] , *-ak with *-eI], *-ek
Diy. *-al) R.3 *-ak R.2 *-ek R.
I kal) kOl) *kal) :@r kak kok *kak
7\: kwal) kuol) *kwal) kwak kuok *kwak
&' tal) tal) *tal) m lak 10k *rak
Jf mak mak *mak
IV Stkiek kek *kek
kiwek kuek *kwek
,!ff liek lek *rek
Jll miek mek *mek
III ill kjal) kiol) *kal) ilP khjak khiok *khak
:E jwal) WGI] *wal] jfl kjwak kyok *kwak
t:: mjwal] mUGl) *mal] buak *bak)
tsjal) tSOI] *tal) <;liok *drak
III
5 zjak dZak *dak
WU tshjak tshiek
ac
Q'f jiak jak *jak
*tshek
!}j dzjak zak *m-lak
jek *lek
57 zjak ziak *s-jak
19: jiwak wek *wek
3/4
7jiak4 7iek *?ek
gr
m pjiak4 piek *pek
III
* kjEI]
kial] *kral] kjEk kiak *krak
gr
5.G *hwra!l
pjEk piak *prak
i j( JWEl) wal) *wral)f
RJl mjBl) mial) *mral)
II ll..i: kBl) kal) *kral) khBk khak *khrak
fiJ)\; kWBl) kual) *kwral) 9Bk .dak *drak
phBl) phal) *phral) B pBk pak *prak
II 11 ywek yuak *wrak m kek kek *krek
(irreg.) :if ywek yuek *wrek
.IIJj mek mek *mrek
j![. *tsrek
64
*-el) R.9
kiel) kel) *kel)
JF.i kiwel) kuel) *kwel)
5E d iel)c del)c *del)h
IE tsjal) tsel) *tel)
1B. jial) jel) *Iel)
jiwal)4 weI] *wel)
kjHil)C4 kiel)c
*kel)h
ijl" khjiwal)4 khyel)
*khwel)
mjial]4 miel) *mel)
kjEI] kiel] *krel]
jWEl) wel) *wrel)
mjBl) miel) *mrel)
*srel)
(irreg.)
'ffl kel) kel) *krel)
- *tsrel)
2 OCM *-ak (GSR 766-807)
See Table 17-1 for comparison ofOCM rimes *-ek, *-ak, *-auk, *-uk that shows the shift from
OC *-auk to MC -jak, and *-ak to MC -jak after acute initials in div. III where the latter final
merged with the reflexes of OCM *-ek in standard Chinese (Table 2-1), but has the expected
QYS analogue -jok in Min dialects. In the OC rimes *-ak, *-ek, *-ok and *-auk, syllables with
MC retroflex initials, especially of the expected type <;Ijak, djak, <;Ijwok, tend to be rare in Div.
III and seem to have shifted into Div. II <;Iuk, <;Iilk, <;IEk, <;IJk.
MC xilk (LH hok) is rare, if not unique, while Me xuk II, LH hak occurs more often. Perhaps
MC xuk is the regular reflex of OCM *hilk (not *hrilk), while MC xilk may derive from OCM
*hl)ilk or *hmilk.
2-1 = K. 766 Mand. MC LHan OCM
axz ;fr > ge kuk kak krilk 'go to, arrive'
[f] Sin Sukchu SR kaw CA.); MGZY gyay CA.) [kjaj] jill *kra? l-12/33c
;fr each ge kilk kok kilk
[f] Sin Sukchu SR kaw CA.), LR kaw?, b?; MGZY gaw CA. ) [kaw]; ONW kak 'each'
de ffa 1 armpit ge kilk kok kilk < *k1ak
[E] PMon *knlak 'armpit ' ; TB *g-Iak > WB lak-kali
B
'armpit '
f ge kilk kok kilk
gp' p' ke khilk khok khilk
hj j animal he yilk gok gilk
h a tribe rna muk mak mrilk = %Ei
a sacrifice rna mac mac mrilkh
c ' 1la ge k(h)uk k(h)ak k(h)rilk,
kok kilk < klak [E] KS *k-Ia:k
D
, *tla:k
D1
d ffa2 haunch ge, ge kuk kak krilk
b' fJJfr ge kuk kak krilk
g' fa he yuk gak grilk [E] LB *?krak 'dry'
z obstruct he yuk gak grilk
branch ge kilk kok kilk [E] TB *ka:k 'branch'
d' ke khuk khak khrilk
[f] Sin Sukchu SR k'dj CA. ), LR k'dj?; MGZY khyay CA. ) [k'jaj]
0' at ke khuk khak khriik [E] PMV *krha:k 'to spit'
U:fr kll 'cough up phlegm'
[D] Min: Xiamen k
h
ak
D2
and ke?DI
lua lilk 10k rilk Tai : S. raak
D2
'to vomit'
j ' e I]uk I]ak I]rilk
[0] PMin *I]hiak: Xiam giO?D2, hia?D2, lit . gikD2
h' e I)uk I]ak !)rilk
[f] Sin Sukchu SR dj ( A ), PR Ipj?; MGZY yay ( A ) [jaj]
k 1t lua lilk 10k rilk OCB *g-rak
[f] Sin Sukchu SR law ( A ), LR law?; MGZY law ( A ) [law]; ONW 10k
q' m lua lilk 10k rilk OCB *g-rak
[0] PMin *lh;}k 'to fall'
n lua lilk 10k S. k
h
b:)k
D2L
< *gl- 'burn'
65
2 oeM *-ak (OSR 766-807)
0
M} Iuo Iilk 10k rak
[E) LB *?krak 'rope', WT 'grags-pa 'bind'
p M yoghurt HlO Hik 10k rak < *g-rak
[f) Cf. Mongol *ayiray (Pulleyblank 1962: 253)
qrst luo lilk 10k rak q OCB *C-rak
u

luo, !ilk, 10k,
U liek leuk riauk
y
me
Hie Ijak liak rak
[f) Sin Sukchu SR Ijaw CA.); MGZY lew (A) [lw] ; ONW I(i)ak
k'

III Iuo
c
lac
rakh OCB *g-raks
n' lM chariot III luo
c
lac
rakh
crosspiece he YBk gak grak
to meet ya IJaC I)a
c
I)rah
= 1il1J 1-30/601; lliJEf 1-34/37fe <> [E) WB I)ra
B
'meet'
x'
i&
III luoc lac
dkh
I'

III luo
c
lac rakh OCB *g-raks
[f) Sin S. SR lu PR, LR lu; MGZY lu [lu); ONW 10. MHan kel)c-Ia
c
qil)iraq
(Hunnish sword) <> [D) W-Wenzh ly21; PMin *guo
c
: Yang 'an timCI, Jiany tb
C2
, Fuzh tuo
C2
s'

III luo
c
lac
rakh < *g-rakh
[E) Tai: S. k
h
laa
c2
(WrSiam glaa) 'bamboo'
t ' u' Ii u' III Iuo
c
lac
rakh OCB *g-raks
[f) ONW 10. Transcribes a pre-Han TB word for 'black' (cf. WT rag, rag-po); Unger Hao-ku
50, 1995 <> [D) PMin *Ihoc > Jian 'ou SU
44
- / - 'appear' <> Middle Viet t1O' 'to show'
y'
"
III luo
c
lac dkh
r'

III luoc lac rakh
2-2 = K. 776 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

jue gjak giak gak
be

que khjak khiak khak
def

xi khjBk khiak khak
9

jiao kjak kiak kak [f) MTang kiak, ONW kak
2-3 = K. 785 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab a jr kjBk kiak krak
2-4 = K. 786 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

jf kjBk kiak krak
2-5 = K. 787 Mand. Me LUan oeM
ab
,9'- *
qi khjBk khiak khrak
c

xi khjBk khiak
khrak
d

xi xjBk hiak hrak = 2-111789a mJI.
2-6 = K. 774 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a

guo kwak kuak kwak [f) ONW kuok
ef

guo kwak kuak kwak
ghi

kuo khwak khuak khwak [E) TB *(r-)kwak 'skin'
66
2 oeM *-ak (GSR 766-807)
2-7 = K. 96, 778 Mand. MC LHan OCM
96a ju kju
C
kya
C
kwakh
96c I! 1 anxious ju, kju
C
kya
C
kwakh OCB *gW(r)jas
96i 'II ju gju
C
gya
C
gwakh
[T] Sin Sukchu SR gy ($;); MGZY kyu ($;) [gy]; MTang gy < guo, ONW guo
778a jue, kjwak, kyak, kwak,
xue xiwak hyak hwak
778b Jue kjwak kyak kwak
[E] WT 'gog-pa, bkog 'snatch, seize, take away'
77 8c 31 jue kjwak kyak kwak
778d N que, jue k(h)jwak k(h)yak kwak, khwak
778e '1'1 xue, jue xjwak hyak hwak
96c 1!2 lance qu gju gya gwa
96degilfmB qu gJu gya gwa
96h JJI qu gju(C) gya(C) gwa, gwah
[E] WB khwak 'concave' (as a cup), 'sunken' (face)
2-7A = K. 783
a 5!JdL
Mand.
guo
MC
kWBk
LHan
kuak
OCM
kwrak
2-8 = K. 784 The proportion of syllables with initial or medial *w- in MC Div. II is
suspiciously high; I suspect that such syllables represent OC simple *wilk > ywlak, rather than a
complex *(g)wrilk.
Mand. MC LHan OCM
ad

hua ywek yuak gwrak or wak [T] ONW yuek
e
fI
hua, ywek, yuak, gwrak or wak, [E] WT 'grogs-pa 'to bind'
wa fWBk fuak fwrak or fwak
hi

hua ywak yuak gwak
I
Ii
hua ywa
C
, yua
C
, gwrakh or wakh,
fWBk fuak fwrak or fwak
k

hu yuo
C
yua
C
gwakh
[T] MHan yuaC-tsau? = waxsab <> [E] WT 'gogs-pa 'to prevent'
fg fi5i
hua, ywek, yuak, gwriik or wak,
yue ?jwak ?yak ?wak
11 boil hua ywak yuak gwk
a dance hu yuo
C
yua
C
gwakh
m
Hi
wa fwak fuak fwak
n
!Ii
hua! fwak fuak {wak
2-9 = K. 767 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a

he xak hak hak
2-10 = K. 779 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
tvffi
he xBk hak hrak OCB *xrak
[E] TB *s-ryak 'ashamed, shy'
b
rg
xia, xa
c
, hac, hrakh
he XBk hak hrak
67
2 oeM *-ak "cgG (GSR 766-807)
2-10A = K. 1259a Mand. MC LHan OCM
a

huo! xuk hak hrftk
2-11 =K.789 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
!Jm
xi xjuk hiak hrak = 2-5
2-12 = K. 775 Mand. MC LHan OCM
ae
1flf
huo xwflk huok hwflk
f I huo xuok houk hilk
2-13 = K. 805 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
2
ya
laC lac ?rftkh
Div II *-r-) occurs suspiciously often sound symbolic words so that one may doubt of a
medial *r in some OC syllables.
e ya ?a ?a ?(r)fl
f O. laugh e ?ak ?ak ?(r)ftk
mute ya laB laB ?(r)ft?
(?a
B
) [D] M-Xiam b. e
BI
, w. a
BI
<> [E] TB *(m-)a 'mute' > PL *?a
2
/
3
, WB a
C
'mute'
9 e ?ftk ?ok ?flk
h bad e ?ak ?ok ?ak
[T] Sin Sukchu SR law C\), LR law?; MGZY 'aw C\) [?aw]; ONW ?ok,
hate wu ?uo
C
?oC ?akh
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ?u ($;); MGZY 'u ($;) [?u] <> [E] WT lag-po 'bad'
how wu ?uo ?o ?a
2-14 = K. 788 Mand. MC LHan OCM This series prob. belongs to 2-34.
ac a ni IJjuk l]iak l]rak OCB *IJrjak
[T] Sin Sukchu SR i (A), PR IJi; MGZY ngi (A) [IJi]; ONW IJek
fg f .:; e l]ftk l]ok l]ftk [E] WT rIJa 'drum'
e l]ftk l]ok l]ftk [E] PTai *IJiak, WB IJak 'gills'
hli e l]flk l]ok l]ftk
[D] Xiamen gia?D2, lit. gok
D2
e' Ak
kmn p7;1jli7;1-5f& l]a
-}B.2
j J:t:. WU I]UO
c
792 hij su suo
c
Sl]ftkh = W, 2-34/769b
2-15 = K. 768 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
a
''''
e l]ftk l]ok l]ftk = 2-l4/788hli
fBI
m
PIJ e l]ftk l]ok l]ftk
d
g
wu l]ftk, l]uo
c
l]ok,l]oc l]ftk(h)
2-16 = K. 801 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a Ii to measure duo dftk dok dflk [E] WB thwa 'a measure'
[T] Sin Sukchu SR daw (A); MGZY taw C\) [daw]
Ii a measure du duo
C
doC dftkh [T] ONW do
b du duo
c
doc dftkh [E] WT 'da-ba, das 'pass over'
c duo dftk dok dftk
68
2 oeM *-ak (GSR 766-807)
2-17 = K. 795 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ahd E shf zjiik dzak dak
Xiam. tsiO?D2 dzak dak [D] PMin *dziok
[T] Sin Sukchu SR z.i CA.); MGZY zhi CA. ) [z.i] ; MTang zek < dzek, ONW dzek
e tiJ[ shuo ! zjak dzak dak
lffi zhf tsjiik tsak tak
zh tak trak
no yfifrF du tuo
C
taC takh
1 tti zhe tsja
C
tsa
C
takh [T] ONW tsa
k tiJT zhuo tsjak tsak tak or tauk ?
[T] ONW tsak. <> IE] TB *tuk > LB *NtOk - *?tOk 'to cut by a blow, hack away at ' , WB tok ' cut
by a single light blow', JP tok
55
'cut into pieces'
m fu tuo thak thak thak
pq q tuo thak thak thak q = 2-23/792e
r R du tuo
C
taC takh
2-18 = K. 804 oeM
a Eft all
Eft a title
Mand.
shu
zhu
zhe
zhf
Me
sjwoC
tsjwo
C
tsja
tsjiik
LHan
sac
tsa
C
tsa
tsak
lha(k)h < *tlha(k)h ?
ta(k)h
d
ef tJ,ltJT!
2-19 = K. 791 Mand. Me
a zhi tsjiik
IE] LB *kyik, WB khyac 'burnt'
LHan
tsak
ta
tak
oeM
tak = *tjak?
zhe tsja
C
takh = *tjakh?
2-20 = K. 794
a R
Mand.
chI
2-21 = K. 1258b Mand.
b Jt chuo
Me

LHan
tshak
LHan
thiak
oeM
thak ?
2-22 = K. 780 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a -=E ze trak
b!::f:; zhai drak
= 1-38/450' )iji
[T] Sin Sukchu SR CA. ), LR MGZY cay CA.) [dz.aj]; MTang (;lek, ONW dek
tf-t cha tha
C
tha
C
thrakh
of; zha trakh
hi
9
[T] BTD SkI e.g. IliiJJtmflt u.:s ?o-ka-nis-t.a
C
Skt.
f Tf; cha, dra,
du tuo
C
taC ta(k)h
du tuo
C
taC takh
e tUG thak thak thak
[T] Sin Sukchu SR t'aw CA. ); MGZY thaw CA.) [t'aw]
69
2 oeM *-ak (GSR 766-807)
2-23 = K. 792 The central element in fi'ft writes words with the meaning 'oppose,
disobedient'. Therefore this graph and its derivative ff plays partially a semantic role here in
2-23, and also in 2-14; 2-34.
Mand. Me LHan
abc fi'ft ff Ff rebuff chi tshjak tshak
spy chi tshjak tshak
spread chi tshjak tshak
d * che
* 2-17/795j *trak; * 18-8/3j *thrai?
ef i'Jti'itfi a rattle tub thak thok
2-24 = K. 793 Mand. Me LHan
a red chi tshjak tshak
expel ci tshjak tshiak
d

she sja
C
sac
e
m
shi sjak sak

he xak hok
oeM
k-Ihak
k-Ihak
k-Ihak
thrak
thak
oeM
k-Ihak
s-lhak?
lhakh
lhak
hak
2-25 = K. 790 Mand. Me LHan oeM
* 2-25/790a *lak 'spy'
* 18-813t *k-hlai?
= 2-17/795q
OCB *KHjAk [f) ONW tshek
abce yi jiak jak - jok lak 1': 'pleased' * 1-42/82g *lah
fghi- yi jiak jak - jok lak
t [f) Sin Sukchu SR i? C\); MGZY yi (A.) [ji)
d )(I fed up yi, du jiak, duo
C
jak, doC lak, lakh = 2-26/807a
dq )(2 destroy du tuo
C
toC takh < tlakh ?
k;fi shi sjak sak lhak
I shi sjak sak lhak
Xiam. tshio?Al tshok
[f) Sin Sukchu SR (A.); MGZY shi (A.) ONW sek; BTD sak-kU)a-mun Skt.
sakyamuni <> [E) KS *s-lak or ?lak
7
'to wash clothes'; <>? PTai *zgk 'wash clothes'
o marsh ze <;Ink <;Iak drak < r-Iak
[f) MHan iH)( <;lak-san
c
Alexandria
lay open shi sjak sak lhak
wine yi jiak jak - jok lak
n m ze <;ink <;iak drak < r-Iak
[f) Sin Sukchu SR (A.); MGZY cay (A.) MTang <;lek, ONW dek
[E] KT: KS *la:i
6
'to pick, select', Tai: S. liak
D2
'to choose'
[N] The expected Me div. III <;ljak has shifted to div. II <;lBk in this rime
r. tub thak thok lhak
m t'i ze, <;Ink, <;Iak, drak < r-Iak,
shi
p-

duo
2-26 = K. 807 Mand.
a hit w. bow shf
Fuzh. sio?D2

shoot she
M
fed up yi
sjak
dak
Me
dzjak
dzja
C
jiak
sak
dok
LHan
zak,
zok
za
c
jak - jok
70
lhak
lak
oeM
m-Iak
m-Iakh
lak
[0] PMin *zbk - *Ziak,
[f] ONW ia [0] PMin *zia
c
= 2-25/790d
eg
2 oeM *-ak (GSR 766-807)
dzja
C
zja
C
m-Iah
s-Iakh
[E] WT gla-ba 'musk deer'
[T] MHan sahi
2-27 = K. 800 Mand. MC LHan OCM
amI :J]\ 1 > tml ye jiiik jak jak armpit
W [E] TB-Mru yak, Lushai zak
L
*jak) 'armpit', Newari ja:k-wa 'armpit'
a :J]\2 also yi jiiik jak jak
[T] ONW iek <> [E] Lushai veL < ve?/h 'also' vek
R
< vek 'again, over again'
def yi jiiik jak jak
n i1JZ ye ! jiiik jak jak [E] TB *ryak 'grease'
ye jia
C
ja
C
jah > jakh OCB *(l)jAks
[T] Sin Sukchu SR je (*); ONW ia < ja <> [E] TB *ya? 'night'
:mz ye jiiik jak jak
gh jb7Ji:i2t Jl, Jl tsjiik tsiak tsjak
2-28
a
e
2-29
a
b
2-30
a
9
f
k
n
o
2-31
af
9
k
[T] ONW tsiek <> [E] Limbu yok2 'trace, track', Lushai hniak
H
'footprint, hoofprint'
= K. 796 Mand. MC LHan OCM
5'
Xl, Xl zjiik ziak s-jak
[T] ONW ziek <> [E] TB *s-ryak '24 hr day'
tJ
xl, xi zjiik ziak s-jak 'evening tide'
'f7
Xl, xi zjiik ziak s-jak
= K. 797 Mand. MC LHan OCM
frt
xi zjiik ziak, s-Iak [T] ONW ziek
Xiam. ts
h
io?D2
ziak [D] PMin *dzhi:Jk
-m; xi zjiik ziak s-Iak
= K. 777 Mand. MC LHan OCM
;fi rub nzjak, nak nak
[T] Sin S. SR rjaw (A), LR rjaw?; MGZY Zhew (A) [n:w]; ONW nak


rub
rub
nub
nzja
B
GY
nzjak
nzjak
nak
h:'it h
Ul chuo jak
ONWna
nak nak [E] Lushai hna?L 'leaf'
nak nak
nak nak [T] ONW nak
nhrak?
h:'it -=i: h
Ul7G ruo-qlang nzjak- nak-k iaI) name of a TB people
[T]I$ may transcribe TB *nak (WT nag) 'black' (cf. Pulleyblank 1983: 417); or the ethnonym
WT mi-fiag for the later Mi-niaw (Tangut, Xixia) people; GY reads Me nzie in this sense.
ni I)jgk I)ik nrgk < *r-ngk ?
811 ni I)jgk I)ik nrgk [E] KN-Lai neek 'familiar'
te thgk thgk [E] WT nag 'black'
[T] Sin Sukchu SR t'gj (A), LR t'gj?; MGZY (chiy > thhiy) (A) [t'gj]
= K. 806 Mand. MC LHan OCM
"FO'F
zha dza
c
dza
c
dzrakh
f zha tsrakh
!j@' ze tsrak [E] Khmer Icraakl 'insert'
71
p ff oak zuo,
zuo
2 oeM *-ak (OSR 766-807)
tsilk,
dzilk
tsak,
dzak
tsilk,
dzilk
ff clear away ze tsrilk
1'1" zuo tsilk tsak tsilk
[f] Sin SR tsaw (/\), tS::l ($;), tsu, PR tS::l, LR tsaw?; MGZY dzaw (/\)[tsaw], dzu ($;) [tsu]
m tt zuo tsilk tsak tsilk
rv 'l"F v zuo dzilk dzak dzilk
s B'F zuo dzilk dzak dzilk
[f] Sin Sukchu SR dzaw (/\), LR dzaw?; MGZY tsaw (/\) [dzaw]
ff zuo dzilk dzak dzilk = 2-32/798t
eat zuo dzilk dzak dzilk [E] ST *dza
hij t'F W'F zuo dzuo
c
dza
c
dzilkh
2-32 = K. 798 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a 1f Xl sjak siak sak or sjak ?
[9
u
v
k
In
y
ia'
b'
pq
s
o
z
X
c'
i!f [f] Sin Sukchu SR si (/\); MGZY si (/\) [silo - The OB graph shows a sun under water,
i.e., the notion of 'yesterday' (Pankenier Ee 7, 1981-82: 19)
'I'i m' Xl sjak siak sak or sjak ?
ii jie tsjak, tsiak, [f] ONW tsiek
Xiam.
tsio?Dl
tsiak, tsak, [D] PMin *tsi::lk
ii
jie tsja
C
tsia
c
o'l'
jie tsja
C
tsia
c
lEi walk rev. ji tsjak tsiak
lEi trample ji dzjak dziak
lEi reverent qi, que tshjak, tshjak tshiak
que tshjak tshiak
maggot qu tshjwo
C
tshia
c
sacrifice zha dza
c


ji dzjak dziak
5M a field ji dzjak dziak
a mat jie dzja
C
dzia
c
t=!'j
rsJ. cuo tshilk tshak
mistake cuo tshilk tshak
tsakh
tsakh
tsak or tsjak ?
dzak or dzjak ?
tshak
tshak
tshakh
dzrilkh
dzak or dzjak ?
dzak
dzakh
tshilk [f] ONW tshak
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ts'aw (/\), LR ts'aw?; MGZY tshaw (/\) [ts'aw]; ONW tshak
zuo dzilk dzak dzilk = 2-31/806t JIiF
WT zhuo tsrak
fff ze dzrek
m cuo tshuo
C
tshah tshilkh
m ce tshrilk
2-33 = K. 770 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a %' twist rope suo silk sak silk
[f] Sin Sukchu SR saw (/\), PR, LR saw?; MGZY saw (/\) [saw]; ONW sak
[E] MK-PVM *.fa:k 'rope' PMonic *.fook 'creeper, vine, rope' <> Tai: S. (':hi"ak
D2L
< PTai J-
'rope', Saek saak
D2
< z- 'vines, rope'
%' fear suo silk sak sl]ilk WT sl)al)-ba 'be afraid'
72
2 oeM *-ak (GSR 766-807)
%" select se srak
2-34 = K. 769 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

shuo sak ?, ? sl]rak ?, srok ?
The left element 'go against' is partly semantic. This series prob. belongs to 2-14.
[T] Sin Sukchu SR (A), PR MGZY shwaw (A)
b su suo
c
saC
sl]akh
c su suo
c
sac
sl]akh = 2-14/792h iJrm
d

su suo
c
sac
sl]akh
2-35 = K. 799 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ae

xi sjak siak sak
f

xie sja
B
sia
B
sa? [T] ONW sia
h

., f
Xle. sja
B
sia
B
sa?
2-36 = K. 773 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

b6 bak bak bak
2-37 = K. 781 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a Ef blii pBk pak prak [E] ST *(p)ria: TB *r-ya
[T] Sin Sukchu SR P;)j (A), LR P;}j?; MGZY bay (A) [paj]; ONW pek
fg rna rnBk rnak rnrak =2-1h
2-38 = K. 782 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a B bai bBk bak brak
[T] Sin Sukchu SR bdj (A); LR b;}j?; MGZY pay ( A ) [haj]; ONW bek
f
j
k
rn
o
b6 bBk bak brak
is b6 pBk pak prak
[E] TB-Kukish prak 'eldest br.'
ts blii, b6 pBk
ill po pBk
ill beat pai ! phBk
shoulder b6 pak
[E] TB *p(r)ak, *r-pak ' shoulder'
po phBk
[T] MHan iJEil* ugJt(i; (harpax)
'l's quiet po phBk
fear pi! pha
C
pak
pak
prak
prak
phrak
pak
phrak
phrak
[T] Sin Sukchu SR p'a (*); MGZY pha (*) [p'a]; Sui-Tang pac
pq po phak phok phak
r 1S b6 bak bak bilk
= 2-39/772b III
s bi pjBk piak prak (not Me pjak: Baxter 1977:192)
2-39 = K. 772 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
1l
po phak phok
phak 'hide soaked in rain'
b a hegemon po phBk phak
phrak
lead bi! pac pac
prakh
73
2 oeM *-ak (GSR 766-807)
2-40 = K. 802 The phonetic is perhaps 3-641709
Mand. Me LHan oeM
ad > W mll muo
c
mac makh evening
[T] MHan mah-ja Skt maya
nobody mo mak mak mak
[T] Sin Sukchu SR maw (A), LR maw?; MGZY maw (A) [maw]; ONW mok
ar silent mo mnk mak mrak
npq mo mak mak mak
o. mll mak mak mak
mo mak mak mak
k membrane mo mak mak mak
kneel mo muo rna rna
e:;; mll muo
c
mac makh
f mll muo
c
mac makh
[T] Sin Sukchu SR mu (*); MGZY mu (*) [mu]; ONW rna <> [D] PMin *mhua
C
h mll muo
C
mac mah ! 4-65 it
gj 9li'l mo muo rna rna
I mo muo rna rna? ! [T] ONW mo
m xia-ma ya-ma ga-ma gra-mra or ga-ma?
s. mi miek mek mek
74
3 oeM rime *-aIJ Yang btl
GSR 697 -765
Baxter 1992: 489 ff. (10.2.6)
See Table 1-1 for oeM rimes *-al), *-ak, *-a in QYS categories. Some oe finals in *-al) have
converged with ones in *-el) (Rime 9) in QYS Div. III -jUI), see Table 2-1. For the QYS
syllables with this final, which pattern like ch6ngniii Div. 3/3 syllables, Baxter reconstructs an
oe medial *r.
3-1 = K. 698 Mand. MC LUan OCM
a
1C
I
gang kal) kUI) kal) < klal) ?
abc
d
hi
eg-
f
[E] MY *kla:IJA 'neck'
1C
z
:rAin

khal)C khul)C
IlW to store
khal)C khul)C
[E] Tai: S. khaIJAI < *khl_ 'to hold water, confine'
'l':t
kang
khal)B/C khul)B/C
;!:J@t keng
khUI) khal)

hang yal) gUI)
iA
hang
yal)B gUI)B
khal)h
khal)?/h
khral)
gal)
gal)?
3-2 = K. 697 Mand. MC LUan OCM
'to oppose'
3-121746m tm
[T] ONW YOIJ
a f53j gang kal) kUI) kal) TB *kaIJ 'mountain, spur'
be Jlil1U*Jlil1 gang kal) kUI) kal)
f m gang kal) kUI) kal) < klal)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR kaIJ (-0/); MGZY gang (-0/) [kaIJ] <> [E] TB: WT glaIJ 'ox'
h jijJ gang kal)(C) kUI)(C) kal)(h) [E] Lushai khaIJF 'solidified'
3-3 = K. 710 Mand. MC LUan
EEI+Ea
ab EEl J-m Jiang kjal) kiul)
h YI boundary jiang kjal) kiul)
[D] Min Xiamen col. kiu
A2
, lit. kioIJA2
YI hard jiang gjal)B giUI)B
c 1:1 jiang, kjal), kiul),
OCM
kal)
kal)
qiang gjal) giul) gal)
e fierce jiang kjal) kiul) kal)
strong qiang gjal) giul) gal) =
effort qiang ! gjal)B giUI)B gal)?
d j( Jiang kjal) kiul) kal) or kjal) ?
[D] PMin *ki:JIJ <> [E] TB- SChin-Areng kachiIJ; WB khyaIJB 'ginger'. AA: PVM *s-g;):IJ
'ginger'; PTai *XiIJAl: S. k
h
iIJ2, KS siIJ 'ginger'
75
3 oeM *-al) (OSR 697-765)
3-4 = K. 713 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a strong qlang gjal) giol) gal) = 3-31710e
[T] Sin Sukchu SR gjal) (-'Jl); MGZY (kyang kyang ('JZ) [gjal)]; MTang gial) < gal), ONW
gal); BTD Skt. kan[giya] <> [D] Min Xiam col. kiu
A2
, lit. kiol)A2
effort qiang ! gjal)B giOl)B gal)?
cd f.@:f5S qiang ! kjal)B kiol)B kal)?
3-5 = K. 711 Mand.
jiling
Me
kjal)
LHan
bOl)
oeM
a
kal) or kjal) ?
[T] MTang kial] < kal], ONW kal] - the element $: *jal] 'sheep' in the graphs may be
phonetic, but could also be semantic (names referring to nomads),
3-6 = K. 712 Mand.
qiling
oeM
ae 5'e!l!1G
khal) or khjal) ?
3-7 = K. 752 Mand. Me LHan oeM
::rr. "
kjUl)B kial)B kral)? a % boundary JIng
end jing kjul)c kial)c kral)h [T] ONW kel)
b
m
jing kjUl)B kial)B kral)?
c

jing kjul)c kial)c kral)h
[T] Sin S, SR kil] (*); MGZY ging (*) [kil]]; ONW kel]
[D] PMin *kial)c > Amoy kia
c1
, Fuzh kialfl
d

jiang gjal)B giol)B gal)?
3-8 = K. 753 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

qing khjUl)C khial)C
khral)(h)
[E] ? WT g-yal] 'blessing'
3-9 = K. 754 Mand. Me LHan oeM
:tt:!:t.
jing gjUl)c gial)c gral)h a ;m,
3-10 = K. 755 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
d
h
eg
f
ijrn
k
jfng kjUl) kial) kral)
[T] ONW kel] <> [E] Khmer Ikral)l 'steep knoll, bluff or crag overlooking a plain'
jing kjUI]B kiaI]B kraI]? [T] ONW keI)
jiong kjwUl)B kyal)B kwral)? ?
gfng gjul) gial) gral)
jfng gjUl) gial) gral)
liang ljal) lioI] ral) [EJ WT gralJ-ba 'be cold'
liang ljal)c liol)c raI]h OCB *C-rjal)s
lue, ljak, liok, rak,
liang ljal)c liol)c raI]h
[DJ Min: Amoy ll]c 'to beat' <> [E] Lushai r::>kL 'to plunder'
3-11 = K. 745 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a I! change geng kul) kal) kral)
[T] Sin S, SR bjl) (0/), PR - kil], LR kil]; MGZY gying (Sf) [kjil]]; ONW kel)
I! still more geng kUl)C kal)C kral)h
76
3 oeM *-al) (GSR 697-765)
cd DJ!ffi geng kBI)B kal)B kral)?
e i'J! geng kBI)B kal)B kral)?
[E] Lepcha kraI) 'be strong on legs' , Lushai / < t.anh traI)s) 'put forth all one's
strength' .
f geng kBl)B kal)B kral)? 'well rope'
3-12
746a
g
h
k
no
See also 23-25/221 .
ying 1)E:l)c
fT] Sin Sukchu SR I)iI) ($:); MGZY ying ($:) [jiI)]
= K. 746, 700 Me LHan oeM
geng kBI) kal) kral)
JJt geng kBI)(C) kal)(C) kral), kral)h
'* kang khal) khol) khal) = khlal)
[E] Lushai tlaI)R / tlan
L
adv. 'peaceably, quietly, calmly', vb. 'be good, kindly, peaceably'
m empty kang khal) khol) khal)
ff*:f kang khal) khol) khal) = khlal)
[E] WT: 19a1) 'shell, husk'
m
11
700a
kang ! khal)B khol)B khal)?
* 3-1 /698d
tang dal) dOl) g-Ial)
[T] Sin S. SR dal) MGZY tang [daI)]; ONW dOI)
cde tang dal) dOl) lal) = g-Ial)
l:Ji [E] PYao *glaal)2 ' pond '
3-13 = K. 747 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
R
geng kEI) kal) kral)
3-14 = K. 748 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a iT road xing YEI) gal) gral)
fT] Sin Sukchu SR ViI) ( f ); MGZY Hying (.) [yjil)]; ONW yel] <> [D] M-Xiam kiii
A2
[E] Khmer /r':J':Jl)/ 'way, line, row or bed, gutter'
iT go round xing YEI)C gal)C gral)h
iT a row hang yal) gOI) gal)
iT strong hang yal)(C) gOI)(C) gal), gal)h
e
ff
xing YEI)B gal)B
gral)?
f 1ff lid heng YEI) gal) gral)
fetters hang yal) gal) gal)
9
lfj heng YEI) gal) grill)
h ftr crosswise hong yWEI) yual) gwral) = 3-2317071 tffi
crosspiece heng YEI) gal) gral)
fT] Sin Sukchu SR yil) (3f!.), SR yujl) ( 3f!.), PR yUI); MGZY Hying [yjil)); ONW yuel).
iT
heng YEl) gal) grill)
3-15 = K. 749 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
fr
xing YUI)B gal)B
gral)?
3-16 = K. 714 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
E3
xiang xjal) hiol) hal) l::::.
1m
Ilmm
xiang xjal] hiol] hal]
77
3 OCM *-al) (GSR 697-765)
c village xiang xjal) hiol) hal)
towards xjal)c hiol)c hal)h < hnal)h?
to feast xHing xjal)B hiol)B hal)? = j
fI xiang xjal)c hiol)c hal)h<hnal)h? =3-l81715artl
n. xiang xjal)B hiol)B hal)A !
xiang xjal)B hiol)B hal)A! =3-l71716a .!-
[T] Sin Sukchu SR xjal) <:*); MGZY (hyang hyang ($) [xjal)J; MTang hial) < ONW hal)
k m xiang, xjal)BjC, hiol)BjC, hal)?jh,
shang sjal)BjC SOI)BjC hjal)?jh
o gnp qfng khjel) khial) khral)
3-17 = K. 716 Mand. MC LHan OCM

ab T feast xiang xjal)B hiol)B hal)A ! = 3-l61714cj
penetrate heng xel) hal) hral)
The word 'to feast, meal' MC xjal)(B) - sjal)(B) is written with additional graphs: 3-l6l7l4cj
3-l81715e 3-42/730 fii.
3-18 = K. 715 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a xiang xjal)c hiol)c hal)h = 3-l61714ic
[T]Sin Sukchu SR xjal) ($); MGZY (hyang hyang ($) [xjal)J; MTang hial) < ONW hal)
[D] Min: Xiam col. hia
C1
, I)c!'
e
xiang sjal)AjBjC SOI)BjC
- 3-42/730c fii [T] ONW sal)
3-19 = K. 717
a W
Mand.
xiang
MC
xjal)
LHan
hiol)
OCM
hal)
3-20 = K. 718 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a center yang ?jal) ?iol) ?al)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ?ja? (3f-); MGZY ('yang 'yang (:if ) [?jal)]; BTD Skt. ail. MHan *1Jt
?iQI)-guis Tocharian B 'asafoetida'
brilliant yfng ?jel) ?ial) ?ral)
e J3( yang ?jal) ?iol) ?al)
yang ?jal) ?iol) ?al)
[D] PMin *;)1) A I <> [E] MY *?;j;on
A
'young rice plant'
g tR: yang ?jal) ?iol) ?al)
h. yang, ?jal), ?iol), ?al),
ang ?al) ?ol) ?al)
c yang, ?jaI)B, ?iOI)B, ?al)?,
ang ?al) ?ol) ?al)
f yang ?jal)B ?iOI)B ?al)?
d yang ?jal)BjC ?iol)BjC ?al)?jh
k yfng ?jel) ?ial) ?ral) OCB *?rjal)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ?il) ( 3f-); MGZY 'ing (5jZ) [?il)]; ONW ?el) (?XI)?)
ij j ang ?al)C ?Ol)c ?al)h [E] Khmer l?aal)l 'jar'
78
3 oeM *-aI] (GSR 697-765)
3-21 = K. 756 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
3-22
a
f
9
h
3-23
a
ceg
m
h
s
nop
r -
Ylng ?jBI]B ?iaI]B ?raI]?
[D] Coastal Min *7:>I)B > Fuzhou OUI)BI , Amoy I)BI; Jilln'ou, Jianyang iOI)BI *7ioI)B)
= K. 706 Mand. Me LHan oeM
JIC
guang kW3I] kuoI] kW31)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR kwaI) (Sf); MGZY gwang (:if) [kwal)]; ONW kuoI)

guang kW31) kuoI] kW31)
1t.:)6
)I' kUllflg k
h
w3I]C khuol)C khw31)h
fJ'C guang, kW3I], kuol), kW3I],
gong kWBI) kual) kwr31)
Nt
guang kWBI) kual) kwr31) = 3-2317071
[T] ONW kuel) <> [E] MY *kDI)A 'horn'. MY <- TB (*krUI)A -) *k-rwaI)A
Il*
huang XW31)B huol)B hW31)?
= K. 707 Mand. Me LHan oeM
Ji
huang ywal) yuoI] gW31)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ywaI) (:if); MGZY Xong (:if) [Y:>I)J; ONW yuoI)
[E] WB wal)B 'brightly yellow'
:fN1iBl
huang YW31) yuol) gW31)

huang YW31) yuol) gW31)
1'1 crossw. h6ng,heng YWBI) yual) gwr31)
=3-14748h jij [T] ONW yuel)
fully gUllflg kW3I]C kuoI]C kW31)h
guang kWBI) kual) kwr31) = 3-221706i \:
JJi wide guang kW31)B kUOI)B kW31)?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR kwal) U:.); MGZY gwang ct) [kwaI)]; ONW kuol)
JJi cohort gUllflg kW31)C kuol)c kW31)h
111
guang kWBI)B kual)B kwr31)?
iJ(!fit.tl kuang khw31)C khuol)c
khw31)h
kuang
khW31)BjC, khuol)BjC,
khw31)?jh,
k
h
31)B khol)B
kh3I]?
tll
kUQ khwak khuok khW3k
3-24 = K. 708 Wang .:E 3-261739 may be phonetic, see Introd.
ag
defu
ijkl
[oj
m
n
Mand. Me LHan oeM
huang YW31) YUOI) W31)
1i [T] ONW yUOI). MHan tU;:ln-yu01) Sogd. *oruwan, 0p6avcx (Dunhuang)
huang YW31) YUOI) W31)
's 178';:6 Ii31
IJ::EJ'I:J.'E\ huang YW31) yuoI] W31)
huang YW31) yuoI] W31)
huang, YW3I] , yuol), W31)
hong YWBI) yual)
[N] MC Div. II vocalism because the syllable is onomatopoetic, cf. EDOC 7.2.2.
huang, yWBI), yual), W31),
hong XWBI) hual) hW31)
[N] MC Div. II vocalism because the syllable is onomatopoetic, cf. EDOC 7.2.2.
79
3 oeM *-aIJ (GSR 697-765)
3-25 = K. 763 Mand.
jiang
oeM
kwraIJ? a PJj
3-26 = K. 739 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a king wang jwaIJ wUIJ waIJ
[Tl Sin Sukchu SR wal) e]7.); MGZY xwang (-']7.) [fiwal)J; ONW ual)
govern wang jwaIJc wUIJc waIJh
ki 11 i wang jwaIJB WUIJB waIJ?
[Tl Sin S. SR wal) (1:.); MGZY xwang (1:.) [fiwal)J; ONW ual) <> [El TB *wal) 'to come'
Blatt wang jwaIJc wUIJC waIJh
to go wang jwaIJc wUIJc waIJh
frighten wang jwaIJB wUIJB waIJ?
deceive guang, kjwaIJB, kyuIJB, kwaIJ?,
kuang gjwaIJB gYUIJB gwaIJ?
m OC kuang khjwaIJ khyuIJ khwaIJ
[El WB kwal)B 'bend, curved'
v- kuang khjwaIJ khyuIJ khwaIJ
u- 1!1I! kuang ! khjwaIJ khyuIJ khwaIJ
o H kuang gjwaIJ gyuIJ gwaIJ
x kuang ! kjwaIJc kyuIJc kwaIJh
y 1H guang gjwaIJB gYUIJB gwaIJ?
q 11 wang ?jwaIJB ?YUIJB ?waIJ?
rt 1J:tl! wang ?waIJ ?uuIJ ?waIJ
3-27 = K. 764 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a 7k yang jWBIJB waIJB wraIJ? OCB *wrjal)?
gi
j
[Tl Sin Sukchu SR jujl) (1:.), PR, LR JUI); MGZY xyung (1:.) [fijul)J; ONW uel)
yang jWBIJC waIJc wraIJh
17k yang jWBIJC waIJc wraIJh
3-28 = K. 765 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a 52, xIOng XjwBIJ hyaIJ hwraIJ
[Tl Sin Sukchu SR xjujl), xjul) (3:jI), LR xjul); MGZY (Hying hying (-']7.) [xjil)l
f huang xjwal]B hyUI]B hwaIJ?
'confused', also xwal)B/hwQI)B
g kuang ! xjwaIJc hyuIJc hwaIJh
[Tl Sin Sukchu SR xwal) (*), PR xyal); MGZY (Hwyang hwyang (*) [xyal)]
h kuang ! xjwaIJc hyuIJc hwaIJh
huang xjwaIJc hyuIJc hwaIJh
3-29 = K. 699 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a .en high ang IJaIJ IJuIJ IJaIJ
look up yang !]jaIJB IJiuIJB IJaIJ?
b m ang IJaIJ IJuIJ IJaIJ
c 1rp look up yang !]jaIJB I]-iUIJB IJaIJ?
[Tl Sin S. SR I)al) (1:.), PR jal), I)jal), LR jal); MGZY (ngyang ngyang (1:.) [I)jal)l; ONW
I)al) <> [Dl PMin *;)I)c > Amoy I)Cl, Fuzh aUI)Cl; G-Ruijin T).iQI)C T).iu
A2
frn4 'to tend livestock'
80
3 oeM *-al) (GSR 697-765)
d illI meet yfng IJ.iBI) I)ial) I)ral)
3-30
a
3-31
aef
hj
k
g
[TJ ONW I)el) <> [D] PMin *I)ial) > Jiany l)ia1)AI; Xiam col. l)ia
A2
1 gia, lit. geI)A2 1 gil) 'to
receive ceremoniously' <> [E] ST *I)ral): TB *I)ral) > WB I)ral)B 'contradict, deny'
illI receive ying IJ.iBI)C l)ial)C I)ral)h
= K. 701 Mand. Me LHan oeM
;fi dang
dal)c dOl)c dal)h
= K. 723 Mand. Me LHan oeM


zhang tsjal) tSOI) tal)

zhang tsjal) tsol) tal)
[If zhang tsjal)(C) tSOI)(C) tal), tal)h
5'
zhang, tsjal) tsol) , tal) or
Xiam. kiU
AI
kiol) kjal) ?
3-32 = K. 725 Since TB cognates to words in this series have root initial *j-, some OC
forms may also have had a *j in the initial.
a
d
e
fi
v
n
y
j
I
mx-
k
q
Mand. Me LHan oeM
shang zjal)c dzol)c dal)h, probably = djal)h
[TJ Sin Sukchu SR zjal) <*); MGZY zhang <*) MTang zal), ONW dzaI) .
[E] ST *jal): WT yal) 'again, still, once more'
chang zjal) dzol) dal) = djal)
[DJ PMin dziol) <> [E] WT g-ya1) 'animal skin clothing'
chang zjal) dzol) dal) = djal)
chang zjal) dzol) dal) = djal)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR dzjal) (-'f-); MGZY zhang MTang zaI)
[DJ PMin *9ziol) points to earlier *m-dU)aI)
[EJ TB *m-yal) 'taste', Chepang yalJ-sa 'to taste', WT myolJ-ba, myal)s 1 myo1) ' to taste'
chang zjal) dzol) dal) = djal)
shang sjal)B SOI)B hjarJ'i'
chang, shang zjal)(C) dzol)(C) dal)(h)
zhang tsjal)B tSOI)B tal)?
chang tshjal)B tshOI)B thal)?
chang tshjal)B thol)B thal)?
chang, tshjal)B, tshOI)B, thal)?,
tang thal)(B) thOI)(B) thal)(?)
'j match dang t al) tOI) tal)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR tal) (-'f-); MGZY dang (.ljZ) [tal)]; ONW taI)
'j ought dang tal)c tOl)c tal)h
[T] ONW sal)
' indemnify, pay back'
'palm of hand'
'stop suddenly'
r 1f{ dang tal)B tOI)B tal)?
thal)B thOI)B thal)?
std' tang dal) dOl) dal)
e' tang thaI) thOI) thaI)
f'!tll!: cheng thral) 4-301976a'
'Look straight at' [Zhuang].
u cheng <;h:l l) = 3-35/72In
cheng c;lBI) [T] Xiongnu tengri 'sky'
81
3 OCM *-al] (GSR 697-765)
3-33 = K. 726 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a 1:. rise shang ijaI]B dioI]B daI]?, probably =djaI]?
[T] Sin S. SR ljal) (J:. -t;-); MGZY zhang (..t$:) MTang Zal), ONW dzal)
[D] PMin *s!ZiOI)B < PCH *m-daI)7 or rather *m-jal)7?
[E] WT yal) as in yal)-rtse ' highest point , summit' * ya 'above, up'
1:. up shang ijaI]c dioI]c daI]h = dj aI]h (D] PMin *dzbl)c
3-34 = K. 724 Mand. Me LHan OCM
aefg l 00 chang tshjaI] tshOI]
cd chang tshjaI]C tshOI]c
k-hlaI] or thaI] ? [T] ONW tshal)
k-hlaI]h
[D] PMin *tshbl) <> [E] WB g-khral)B ' a song'
3-35 = K. 721 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a grow zhang tjal]B traI]? OCB *trjal)7
[T] Sin Sukchu SR (..t); MGZY jang U: )
:R long chang cJjaI] cJioI] dral] OCB *fitrjal)
[T] MTang 9al), ONW dalJ, BTD Skt. -9iyanika
* length zhang cJjaI]c <,lioI]c draI]h
h iJ.& stretch zhang tjaI] traI]
[E] WT dral)(s) ' draw, drag, pull, draw tight' (a rope), LB *ral) 'draw, pull, drag '
5:& swell zhang t.ioI]c traI]h
g rjJ:& zhang tjaI]c traI]h
ij zhang tjaI] tral]
1m '1:&$:& cha ng thraI]h
f chang cJjal] cJioI] draI]
k 1* chang, thral],
cheng thraI]h
n 1:& cheng <;lUI] cJaI] draI] = 3-321725n
[E] Tai: S. SOl)A2 [WrSiam drl)] ; or TB-Lepcha ta-ral) 'upright beam in house'
3-36 = K. 722 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a ;t zhang <;IjaI]B cJiOI]B draI]?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR dzjal) (..t); MGZY cang (..t) MTang 9al) , ONW dal)
b t5t stick zhang <;IjaI]B cJioI]B draI]?
lean on zhang <;Ijal)c <;IioI]c draI]h
3-37 = K. 719 Mand. Me oeM
thraI]h a chang
[E] WT ehal) ' fermented liquor'
3-38 = K. 720 This phonetic originally wrote OC I-initial words, the series $: 3-39/732
wrote OC j -initial words ; but after the initials had merged, one finds crossovers.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
aeh

yang jiaI] jOI] laI] [El WB lal)B 'be bright '
jp

yang jial] jOI] laI] [E] WT lal)-ba 'to rise, ari se'
q

yang jiaI] jOI] laI] [E] WT leal) < *lhjalJ ' willow'
st ?!'fi ,im yang jiaI] jOI] lal]
82
3 oeM *-al) (GSR 697-765)
melt yang jial) JOI)
lal) 'melt metal'
roast yang jial)c JOI)C lal)h
z
'S
'#!Jj flowing shang sjal) sal) lhal)
'S
'#!Jj hot liq. tang
thaI) thaI) lhal)
j' 1j shang sjal) sal) IhaJ] [E] Tai: S. laal]A2 ' destroy'
k'I'

shang sjal) sal) lhal)
h'g'

shang sjal) sal) Ihal)
i'
HE
shang, sjal), sal), lhal),
qIang tshjal) tshiol) s-lhal)
[E] Tai: S. sa-kel) 'harmful'
x chang <:ljal] <:liol] dral) < r-Ial]
y

chang <:ljal) <:liol] dral] < r-Ial]
[D] PMin *tOI)A2. <> [E] WT 101)-ka 'intestines, entrails, guts', Chepang yOI)-kli? -Iyol)-ki. <>
MY: *gl-: PY klaal)2 'intestines' MTang <:lal), ONW dal)
uv chang thral]h (or t-lhal]h, k-hral]h ?)
c'

tang dal] dOl]
n' eliminate dang
dal]B dOI)B Hil]?
push tang
thal]C thOI]C
lhal)h
m'o'

dang dal]B dOI]B lal]?
p' iJj immense dang dal)B dOI]B lal]?
purify dang dal]c dOl]c lal)h
e'
'm carefree dang dal]B dOI]B lal]?
directly shang sjal] sal] lhal]
f'

dang dal]c dOl]c lal]h

dang dal]c dOl]c
3-39 = K. 732 This phonetic '* originally wrote OC j-initial words, the series
3-38/720 wrote OC I-initial words; but after the initials had merged, one finds crossovers.
Mand. MC LHan OCM
a '* goat yang jial] JOI] jal]
[f] Sin Sukchu SR jal) en; MGZY yang (3jZ) [jal)]; ONW ial) <> [E] Lushai -jaa? 'a wild
goat', JP ja
55
'blue sheep' <>? PTai *1-: S. liaIJA2 _phaa
AI
'goat, antelope'.
'* a fly yang jial] JOI] jal]
[D) PMin *ZioIJA2 <> [E] TB *yaIJA 'a fly'
ef 1$1$ yang jial] JOI] jal]
h 1$ yang jial] JOI] jal] [E] WT yaIJs- 'wide, broad'
ff disease yang, jial), JOI], jal],
xi ang zjal] ziol] s-jal]
ulcer yang jial]B jiOI]B - (Zhouli) - 3-38/7205 (Zuo)
g yang jial]c JOI]C jal]h
Jt nourish yang jial]B JOI]B jal]?? S. liaIJc2 'feed, nourish'
Jt support yang jial]c JOI]C jal]h
r * itch yang jial]B jOI]B jaI]?
[DJ PMin *QzioIJB < *N- <> [E] WT g-ya-ba 'to itch'
ks- yang jial]c JOI]C jal]h
yang jial]c JOI]C jal)h
[f] Sin Sukchu SR jaIJ (-;t;:); MGZY yang (-;t;:) [jaIJ]; ONW iaIJ
83
3 oeM *-al] CGSR 697-765)
mnp xiang zjal] ziol] s-jal]
q :f XJang zjal] ziol] s-jal]
[T] LMing c'iam [ts'ial]]; Sin SR zjal] (3jZ), LR zjal]; MGZY (zyang zyang (3jZ) [zjal]]
3-40 = K. 734 Mand. Me LUan oeM
shang sjal] sal] lhal]
The graph is used to write the name of a place; it is therefore the drawing of some building.
3-41 = K. 728 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a
*
xiang zjal]B ZiOI]B s-jal]? OCB *zal]?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR zjal] cn MGZY (zyang zyang (1:) [zjal]]; MTang zial) < ONW zal).
[D] M-Xiamen col. ts
h
iu
C2
, lit. siol]c2 <> [E] PTai *jal)c, Saek saal)C2 < z- 'elephant'; MK-
PMonic *ciil] <> TB-LB *tsal) 'elephant' > WB chal]A
ef xiimg zjal]B Ziol]B
3-42 = K. 730 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a "
xiang sjal] sial) snal]
b xiang sjalJ siOl) snal)
rang nzjal] nOI) nal] i1J. [E] WB hnal)B 'dew, fog'
fg 11.
h 1'1 rang nzjal](B) nOI)(B) nal], nal]?
e m steal ning nzjal] nOI] nal]
oppose ding nzjal]B nOI]B nal]?
d:tJ ding nzjal]B nOI]B nal]?
[E] S. daal)BI < *?d- *7n- ?) 'potash, lye' , Li Ngam 7nal)BI
rang nzjal]C nOI]C nal]h [E) WT gnal) 'to concede'
rang nzjal]c nOl]c nal]h
c xiang sjal]AjBjC sOI)BjC nhal]?, nhal]h - 3-181715e
I
k
3-43
a
e
f
il
k
n
oqt
p
r
A late graph? See also 3-171716. [T] ONW sal)
91 niang I)jal] =
[T] Sin S. SR njal) (3jZ); MGZY nang (Sf) [r).al)]; ONW nal) <> [E] Tai: S. naal]A2 < *n- 'lady'
I
= K. 735
R
good



river
reckless
tinkle
licentious

14
nang
nang
Mand.
liang
liang
liang,
lang
lang
lang
lang
I:ing
lang
lang
lang
Me LUan
ljal) lim)
ljal) liol)
ljal), liOI],
liil]c 10l]c
Hil] 101]
lal] 101]
lal]c 10l]c
Hil) 101)
lal]c 10l]c
lal] 101]
lal] 101]
[E] Tai: Po'ai laal)A2 < *nllral) 'bamboo shoot'

lang lal) 101]
oeM
ral)
ral)
ral],
dil]h
ral]
ral]
ral]h
ral)
ral]h
ral]
ral]
ral]
[T] Sin Sukchu SR lal) (3f.); MGZY lang (If) [Ial]] ; ONW 101]
84
ONW nOI)
[E] WT gna' 'ancient'
cf. 9-19/823a
= 3-451737d
s
9
h
00

AA
3
lang, Hmg
Hmg
lang
OCM *-al] (GSR 697-765)
lal](C) 101](C) ral], ral]h
lal]c 10l)c ral)h
lal)B 10l)B ral]?
3-44 = K. 736 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a fm two liang Ijal)B liol)B ral)?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR Ijal] U:); MGZY (lyang Iyang C.t) [ljal]]; MTang lial] < lal], ONW lal]
[0] PM in *\OI]B/C 'two', liol]B 'a tael' > NMin Jianyang SOI]CI 'two', liol]Bl 'tael'
fm arrange liang Ijal]BjC liol)BjC ral]?jh
fm chariot liang Ijal)c liol)c ral)h
c ft liang Ijal)c liol)c ral)h
d- liang Ijal)B liol)B ral)?
3-45 = K. 737 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a ii: to meas. liang Ijal] liol) ral]
[0] PMin *Iiol] 'measure' > Fuzh liol]A2 <> [E) WT 'gral]-ba 'to count '
.;;. a measure liang Ijal]c liol)C ra!]h [E) WT gral]s 'number'
d. liang Ija!] liol) ra!] = 3-43!735e
3-46 = K. 738 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a liang Ijal) liol) ra!]
[0] PMin *liol] 'beam' > Amoy niii
A2
, Fuzh lio!)A2
b liang Ija!] lio!] ra!]
3-47 = K. 702
a
3-48 = K. 703
Mand.
zang
Mand. Me LHan
oeM
tsa!]h
OCM
ONW tsO!)
a

cang tsha!] tshO!] tshal) < k-sa!] OCB *tsha!)
d
e
f
hijk
g
m
n
c
[f) Sin Sukchu SR ts'al] (3fI. ); MGZY tshang (.If!.) [ts'al]]. <> [El WT gsal]-ba 'conceal'
cang tshal) tshOI)
it cang tsha!] tshol)
[E) ? ST *sal] 'live, green ': TB-Garo thaI] < *sal]
crane cang tsha!] tshO!]
tinkle qiang tshja!] tshiol]
qiang tshja!] tshiol)
:J=t to rush qiang tshja!](B) tshiol](B)
beat chuang
wound chuang
begin chuang
tt
chuang
m
chuang
It
chuang, ,
cang tsha!] tshO!]
85
tsha!]
tsha!] < k -Sa!]
'live' gathal] *k-sa!) 'green'
tsha!]
tsha!]
tsha!]
tsha!], tsha!]?
tshra!]?
tshra!]
tshral]h
tshral)h
tshra!]
tshral]h,
tsha!]
3-49
ad
[
z
v
x
u
y
a'
9
jlmj'
oq
n
j'
r
s
t
[ '
g'
h'
3 oeM *-al) (GSR 697-765)
= K. 727 Mand. Me LHan oeM
iHJT
qiang tshal)
M% bring JIang tsjal) tsiol) tsal)
[E] WT 'chal)-ba 'to hold, keep'
M% intend JIang tsjal) tsiol) tsal)
[f] Sin Sukehu SR tsj al) (:>f); MGZY (dzyang dzyang en [tsjal)]; MTang tsial) < tsal),
ONW tsal) <> [E] AA: OKhmer can IC::JI)/, Khmer ca ' na leOTjI 'to want, desire, hope for, be
willing to, about to, on the point of'
to lead jiang tsjal)c
M% beg qiang tshjal)
qiang tshjal)
;]t jiang tsjal)
a plant jiang! tsjal)
a state jiang tsjal)B
jiang tsjal)B
g jiang tsjal)c
shang sjal)
itJ(; qiang ! dzjal)
qiang dzjal)
:ti'il qiang dzjal)
tsiol)C
tshiol)
tshiol)
tsiol)
tsiol)
tsiOI]B
tsiOI]B
tsiol)c
sOl]
dziol)
dziol)
dziol)
t+t,.-;:tt
n-.L. zhuang
zhuang
zhuang
M*,* bed chuang d?-jal) d?-ol)
[f] ONW (?) <> [D] PMin *dzh::J1)
tsal)
tsal]?
tsal)h
name of a state
Ihal) ? or hjal) ?
dzal)
dzal)
dzal)
tsral), tsral)h
dzral]
AA zhuang d?-jal)c d?-ol)c dzral)h
[f] Sin Sukehu SR dz.al) C*), PR dz.wal); MGZY chang ($:) [dz.AI)]; ONW (?)
[E] Tai: S. raal)B2 'form, shape' .... Khmer rana Irfidl)l ' body build, form, figure, shape'
#ff zang tsal) tSOI) tsal)
zang tsal) tSOI) tsal) [E] WT bzal)-po 'good'
lJi to store cang dzal) dzol) dzal) OCB *fitshal)
[f] Sin Sukehu S dzal) (:>]I); MGZY tsang (-'fL) [dzal]] ; ONW dzol)
lJi a store zang dzal)c dzol)c dzal)h
zang tsal] tSOI] tsal]
3-50 = K. 727mj' Mand. Me LHan
dziol)
oeM
dzal] mj .. . qiang dzjal)
3-51
= 727j ... w/o phonet . 7"l 3-49, g.Y.
'* bed
Mand.
chuang
LHan
d?-ol)
oeM
dzral) = 3-49/7271' H:*
3-52 = K. 729 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
!1I
JIang dzjal)c dziol)c dzal)h
See Intro. 9.2.8. [f] Sin Sukehu SR dzjal) ( $:); MGZY (tsyang tsyang ($:) [dzjal)]
[E] Khmer leal)l 'to dress (wood, stone), rough out, trim ... '
86
3 oeM *-al) (GSR 697-765)
3-53 = K. 704 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a * sang sal) sOl) sal)
[f] ONW sal). MHan sOI)-m:m sramal)a
b sang sal)B SOl)B sal)?
3-54 = K. 705 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a burial sang sal) sOl) sal) 3-47/702 :$
[f] Sin Sukchu SR sal) (-'f); MGZY sang (-'f) [sal)] <> [E] WB sal)- 'grave'
destroy sang sal)c SOl)C sal)h = smal)h OCB *smal)s
Some graphic forms incorporate the element wang *mal) 'lose, ruin', but
its role may be semantic and only apply to the meaning 'destroy'.
3-55 = K. 731 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a t look at xiang sjal)c siol)c sal)h
t appear xiang sjal)(C) siol)(C) sal), sal)h
t mutually Xlang sjal) siol) sal)
[f]Sin Sukchu SR sjal) (0/); MGZY (syang syang e[7.) [sjal)]; MTang sial) < sal), ONW sal)
d xiang sjal)B siol)B sal)?
ef i;f *i'i xiang sjal) siol) sal)
ft shuang sral)
[f] ONW MHan ilH!l <> [D] W -Wenzh cy:J
44
jRpe1)44j33 'ice', PMin *8;,1):
Xiamen S1)55, Chaozhou SWI)33
h m shuang sral)
3-56 = K. 733 Mand.
a go astray shuang
bright shuang
MC


3-57 = K. 740 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a 11 square fang pjwal) puol) pal)
[f] Sin Sukchu SR fal) (Sf); MGZY Hwang (0/) [fal)]; MTang pfual), ONW pual) < pal)
11 begin fang pjwal) puol) pal) [E] NNaga *pral) 'begin'
11 method fang pjwal) puol) pal)
[E] WT byal)- 'skill, practice'
jj tossed pang bwal) bOI)
fang pjwal) puol)
o fang pjwal) pUOl)
k W a tree fang pjwal) pUOI)
a handle bing pjBI)C pial)c = 3-61 ffj
g AA rang pjwal)c, puol)c,
pwal)c pOl)c
115<. let go fang pjwal)c pUOl)c pal)h
[f] Sin Sukchu SR fal) C*); MGZY Hwang C*) [fal)]; MTang pfhual) (?), ONW phual) < phal)
[E] WT 'phal)s 'to fling, throw'
11x. imitate rang pjwal)B
I3)J rang pjwal)B
mn nJiJjIL rang pjwal)B
pUOl)B
puol)B
puol)B
phUOl)
pal)?
pal)?
pal)?
phal) q fJ}j fang phjwal)
87
3 oeM *-al) (GSR 697-765)
s
7=J
fang
phjwal) phUOI) phal)
uv rang
phjwal)B phUOl]B
phal)?
r
f.Vj
rang
phjwal)B phUOI)B phal)?
[T] MTang pfhual) (?), ONW phual) < phal) <> [E] WT phal) 'spindle'
Wi
rang
phjwal)C phuol)c
phal)h 9-27/817a pin J!i'i
xza'
:I1JrttJ a' fang bjwal) buol) bal)
y
m
fang bjwal) buol) bal)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR val) MGZY h(w)ang [val)]; ONW bual) < bal)
[E] WT bal)-ba 'storeroom'
b' j}j fang bjwal) buol) bal)
e' 1)] pang bwal) bOI) bal)
j' fJj beng pel) pal) pral) = 3-S817S0e
f' <Jj side pang bwal) bOI) bal)
[E] Lushai pal)L 'side of body'
bang! beng pel) pal) pal) !
n' bang! pang, bwal), bOI), bal)
peng bel) bal]
m'
1iJ1
pang bwal)(C) bOI)(C) bal), bal)h
0'
iiJ1
bfmg bwal)c bOl)c bal)h

bang pwal)c pOl)c pal)h
[E] AN *qaBal) 'two boat s lashed together'
k'

bang pwal)c pOl)c pal)h
I'd 'c' pang 1 phwal) phOI)
pMI)
p'
m
bang! plllf
pal)c pral)h [E] WT spal) 'board, plank'
r'

beng, pel), pal) , pral),
pang bwal] bOI) bal)
3-58 = K. 741 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
CB: fang pjwal) puol) pal)
3-59 = K. 750 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a PI.N. peng bel) bal) bral)
forceful pang bwal) bOI) bal)
bang! pang pwal) pal] pal)
e

beng pel) pal) pral) = 3-S7I740j'
'T'
3-60 = K. 751 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
-a-
;K, peng phe!) pha!)
phral]
3-61 = K. 757 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
pg
bfng pjel)B pia!]B pra!]?
g
'In
bing pjB!)B/C pia!)B/C
pra!)?/h OCB *prjal)s
h
ffl
bing pjB!)C pia!)c pra!)h [D] PMin *pal)c
i-j

bfng pjB!]B pia!)B pra!)?
k
m
bing bjB!)c bia!)c
bra!)h
[TJ ONW bel) <> [DJ PMin *bal)c > Fuzh pal)C2, Amoy pTC2
88
3 oeM *-al] (GSR 697-765)
3-62 = K. 758 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
'*
bIng pjUl]B pial]B pral]?
d
t*
bing pjUl]c pial]c pral]h
3-63 = K. 759
E:
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a /, bIng pjul] pial] pral]
[f] Sin Sukchu SR pil) (3jL); MGZY bing (3jL) [pil)]; ONW pel)
3-64 = K. 709 Mand. Me LHan oeM
-a mang mwal]B
mal]B mal]?
SW 483. [E] TB-Chep. mal)? 'grass'
[f] ONW pel)
mo muo
B
moB
rna? < mla? ?
[E] TB *m-lyak 'grass'
mang mOl]B mal]?
Mand. Me LHan oeM 3-65 = K. 742
L
a wang mjwal] muol] mal]
[f] Sin S. SR, LR val) (If); MGZY wang (If) [val)] <> [E] Lushai mal)F 'to die, die out'
-c::
wang mjwal](C) mual](C) mal] (!)
[f] MTang mvual), ONW mual)
la'
11\ net wang mjwal]B muol]B mal]? [E] PTai *mwal)A2 'fishnet'
2 dejected wang mjwal]B muol]B mal]?
[E] S. phraal)A2 < *br- 'deceive'
b'

wang mjwal]B muol]B mal]?
k :r: sharp mang mwal], mal], mal],
mjwal] muol] mal]
-++-
L: great mang mwal], mal], mal]
:r: confused mang mwal], mal], mal],
xwal](B) hUOl](B) hmal], hmal]?
c' mang ! mjwal] muol] mal]
d' mang mwal] mal] mal]
wang mjwal]c muol]c mal]h g
m wang mjwal]AjC muol]AjC mal]A = 3-66/743
[f] Sin Sukchu SR, LR val) MGZY wang [val)]; MTang mvual) , ONW mual) < mal)
op
q
-st
ur
[E] TB *mral) 'to see'
ttL
mang
-=-
mang
meng
[E] WT sbral) 'a fly'
mwal]
mUl]
mUI]
t.B.\ffit meng mel]
[E] WT dmal)s 'people'
mal]
mraI]
mel]
-co-
Y F! huang xwaI] huoI] hmaI]
z iiii huang xwaI] huoI] hmaI]
[E] MK: PMnong *mham 'blood'
-c::-
v JlL huang xwaI] huoI] hmaI]
e' JfL huang xwaI] huaI] hmaI]
[f] Sin Sukchu SR xwal) (3jL); MGZY hwang (If) [xwal)]
f' IDit huang xwaI](B) hual](B) hwaI](?)
89
[f] ONW mel)
3 oeM *-al) (GSR 697-765)
g'
)IL
huang xwal)B hUOI)B hwal)!
h'i'

mang mwal) mOl) mal)
3-66 = K. 743 Mand. Me LHan oeM
adg wang mjwal)c muol)c mal)h = 3-651742m
3-67 = K. 744 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ac-

wang mjwal)B muol)B mal)! I#J = 3-651742a' t.fEJ
3-68 = K. 760 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a f!Ij mfng mjul) mial) mral) oeB *mrjal)
[f] Sin S. SR mil) (-'); MGZY ming (-') [mil)]; ONW mel) <> [D] PMin *mal) 'next' (year)
e M meng mjul) mial) mral)
9 Eiij meng mel) mel) mral) or mrel) ?
[E] Viet. mam 'sprout, shoot'; TB-Lepcha mlam 'shoots from stump of tree'
3-69 = K. 761 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a lIll mIn mjul)B mial)B mral)!
[E] Viet. mam 'food tray'
e

meng mUI)C mal)c mral)h [f] ONW mel)
9
1%
meng mUI)B mal)B mral)!
90
4 oeM rime *-a Zhfbu
GSR 936 - 1001
Baxter 1992: 464 ff. (10.2.1)
Table 4-1: OCM rimes *-;:H), in QYS categories
Div. *-al) R.6 R.5 *-akh R.5
I 'I:: kal)c bl)c % khak khak slli
c
sac
Jltz: ywak yuak pac
! tal)
tal) tak
M pal) pak
III i kjul) kUI) m pjuk puk *pak JK pj;m
C
puc *pakh
lab ME jUl)3 wuI) *wal) !J':l( mjuk muk *mak
mjul)c mUI) *mal)
3/3 OJ< pjal) pil) *pral) pjak pik *prak flil bjiC3 bi
c
< bia
c
lab *brakh
III Ji.5t kjal) kil) *kal) kjak kik *bk khji
C
khia
c
non ;ilk ijal) dZiI) *dal) ;1Irr xjwak huik *hwak *khakh
-lab 9- jial)C jil)C *Ial)h jwak wik *wak tsi
C
*takh
tsjak tsik *tak ja
C
*hkh
jik *Iak
'S *srak
II E!!'l mel)B mel)B kek kek it! biii
C
bec
mekmek
*-a R.4
i:!)l: klliB b
B

'i9( khwai khua
'Bi mwfti
B
ma
B

:tE dza
B

li khjau khu < khwua *khwa
1'f jau
B
wu
B
< wua
B
*wa?
bjau
B
buB < bua
B
*ba?
kjwi3 kui<kwia *kwra
pji
B
3 piB < pia
B

=l't gji gi < gia *ga
jii
B
ji < jaB *la7
T tsiB tsi
B
< tsia
B
*tsa7
5E < *sra7
w: kiii
c
ke
c

'1' kwiii
c
kue
c

In this section are also found phonetic series in OCM *-u (section 13) that are suspected of
including words in OCM In late Western Han poetry, these words tend to rime with ones
in OC (Coblin 1986: 1 03f). By LHan these words seem to have ended in -u. The multitude
of MC rimes with medial u/w in this OC category and their multiple OC sources are
interpreted as follows:
Mand. MC LHan < earlier OCM
11 jiii kjau
B
ku
B
ku?
li qiu khjau khu < khwua khwa
1'f
you jau
B
wu
B
< wua
B
wa7
fu bjau
B
bUB
< bua
B
ba7

guf kjwi 3 kui < kwia kwra
2E pf phji 3 phi < phia phra
huf khwa
1:k
huf hwa
hul hwa
c

MC and modern dialects distinguish between OC syllable types *Po, *Mo and *Ma; but
these have merged in the language of the Shijing and phonetic series (Baxter 1992); this has
led to some confusion of these finals.
See Table 26-1 for OC rimes *-i, *-ui and in QYS categories.
91
4-1
4-2
a
h
9
s
4 OCM *-;) (GSR 936-1001)
= K. 936 Mand. Me LHan oeM
Ex
gal b
B
kg? < kl;)?
[T) Sin Sukchu SR kaj (J:.); MGZY gay C.t) [kaj) ; ONW kai
[E) PTai *klai
AI
'to pass by, change into'
= K. 937 Mand. Me LHan oeM
*
hai
g;)B gg?

hai
g;) gg
smile hai
g;) gg
cough
k' ,
e. khil.i
c kh;)C
khgkh
tJ\ cough ke
kh;)C
khgkh
kh;)k kh;)k khgk
[D) Min: Amoy lit . khek
D1
'sound of coughing' <> [E) TB *ka:k: Lushai khaak
H
'eject forcibly
from the throat ' khaak
R
'phlegm', WT khogs 'cough' , WB hak 'to hawk, raise phlegm'; <>
Tai: S. khaak
D1
' to spit out', Saek k
h
aak
6
' cough up phlegm', PVM *k-ha:k / krha:k 'to spit'
hai g;)c ggh
j 1?{ N.Pr. gai b kg
swallow ai I);)c I)gh
kim gai b kg
opq gai k;) kg
gai b kg
n
y
z
a'
tu
v
x
4-3
ac
d
e
f
4-4
af
a
9
e'
[E) WB hle-ka
B
'stairs, ladder' (hIe 'ladder'), lP lii
33
_ka
33
' steps', ? WT skras, skas-ka, skad
'ladder'
gai, xie yai b, ge kg, grg
hai yiJ.i
B
ge
B
grg?
hai yiii ge grg
1t he yek gek grgk = 5-3/1260a
[E) TB: WT rag ' fruit stone, bead', Mikir rak 'fruit stone'
ai I);)C I)gkh = 4-23/956g IiJk
ke kh;)k kh;)k khgk
M he, hai y;)k, g;)k, g;)c ggk(h)
= K. 990 Mand. Me LHan oeM
Jle kiii
C
ke
c
krgh
[T) Sin Sukchu SR kjaj (*), PR kjej; MGZY gyay (J:.) [kjajJ; ONW kei
xie yiii
C
ge
C
grgh
xie y iii B ge
B
grg?
gai k;) kg
= K. 952 Mand. Me LHan oeM
:13::) kJ'; k' k'
/"... > Jf i < i;) "
'basket', OCB *k(r)j;:l
;1t2 this qf gji gi;) g;)
[T) Sin Sukchu SR gi (lfL); MGZY ki (lfL) [gil; ONW gi;)
;1t3 probably ji kji
C
ki;)c k;)h
jf kji ki;) k;) OCB *k(r)j;)
[T) Sin Sukchu SR kjej ( lfL), PR, LR ki; MGZY gi (lfL) [ki); BTD ki;)-ja-kim-po-
10 Skt. kesakambala
qf gji
92
4 OeM
*-g ;L'fB (GSR 936-1001)
jJ *fl
jl kji
kig kg [f] ONW ki;;)
k :J1J3 time qf gji gi;;) g;;)
year jf kji kig k;;) [f] ONW ki::l
m Jt stalks qf gji gi;;) g;;)
a vegetab. jf kji ki;;) k;;)
n plan jf kji ki;;) k;;)
deceive qf khji khi;;) kh;;)
[f] Sin Sukchu SR k'jej (lfL), PR k'i; MGZY khi (lfL) [k' i]; MTang khi, ONW khi::l,
pq f' f1=t:ltt 1Jtt q f kh ji khi;;) kh;;)
Ym qf khji khi;;) kh;;)
rtuv qf gji gi;;) g;;)
xya'b' qf gji gig g;;)
z grey qf gji gig gg
cord qi, ji gji(C) gig(C) g;;)(h)
c' ji gji
C
gig
C
ggh
d'
4-4A
7T
ill
= 4-5/953su ,gg:g
ji
Mand.
jf
ji
gji
C
gig
C
ggh
Me LHan oeM
kji ki < kig
kji
C
kig
C
4-5 = K. 953 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a a ji kji
B
kiB < kigB kg?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR kjej (1:.), PR, LR ki; MGZY gi (1:.) [ki]
ji kji
B
ki;;)B kg?
oeB *g(r)j;;)?(s)
SW 2003
SW 2004
#.C ji kji
B
ki;;)B b? OCB *k(r)j::l?
ji kji
C
ki;;)c bh [f] ONW ki::l
s dread ji gji
C
gi;;)C ggh OCB *g(r)j::l?(s)
= 4-4/952c'
a particle ji kji
C
kig
C
k;;)h
u]tg ji gji
C
gig
C
g;;)h
xy y ji gji
B
gigB g;;)?
k We ql khji
B
khi;;)B kh;;)?
1 Tc ql khjiB khi;;)B khg?
[E] ? TB: WT khri-siI) 'a creeper'
q B ql khji
B
khig
B
khg? [E] ? TB: WT khre 'millet'
r Jm qi khjiB khig
B
khg?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR k'jej (1:.), PR k'i; MGZY khi (..1:.) [k'i]; ONW khi::l
4-6 = K. 985 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a A gUf kjwi 3 kui < kwig - ku kwrg R! oeB *kwrj;}
[f] *ku-dz;} = Kuca [Hanshu] <> [D] PMin *kui - *ku. In Han and Wei-lin poetry the
word rimes with both *-;} and *-u.
4-7 = K. 986 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a m: gUl kjwiB 3 kui
B
< kwi;;)B kru? R! oeB *kWrju?
= 4-8/987 31-2/ 540a,g-j gui /itjll
93
4 oeM *-;:J (GSR 936-1001)
4-8 = K. 987 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

gUl kjwiB 3 kuiB < kwi::J
B
krul'R!
= 4-7/986
eg tv!:
jiu kj::Ju
c
ku
c
kuh
4-9 = K. 988 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a face kUl gjwi 3 gui < gwi::J gru
= 4-12/992e hJ(
mien kUl
khjwiB 3 khui
B
< khwi::J
B
khrul'
[f] ONW gui <> [E] Lepcha tli-gryu 'cheek'
b
WI
hUI hU::J
c

= 31-2/540f iii!! *hwas 'wash the face'
4-10 = K. 989
a i!
Mand.
kUl
Me
gjwi 3
LHan
gui < gwi::J
oeM
gru R!
= 4-12/992m :i!!t
4-11 = K. 991 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a '1'
gual kwil:i
C
kuC < kwC ? [T] ONW kuei
The phonetic could be you :x . Seems to be cognate to {1W. 28-1I569d gUI *kGi.
4-12 = K. 992
11
a
Mand. Me LHan oeM
JIU kj::Ju
B
ku
B
R! kul' / kW;:J! ?
e
m
n
fgj
k
1
o
p
qrst
u
v
x
[N]The graph was perh. invented for a word 'to bend, elbow' .... ju
[T] Sin Sukchu SR kiw (1:.); MGZY giw (1:.) [kiw]; MTang keu < kiu, ONW ku
[D] PEMin *bU
B1
: M-Xiamen, Fuzhou kau
B
; PWMin *kiu
BI
.
[E) ST *kw::J?: TB *d-kuw, Lushai kua
R
< *kua? *?, not *-h < *-S)(k:Jll)
kUl, qiu gjwi 3,gj::Ju gui < gwi::J,gu gru, gu
= 4-9/988a Ml [T] ONW gui
kUl gjwi 3 gui < gwi::J gru
= 4-1 O/989a
JIU kj;:Ju ku ku
[T) MTang keu < kiu, ONW ku. <> [D) Y-Guangzhou, Hongkong hm
AI
khlmAl, Foshan,
Nanhai et aI., have k
h
_; M-XHlmen kiu
AI
khiu
AI
<> [E) TB *kuw 'dove'
9'L'tfm gUl kjwiB 3 kui
B
< kwi::J
B
kwr::J!
in
;tL: Wei-lin rime -W;l (Ting: 53)
gUl kjwiB 3
gUl kjwiB 3
jiU ! kj::Ju
c
kui
B
< kwi;:JB R! kru?
kui
B
< kwi::J
B
krul'
ku
c
kuh
OCB *kWrju?
= 4-7/986 11
OCB *k(r)jus
4-1 511 066a *
[T) MTang keu < kiu, ONW ku. In Han poetry jill rimes sometimes with *-u, sometimes with
*-;l (Luo / Zhou p. 132).
qiu gj::Ju gu < gWUd R! < *gwd,guR! = 4-15/ \066

qiu gj;:Ju gu gW::J or gu
fJL
kao
khiiu khou khfi
11m
xiao xau hou hfi
An onomatopoetic word, hence no *r in spite of QYS Div. II.
ftE
xu xjwok huok hok
94
4 oeM *-;:) (GSR 936-1001)
4-13 = K. 993 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ac JIU kj;:)u
B
ku
B
< kwu;:)B R! kw;:){ R! OCB *k
W
j;}7
[f] Sin Sukchu SR kiw (1): MOZY giw U:.) [kiw] <> [D] PMin *kiu
B
: Xi amen ku
B
b J< jiu kj;:)uB/c kuB/c kw;:){lh
de jiu kj;}u
c
ku
c
< kwu;}c R! kw;}h R!
9 jiu gj;}U
c
gu
C
gw;}h
f 2Z you j;m
B
wu
B
< WU;:)B w;:){
Mand. Me LHan oeM 4-14 = K. 994
fr a
qiU khj;:)u khu < khwu;:) R! khw;:) R! OCB *kWhj;}
d
In Han poetry, qiu rimes with both *-;} and *-u. <> [f] MTang kheu < khiu, ONW khu; BTD
Prakr. khu, Skt MHan Ji.f,t khu-dziu
c
= Kujula <> [E] ST *kw;}: TB-Phon bwa, Lushai
khua
H
' village', Lai khua 'cosmos, village'.
qiU khj;:)u khu
4-15 = K. 1066 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ae qiu gj;:)u gu<gwu;:)R! gw;:)R! OCB *gWj;:) 'fur'
a *2 seek qIll gj;:)u gu gu R! OCB *g(r)ju
3t 4-12/9920 <> [f] Sin S. SR giw (3JL) ; MOZY kiw (3f) [giw] ; MTang geu < giu, ONW gu
f J* qIll gj;:)u gu gu R!
[D] PMin *giu <> PTai *gwa
C2
' to search' <> [E] Tai: Wu-ming klau
A2
'ball'
9 :t* curved qiu gj;:)u gu gu
collect jiu kj;:)u ku ku
k qiu OCB *g(r)ju
Ih
n
m
= 4-12/992p in
qiu
qiu
jiu
qiu
qiu,
ji u
OCB *k(r)jus
= \3-8/1
4-16 = K. 1067
S
a
Mand.
JIll gj;:)u
B
guBR! gut
[D] PMin *ghiu
B
: Xiam k
h
u
C2
, Fuzh k
h
ou
C2
<> [E] PVM *t-ko:17 ' rice mortar '
b jiu gj;:)u
B
guB gut R! OCB *g(r)ju7
[D] PMin *giu
B
> Xiam ku
C2
, Fu'an kou
C2
<> [E] TB *kuw 'uncle'
c jiu gj;:)u
c
gu
C
gw;:){lh R!
[f] MTang geu < giu, ONW gu <> [D] PMin *giu
C
f jiu gj;:)u
c
gu
C
4-17 = K. 995
X
a
Mand. Me LHan oeM
you j;:)u
c
wu
C
< wu;:)c w;:)h OCB *wj;}(k)s
Original graph for ti <> [f] Sin Sukchu SR iw MOZY ngiw ($:) [I)iw]
e you j;:)u
B
wu
B
< WU;:)B w;:){ [f] ONW u
you j;:)u
B
, j;:)u
C
wuB/c < wu;:)B/c w;:){, w;:)h OCB *wj;}7(s)
[f] Sin S. SR iw ($:); MOZY ngiw ($:) [I)iw]; MTang eu < u, ONW u
kl {tift you
95
4 oeM *-;;) (GSR 936-1001)
m.M you wu
B
/
C
< WU;;)B/C
n 9; hlii h;;)B ?
o you wu
B
< WU;;)B W;;)? OCB
[T] Sin Sukchu SR iw U:); MGZY ngiw U:) [l]iwJ; MTang eu < u, ONW u; Han BTD *wu
[0] PMin *u
B
- iuB: Xiamen U
C2
, Fuzhou ou
C2
qr {fj'W you j;;)U
C
wu
c
< WU;;)c w;;)h
u!ll you j;;)U
C
, wu
c
< WU;;)c, OCB
xy
z
a'
juk wuk < w;;)k
wi
B
<

?uk <
wr;;)?
! (Baxter 1992: 352)

4-18 = K. 996 LHan oeM
adef you wu < W;;)
[T] ONW iu <> [E] WT yus 'blame'
4-19 = K. 997 Mand.
you
Me

LHan oeM
a
wu < WU;;)
4-19A Mand. Me LHan
EI hui ywai
C

EI 'nose' is semantic, not' phonetic
oeM
SW 1042
4-20 = K. 950 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
b
c
4-21
ad
efg
ijk
1m
4-22
a
tk.
hUI xw"u hu;;)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR xuj (3f); MGZY hue ( :<jZ) [XUE:]. The phonetic could be you X, hence
OCM also the graphic derivatives kufpoint to OCM *hw- rather than *hm-.
hUI !
kUl 'helmet; basin'
mei m;;)(C) = 4-64/947m
This graph occurs late (first in Liji) as a loan graph for when *hm- and *hw- had already
merged. Note 4-17/995z l!fl for a similar graphic confusion of *m- vs. *W-.
=K.955 Mand. Me LHan oeM
Xl xji
B
>hiB

[T] Sin Sukchu SR xi (.1::); MGZY hi (.1::) [xi]; MTang hi, ONW
Djgjfrl XI xji hi;;)

8g*g. XI xji
hi;;)

*ft*
chi tshi
C
tsh;;)c
OCB
= 4-34/960k
= K. 958 Mand. Me LHan oeM
Ii Yl
?i ?i;;) >?i ?;;)
[E] KT: PHlai ja
1
'medicine', KS *gja
2
' medicine, to cure', PTai *?ia
Al
'medicine'
4-22A iff: iii SW 5653
96
4 oeM *-g (GSR 936-1001)
4-23 = K. 956 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a WE doubt yf llii I)ig > I)i I)g
[f] MTang I)i [I)gi], ONW I)ig
WE stop yi lligk I)ik I)gk
b 11 nr lliiB l)igB I)gj' [f] BTD Skt. ji'i a
c a mount. yf llii I)ig I)g
firmly yi lligk I)ik I)gk
d nr lliiB I)ig
B
I)gj'
e yr, nr lliiB, lligk I)igB,l)ik I)gj' , I)gk
f . yf, nf llii , lligk I)ig, I)ik I)g, I)gk
g 1M al I)*i
c
I)gc = 4-21937t lit\
rrJ Sin Sukchu SR I)aj ($;-); MGZY ngay ($;-) [I)aj] ; ONW I)oi
c
[E] ? TB: WT 'geg(s)-pa, bkag, dgag ' to hinder, prohibit, shut'
h <JiE nfng lligl) I)il) I)gl)
4-24 = K. 998 Mand. Me LHan OCM
a
'*-
niu lli;;)U I)u < I)WU;;) R! I)Wg OCB *I)Wj;,
[f] Sin S. SR I)iw, iw ( 3jL ); PR, LR niw; MGZY ngiw (3jL ) [I)iw] ; ONW I)u <> [0] PMin *I)iu:
Xiamen gu
A2
, Fuzhou I)U
A2
<> [E] Tai : S. l]ua
A2
< *I)wue ? 'ox' , TB *I)wa 'bovine'
4-25 = K. 939
a II
fJI
Mand.
tai
tai
MC


[E] AA: Khmer tai lo;,jl 'female human, female slave'
OCM


4-26 = K. 961 Mand. MC LHan OCM
ag zhr tsi
B
tSg
B
> tsi
B
tgj'
hj Jl:1f zhr tsiB tSg
B
tgj'
k :tK zhr ! thjgB thrgj'
1 see 4-29
m sl zi
c
zjgC s-lgh ? OCB *sdj;;)s ?
d' shf s4 Sg lhg ? OCB *stj;,
[E] ? TB: Lushai hlaa
R
' song, poem, poetry'
e' shf s4 Sg lh;;) ?
Z this shf ii db d;;) OCB *dj;,(?)
[E] WT da ' there'
zb' iff2 time shf ii di;;) dgj' (tone!)
rrJ Sin Sukchu SR (3jL) , PR, LR MGZY zhi (3jL ) MTang zi < dzi, ONW db
j' JH!t shf Zi db d;;) OCB *dj;,
y '[':if shi ii
B
db
B
dgj' OCB *dj;,?
x f=!j: shi :li
c
db
c
dgh
[f] MTang zi < dzi , ONW db
v zhr tsi
B
tSg
B
tgj'
p t:if chf c;lji c;lig dr;;)
[f] BTD SkI.
qrst zhi c;ljiB c;ljgB dr;;)j'
U zhi <;ljiB c;lj;;)B drgj'
97
4 oeM *-;) L tm (GSR 936-100)
g ' dili dd
B

[f] BTD min-dai fif;!f SkI. nanda
k' zhi gji
B
gi;)B dr;)?
h' !J9: single te ! ddk ddk = 5-l2/9l90H
[T] Sin Sukchu SR C7-..), LR MGZY thiy ( A ) ONW d:)k.
[E] ? ST: tak ' one' in Western Himalayan languages, e.g., Darmiya taku 'one'
!J9: male te ddk ddk OCB
[E] Tai: S. thikD1S < *th- (in northern dial. *d-) 'young male animal' <> NNaga *te:k 'buffalo'
'*-
i' deng t;)I)B tdl)B
4-27 = K. 962 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ac L Z zhf tsi tsi < tSd t;)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR (3JL ), PR, LR tn; MGZY ji ( ) ONW tS;)
[E] WT cha-ba 'to go, become, be going to'; WB cac 'begin, at first' * 'beginning'
ef zhi tsi
C
tS;)c t;)h
zhi tsi
C
tS;)c, ki;)c ? [D] PMin *ki
c
d chf
4-28 = K. 963 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
m
shi ziB dZiB < dZ;)B d;)? [D] PMin *dzhi
[f] MTang zi < dzi, ONW db <> [E] ? PTai *ji
C2
' to buy', Ahom 'come to terms, consent'
shi -;)? [D] PMin *ghiB
4-29 = K. 961-1 Mand. Me LHan oeM
1 li chI tshi
B
tshi
B
< t h;)B k-hj;)?
4-30
ab
fg
h
ik
P
u
v
xy
d '
p'
e'
z
p
[T] Sin Sukchu SR Ct.); PR, LR MGZY chi (J::) MTang tshi, ONW
[D] PMin *khiBI - tfhi
BI
<> [N] The phonetic J.t was added later.
= K. 976 Mand. Me LHan oeM
J;),
yi jii
B
jiB < j;)B I;){
OCB
[T] Sin Sukchu SR i (J:); MGZY yi U:) [ji); MTang i, ONW <> [E] ? ST Lushai la
L
< laah Ilaak ' to take, get', Tiddim laa
R
Ilaak
R
< laa? / laak 'to take' , Newari laa-
g-:QJ:
Yl
jii
B
j;)B i;){

si
ziB Zi;)B s-I;){
[T] Sin Sukchu SR z1 (J: ); MGZY zhi ( 1:) [Z1]
si
ZiB
Zid
B
S-id?
-til my yi jii
j;) I;)
'I'tl
yi jii
j;) I;)
Wgive yi jii
j;) I;)
deceive dili dd
B


" r::t I=!
yi jii
j;) I;) [T] ONW i;)
*
xl! SiB si;)B S;){
IEl ye jia
B
jaB la{ [T] ONW ia
M5
shl siB S;)B
Ih;){
tEl' regulate zhi
gi(C) gi;)(C) dr;), dr;)h < r-);) , r-I;)h
[f] Sin Sukchu SR (:t:); MGZY ci (:t:) MTang <;Ii, ONW OCB
-tl2 rounded tai t
h
;)
98
b'
1240a Pi=! laugh
976c'
i'
j' ugly
slack
k'l'm' ;;a,7E! #.ii=!
I

938ab
c 1*
d 90\
ef
4-31 = K. 977
B
a
tiii
yr, chi
chi,
zheng
chi
hiii
si
tai
tai
dai
dai
yr
si
iii
iii, iii
iii
Xl
Mand.
4 OCM (GSR 936-1001)

jii
B
, I,hi
c
thi
C
, ,



ZiB




jiB 3!
d?-iB

?ai?
?iii
xji
Me
t
h
;)


, ,





d;)


j;)B


(;), ((
(
hi;)
LHan
< 7

s-I;)(




final enclitic particle



onomatopoetic, no *r

OCM
YI jii
B
jiB < OCB *ljd?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR i (1:.); MGZY yi (1:.) (ji]; MTang i, ONW
b
4-32 = K. 967
adi 8:tB18
k Fe
4-33 = K. 968
a

yi jii
C

Mand. Me
si
ziB
LHan OCM

= 5-17/954a
shi d?-iB
zi <
<
Mand. Me LUan OCM
cf zi zi < = 4-53/972j
[T] Sin Sukchu SR z1 ( .:>:jl ), LR z1; MGZY zhi ( .:>:jl ) [Z1]
4-34 = K. 960
acd l2:m d
k
j
f
Mand. Me LUan oeM
yf JIi ji < j;) j;)
chi tshi
c
OCB = 4-21 t!!
chI, tshi
B
,
zhl tsiB k-j;)? 7
Xl xji hi;) h;) (*h 7)
JI kji kg ( *kj;)7)
[N] The phonetic suggests hjd U) and kjd, but such words should have become palatalized,
99
4 OeM *-d zt'fB (GSR 936-1001)
4-35 = K. 978 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
d
e-
c
hi
mn
4-36
a
c
fglk
ijk
lE
II \jiB liB < lidB cd? OCB *C-rj:)?
[T] ONW lid <> [E] ST *rwd: TB *rwa > WB rwa ' town, village'
11 Iji
B
lidB cd? OCB *C-rjd?
[T] ONW lid <> [E] TB *riy 'draw, paint, write, delimit'
11 Iji
B
lidB cd?
11 Iji
B
lidB rd? OCB *C-rj:)?
tI If Iji lid fd
If Iji lid fd OC C-fd (because of Min)
OCB *C-rjd (*phrd - *ph:)_r:) *r:) ? <> [T] ONW li:) <> [D] Min: Jianou SE
A2
mB:
tI
= K. 979
P

J>Z


mlii
mlii
chi, If
Mand.
If
Xl
If
If
If
mai
mai

xjuk,
MC
Iji
xji
Iji
Iji
Iji
me
LHan
Ii < lid
hid
lid
lid
lid
[E] TB: WT 'bri-mo 'domesticated female yak'
OCM
fd
Cd
Cd
SW272
1237q chi d?-i, Iji d?-id S-Cd
4-37 = K. 980 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a '* 11 Iji
B
liB < lidB cd? oc C-cdt (because of Min)
4-38
a
d
e
fgh
See Intro. 9.2.1 . OCB *C-rjd? <> [T] ONW lid <> [D] Min: Jianyou SE
C2
= K. 945
Jj
Mand. MC LHan OCM
naJ nd
B

[T] Sin Sukchu SR naj Lt); MGZY nay (J:) [naj] ; ONW naiB; BTD Skt. 1' 77 pUrl)a
iJJj
naJ
(an OC form might have been *ng? or, unlikely, *n;}i?) <> [D] Min: Xiam lit. laiB, co\. le
B

1JJ
nai B/C ndB/C
ceng
:j:)1.%115 ceng
ZJl See 6-14/945\.
nzjdl)
nzjdl)
ndl)
ndlJ
[E] TB *(s-)nal) 'follow'
4-39 = K. 946 Mand.
nlii a
[N] xf 26-32/594 'west, nest' is sometimes thought to be phonetic
4-40 = K. 981, 959 MC LHan OCM
a
de
cf
J+
ec HiB niB < nd
B
ndt
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ri (J:), PR, LR r1; MGZY Zhi (J:) [ri]; ONW n:)B
[E] TB *r-na 'ear I hear' > WT rna-ba 'ear'
IllJfnE}
]fUm
er, er
ec
100
4 oeM *-;:) (GSR 936-1001)
er 9 q[}
h m
er nzi
c
n;:)c n;:)h [T] ONW n;)
[E] PTai: *hh-: S. jia
Bl
'bait' II ST *nj;): WT: fia 'tendon, sinew'
er, ne nzi
c
, I)k n;:)c, I)k n;:)h, nrgk I}
959a Jf,G chi rh;:)? or nhr;:)? ? OCB *hnrj;)?
4-41 = K. 982 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
fffi
er nZi n;:) > ni n;:)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ri (:lfL), PR, LR q; MGZY Zhi (:lfL) [ri]; ONW n;)
cdef
9
h
ij
:fjTijl1ffU er
jJlij
Jffit

er
reng,
nti
nZi
nzi, nzjuk
nil),
noB
n;:), nuk
ngh
n;:)l),
no?
4-42 = K. 940 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ad
ft ft
!.J<.../,- Zal ts;:) ts;:)
[E] ? ST *tS;) > TB: lP tsa
31
'be damaged' JiPl-tsa
31
'to destroy'
[N] This may be phonetic in 4-50/969.
4-43 = K. 941 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

zili ts;:)C tsgh
[T] Sin Sukchu SR tsaj ("*); MGZY dzay ("*) [tsaj]; ONW tsai
C
4-44 = K. 942 Mand. Me LHan oeM
tshg?
tshg?
ad * 11* gath. dti tsh;)B
*2 color Cal tsh;:)B
[E] ? WT tshos 'paint, dye, to color'
*3 appana. cili tsh;:)C
e
*
cal tsh;:)c tshgh
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ts'aj ("*); MGZY tshay ("*) [ts'ajJ; ONW tshai
[E] ST *tS;): LB*tsyak
H
'to pluck'
4-45 = K. 943 Mand. Me LHan oeM
agh :;.t:tt 5!t cai dz;:) dzg
= 4-38/945e 171
= 4-45/943z 1&
[T] Sin Sukchu SR dzaj (:lfL); MGZY tsay (:sr:) [dzajJ; ONW dzai (dzei ?)
10
P
Z
v
y
a'
tE

Itt
1&
zili dZ;:)B dzg?
zl1i
ts;:)
zili
ts;:)c
zl1i tsai ts;:)
Wi; zl1i tSg

ts;:)
plant zl1i ts;:) tSg
erect zili dz;:)c dzgh
tG carry Zal ts;:)C tsgh
= 4-42/940a
[T] Sin Sukchu SR tsaj ("*); MGZY dzay ("*) [tsaj]; LTang tsai
C
or tsei
c
, ONW tsai
c
tG load zili dz;:)c dzgh
tG year zal ts;:)B/C tsg?/h
[T] Sin Sukchu SR tsaj <-1:); MGZY dzay (1:) [tsajJ; ONW tsai
B
101
4 OeM *-a (GSR 936-1001)
c '

zai, cai dza(C)
f

zf tsi tsia [sa
S
*:t black
zf tSfa = 4-50/96ge, - 4-49/966a
d'

zi tsia
C
tSfah
M
chcii
dzr;'}
e'

dai taiC ta
C
t;'}h
4-45A = K. 1240b Mand. Me LHan oeM
b cal tsha
4-46
[N] MC tshlii can derive from OCM *tshe,; OCM tshe,i would be MC tshiei. See EDOC 8.2.5.
Mand. Me LHan
t.i c<ii dza
The 'phonetic' looks like 36-23/612.
oeM
dz;'} rrJ ONW dzai (dzei ?)
4-47 = K. 964
T
a
Mand. Me LHan oeM
Zl tsi
B
tsi
B
< tsia
B
tsa?
m
k
n
4-48
a
b
4-49
a
b
ghi
j
k
4-50
ab
cd
See Intro. 9.2. 1. IT] Sin Sukchu SR tS1 U:); MGZY dzhi (1::) [ts1]; ONW tsid; MHan m.:r
*kGn-tsa? = Krrsaq; U.:r Tocharian A sisak, B ' lion' <> [E) TB *tsa or *za >
WT tsha-bo 'grandchild', Atsi tso, Maru tso, PBurm. *tsa
B
; Lushai faF 'child, son, daughter'
zi tsi
C
tsia
C
tsah
Zl tsi
B
tsia
B
tsa?
[E] ? WT tshi-ba 'furrow' (in a ploughed field)
zf, ZI tsi(B) tsia(B)
zf tsi tsia tsa
zi dzi
c
dzia
C
dzah = 4-49/966k
IT] Sin Sukchu SR dZ1 (-$;); MGZY tshi ($;) [dZ1]; ONW dzia
= K. 965 Mand. Me LHan oeM
if:
Zl tsi
B
tsi
B
< tsia
B
tsa?
*
zlii tsa
B

= K. 966 Mand. Me LHan oeM
tt black zf tsi tsi < tsi;) tsa - 4-45/943s, 4-50/96ge
n mat; this zf tsi tsia tsa
IT] ONW tsia; MHan *ku-tsd = Kuca
zf tsi tsia tsa

cf dzi dzia dza
[E] TB: WT *mdza' -ba 'to love', WB ca 'to feel for'
"f}. multiply zf tsi tsia tsa
"f}. copulate zi dzi
c
dzia
c
dza
c
= 4-47/964n :=j::
IT] Sin Sukchu SR dZ1 (*); MGZY tshi ($;) [dZ1]; ONW dzid
[N] The two readings are not distinguished consistently.
= K. 969 K. 940 1i.1. may be phonetic.
Mand. Me LHan oeM

zf tSfa IT] BTD Skt. ci
-m
a field zf
tSf;)
102
4 oeM
*-g zfG (GSR 936-1001)
WI
stump zf, zi tsm(h)
ef black zf tsrg = 4-45/943s, - 4-49/966a
ghij

"IE
zf tsrg [f] BTD Skt. j i
tEi:l
zf tsrg
4-51 = K. 970 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ad 1 shi d?-iB d?-igB < ?-g s-rg?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR (J:"*), PR MGZY chi U:) MTang (7), ONW (7)
4-52 = K. 975, 971 Mand. Me LHan oeM
975a 5t: shr srg?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR Ct), PR, LR n; MGZY shhi (...t) [?ll; MTang ONW MHan
(or srg? 7) S(u)Jiy 'Sogdian' <> [D] PMin *Sai
B
'to use'
shr
n command shl
envoy shi
shi
li

SigB
sig
C

Iji
C
!id
C
srg?
srgh
srgh
rgh
k k
9 -se:
971a $- shl d?-ic d?-igC s-rg? R!
[f] BTD Skt.
[f] MTang Ii , ONW lig
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ("*), PR, LR MGZY chi ("*) MTang (7), ONW (7)
[D] PMin *di
c
- sai
c
'matter'
d zi
4-53 = K. 972
a P]
Mand. Me LHan oeM
sl si s4 < sig Sd [f] ONW sig
[E] ST *Zg: WT mdzad-pa, mdzod m-za-t) 'to do, act' * bzo 'work, labor', Kuhish ca, Mru
cal) 'to do, make'
f
sl, sl si(C) sig(C) sg(h)
""""
9 m
SI
siC sig
C
sgh
h :tPJ cf zi zig s-Ig
cf zi zig s-Ig = 4-33/968 i*
[f] Sin S. SR z1 (If), LR z1; MGZY zhi ( :l:jZ) [Z1] <> [E] ST *s-Ig: WT zla-ba, zlas ' to say, tell'
k sl zi
c
zig
C
s-Igh
sl zi C zig
C
s-bkh = 5-\9/92\ ae
4-54 = K. 973 Contrary to SW 4643 , *sins or *sgns 'head' (32-34112411) is not
phonetic, but probably semantic.
a
b
cd
e
f
Mand. Me LHan oeM
,W think sl si, siC si < sig Sg OCB *sjg
[f] Sin Sukchu SR s1 <:l:jZ); MGZY shi (:l:jZ) [S1]; ONW sig
,fGt brood sl siC sig
C
sgh OCB *sjgS
,W bearded sai si, s(i)g Sd,
f.t'Et sl Sf sig Sg

Xl!
SiB SigB Sg?
R
sl, chI
1,1t!!, forceful cai
1,It!!, forcible sl
tshi
tsh,i
Sf
tshrg < k-srg
<
Sg
103
4 oeM
*
-;} (GSR 936-1001)
.
,c.'Jaw
sai
4-55 = K. 974 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
*'*
SI Si si < si;} S;}
4-56 = K. 951 Mand. MC LHan oeM
ac

pei b;}CR!
beh
4-57 = K. 983 Mand. MC LHan oeM
a a bf pji
B
3
piB < pi;}B pr;}?
e bf pji
B
3
pi;}B pr;}?
4-58 = K. 1237a' Mand. MC LHan OeM
a' fe pf bji
B
3
biB < bi;}B br;}?
4-59 = K. 1237r Mand. Me LHan oeM
r

bi bji
C
3 bi
c
< bi;}c br;}(k)h l:f 4-61 /999k /F
4-60 = K. 1237y Mand. MC LHan oeM
y

pei pji
C
3
pic < pi;}c pr;}h ? l:f *br;)h (5-36/935)
4-61 = K. 999 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a ::f soar Iou pj;}U
B
puB < pU;}B
P;}?
[fl BTD Skt. "1'lJ piirl)a <> [El Cf. WT 'phag-pa 'to rise, raise, soar up'.
::f not bu
pj;}u(BjC)
pu < PU;} R! P;} [f] ONW pu
e 1& 1 = "1' not Iou pj;}U
B
puB < pU;}B P;}? R! OCB *pj;}?
[f) Sin Sukchu SR f;}w (J:); MGZY Hwuw (J:) [fuw]
9
*
fou
phj;}U(B) phu(B) < phU;}(B) ph;} OCB *phj;}
h
=
;;r: fu bj;}u bu < bu;} R! bu R!
loan for = *bu (13-73/1233j)

fu bj;}u bu < bu;} ro
q
pei, pei
ph;}
phg
s
:if
pei
b;}
00
tf
pou b;}u bo b6
e pi pji
B
3 piB < pi;}B pr;}?
1& 3 obstruct bei bji
B
3
bi;}B
br;}?

pi bji 3 bi;} br;}
pI phji 3 phi;} phr;}?
klm pI
phji 3 phi;}
phr;} R!
n
H
pI phji 3, phi;}B < phi;}, phr;},
phj;}U phu < phU;} ph;} R!
Jff
pei
ph;}
phg
tu spit pou
ph;}U
C
phOC
phoh
[N] The initial (h_ may be an error (Karlgren) or due to paronomastic attraction, see
34-12/459 ns.
v

pou!
ph;}U
B
phOB
pho?
Z pou, bu rou
B
bOB R! bo?
[E) Tai: PTai *b\!OA2, Po'ai pOOAl < *p- 'mountain' <> WT 'bog 'small hillock'
104
4 OeM
*-g (GSR 936-1001)
g' W
bu, pou bgu
B
, phgU
B
boB, phoB
bo?, pho?
a' :!:{f mound pou
bgu
B
bOB R! bo?
earth up pei
bg
IJg
pu
bgu bo [f] BTD Skt. bo(dhi)
:=l:r:
1=1
X ;j:g pou,p6u
phgUI3, bgu phOB, bo pho?, bo
y ffJi bu bgu
B
boB
bo?
d' m bou, pou
p(h)gU
B
p(h)OB
p(h)o?
po t:an bei pg
[f] ONW poi <> [E] TB: WT phor-pa 'bowl, cup'
b' pei bg IJg
[T] Sin Sukchu SR buj ( 'jZ); PR ooj ; MGZY pue ( 3jZ) [bue]; ONW boi
c' 1.g double bei B bg
B
1Jg?
[T] ONW boi. <> [E] WT 'phar-ma 'double, manifold'
1.g turn back bei bg
C
IJgkh = 5-32/90ge 1f
[T] ONW boi; BTD -pa(ka)
bo, pou bgk, phgU
C
bgk, phOC IJgk,
f' ' 5 beng pU!]B pO!]B PO!]?
4-62 = K. 1000 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a fu bjgu
B
bUB < bugB bg? R! OCB *fipj:;>(k)?
[T] MTang bvu, ONW bu <> [E] ? TB *buw 'carryon back or shoulder'. Or ST *b:;>: WT 'ba-
ba 'to bring, carry'
bc 1lii fu bjgu
B
buB < bUgB bg?
4-63 = K. 1001 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a llffl fU bjgu
B
buB<bugBR! bg?R! OCB *bj:;>?
[f] Sin S. SR vu ($:), vw Ct), LR vu ($:); MGZY Hwow (J:.) [V;)w]; MTang bvu, ONW bu
[D] PMin *bu
c
: Xiamen pu
C2
<> [E] Tai *baa
A
'wife '
4-64 = K. 947 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a
107a
947f
9
h
a mother mil < *mo?
mg
B
R! < mg? R!
[f] Sin Sukchu SR mu, m:;>w (J:.), LR mu; MGZY muw (J:.) [muw]; ONW mouB
[N] OC and Han poetry, mil rimes consistently with *-:;> (Luo / Zhou p. 266).
[E] TB *mow 'woman, bride' > WT -mo 'female suffix', Chepang mo 'wife'
ffl: don't wu mju muo II mg OCB *m(r)jo
ffl: a cap m6u mjgu mu < mug mg
MJ
m
1i=
mil
mil
mu
mo?
mo?
:!:EJ: mu mjuk mok mok
j. flourish mei mg(C)
j. each mel mg
B

[E] TB: PL: *C-ma
3
'thumb'
[T] Sin Sukchu SR muj (J:.), PR, LR mgj; MGZY mue (J:.) [mue]; ONW moi
1251q
9471 m
min mj(w)enB mign
B
R! II R!
mei mW'.1l and
[E] ? Old Japanese ume
2
'plum'
m mei = 4-20/950c WJ(
105
n
o
u
q
r
st
x
4 oeM *-g (GSR 936-1001)

m;)
mil, mou mgu
B
moB mo? = 4-66/949a
hui hugC hm;)? R! OCB *hmg(k)?(s)
hui hugC hm;)h
[T] Sin Sukchu SR xuj (*); MGZY hue (*) [xm:] <> [E] PL *s-ma
2
'to teach'
mei, mg
C
, (h)m;)h
hui hugC
[E] WT rma 'wound, JP m;}m3. 'wound, scar '
hui hugC hm;)h
hUI ! hugC hm;)h
hili hg
B
hm;)? R!
MC is irregular. <> [T] Sin Sukchu SR xaj Ct); MGZY hay U::.) [xaj]; ONW hoi
138a {Ej wil mju
B
muoB mol R!
4-65 = K. 948
a *>;fB}
Mand.
mei
MC

LHan oeM
m;)(?) 'plum tree'
* a certain mou mgu
B
moB mo?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR m;}W, mu ct), LR mu; MGZY muw (1:) [muw] ; ONW mou
f mou mjgu mu < mug R! mg R!
[T] Sin Sukchu SR m;}W ( ); MGZY (khuw wuw (0/ ) [vuw]
ce- mei m;} m;) ' go-between'
d mei mg m;)
[E] TB-Lushai malJR 1 man
L
< malJ? 1 malJs 'be sooty, grimy'
t!f!; mil muoB [GY], moB, 2-40/802h
mju(B) muo
B
[N] GY muo
s
writes a Han period dialect variant of wu *ma? 'Ii!l\ l-691I03j 'love'
4-66 = K. 949 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

mil mgu
B
< *mo? = 4-64/9470
mg
B
R! R! OCB *mo/g?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR mu, mgw ct); MGZY muw C..t) [muw] <> [DJ W -Suzhou col. m
e2
,
Wenzh me
S2
; X-Changsha myu
B
; G-Nanchang meu
s
; Y -Guangzhou mau
S2
; M-Xi amen b:>B
[E] WT rmo-ba ' to plow', Mikir -mo classifier for strips of fields
106
5 oeM rime *-<lk Zhf bu
GSR 903 - 935
Baxter 1992: 472 ff. (10.2.2)
See Table 4-1 for OCM rimes *-::H), *-;:,k, *-;:, in QYS categories. See also Rime 14 *-uk for
mergers after labial initials. Instead of LHan kik one could also write ki;:,k, instead of j;:,k one
could write jik, etc.
5-1 = K. 903 Mand. MC LHan OCM
afg ke
kh;:,k kh;:,k
kMk
5-2 = K. 931 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a ge kek kek krgk
extreme jf kj;:,k ki;:,k bk = 5-4d
c '1$ change ge kek kek krgk
d
1m
he yek gek grgk - 8-2/855g IMl
5-3 = K. 1260a Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
Ii
he yek gek grgk = 4-2/937a' tt
5-4 = K. 910 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a urgently jf kj;:,k kik bk
often qi
khjiC khi;:,c
kh;:,kh
cd 'i'i3ii urgent jf kj;:,k kik k;:,k = 5-2a
e

ji gj;:,k gik g;:,k
[T] Sin Sukchu SR gi CA.); MGZY ki (A) [gil; ONW gik
[E] LB *kak 'expensive, intense, at its peak'
5-5 = K. 911 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
WJR
jf kj;:,k kik bk OCB
c

jf kj;:,k kik bk
5-6 = K. 929 There are hardly any MC jwuk < *w;:,k, hence no OC medial *r here. One
could also write LHan w;:,k instead of LHan wik.
Mand. MC LHan OCM
ae yu jW;:,k wik w;:,k OCB
gj

yu jw;:,k wik w;:,k
kn

yu, jw;:,k, wik, w;:,k,
xu xjw;:,k huik hw;:,k
:!iX
xu xjw;:,k huik hw;:,k = 5-7/930a iIfIl :fJ,;(
m

xu xjw:}k huik hw:}k
107
5 oeM *-;}k llili5B (GSR 903-935)
aq hua yw;}k yu;}k
[T] Sin Sukchu SR yuj (.7\), LR xuj?; MGZY Xue (.7\) [yue); ONW yu;}k
r hua, yw;}k, yu;}k,
yu jw;}k wik w;}k
suv guo kWEk kUEk
!lI guo kWEk kuek
o guo kw;}k ku;}k OCB *k-w;}k
[f] Sin Sukchu SR kuj (.7\ ), PR, LR kuj?; MGZY gue ( .7\ ) [kUt] ; ONW ku;}k
y 9 yu ?juk ?uk ?uk
5-7 = K. 930 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
1m
xu xjw;}k huik / / hwit
= 5-6L 'moat' < ' boundary', ' threshold ' . See also 29-7/ 41 Od; GSR 410 'moat'
b
1m
xu, xjw;}k, huik, hw;}k,
hui hjwi
C
hui
c
hw;}kh
c
Jlfil
xu xiwek, huek, hwek, = 8-711 260f
xjwak hyek hwek
5-8 = K. 914 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
g
xi xj;}k hik h;}k
5-9 = K. 915 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a trp yi ?j;}k ?ik ?;}k
5-10 = K. 957 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a yi ?i
C
?i;}c ?;}kh OCB *?(r)j;}ks
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ?i (*); MGZY 'i (*) [?i]; MTang 7i, ONW 7i;)
c yi ?i
C
?i;}c ?;}kh
d M a drink yi ?j;}k, ?ik, ?;}k,
liB ?i;}B ?;}?
M a breath ai laic ?e
c
! an onomatopoetic syllable
efghi yi ?j;}k ?ik ?;}k OCB *?(r)j;}k
[T] ONW 7ik.
b rti oh! yi
?;)
to belch ai ! an onomatopoetic syllable
5-11 = K. 905 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ad de t;}k t;}k
[f] Sin Sukchu SR t;}j (.7\), LR t;}j?; MGZY dhiy (.7\ ) [t;}j); ONW t;}k
5-12 = K. 919 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a 1i straight zhf <:lj;}k <:lik dr;}k
[f] Sin Sukchu SR (.7\ ); MGZY ci (.7\) ONW dik.
[E] LB *N-d(y)akL 'truly, very', WB tyak-tyak 'very'; Lushai tak
L
'real, true, genuine, very'
H take place zhi <:li
c
<:ii;}c dr;}kh
b ti zhf tj;}k tr;}k ONW tik
9 I[ zhi tiC tr;}kh
[f] MTang ONW ti;} <> [El TB: WT 'Jog-pa, bzag ' to put , place, arrange'
108
5 oeM *-gk (GSR 903-935)
h
1H
zhf c,iic c,iigc drgkh
[n MTang <;Ii, ONW di;:,
cd tHm zhf zjgk dzik dgk
e
fH
zhf, zhi zjgk, c,iiC dzik, c,iig
C
dgk, drgkh [T] ONW dzik
ki

de tgk tgk
[T] ONW t;:,k. MHan siok-tgk Soyd or soyoik
f ti single te dgk dgk =4-26/96Ih' !f-'f
[E] ? ST: tak 'one' in Western Himalayan languages, e.g., Darmiya taku 'one'
ti hem zhf c,ijgk c,iik drgk
5-13 = K. 920 There is no paleographic connection with 5-10/957 (Unger, Hao-ku 78, 2003: 84)
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a zhf, shi tsjgk tsik tgk
gi zhf tsjgk tsik tgk
f to weave zhf tsjgk tsik tgk [T] ONW tsik
[E] TB *tak > WT 'thag-pa 'to weave' * thags 'texture, web'; LB *tak/*dak 'weave, spin'
material zhi tsi
C
tSg
C
tgkh [T] ONW ts;:,c
[El WT btags 'thag- 'woven' * thags 'texture, web', JP da7
31
< dak
31
'woven material'
e ff& zhf, de tsjgk, dgk tsik, dgk tgk,
k remember zhi tsi
C
tSg
C
tgkh
know shi sjgk sik Ihgk
[Tl Sin Sukchu SR ?i CAl; MGZY shi CA) [?il; ONW sik
M shi, sjgk, sji
C
, sik, sic, Ihgk(h),
5-14 = K. 916
a
zhi tshi
c
tshg thgkh
chi
Mand.
zhi
LHan

oeM
trgk [T] ONW tik
[El LB *Ntak 'ascend' > WB tak 'go up, ascend, advance, increase', WB g-thak 'upper part,
prior time', WT Itag-pa 'the upper part / place'
1257d zhi tjgk (tsjet) tpk Coblin 1983: 222
5-15 = K. 917 Mand.
chi
LHan
a %Q:
5-16 = K. 918 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ace yi jigk jik 19k
[Tl MHan 7o-jik [lik?Han-lioi Alexandria; m-\; siok-jik Soyd or Soyoik
9 rt te thgk thgk
h te thgk, dgk thgk
1-\ dili dg
C

[Tl Sin Sukchu SR daj C'i:i:); MGZY tay C:*) [daj]; ONW doi; BTD fltt1-1:': Skl. suddha
qr mJi dili dg
C

p dili, te thg
C

s te ! dgk dgk
fkl shi sjgk sik Ihgk [Tl ONW sik
no shi siC SgC Ihgkh [Tl MTang si, ONW S;:,
m fit chi rhgk
109
5 oeM
*-;)k @'t:G (GSR 903-935)
5-17 = K. 954 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a

yi jii
C
j;)C I;)kh OCB
= 4-31/977b f.
di

yi
ji;)k jik I;)k or j;)k OCB
= 5-) 8/912 fi [T] ONW ik
e
,.
yi ji;)k, jii
C
jik, j;)c I;)k(h)
9
m
chi rh;)k

zi zji
B
Zi;)B
5-18 = K. 912 The rimes are very irregular, the phonetic role of Ii JL is not clear; perhaps these do
not form a single phonetic group.
Mand. MC LHan OCM
ab Jffl yi j;)k j;)k I;)k or j;)k = 5-) 7/954d
l: bright yu jiuk juk luk or juk
SW 2928: Ii JL *r;)p is phonetic, hence Baxter 1992: 556 *(w)rji/up
1:11 bright yu, yi jiuk, ji;)p juk, j;)P luk/juk or I;)p/j;)p
5-19 = K. 921 Mand. MC LHan OCM
ad shf dzj;)k Zik m-I;)k
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ( J\ ); MGZY ci ( J\ ) ONW zik. <> [E] TB *m-Iyak ' lick'
[N] Any or aJl words in this XS may have had an OC medial *j
ae sl zi
c
zi;)c s-I;)kh
= 4-53/972[m] <> [T] ONW <> [D] PMin *dzhi
c
'raise livestock'
[E] TB *s-lyak > LB *?Ijak 'to feed an animal ' ; Garo srak 'lick'
h fiflj shl sj;)k sik Ih;)k
9 fiJj chi rh;)k 5-21/928 11
5-20 = K. 913 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a

shi sjak, sak, hjak, [D] Am tshio?AI
xj;)k hik h;)k
b

shi sjak sak hjak?
5-20A = K. 1260b Mand. MC LHan OCM
r-
ne I)ek I)ek or nrek
5-21 = K. 928 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a 11 Ii Ij;)k lik r;)k OCB *C-r;,)k
3"f 5-19/92\g <> [T] Sin Sukchu SR Ii (J\); MGZY Ii (J\) [Ii]; ONW lik
[E] ST *r::l > LB *(k-)ra
2
' strength, power' > PL *ra
2
' strength', WB a
B
<> Viet su'c ' force'
c {:7J Ie, n I;)k, Ij;)k I;)k, lik f;)k
deh Ie I;)k I;)k [T] ONW l::lk
f liYJ Ie I;)k I;)k
Middle Viet > (only in certain expressions)
try Ii Ij;)k lik r;)k OCB
5-22 = K. 944, 932 Mand. MC LHan OCM
944a * > mai mek mek
OCB
[E] ? TB: LB *g-ra
2
'buckwheat' , WT bra-bo 'buckwheat'
110
5 oeM *-ak (GSR 903-935)
932a > 31<: come "ii la ri'l < ri'lk R! OCB *C-ra(k)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR laj (-'f), LR laj; MGZY lay ( -'f) [laj]; ONW 10 i) <> [E] ST *ra > TB *ra
944j * Iii la(C) ri'l(h)
Iii la ri'l
Iii la
fg i*:i! Iii la ri'l
ki j!f*1:J lai lac
lai lil.i
c
lac - SW 1042
5-23 = K. 907 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a zei dzak dzak
[T] ONW dzak <> [E] ? TB: WT jag < 'robbery'
5-24 = K. 906 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a ze tsak tsak
[T] Sin Sukchu SR tsaj (A.), LR tsaj?; MGZY dzhiy ( A ) [tsaj]; ONW tsak
c {!!Ij ce tsrak = 5-27/924 JAR:
ef ce tshrak = 5-25/922a
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ( A ); MGZY chhiy ( A ) ONW
9 mIT ce tshrakh
[T] Sin Sukchu SR <-*); LR MGZY chhi (*)
[E] TB *ts(y)i 'urinate' > WT gci(d)-pa ' to urinate'; WB tshi
B
' urine', NN *C-chi
5-25 = K. 922 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

chi, tshrak,
[T] Sin Sukchu SR (A); MGZY chhiy ( A ) ONW

ji tsjak tsik tsak
b
11
ji tsjak tsik tsak
c

su ?
5-26 = K. 923 Il[J also serves as phonetic for MC tsjet, see 29-30/399
Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab 111 jf tsjak tsik tsak
d jf tsjak, tsjak tsik, tsiak tsak, tsek
5-27 = K. 924 Mand.
adefc c ze
LHan
tsik
oeM
tsrek
5-28 = K. 908 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a to block sal , sal , se sak, sak, sac
= 5-24/906ef iWHlllJ
= 5-24/906c mlJ
[T] ONW sak, sai. MHan sak Saka <> [E] ? AA-Khmer suka /sokl 'to stop up, block, cram ... '
frontier sai sac
b se sak sak
5-29 = K. 925 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a }@, Xl sjak sik sak
[T] Sin Sukchu SR si (A); MGZY si ( A ) [si]; ONW sik. MHan Adak
[E] TB *sak: LB *C-sak 'breath, air, breath of life' : WB a-sak 'breath, life'; Mru chak 'heart,
life'; JP sa?31 'to breathe' 3t n
31
-sa?31 'breath, force'
III
5 oeM *-ak (GSR 903-935)
b xf sjak sik sak
5-30 = K. 926 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ae 11$ se S sfak OCB *srj;)k
[f] ONW <> [E] ? TB: LB *C-sak 'pluck, pick'
5-31 = K. 927 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a -@. se S sf;)k OCB *srjak
[f] Sin Sukchu SR C\), LR MGZY shhiy (A.) ONW
[E] TB-Lushai saar
H
< saar 'prismatic colors' * saar
R
/ sarh
R
'healthy looking, rosy, ruddy'
5-32 = K. 909 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a j bei p;)k p;)k
[f] Sin Sukchu SR paj (A.), LR p;)?; MGZY bue (A.) [pue]; ONW p;)k
e I the back bei pac 'the back'
[f] Sin Sukchu SR puj PR P;)j; LR P;)j; MGZY bue [pue]
ef turn b. bei ba
c
=4-61/999c' {:g
[N] 'turn the back' <> [f) ONW boi
[E] TB: Lepcha buk 'back, wrong side' -/- ' carryon back'; ST *b;)k: TB *bak > JP ba?31
*bak) 'carry' (child on back), Lushai pua
L
/ puakF 'carrying on the back as a child'
5-32A
it/) bei ba
C


Mand.
b6
Me
p;)k
LHan
pak
oeM

5-33 = K. 933 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a fti bjuk buk < buak ook
1'fi'I fti bjuk buk
m ftl, b6 bjuk, b;)k buk, bak b;)k,
dij ftl pjuk puk p;)k
'name of a people'
m [f] Sin Sukchu SR fu (A.), PR, LR fu; MGZY Hwu (A.) [fu]; MTang pfuk, ONW puk
k $M width ftl pjuk puk pak
$M strap ftl, bf pjuk, pjak puk, pik pak, pfak
ftl, bf pjuk, pjak puk, pik pak, pfak
9llMM a bat bian-fti pien-pjuk pen-puk
[E) TB *ba:k > Lushai baakR, Garo do-bak (do 'bird') 'bat', Mikir pHtk-wuk - -plak-bat
f 1; ftl pjau
C
puc pakh
[f) MTang pfu, ONW pu; BTD Skt. pu. <> IE) WT: phyug-pa 'rich' 3!: phyugs 'cattle'
o bi pjak pik pfak
p bl pjak pik pf;)k
n 1M crowd bl pjak pik pfak OCB *prj;)k
[f) ONW pik < ? TB-Lushai pikL 'be thick, dense, impenetrable, overcrowded, overgrown'
1M Pl.N. ftl pjuk puk pak
s MIJ cleave pi p(h)jak p(h)ik p(h)fak OCB *p(h)r;)k ?
MIJ aid ftl phjau
C
phu
C
, phuaB R! phakh
q pi, bo phjak, pek phik, pek phfak,
? Tai: S. pliik4 'divide into small pieces, evade'
112
5 oeM *-;)k (GSR 903-935)
5-34 = K. 984 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a Jjl > Jm fU bjuk buk < bu;)k ' a qiver'
ad Jj2 {;fij prepar bei bj.jc 3 b.jc < b.j;)c br;)kh OCB *brj::lks
[T] Sin Sukchu SR bi ($:), LR bi; MGZY pue [bue] 'prepare'
[E] Cf. WT 'byor-ba - 'byar-ba 'be prepared' <> Tai: S. phrak D2 < *b- 'prepare'
fg tim bei bj.jC 3 b.jc < b.j;)c hr;)kh
h f! bei biii
c
be
c

5-35 = K. 934 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a R ftl bjuk buk
d submit ftl bjuk buk bgk = 5-36/935a (j(
[T] Sin Sukchu SR vu (A); MGZY hwu ( A ) [vu]; MTang bvuk, ONW buk; OCB *bj;:)k
box fll bj;)u
B
bUB b;)? 'carriage box'
9 ftl bjuk buk bgk
5-36 = K. 935 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a {7( lie down fU bjuk buk b;)k
[E] TB-Lushai bJk
L
1 b::>?L 'to lie down'
{7( to hatch fll bj;)u
c
bu
c
b;)kh
'To hatch' [Li] <> [D] PMin buc: Fuzh pou
C2
, Xiamen PU
C2
[E] TB: Chepang bhyuk-sa 'to hatch' <> Tai: S. vak
D2
'to hatch '
tf;k fll bju
C
buo
c
boh = I 0-39/136k [1ft
bi bj.jC 3 b.j;)c br;)(k)h
[N] 'harness a horse' [SW]. '! 3f 'reins' 4-60/ 1 237y
5-37 = K. 1062 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a '' covetous rna mgk m;)k
For additional items of GSR 1062, see 13-74.
5-38 = K. 904 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a m hei x;)k h;)k
[T] Sin Sukchu SR x;:)j (A), LR x;:)j?; MGZY hiy (A) [xij]
[E] WT smag 'dark, darkness', mog-pa 'dark-colored'; Limbu mak 'black, dark' (of color) 3f
makt- ' to become night', lP ma?3] < mak
3
] 'black'
c I!: rna m;)k m;)k
[T] Sin Sukchu SR m::lj (A), LR m;:)j?; MGZY mue (A) [mue]
f *,1 mo mgk mgk
de rna m;)k m;)k
5-39 = K. 1037 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a i:$I: mll mjuk muk rn;)k OCB *mjgk
[T] Sin Sukchu SR mu ( A); MGZY wu ( A ) [vu]; ONW muk
[E] ST *m/br::lk 1: WT 'brog-pa < *Nbrak 'summer pasture, solitude, wilderness, nomad'
113
6 oeM rime *-ag Zheng bu mfiG
GSR 881- 902
Baxter 1992: 476 ff. (10.2.3)
See Table 4-1 for OCM rimes *-;:)1], *-;:)k, *-;:) in QYS categories.
Note: the OC final *;:)1] is rare with MC tone B; words with this tone (OC *-7) have either lost
the nasal, or changed the nasal to a different place of articulation (-n, -m), or have doublets.
OC *-ul] (Rime 15) has no tone B words at all.
6-1 = K. 881 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a li geng, gen bl]c bl]c
d t: constant heng Y;:)I] g;:)1]
[f] Sin Sukchu SR yi!) (-'jZ), PR y;:)IJ (); MGZY Xing (-'jZ) [vi!)]; ONW Y;:)I); BTD Skt.
ganga
fg
h
t: moon geng k;:)I]C k;:)I]C
[fl Sin Sukchu SR bj!) PR kil)
f #.IEi geng k;:)1] bl]
:rIEi geng
6-2 = K. 882 Mand. Me LHan oeM
'increasing moon'
ba I Ff meat ken, kh;:)I]B, kh;:)I]B, khel]?, 'meat on bones'
kai kh;:)B <
[f] Sin Sukchu SR k';:)jI) U::.), PR, LR k';:)n; MGZY khhing (..t.)
[0] PMin *khel)B, which is the analog to MC and khiel)B
b willing ken kh;:)I]B kh;:)I]B khel]?
6-3 = K. 888 Mand. Me
kj;:)1]
gj;:)1)
LHan
kil]
gil)
a YiJi, fear jfng
YiJi, strong jfng
6-4 = K. 901 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a gong kjul] kUI] kW;:)1]
[f] ONW kUI) <> [0] K-Meix 44t
h
ien_
44
kiul)AI *"1 'rainbow'; PMin *kYIJ
[E] TB *kU:I)A/8 > WB 'large branch, bough of tree', kuil)A 'hang over in a curve'
<> Tai: S. kOI)4 'to arch, bend (bow)'
e qiong ! khjUI] khul] khw;:)I)
6-5 = K. 887 Mand. Me LHan OCM
abf
gong kW;:)1] kU;:)1]
9
5b
hong YW;:)I) YU;:)I]
hijk
*ililt.JzOO
hong YWEI) yUEI]
m
5L
gong, kW;:)I), kU;:)l],
kong khw;:)I) khu;:)I)

114
6-6
a
6-7
6-8
ac
e
d
6-9
aeij
k
m
n
6-10
a
c
d
9
h
k
6-11
a
b
6-12
ad
9
6 oeM *-:;1I)

(OSR 881-902)
ftt
xiong jUlJ 3 wUlJ OCB
[N] rimes with in Shijing, also in Zuozhuan (Shaughnessy EC 20: 231)
= K. 889 Mand. Me LHan oeM
raise xfng hilJ ONW hil)
elated xing hilJc h::llJh
Mand. Me LHan oeM
m
xIng xj::lI)C hil)c h::ll)h
= K. 890 Mand. Me LHan oeM
Ylng 7j::l1) 7ilJ 7::l1) ONW ?il)

Ylng 7j::l1) 7il) 7::l1) ? Lushai el)H 'the breast'
ought Ylng 7j::l1) 7il) 7::l1)
answer ying 7j::lI)C 7il)c 7::ll)h ONW ?il)
= K. 883 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a deng t::ll) t::ll) tgl)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ('n, PR, LR MGZY dhing ef) [t::ll)]; ONW t::ll)
deng t::ll)c t::lI)c tgl)h
deng d::ll)c d::ll)c dgl)h
cheng dr::ll)
[E] Tai: S. rial)A2 'limpid, clear'
zheng tsj::lI)C tsil]c t::ll)h
[T] Sin Sukchu SR (:t-); MGZY jing (:t-) ONW tsil)
= K. 896 Mand. Me LHan oeM
*
*
cheng ij::ll) dZiI) d::ll)
cheng ij::lI) diil) d::ll)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR (Sf); MGZY zhing (Sf) ONW diil)
cheng ij::ll) diil) d::ll)
cheng ij::ll) dZiI) d::ll)
zheng tsj::ll) tsil) t::ll)
zheng tsj::ll) tsil] t::ll]
[T] ONW tsil) <> [E] TB *tal): WT thaI) 'pine, fir, evergreen tree' , WB thal)B 'firewood'
zheng tsj::lI) tsil] t::ll)
zheng tsj::lI)B tsil)B t::l1)7
= K. 891 Mand. Me LHan oeM
examine zheng tj::llJ
[T] MTang ONW til)
suppress cheng dr::ll)
a note zhr tji
B
tr::l7 < tr::ll)7 ?
cheng dr::ll)
= K. 894 Mand. Me LHan oeM

cheng tshj::ll) tghil)
k-hl::ll] (or th::ll)?)
weigh cheng tshj::ll] tshil)
k-hl::ll] (or th::ll]?, but note Khmer)
[T] ONW tshil) <> [E) ? MK: Khmer thlYI) 'to weigh'
115
6 oeM *-dI] (GSR 881-902)
;f.flJ. equal to cheng tshjdI]C tshiI]c k-hldI]h (or thdI]h?)
6-13 =K. 893 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ac
91tt:
ying
ji;)I]C jiI]C IdI]h
kl ying jidI]C jiI]c IdI]h
f IlK I, my zhen <,ljdm
B
<,limB drdI]? < r-IdI]?
a seam zhen <,ljen
B
<,linB dfdn? < r-Idn? Of f-IdI]?
j

zhen <,ljdm
B
<,limB dfdI]? < r-IdI]?
p 1m equal to sheng SjdI] siI] IhdI]
1m vanquish sheng SjdI]C siI]c IhdI]h ONW sil)
qrtv
r
teng d:ll) ddI] ONW d:ll)
u JJi a snake teng ddI] ddI]
an insect te ddk ddk
n
cheng dijdI] iiI] m-I;)I]
6-14 = K. 945j Mand. Me LHan oeM
Ep.
yun jidI]C
jirF IdI]h = 6-24/892c ;
rfl ONW il)
yun [JY] =
The element lJ 'contain ' (4-38/945a) is semantic; it also occurs in yfng Et 'full'
6-15 = K. 895 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
* to mount
cheng dZjdI] iiI) m-IdI]
* chariot
sheng dZjdI]C ziI]c m-IdI]h
6-16 = K. 897 Mand. Me LHan oeM
acd

sheng Sjdl) siI] Ihdl)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR MGZY shing ONW sil)
e
m sheng, Sjdl), sil), IhdI],
zheng t8jdI] t8il) t:ll)
OC *t;)1) is the reading of a synonym like 6-10/8 96hj
6-17 = K. 898 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ac

!fng IjdI] iiI) fdI] W' [T] BTD Skt. lavim[k]
f !fng Ijdl) iiI) fdl) OCB *b-rj:lI)
- 9-19/823h <> [T) ONW iiI)
repress lIng Ijdl) IiI) fdl) OCB *b-rjdl)
eghi

!fng Ijdl) iiI) rdI]

Hng IjdI] IiI)
A Han period dialect variant of [FY 1.6]
6-18 = K. 885 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a bear n. neng ndI] nd(I]) ! [T] ONW n:ll)
[E] AA: Kharia b:m:li 'bear', Santali bana 'Indian black bear' --> TB-Lepcha sii-na 'bear'
able neng ndI] ndl)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ndjl) PR, LR n:ll); MGZY nhing UP) [n:ll)]; ONW n:ll)
f Uti C thd
C

116
6 oeM *-gl) (GSR 881-902)
6-19 = K. 884 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
cde
fg
h
j
k
to add zeng tSgl) tSgl)
[f) Sin Sukchu SR tSgjl) ( 0/ ), PR tSgl); MGZY dzhing ( 3f) [t Sgl)]; ONW tSgl)
pf. tense ceng dzgl) dzgl)
t'/!?l'l''/!?Im zeng tSgl) tSgl)
zeng tSgl) tSgl)
zeng,
qing
ceng dzgl), tSgl) dzgl), t Sgl)
[f) Sin Sukchu SR dzgjl) ( ), PR, LR dzgl) ; MGZY t shing (1JZ ) [dzgl)]
zeng dzgl)c dzgl)c
jing, zeng t sjgl) tsil) tSgl)
sel) Sgl) Sgl)
[f) BTD 1'1!l' lIJO sgJ]-ga Skt. sary1gha
6-20 = K. 886 Mand. OCM
afgj peng
rrJ Pre-ONW bgl)
m AA beng pgl) pgl)
[f) ONW pgl) <> [D) PMin *p-: Jianyang vail)9; Yao baal)! *nb-) 'coll apse, fall over'
[E) ? TB-Chepang bgl)h- ' to slip, slide' (earth, rock) bgl)h- ' landslide '
kl k :fIDj beng pgl)C pgl)C
[E) TB: WT 'bum ' tomb, sepulcher' , Lushai p"uum
H
't o bury, inter '
a t.M beng pEl) pEl)
[E) ? TB: WT (')phrel) ' string on which things are filed' n 'phrel)-ba ' string of beads, rosary'
'brel)-ba 'strap, rope', 'phrel) ' to love'
n tnn bfng pjgl) pil) prgl)
6-21 = K. 899 Mand. LHan
pil) ab Y' (7J< bfng
rrJ ONW pil)
[E) ? TB *pam > Tangkhul Naga p"am, Kanauri pom 'snow', Jiarong ta-rpam ' ice'
de ping bjgl) bil) brgl)
[f) Sin Sukchu SR bil) (1JZ); MGZY ping en [bil))
6-22 = K. 900 Mand.
ping a
6-23 = K. 902 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a ;Y:lc dream meng mjul)c mUI)( C) mgl) (tone A!)
[f) Sin Sukchu SR mUI) ($;); MGZY wung ($;) [vul)] ; MTang mOl), ONW mUI)
[E) ST *mgl) : WT rmal)-Iam ' dream'
;Y:2 blind meng mUI) mal) mOl) < mlol) ? = 12-2711181 ca
d meng mjul) mUI) mgl)
mwgl) mgl)
9
hong XWgl) hugl)
e W; meng mEl) mEl)
f

mang mwal) mal) mal)
117
6 oeM *-gl) m ~ ~ (GSR 881-902)
6-24 = K. 892, 1252d MC LHan OCM
1252d Em frog min mEl)B mEl)B mr;)l)?
Em PIN meng mEl) mEl) m r ~ l
Emit!!. PI.N. mian- mjian
B
4, mian
B
, men?,
mjien
B
4 minB min?
E m ~ min-mian mjen
B
3 ! minB mrgn?-mran? = 33-36/475m ;t
-mjan
B
3 -mian
B
892a !II yfng jigl) jilJ Igl)
[E] Old Sino-Viet. IAI) 'a fly'
b #,; rope sheng dzjgl) Zil) m-Igl)
[f] Sin Sukchu SR z..i!] (if); MGZY cing (:.\fL) [dz..il)l
[E] ? ST *mlg!]: WB g-hmyal)B 'string, thread, fiber, nerve' ~ mfn m
#,; full ying jjglJC jil)c Igl)C
=yun z:p. *lgl)h (6-14/945j) 'pregnant '
g; pregnant sheng dzjgl)c zil)C m-Igl)h
l:f yiln z:p. *Igl)h (6-14/945j) 'pregnant'
f!!1m sheng, sheng , dzjgI]A/C, Z!I](C), 'spawn' n. (of fish) [EY]
f!!1m yun jigl)c jil)C
Same word as = ff#. and = yiln z:p. *Igl)h (6-14/9451) 'pregnant'
f!!1m min mEl)B mEI]B m r ~ l ?
GY: 'a kind of frog'; PI.N.; JY: 'a kind of fish'. Prob. s. w. as Etli.
118
7 oeM rime *-e Zhfbu
GSR 861- 880
Baxter 1992: 491 ff. (10.2.7)
See Table 8-1 for OCM rimes *-el), *-ek, *-e in QYS categories.
Table 7-1: Comparison of OC *-i, *-e and *-ai in QYS Divisions
Div, *-i R.26 *-e R.7 *-ai R.18
I
{PI ya goi *gai
JFlZ pua poiB *pai?
ta toi *tai
IV
WI: khiei
B
khei
B
*khi? mkiei ke *ke
* miei
B
mei
B
*mf?
1': ki wei kue *kwe
khiwei khuei *khwf n$ diei de *de
tei
B
*ti?
3/3 gr
gji3 gi *gri fx gje
B
3 gie
B
*gre? gje3 gioi *gai
gjwi 3 gwi *gwri EZ bje3 bioi *bai
3/4 gr
{jt ?i4 ?i *?i r!:X gjie4 gie *ge
kwi
B
4 kwi
B
*kwi? kjwie4 kye *kwe
It pi
B
4
piB
*pi? .w pjie4 pie *pe
III ac
nsi
B
siB *si?
X tsje tse < kie *ke 1je lioi *rai
'4 . * .
i" JIWI WI WI tje *tre
III ac
!I!f:: dzja hi *m-Iai
II
kiii kei *krf kaiB kE:
B
*kre? DO ka kai *krai
kwai
C
kue
C
*kwreh M rna mai *mrai
mai
B
me
B
*mre?
19>
*srai
The table shows how most OC finals of rime *-e have merged in MC with reflexes of other
rimes.
While there are virtually no syllables of the type *Tai (Rime 18), here type *Te abounds;
conversely, syllables of the type *(C)le are rare while *(C)lai is rather common. See the
introductory comments to Rime no. 18 *-ai. For the palatalization of velars with ch6ngniu div.
4/4 vocalism (as in series 7-3 to 7-6), see Schuessler, JeL 24.2, 1996: 197-211.
119
7 oeM *-e (GSR 861-880)
7-1 =K.876 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
*
xi viei
c
geC
geh OCB *N-keks
= 8.1 <> [Tl ONW yei
c
1*
xi kiei
C
ke
c
keh OCB *keks 7-2
dgk1 XI viei ge ge
m- XI viei ge ge

XI viei, viei
B
ge, geB ge,ge?
disgrace Xl viei
B
geB get
perverse Xl viei, viei
B
ge, geB ge, get
np Jl kiei ke ke
[Tl Sin Sukchu SR kjej ('f), PR, LR ki; MGZY gyi (3"[1.) [kjil; ONW kei <> [Dl PMin *kei,
Ke: Meix kai
Al
<> [El KT, MY: PTai bi
Bl
< *k- 'chicken', KS *ka:i
5
, MY *kai
'lJ0
q m XI, ql khiei khe khe < kh1e
XI khiei khe khe < kh1e
[El ? PWMiao *kle
Al
'water, river'
7-2 = K. 1241b Mand. Me LHan
b *Iii ji kiei
c
ke
c
=7-I1876c {*, 8-1/854a <> [Tl ONW kei
oeM
keh
7-3 = K. 864 Mand. Me LHan oeM
OCB *keks
abc szti)jX zhl tsje tse < kie ke 'branch> limb'
[Tl ONW tse (kie?); BTD Skt. ke, tye, Pkt. ceo MHan -:x ?it-kie Iki, deu-kie Taoke
[Dl PMin *ki <> [El TB: Chepang gwe? 'finger', Tani *ke(l]) 'finger'; WT bkye 'to divide'
e m wing chi sje
C
/ / kie ke
[Nl 'Wing' *ke is the same etymon as 'branch, limb' above. The reading chi has been
transferred from the synonym shl}l *Iheh? 'wing'.
[Tl Sin SR C*), PR n, LR MGZY shi (*) MTang si, kie (?), Sui-Tang ki,
ONW kie (?); see Coblin 1994, Compendium of Phonetics in Northwest Chinese: 209f.
m only chi sje
C
sec 1hekh = 7-l2/877k m
[Nl The graph :!ill was borrowed for 'only' because of its reading for 'wing'
d tz zhi tsje
C
tse
C
< kie
c
keh
[El Tai: S. keek
Dl
'wicked, perverted'
ih- iliZwY:!I& qf gjie 4 gie ge [Tl ONW gie
9 NY: tiptoe ql, ql khjieBjC 4 khieBjC khe?, kheh = 7-4/862a j
[Tl Sin Sukchu SR k'jej (J:), PR k'i; MGZY khyi C.t*) [k'jiJ; Sui-Tang khi, ONW khie
NY: 6 toes qf gjie 4 gie ge
f qi khjie
C
4 khie
C
kheh
[El TB: JP khye, n
3l
_k
h
yel]3l 'oblique, slanting'
m:5(J[ kUl khjwie
B
4 khuie
B
khwe?
1:st talented ji gje
B
3 gie
B
gre?
run qf gje 3 gie gre
k vz ji gje
B
3 gie
B
gre?
ji gje
C
3 gie
C
greh
i;&. Jl, Jl kje 3,gje
B
3 gie
B
[Tl Wei-Jin kie, gie
B
'prostitute' <> [El MK: PVM *ke:? 'woman' > Viet. cai I gai 'feminine',
PWa *krih 'girl'; Bahnar North kadri, PNBahn. *kadri 'female'
l1!Z: ji gje(C) 3
120

1259b J&
jr
jf
7 oeM *-e (GSR 861-880)
kje
B
3
gjBk g-iak grak
7-4 = K. 862 Mand. MC LHan OCM
OCB 1977: 193 *grjek
a:1 qr khjie
B
/
C
4 khie
B
/
C
khe?/h = 7-3/864g
[T) Sin Sukchu SR k'jej Lt), PR k'i; MGZY khyi U:.*) [k'jij; Sui-Tang khi, ONW khie
7-5 = K. 865 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a R a particle zhr tsje
B
tse
B
< kie
B
ke?
R only zhr tsje
B
tse
B
- 7-6/867i:tfl;
[T) ONW kie - tse ?
cd zhr tsje
B
kie
B
ke?
e TR (TRfJt) zhr kjie
B
4 ! kie
B
ke? 'Hovenia dulcis'
[T) ONW kie, Mid-Tang IG
TR a citrus zhl tsje
B
kie
B
ke? 'Poncirus trifoliata' (citr.)
b g,R zhf tsje kie ke = 7-3/864c 1&
1R xi yiei
B
ge
B
SW
ill. khjiak khiek SW
7-6 = K. 867 There is some confusion with 26-14/GSR 59.
Mand. MC LHan OCM
a ,B;; clan shi zje
B
dze
B
< gie
B
gel
J3,B;; Yuc-zhf -tsje -tse < -kie -ke
[N) Yue-zhfdoes not mean 'Moon clan'
de t.EHff; zhl tsje
B
kie
B
ke?
9 illness qf gjie 4 gie ge
For the synonym 867h, see 26-14/590
j - 'lUff; qf gjie 4 gle ge
spirit qf gjie 4 gie ge
only zhf tsje tse < kie ke - 7-5/865a R
[T) BTD Skt. je(tavana), -khye-, khya - khyeya
f shi dzje
B
ze
B
(m-Ie?) OCB *m-Iaj?
Said to be the vulgar form of 8-12/850 = 7-18/1238e DE etc. <> [T) ONW ze
B
<> (0) Yue-
Guangzh laP! <> [E) Kam-Tai: S. lia
A2
< *dl- 'to lick', KS *lja
2
? <> [N) [Zhuang). The
phonetic element has been added after palatalization.
#$; paper zhr tsje
B
tsai
B
< kiai
B
?
[T) ONW tse <> (0) PMin *tsiai
B
<> [E) Viet. giay, PVM *k-caj?
[N) LHan kiai
B
, not IGaiB, would account for palatalization
7-7 = K. 861 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a unloose Jle ka-i
B
kE:
B
kre?
[T) Sin Sukchu SR kjaj Ll::.); PR, LR kjej; MGZY gyay U:.) [kjaj); ONW kei
[E) ? Area *C-re: TB: Chepang greh- 'to sever, chop off, cut cleanly'
residence jie ! ka-ic ke
c
kreh
underst. xic ya-i
B
ge
B
gre?
(0) Min: mmyang hajC, Fuzhou a
C2
, Xiam ue
C2
careless jie, xic ka-ic, ya-i
B
ke
c
, ge
B
kreh, gre? [T) ONW yei
bc '1m*, xic, jic ka-ic ke
c
kreh
121
7 oeM *-e CGSR 861-880)
d xie yaiB ge
B
gre? ?
[OJ PMin *he
B
<> [E] TB *d-ka:y / *d-gra:y > NNaga *gra:n, JP tJii55-khan51, Mikir cehe
'crab', Lushai chaL-kai
L
< -kaih 'crab', TangkhuI khai 'fish'; Adi take
e J.M"B xie-hou yaiCy;m
C
geC-go
C
greh-groh
7-7A = K. 1240fg Mand. Me LHan
ge
C
fg

{lli!:7.o!t: xie yaiC
[T] jWJ1i sa-geh soyd or soyilak
7-8 = K. 879 Mand. Me LHan
abc

gUI kiwei kue
d
ti
gUI kiwei
c
kue
c
e
00
gUI kiwei kue
9
fH .
'''\ porpOise
gUI kiwei kue
a demon hu(l, xie ywa, yai yuai, ge
j
1111
qi! yiwei vue
h
tiJ
kUI khiwei khue
f wa, ?wa, ?uai,
gUI kiwei kue
Guf may just be the reading of the phonetic.
b' tI wa ?wa ?uai
k 1.1 wa ?i wei ?ue
m hui ?jwie
C
4 ?ye
C
7-9 = K. 880 Mand. Me LHan
ab .",j xi, Xl yiwei vue
c
11
xie yiwei vue
d

xi, Xl yiwei vue
ef

Xl, hUI yiwei, xjwie vue, hye
122
oeM
gre(k)h or ?
oeM
kwe
kweh
kwe
gwrai, gwre
gwe
khwe
?wrai,
kwe
?wrai
?we
?weh
oeM
we
we
we
we, hwe
7 oeM *-e (GSR 861-880)
7-10 = K. 875 Maud. MC LHau OCM
a
b
cd
j:J! gUI kjwie 4 kye kwe
[f] Sin Sukchu SR kuj MGZY gyue [kyc] <> [E] TB: Chepang *gwe? 'circular in
shape' * kwe? 'hook, fishhook'; TB *koy 'bend round, be curved, coil et al.'
gUI kjwie 4 kye kwe
kUI khjwie 4 khye khwe
7-11 = K. 873 Maud. MC LHau OCM
a
)l er nZJe fie I)e OCB *rJje
[T]- Sin Sukchu SR ri PR, LR q; MGZY Zhi [riJ; ONW fie. MHan lim-fie
Skt. Lumbini <> [D] Xiang: I)a <> [E] Area word: TB: JP l)1!i
33
iJai ?), tfa
33
_iJai
33
'baby',
Mru I)ia 'child'. AA: PSBahn. *I)e 'baby'
e O)l er nZJe fie ne [T] ONW fie
f
ijl
0
mn
g
h
p
q
7-12
a
e
f
gh
k
s
mn
0
[E] TB *m-nwi(y) 'to laugh', KN *m-nui > Lushai nui
H
/ nui?L, Bodo, Dimasa mini, JP miPl-
ni
33
'to laugh'
{)l
nf I)lel I)e I)e [T] ONW I)ei
[E] WB I)ai 'small, little, inferior'

nf I)iei I)e I)e
1ft
nf I)iei, I)e, I)e
mlel, mjie me, mie me, me
This is the reading of the syn. mI 7-31/360e
nf, ye I)iei, I)iet I)e, I)et I)e, I)et
tQ nl I)iei
B
/
C
I)e
B
/
C
I)fUh

ni I)iei
B
/
C
I)e
B
/
C
I)e?/h
yi I)iek I)ek I)ek = 8-5/849f
r; xi xiek xek hI)ek
= K. 877 Mand. MC LHan OCM
*
di tiei
c
teC
teh
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ti C*), PR, LR ti; MGZY di [til; ONW tei. OCB *teks; but the Shijing
rimes do not compel the assumption of OCM *tekh.
[E] WT the 'celestial gods', JP ma
31
-taP3 'sky god'
fri1
di, ti, t(h)iei
C
, t(h)e
C
, teh, theh,
chi thres
g*
di tiei
c
teC
teh
Q1fiJEW tf diei de de

di, tf diei(C) de(C) de(h)

di diei
c
dec
deh
'fif only chi sje
C
sec
Ihekh = 7-3/864e
"iii go to etc. shi sjiik sek Ihek [T] ONW sek. OCB *stjek
go to Zhl tsjiik tsek tek only 'go to'
fj zhi <;ljiik <;liek drek
fr[8j. df tiek tek tek
Njlifj hoof df tiek tek tek
to stop zhf <;ljiik diek drek
ijliij
dl tiek tek tek
[E] WT: gtig(s)-pa - 'thig-pa, thigs 'to drop, drip' * 'thig-pa, btigs 'cause to fall in drops' *
thigs-pa 'a drop', JP the?31 < t
h
ek
31
'dropping, dripping'
123
q
7 oeM *-e -xifG (GSR 861-880)
di diek dek
[E] TB *m-ta:y (or rather *tai?): JP tai
3l
'avenge, retaliate', 'vengeance', Lushai tai
R
<
tai? 'be at enmity with one another, have a grudge against'
p tf8j ti, thiek, thek, thek,
zhai trek
r Uli blame zhe <;lek <;lek trek, drek OCB *trek
sun ch. zhe dek <;lek drek 'change in the sun'
u blame zhe <;lek <;lek trek, drek
7-13 = K. 863
a
Mand. Me LHan oeM
zhf tje tre
[f] Sin Sukchu SR (-'f); MGZY ji (-'f) ONW te
[E] Lushai hria
R
/ hre
H
/ hriat
F
'to know', JP tf e
33
< rje
33
'to know'
b zhi tje
C
treh
[f] Sin Sukchu SR (:*); MGZY ji (:*) ONW te
d zhf-zhil tje-tju tre-tro 'spider'
e &jQWJj chi -chu <;lje-<;lju die-dio dre-dro
[E] Tai: S. riiA2_r::>::>A2 'walk hesitatingly, undecided'
7-14 = K. 866 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
d
9
h
j
k
1m
o
n
p
r
q
e
f
shi zje
B
dzeB de?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR (1:.), PR MGZY zhi (1:.) ONW dze.
[E] TB *day: WT de 'that'; JP n
55
_de?55 'this, there', n
55
_de
5l
'so (many ... ), thus'
shi zje
B
dzeB de?
df tiei te te
df, ti tiei, diei te, de te, de
wine tl thiei
B
theB the?
ti, tl diei, thiei
B
de, theB de, the?
d- ,
1. diei de de
ti diei de de
ti diei de de
ti diei de 'A type of horse'
lift ti diei de de
[f] Sin Sukchu SR djej (5f), PR, LR di; MGZY ti (5f) [di]; ONW dei; BTD Skt. de [va]
m! cut off dr tiei
B
teB tel
m! flock chi zje dze de
m forehead ti diei de de
look at di diei
c
dec deh
di, ti, diei
c
, diei dec, de deh, de
shi zje
B
dzeB de?
kick di diei
c
dec deh
[E] WT rdeg, LB *tek
H
'kick', Garo ga-tek, Tangkhul Naga bbthgk
lEN: effort zhi <;lje
B
<;lieB dre?
zhf, shi, ti tsje,zje,diei tse, dze, de te, de, de [E] WT bde-ba 'happy'
wing shi sje
C
sec Iheh
[N] The alternate reading jl, MC kjie
C
4 probably has been transferred from the old reading
of the synonym 7-3/864e Jfl *ke (tone C here is probably borrowed from the reading MC
sje
C
). In turn, the regular reading of has later been applied to the synonym chi Jfl.
124
7 OCM *-e (GSR 861-880)
s shf ij;:Jk diik d;:Jk 29-18/398a l'f
7-15
d
7-16
b
7-17
[E] TB: LB *dyak 'truly, very, intensive', WB tyak-tyak 'very', Lushai tak
L
'real, true'
[N] This word *d;:Jk is probably written with *de? 'this, be right' because the semantics
outweighed the less than perfect phonetic fit.
m!: shf ij;:Jk diik d;:Jk
= K. 1238d Mand. MC LHan oeM
m
zhf tsje tse te or ke or tai
= K. 1238b Mand. Me LHan oeM

zhi <;lje
B
<;lieB dre? zhi , zhai 7-17 1m
This graph is perhaps phonetic in 32-211372
*drin?
Mand. Me LHan oeM
zhi,zhai <;lje
B
, <;laiB <;lieB, <;le
B
dre? zhi 7-16
[E] MK *draay > OMon *dray 'hog deer' (--> WB darai 'hog deer'), Biat draai 'swamp deer',
PVM *k-de: 'deer'
7-18 = K. 1238e Mand. Me LHan oeM
e D5 lick shi dije
B
ieB m-Ie? [Zhuang]
Also written 7-6/8670il [Zhuang], 8-12/850 li% [SW], 18-9/4 till [Yupian]
7-19 = K. 1238f Mand. Me LHan oeM
f shl sje
B
seB Ihe? ?
[E] ? MK: PMonic *cliik, Mon klot, kloik 'pig', PWa *lik 'pig'. Theoretically, the OC rime
could also be *-ai?
7-20 = K. 359 Mand. Me LHan oeM OCB *-ej (1992: 419)
a m you, part. er nije
B
neB ne?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ri (J::), PR q; MGZY Zhi Ci.) [ri]; ONW TIe. OCB *njaj? (1992: 453), *nj
aj? <> [E] TB: Chepang ni 'you' * nil) 'you' (plural), WB fiafi
B
m luxuriant nl niei
B
neB ne?
{1J\ you nl niB
[T] Sin Sukchu SR njej (J::), PR, LR ni; MGZY iii Ci.) [I].i]; STang niB> niB, ONW nii
c er nije
B
neB ne? OCB *njaj? (1992: 453)
[f] ONW fie. <> [E] TB *ney > WT fie-ba 'near' * sfien-pa 'come near'; JP nP!, PL *b_ni
55
,
WB niB neB); but Lushai inL-hnai
R
< hnai? 'near, close', LB *nay2
d nai ! niei
B
neB ne?
gh nl niei
B
neB ne?
m luxuriant nl niei
B
oblivious nie niet net net
j m Xl sje
B
sie
B
sne?
Ik JIH! xlan sjan
B
sian
B
snen?
LH actually = sien
B
, but for consistency's sake we write rimes in -n as -ian.
m 5j complete m! mjie 4 mie me = 7-31/360a
[T] MTang mi, ONW mie [i.e. QYS div. 3], BTD Skt. mai-, -me, -mi-
5j finish ml mjie
B
4 mie
B
me?
o 15m ml, mjie
B
4, mie
B
me? = 7-31/360a 5EI
mf mjie, miei
B
= 26-40/598h;fll:
125
7 oeM *-e (GSR 861-880)
7-20A Maud. Me LUau OeM

er nzje
B
neB ne? SW492
7-21 = K. 878 Maud. Me LUan oeM
acde R{lHiHI Ii liei
c
le
c
reh
f If liei, lje Ie, lie re, re
9
rope If lje lie re
band shl, shai sre?, sre? = 7-28/87Iglffl[
h R shf * sre
[E) ST *s-lai: Lushai thlei
R
< sle? 'to sift' (by side to side motion) <> Viet. ray 'to strain, sift,
sieve' <> [N] Also shu, LHan OCM *sra, it is the same etymon as 1-62/90f.
1,1 sa, shl sre?/h, sre?/h [T] ONW
shai, shi sreh
j Xl sre? = 7-28/87Ig il*
7-22 = K. 1241o-q Me LUau OeM

xie gai ge gre
0 :Ii worm 11 liei
B
le
B
re? 'wood-worm'
itch luo lua
B
loiB roil
pq

I1,If lieiB/c,lje le
B
/
c
, lie re?/h, re
See GYSX p. 292 for more graphs in this XS series.
7-23 = K. 1241r Maud. Me LUan oeM
r

Ii lieiC,lje
C
lec, lie
c
reh, reh
7-24 = K. 872 Mand. Me LHau oeM
a
w
Ii lje
C
lie
c
reh
i=i
7-25 = K. 358 Maud. Me LHau oeM OCB *-ej (1992: 419)
a
ll:t
cr tshje
B
tshie
B
tshe? OCB *tshjej?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR tS'1 U::.); MGZY tshhi (J:.) [ts'1]; ONW tshe
C

d tshje
B
tshie
B
tshe?
d
JrfE
ci
tshje
C
tshie
c
tsheh
hi
hlt3ili:
d
tshje
B
, tshiei B tshieB ,tsheB tshe?, tshe?
fg
c[ tshje tshie tshe OCB *tshje
[D] Wu-Suzhou tS'144_n.iy24/21 Jl!iE4- 'cow'; opposite xiong ftt 'male'
e ci' tshje
B
tshie
B
tshe?
mno

lttJtL
zf tsje tsie tse
j

zl tsje
B
tsie
B
tse?
kl .!5!:d"'tt s 6 sland. zl tsje
B
tsie
B
tse? 'slander'
ff measure
z[
tsje tsie tse
ff fault sf zje zie s-le or s-je
p 1iit flaw cf dzje dzie dze
q fJlt
c[ dzje(C) dzie(C) dze(h) = 18-13/5 t& [Liishi ch.]
r carcass zi dzje
C
dzie
c
dzeh OCB *dzjejs
intestines zi dzje, tshje dzie, tshie dze, tshe 'small intestines'
[E) PTai *sai
CI
'intestines'
126
7 oeM *-e (GSR 861-880)
s zi, ji dzjeC,dziei
c
dzie
c
, dze
c
dzeh, dzeh
beak zuI, zf tsjwe
B
, tsje tsye
B
, tsie tsoi?, tse or tsai ?
[El ? TB: WT mtshul-pa 'lower part of face, muzzle, beak'.
f1If.." B
zUl tsjwe ?
x wood chai dPf dzre
[fl Sin Sukchu SR (-'jZ); MGZY cay (-'jZ)
heap zi dzje
C
, tsje
C
dzie
c
, tsie
c
dZeh, tseh OeB *dzjejs
uv chlii d?-E dzre
1236a JEt a particle suo sac soi
c
or soc
a few xie sja
7-26 = K. 869 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a WT cleave sf sje sie se
[fl MTang si, ONW se <> [El ST *ser: WT ser-ka 'cleft, split', Chepang ser- 'divide, split
cleanly'
WT comp1et. si sje
C
sie
c
seh 'completely'
cd {jVf oor sf sje sie se
ef IOOTWf sf ! siei se se
7-27
a
d
e
c
b
7-28
abf
gh
= K. 870 Mand. Me LHan oeM
JJJt
sf sje sie sle
OJ
ti diei de Ie

di
dieiBjC deBjC
Ie?, Igh

yi je je Ie

chi <;lje <;lie dre < r-Ie ?
:.fi
chI, , thie
B
. ,
rhe?
chi, zhi <;lje(B) <;lie(B) dre, dre?
= K. 871 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ftEfJtfi xi sje
B
sie
B
se?
{:IE [f) Sui-Tang si, ONW se, LHan
[El ? TB: WB sai 'carry from one place to another, remove by repeated processes'
mtt.l
XI sre? =7-12/878j MB.
7-29 = K. 874 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
d
e
c
x
gi
h

bei pjie 4 pie pe
[fl ONW pie. LHan sian-pie *Sarbi
1ilif
bei pjie 4 pIe pe
add bi pjie 4 pie pe
a robe bei, pei pjie, bjie 4 pie, bie pe, be
l' bi pjie
B
4 pieB pel
[fl Sin Sukchu SR pi Ct.), PR 'Phags-pa: MGZY bi (...t) [pi); ONW *pie
bl, pjie
B
4, pieB, pel,
bing piel)B pel)B pel)?
pi bjie 4 bie be
pi bjie 4 bie be
[fl ONW bie <> [El TB *r-pay, *pay - *play: IP pai, Mru pai, but Angami Naga u-prl, Mikir
pli-ha < *-i, Garo pilai, Chepang leh
127
7 oeM *-e 5 Z : g ~ (GSR 861-880)
bjie 4 bie
bjie
B
4 bie
B
.
bjie
B
4
bieB
phiei
B
pheB
biei be
biei be
biek, bjiik bek, biek
7-30 Mand. Me LHan oeM
m bi pjie 4
[D] *pe, *pet <> [E] ST *bet ?: LB *b(y)et
L
' vulva', Kanauri phe:ts
7-31 = K. 360 Mand. Me LHan oeM
me?
OCB *-ej (1992: 41 9)
= 26-40/598h 'fJ( a
d
e
7-32
m
mr mjie
B
4 mieB
[T] MTang mi, ONW me [i.e., QYS div. 3]
mr mjie
B
4 mieB
mf miei me
Mand. Me LHan
me?
me
oeM
= 7-20/359m 5fij
syn. 7-11/8730 J
* mr mjie
B
4 mieB me? 'to bleat; bear ' n.
[E] KS *mu:il-fi, PTai *hm-: S. miiAl, Po-ai muui
A1
; Hlai mui
4
'bear' n.
7-33 = K. 1240c,e Mand. Me LHan oeM
c J! mal matB me
B
mre?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR maj U: ); MGZY may (..i) [maj] ; ONW mei
[E] TB *b/ m-rey > WT rje-ba *N-rje ?) ' to barter ', JP ma
31
_ri
33
' to buy'
e Ji mai matC me
c
mreh [T] ONW mei
7-34 Mand. Me LHan oeM
t:1 mle mjia B 4 'to squint, glance (sideways)'
This is a unique syllable [GY]. <> [0] Canton met , Hakka mak, Ningpo mi
c
[E] Area etymon *Cmit or *Cmet 'wink / signal with eyes or finger'
128
8 oeM rime *-ek Xfbu
GSR 844 - 860
Baxter 1992: 494 ff. ( 1 0.2.8)
In the OC rimes *-ak, *-ek, *-ok and *-auk, syllables with Me retroflex initials, especially of
the expected Me type <;Ijak, <;Ijak, <;Ijwok, tend to be rare in Diy. III and seem to haye shifted
into Diy. II <;Ink, <;13k, <;Iek, <;I:)k. See Table 2-1 for a comparison of oeM rimes *-al), *-ak with
*-el), *-ek; Table 17-1 for comparison of OCM rimes *-ek, *-ak, *-auk, *-uk.
Table 8-1: OeM rimes *-el), *-ek, *-e in QYS categories
Div. i *-el) R.9 I *-ek R.8 : *-ekh R.8
I *-e R.7
IV I kiel) kel) *kel) ! kiek kek *kek 7iei
c
7e
c
*?ekh ! iikiei ke *ke
I
I )f,jj kiwel) *kwel) kiwek kuek *kwek
i
! .'E ki wei kue *kwe
I 5E diel)c del) *del)h
I m liek lek *rek
I
ifrff diei de *de
!
jl miek mek *mek
I
j
3/ 3 i m kjel) kiel] *krel]
I
! t!i gje
B
3 gie
B
*gre?
3/ 4 kiel]c *kel]h I 7jHlk4 ?iek *7ek ! pjieq pie
c
*pekh , @: gjie4 gie *ge
gr k jiwal)4 khyel] I m pjiak4 piek *pek ! m kjwie4 kye *kwe
*khwel)
i
: pjie4 pie *pe
is mjial]4 miel] *mel] j
III ; IE tsjal] tsel) *tel] I WU tshjak tshiek *tshek WU tshje
C
tshie
c
X tsje tse < kie *ke
ac ; ?fil. jial] jel) *lel) I jiak jek *lek *tshekh tje *tre
I it j i wal]4 weI) *wel]
f)): jiwak wek *wek jie
C
je
C
*Iekh
II
1.f4 kel] kCI] *krel)
m kek kek *krek 7ai
c
7e
c
*"lrekh m kai
B
ke
B
*kre7
,ljl- *tsrel] :is: ywck yuck *wrek 11 ywai
C
yuc
C
i kwai
c
km:
c
*kwreh
! sel) SCI] *srel] !lJJl mek mck *mrek *wrekh
. mai
B
me
B
*mre7
: (irreg.) .
tsck *tsrek :
, I
i
8-1 = K. 854 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a
ft
qf
khiek khek
khek
b
U
jf kiek kek kek
c

ji kiei
c
ke
c
kekh
d
1!J.5l
7f::
attach xi
ki 'C
el , ke
c
, keh, OCB *keks
[f) ONW kei. = 7-1/876c 1*; 7-211241b
be attached xi yiei
C
geC
geh OCB *N-keks
[Tl ONW yei, = 7-1 /876a ;%
8-2 = K. 855 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a
"8"
j2;!iJ a pot Ii liek 1ek rek
rn handful ge kek kek krek
129
8 OCM *-ek (OSR 844-860)
d m ge kek kek krek
ef ge kek kek krek [fl ONW kek
ge kek kek krek
[fl MHan ge-kun LH kk-ku;m < krt!k-kOn Qyrqyz < qyrqyf (Pulleyblank 1983: 455)
9 PMJ he yek gek grek - 5-2/93Id lJITi
h yi I)iek I)ek I)ek
8-3 = K. 1260d Mand. Me LHan oeM
d tEJ! xi yiek gek gek
Prob. not *giauk or *giOk, the initial and vowel of J2. may be partially phonetic
8-4 = K. 844 Words with initial OC *1- and *w- do not occur in Me Div. I, but almost
exclusively in Div. II; hence there was probably no OC medial *r in the Div. II items in 8-4,
8-5 and 8-9.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab

e ?ek ?ek ?rek or ?ek (passim) = 8-5/849h
def

e ?ek ?ek ?rek [fl ONW ?ek
gh

e, ai ?ai
C
?e
C
?rekh
8-5 = K. 849 Mand. Me LHan oeM See comment under 8-4.
a
yi ?jiak 4 ?iek ?ek
cd

Ifut "'
yi ?jiak 4 ?iek ?ek
9

,"
yi ?iei
C
?e
C
?ekh
[El TB *?ik > Nung i < ik 'strangle'; WB ac 'squeeze, throttle'
e
t1 :ful
e ?ek ?ek ?rek or ?ek (passim)
h Ilihl distress e ?ek ?ek ?rek
narrow ai laic ?e
C
?rekh = 8-4/844ah
f ""I@
Jiil"
yi I)iek I)ek I)ek = 7-11I873p
8-6 = K. 860 Mand. Me LHan oeM
abc
ju kiwek kuek kwek
d
Ml
qu khiwek khuek khwek
8-7 = K. 1260f Mand. Me LHan oeM
f

xu, xiwek, huek hwek = 5-7/930c
hUQ xWBk
8-8 = K. 851 Mand. Me LHan oeM
abc

yi jiwak wek wek
[fl Sin Sukchu SR lJyj (}.J; MGZY ywi C\) [yil
8-9 = K. 847 Mand. Me LHan oeM See comment under 8-4.
a c: hua ywai
C
yue
C
wrekh or wek
[fl MGZY Xway C*) [ywajl; ONW yuii
c: hUQ ywek yuek wrek or wek
[fl Sin Sukchu SR yuj (}.J; MGZY Xway (A) [ywajl
e

hua, ywai
C
, yue
C
, wrekh or wekh
hUQ xwek huek hwrek or hwek
130
8-10
a
d
e
f
8 oeM *-ek (GSR 844-860)
IU
hua ywek yuek wrek or wek
= K. 856 Mand. Me LHan oeM
1':k
df diek dek lek
[E] For the initial OC *1-, see Pulleyblank 1983: 448)
1':kfJE df-df diek-diei dek-de
:gj( df diek dek
ti
ti
lek
Ihek
Ihek
'translators, interpreters'
8-11 = K. 1260c Mand. Me LHan oeM
e 'It zhl tsjtik tsek tek
[T] ONW tsek <> [E] TB *tyik - tyak > LB *C-tikL, ti
2
'one' > WB tae * LB *?dik 'only'; WT
gcig 'one'; JR btiag
8-12 = K. 850 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a change yi jitik jek lek
fg
p
n
m
hk
r
s
[E] Tai: S. iE:ek
D2L
< *dl- 'to change, exchange'; KS *hlik7 'exchange'
easy yi jie
C
je
C
lekh
[T] Sin Sukchu SR i (*); MGZY yi (*) [ji]; Sui-Tang i, ONW ie <> [E] TB *Iway 'easy':
WB Iwai 'easy, yielding', IP loP! 'easy'; WT legs 'good, happy, comfortable'
yi jitik jek lek
shi sjtik sek Ihek
shi sjtik sek Ihek

xf siek sek slek
[T] MTang sik, ONW sek-- [E] MK: Late OMon slak Islaikl 'bronze'. Tai: Longzh hikD!S,
Po'ai liik < *thr- 'tin'; Nung xlek < Chinese
cloth Xl siek sek
ornament ti
m bare Xl
wrapper ti thiei
c
ci sje
C
[T] Sin Sukchu SR S1 (*); MGZY
ti thiek
theC
sek
theC
sie
c
shi (*) [S1]
thek
'Be anxious, to respect, to grieve' [Shi, Shu]
ti thiek thek
cut off tl, thiek, thek,
ti thiei
c
theC
[T] ONW thei. <> [D] PMin *thie
C
false hair di, diei
c
, dec,
Xl sjtik siek
false hair di diei
c
dec
lick shi dzje
B
ze
B
slek
Ihekh
slek
Ihekh
slekh
Ihek
Ihek
Ihek,
Ihekh
lekh,
slek
lekh
m-Ie?
cf. ti 26-15/591 t(l1J
cf. ti 26-15/591
= tf (thiei
C
)
[SW] = 7-181l238e 1I;Ii etc.
8-13 = K. 858
ae rl$
Mand.
Ii
Me
liek
LHan
lek
oeM
rek
131
8 oeM *-ek (GSR 844-860)
eh Ii Iiek Iek rek
[T] Sin Sukchu SR Ii CA.); MGZY Ii CA.) [Ii]; ONW lek <> [E) WB re 'to count', Kanauri ri ,
WT rtsi-ba < *rhji < *rhi ' to count' l:I: rtsis-pa 'astronomer '
Ii Iiek Iek rek
Ii-Ill Iiek-Iuk Iek-Iok 'spinning wheel'
8-14 = K. 868 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
*
ci tshje
C
tshie
C
tshekh
d wU to kill ci tshje
C
tshie
C
tshekh
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ts '1 ($-); 'Phags-pa: MGZY tshhi ($-) [ts'1]
wU to stab ci tshjak tshiek tshek
[E] WT tsher-ma 'thorn, thorn bush' l:I: gzer-ba 'to bore into' gzer 'nail'
ef

ci tshje
C
tshie
C
tshekh

qi tshjak tshiek tshek
*
ce tshrek
m
---
ffil. to exact ze tsrek OCB *tsr(j)ek *Strek?)
debt zhai tsrekh
11
zhai tse
C
tsrekh
0
IlJl
ze tsrek, dzrek
p $. kerchief ze tsek tsrek
reg. teeth ce tshrek
q

ze tsrek
r Ell ce tshrek
s

ze dzrek
uh

ji tsjak tsiek tsek *tsjak

collect jf tsjak tsiek tsek [T] ONW tsiek

store ji tsje
C
tsie
C
tsekh
[E] WT rtseg-pa 'to put on top, pile up, stack'
x
m
Zl dzje
C
dzie
C
dzekh
v
#i
jf tsiek tsek tsek
8-15 = K. 845 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
ffit
ce tshrek
= 8-14/8681a *
[Tl ONW = 8-16/846a
9
1'00 ce tshrek
tshnk
tsak
8-16 = K. 846 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

ce tshrek = 8-IS/84Sa fAT
[T] ONW
8-17 = K. 852 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a 1f spine jf tsjak tsiek tsek
1f trample jf dzjak dziek dzek
cd
miffl
jf dzjak dziek dzek
b

jf tsjak tsiek tsek
132
8 oeM *-ek (GSR 844-860)
8-18 = K. 857 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
tJT
Xl siek sek sek
[E] ST *sek: Mikir il)sek < *m-sek 'to split' (Mikir -ek can derive from both -ik or -ek), IP
se?55 < sek 'cut'
cde Xl siek sek sek
8-19 = K. 853 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a m ruler bi pjiak 4 piek pek [T] ONW piek
g$ law bi bjiak 4 biek bek
g$ coffin pi biek bek bek
dgh bi pjiak 4 piek pek
[T] MHan l1!blEl:IilE piek-liu-lioi Skt. vaidurya, Pkt. veluriya
pi phjiak 4 phiek phek
k pi bjiak 4 biek bek
[E] ST *pe: WT 'byed-pa, phyes, dbye 'to open'; Lushai phenR < phen? 'to open'
bi bjiak 4 biek bek
s bi pjie
C
4 pie
c
pekh
[E] TB: Lepcha a-kil pek, Limbu phuk-bek 'forearm'
pi phjie
C
4 phie
c
phekh
[T] ONW phie <> [E] TB: WT dpe 'pattern, model'
u bi bjie
C
4 bie
c
bekh
[T] Sin Sukchu SR bi ($:); MGZY pi ($:) [hi] <> [E] Lushai paiR < pai? 'oblique'
bi piek pek pek
m pi phiek phek phek
[T] Sin Sukchu SR p'i CA.); MGZY phi CA.) [p'i]
pI phiek phek phek
[E] ? TB: JP bjek31 'to divide; JP phja?55 < phjak55 'split open'
n is pi biek bek bek
v bi piei
c
pec pekh
[T] ONW pei <> [E] KT: KS *jaak 'woman, girl'; PT *?b-: Boai bik
D1
'girl'
X :m a plant bi biei
c
bec bekh
crack bo pEk pEk prek
P. bo pEk pEk prek cf. 7-29/874r :t
[D] Y -Guangzh ma:k
7
'to break', G-Nanchang mie
3
, Hakka mak
7
'to open, break', note KS
*hma:k
7
'to split, chop'. <> [E] TB-Chepang prek- 'cleave, divide down center'. <> KT (Oe
loan?) KS *pra:k
7
-ti 'break, tear'; PT *pr-: S teek
D1L
q bo bEk bEk brek
o mi miek mek mek =9-30/841 m
8-20 Mand. MC LHan OCM
j[ mi miek mek mek
[T] MTang mik, ONW mek <> [D] Min: Quanzhou ba?D2, Amoy ba
C2
, bai
D2
, lit. bek
D2
8-21 = K. 859 Mand. MC LHan
a cover mi miek mek
8-22 = K. 1260e Mand. MC LHan
e

cover mi miek mek
20-18/311 may be partially phonetic.
133
OCM
mek
OCM
mek = 8-211859a
8 oeM *-ek ~ g ~ (GSR 844-860)
8-23 Mand. Me LHan oeM
*'
mi miek mek mek SW 5790
8-24 = K. 848 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab
JlIK
mai mck mck mrek
[El TB: Lushai mar
H
< *mar 'the pulse'
C
~ ~
mai-mu mwck-muk mck-mok mrek-mrok
d
M
mai, mi mck, miek mck, mek mrek SW 5790
134
9 oeM rime *-elJ Geng bu
GSR 808 - 843
Baxter 1992: 497 ff. (10.2.9)
See Table 8-1 for OCM rimes *-el), *-ek, *-e in QYS categories, and Table 2-1 for a
comparison of OCM rimes *-al), *-ak with *-el), *-ek.
After grave initials, some OC finals in *-el) have converged with ones in *-al) in MC Div. III
-jul), see the table under Rime 3. Since these pattern like ch6ngniu Div. 3/3 syllables, Baxter
reconstructs an OC medial *r. Syllables that pattern like ch6ngniu Oi v. 3/4 syllables (MC -jial))
had the OC final *-el) (Baxter 1992 *-jel)).
9-1 = K. 831 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a jfng kiel) kel) kel)
c t.& norm Jlllg kiel) kel) kel) OCB *kel)
[1'] Sin Sukchu SR kil) (.If); MGZY gying (.If) [kjil)]; MTang kiel) < kil), ONW kel)
[E] TB: WB g-khyal)B 'diameter', WT kyal) 'straight, slender'
t.& warp jing kiel)C kel)c kel)h
9 jfng kiel) kel) kel)
fi jing kiel)c kel)c kel)h
[1'] MHan kel)c-loc qi1)iraq (Hunnish sword)
e jrng kiel)B kel)B kel)?
J m qing khiel)c khel)c khel)h
I xing yiel) gel) gel)
k xing, jing yiel)c gel)c gel)h [E] TB-Mikir kel)L 'foot, leg'
m jing kjial)c 4 kiel)c kel)h
n jing, kjial)B, kiel)B, kel)?, OCB *kje1)7, *gjel)
qfng gjial) 4 giel) gel)
o light qfng khjial) 4 khiel) khel)
[1'] ONW khiel) <> [E] TB *r-ya:l) - *gya:1), WT yal) 'light'
swift qing khjial)c 4 khiel)c khel)h
p qfng, khjial) 4, khiel), khel],
qing khiel]c khel)c khel]h
s keng kh1) kh1] khrel)
keng, Mng khl), YI] khl), gel) khrel], grel]
q keng, Mng khl], yel] khl), g1] khrel), grel]
u M heng, jfng YI) g1] grel)
[E] TB *r-k(1)al) > WT rka1) 'marrow, leg bones, stalk'; WB k
h
ra1)-chi < *skral) ' marrow' (chi
'oil, lymph')
v yfng 1]1] 1)1) I]rel]
x red cheng threl]
A late graph [Yili] for = 9-l2/834m Mi [Shijing]
135
9 oeM *-el) (GSR 808-843)
9-2 = K. 832, 822 Mand. Me LHan oeM
832ac > qing khiel]c khelf kheI]h
d W qing khiel]c khel]c khel]h
e V qing khiel]B khel]B kheI]?
f V xIng xieI] hel] hel]
[E] ST *hiIJ Lushai hiil]H / hiinL 'be sour, nasty smelling, stinking'
822a 11: sheng sjal] sel] hjel] OCB *xjel]
[T] Sin Sukchu SR (3]7) ; MGZY shing (:ljZ) [t;il]]; ONW sel]
[D] M-Xiamen sia
A1
, Fuzhou sial]AI; K-Meixian sal]AI ,
9-3 = K. 813 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a:fij!( jing kjuI]c kil]c krel]h [T] ONW kel]
g. jfng kjul] ki1] krel]
[T] Sin Sukchu SR kil] (:ljZ) ; MGZY ging (:ljZ) [ldl]]; ONW kel]
hi jing kjUI]B, gjUl]c, kiI]B, gilf krel]?, grel]h
kjaI]B kiel]B kel]?
[E] ? MK: OKhmer krena /kr1)/ 'be stiff or rigid with fear, to fear, afraid of' .... Tai: S.
kreel] A I 'to fear '
jing kjUI]B, kiI]B, kreI]? ,
kjal]B kiel]B kel]?
kl qing gjul] gi1] gre!)
9-4 = K. 808 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a tf!: geng k1] k1] krel]
[T] Sin Sukchu SR bjl] ( :ljZ), PR kiI] - bl]; MGZY gying (:ljZ) [kjil]]
bd HUff) xing vie!) gel] gel] OCB *gel]
[T] Sin Sukchu SR yil] ( 3'j7. ); MGZY Hying (3f- ) [yjil]]; MTang yiel] < ViI], ONW yel]
efgh xing vie!) gel] gel]
HtI jlng kjul] ki1] krel]
9-5 = K. 810 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab
$1
xing VI]B gI]B grel]?
cd
frw
xing viel]B gel]B gel]?
9-6 =K.809 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
Jtk
geng kI]B kI]B kreI]?
[E] TB: WB kran < kril] ' clear, bright'
c

jiong
khiwel]B khuel]B
khwel]?
9-7 =K. 828 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a ):; j slanting qfng khjiwal]4 khyel] khwel]
interval qing khjiwal]B4 khycl]R
khwel]?
b
fJj
qfng khjiwal]4, khyel], khwel] [T] ONW khuel]
khjial] 4
c !fJ[ point ed ying jiwal]B wel]B
wel]?
a cushion jIng, kjial]B 4, kiel]B,
jiong kiwel]B kuel]B kwel]?
136
9 oeM *-eI) (GSR 808-843)
d

jibng kiweI)B kueI)B kweI)?
e
*Ji
jibng, qibng
khiweI)B khueI)B
khweI)?
9-8 = K. 842 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ac roJ fjiiJ ji6ng kiweI) kueI) kweI)
e ji6ng kiweI) kuel) kwel)
d bolt ji6ng kiweI) kuel) kweI]
clear-mind jiong ki wel)B kuel)B kwel]7
f

jiong khiwel)B khuel)B
khwel)?
h - jibng yiweI)B yuel)B gwel)7 or wel)?
9-9 = K. 843 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

yfng
yiweI](B/C) yuel)(B/C) wel)(?/h)

ying Ylwel) yuel) weI)
cfj yfng jiwal) 4 weI] weI) OCB *wjel]
[T] Sin Sukchu SR jujl) (), PR jUl], iI] , LR il]; MGZY yyung un [jUI]); ONW iuel]
k

:=<:
yfng, WEI), wreI), OCB *wrjelJ
ying 7ieI]C 7el)c 7el)h
d

r6ng WEI] wreI] [T] ONW uel]
e
g
r6ng WI)(C) wreI](h)
7F
h

/ , yfng 7jiwal) 4 7yel) 7wel] OCB *?Wjel)
[E] TB: Lushai ve1)R / ven
L
' to gird / wear round the waist '

yfng
7(1) 7I) 7reI]
m

cheng-r6ng
-YWI] dzrel)-wrel) ?
b

U
grng!
khiwel]B, khueI)B, khwel)7,
khjiwal)B4 khyel)B
khwel)7
9

3<\
qlOng gjiwal) 4 gyel) gwel)
= 32-8/830 ''',23-1O/829, 256 !ll'l
9-10 = K. 814 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ace

yfng 7jial] 4 7iel) 7eI)
d

yrng 7jial)B 4 7iel)B 7el)?
fgh yfng ?EI) ?I) ?rel)
9-11 = K. 833 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a T cyclic. dfng tiel) tel) tel) 'cyclical character'
[T] Early Han Tit Drng-Hng LH teIJ-lel] < *tel]-reIJ Turk. Tagrag
sound zheng teI) (!) 'sound of beating'
n hit drng tiel)B teI)B
da
[T] Sin Sukchu SR til] ( ...t), LR ta <> [DJ Suzhou tal)B, Xiamen taB
[EJ TB: Lushai del)H / den 'to throw, strike, hit'
e drng tiel)B teI)B 32-l6/375mn
drng tiel)B tel)B
9
ffiJ banks ding dieI]B del)B
trampled Gng
137
h
f
z
j
o
v
ru
y
=
=r
9 oeM *-el) (GSR 808-843)
ting diel)
ting diel)
[f) MTang diel) < dil), ONW del)
[E) TB *dil) > Lushai dil)H / din
L
' to stand, stop, halt, stand up, go straight up', Lepcha dil)
'be erect, stand', JP dil)33 'be perfectly straight' , WB tan 'to place in position, build'
n ting thiel) thel) 'island' [Chuci]
5E settle ding diel)c delf deI)h = 9-13/363a
[f) Sin Sukchu SR dil) ( $-); MGZY ting ($-) [dil)]; ONW del)
[E) ST *dil) or *del): LB *?dil)l ' put, place on, set up, establish', WB tan 'place in position,
build', Lepcha dil) 'be erect, to stand'
5E forehead ding tieI)c teI)c teI) < tIel)
fij[ forehead ding tiel)c teI)c teI) < tleI)
[E) AA: Mon tnel) ' forehead' , PVM *tlan
B
'forehead' ; Bahnaric *klial) ' forehead ' ; Pearic
klil)2. Wa-Lawa-Bulang *k1sl)tal) 'forehead'.
IE first zheng tsjaI) tseI) teI) OCB *tjel) [f] ONW tsel)
IE correct zheng tsjalf tseI)c teI)h
[f) Sin Sukchu SR ($-); MGZY jing ($-) ONW tsel)
zheng tsjal) tsel) tel)
zheng tsjaI) tseI) teI)
zheng tsjaI)c tseI)c tel)h
zheng tsjaI)B tsel)B teI)?
[f) Sin Sukchu SR (..i); MGZY jing (..i) <> [E) TB-Lushai diil)F 'to go straight or
direct, go straight through without breaking the journey, etc.'; Chepang dhel)_ 'be straight'; lP
tel)31 'right, correct ', Lepcha athal) 'right, correct ' , WB tan
e
'straightforward, direct '
m look cheng 'look straight at' [SW]
[N] - 3-321725f'. The graph seems to be at least partially semantic. <> [E] Tai: S. thJiI)
(WSiam tha-lil) 'a fierce stare, to stare hard at'
red cheng threl) =9-12/ 834m
The graph occurs in Zuozhuan for = 9-l2/834m ID'l [Shijing]
1248b <;lanc <;len
c
drins
9-12 = K. 834 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
ding tiel)B tel)B tel)?
9
j
k
m
9-13
a
e
f
[f] Sin Sukchu SR til) ct); MGZY ding (.L) [til]]; ONW tel)
zhen tjal) trel) [f] MTang t.el), ONW tel)
zhen tjal) trel)
zheng, tjal), trel) ,
zhen threl)(h)
fJ[ zhen tjal) trel)
M red [Shi] cheng threl) =9-1 / 831x; 9-11l833y
[E) Tai: S. deel) AI < *?dllriel) ' red', Saek riil) AI ' red ', Be lil)13 'purple'; PMiao *?I_NA ' red'
= K. 363 Mand. Me LHan OCM
present , dian, dien
c
, den
c
, dins = 9-11 /833z
settle ding dieI)c deI)c deI)h
stagnant ting diel] del) del)

zheng <;ljal)c <;IieI)c dreI)h
11I zhi <;Ijiik <;Iiek drek
138
9 oeM *-el) (GSR 808-843)
9-14 = K. 818 Mand. MC LUan OCM
a nlG complete cheng ZJal) dzel) del)
[f] Sin S, SR dz..il) (:if-); MGZY zhing () [z..il)]; ONW dzel) <> [D] PMin *gzial) Rl<: 'percent'
e:lJjX; cheng zJal) dzel) del) (or gel) ?) OCB *djel)
[E] ? TB: WT gyal), gyel) ' pise, stamped earth, wall' * rgyal) 'wall' * 'gel)s-pa 'to fill'
h Wilt cheng zjal) dzel) del)
put into cheng zjaI) dzel) del)
ample sheng zjal)c dzel)c del)h
[f] Sin Sukchu SR z..il) MGZY zhing [z..il)]
9-15 = K. 815 Mand. Me LHan OCM
a yfng Jlal) jel) leI) OCB *(l)jel)
[E] TB *blil), *pliI] 'fill' > Chepang bliI]h-?o 'full' * lelJ?- 'be full', PL-B *m-bliI)3 > OBurm
plan, WB prafi
c
'full'
c
9-16 = K. 816
aef
yfng jial)
Mand.
yfng
MC
jiaI]
jel)
LHan
jel)
leI)
OCM
leI)
9-17 = K. 835 Mand. MC LUan OCM
a. ttng thiel)B thel)B lhel)?
d J! ting, ding diel)(C) del)(C) leI), lel)h
= 9-l7/835y
f = 9-1 5/8 15a OCB *(l)jel)
h JJ! court tfng diel) del) leI) OCB *leI]
[if [f] MTang diel) < dil), ONW del) <> [D] M-Xiam tia
A2
JJ! distant ting thiel)c thel)c lhel)h
m pull out ttng diel)B del)B lel)?
straight ting thiel)B thel)B Ihel)? [E] TB: *p1e1) 'straight'
@; ling ! diel)B del)B lel)?
o jf rod ding diel)B del)B lel)?
to rush ting thiel)B thel)B IheI]?
m ting diel) del) leI) OCB *leI]
kl tfng diel) del) leI)
[E] Perh. ST *C-lil): TB *r-klil) > Mikir arklel), Lushai thlil)R 'marrow', Mru klil) ' id,'; WT
glil)-bu 'flute', LB *klil) >PL *?lil)l - *hliI]1 'flute', WB kyafi 'tube'
n ding, diel)B, del)B, lel)?,
dien
B
denB Ifn?
pq mJ.!@; trng thiel)B thel)B Ihel)?
rt lfE cheng 9jal) 9iel) drel) < r-lel) (?)
u i'E cheng 9jal) 9iel) dreI]
fli1 [E] TB-Mikir -rel)L angse
H
'naked', WT sgren-mo 'naked', JP krin
31
'naked', Lushai
'be bare (as a hill side)' <> [N] In an L-series, the MC initial should derive from OCM *r-l-,
but the TB cognate speaks in favor of *dr-
s :Ej a stone cheng <;ljal) 9iel) drel)
tablet tfng thiel) thel) rhel)
v 11 cheng <;ljal) , t,hjal) 9iel), drel), rhel) 'dead drunk' OCB *lrjel)
x cheng rhel)? =
The OC form could also be *threl)? or *r-lhel)?
y i'. tfng ! jial) jel) leI) = 9-15/8 15c
139
9 oeM *-el) (GSR 808-843)
z sheng sjal)c sel)c lhel)h * 9-17/835d'
[f] Sin Sukchu SR t'il) ($:); MGZY shing (:*) [?il)]; ONW sel)
d' listen tlng thiel) thel) lhel) OCB *Ihel)
[f] Sin Sukchu SR t'il) (3f); MGZY thing (3fT.) [t'i!)]; MTang thie!) < thi!), ONW the!)
Ew, obey ting thie!)c thel)c lhel)h
c' cheng rhel)
9-18 = K. 836 Mand. MC LHan oeM
a
egh
Hng liel) leI) reI) - rln R! = 9-19/823u
[fl MTang lie!) < Ii!), ONW leI). The OB graph shows 'cloud' with raindrops, not mouths
Hng lieI) leI) reI)
[f] Sin Sukchu SR Ii!) (3JL); MGZY ling (3JL) [Ii!)]; ONW Ie!). Early Han LH tel)-Ie!) <
Drng-Hng = Turk. tiigriig
ffililUiIi Hng lieI)
9-19 = K. 823 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a command ling Ijal](C) liel](C) rel](h) - rin(s)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR Ii!) C'f$;); MGZY ling ('V$;) [Ii!)]; ONW Iiel)
good Hng ljal] liel] reI] cf. 3-43/735a
PI.N. lian ljan lian ren
f Hng Ijang
B
lieI)B reI)? OCB *C-rje!)?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR Ii!) (1: ); MGZY ling (1:.) [Ii!)]; ONW lie!)
[D] 'Collar' in PMin *liaI)B: Fuzh liaI)B!, Xiam niil
BI
<> [E] TB: Lushai ri!)F 'neck'
J Hng lief] leI) reI]
gikl Hng liel] leI) reI)
npq Hng liel] leI] reI)
rvx Hng liel] leI) reI)
ou Hng lieI) leI] reI) - rln R!
= 9-18/836a!Wi <> [T] MTang lie!) < Ii!), ONW Ie!)
h !eng 1iel]B,lul]B leI)B rel]?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR I;}jl) (J: ), PR, LR I;}I); MGZY Ihing (1:) [ld!)] <> [D] Yue la!)2 'cold' < ?
[E] TB: Mikir nil)-kre!) 'cold weather, winter' (ni!) 'season ')
Hng lieI)
Hng lieI) leI] ?
- ling a Han period dialect variant [FY 1.6]
9-20 = K. 837 Mand. MC LHan OCM
abc ning niel] nel] neI)
[f] ONW nel) <> [E] WB hfial)B ' soft, gentle, quiet'
g i$ ning niel]c nel]c neI)h
h fJ. neng I)l] I)I) nrel]
9-21 = K. 820 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
s
jfng tsjang tsiel] tseI)
1'11'1
9-22 = K. 819 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
ft
jing tsjaI)B tsieI)B tsel]?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR tsil) (1:); MGZY dzing (1:) [tsi!)]
140
9 OCM *-el]
*1tffG
(GSR 808-843)
jing dzjiil]B dziel]B dzel]?
jrng dzjiil]B dziel]B dzel]?
9-23 = K. 811 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a
d
e
c

zheng tsrel) OCB *tsrU)el)
[Tl Sin Sukchu SR (-'jL), PR, LR MGZY jhing (-'jL) ONW
[E] TB: WT 'dzil)-ba 'quarrel, contend, fight', WB cac 'war, battle'
jing dzjiil)c dziel]C dzel]h [T] ONW dziel)
jing dzjiil]B dziel)B dzel]? = 9-25/8l2m' ffl
cheng-rong d?el)-jwel],
d?E:I)-yw1) d?I)-yuE:1) dzrel)-wrel)
9-24 = K. 821 Ace. to Karlgren the phonetic is unrelated to 32-33/382a xln *
ab
c
Mand. Me LUan oeM
xIng
xIng
sjal]
sjal]
siel]
siel]
sel]
sel]
9-25 = K. 812 Mand. Me LUan oeM
J+- 1tJ-l- "JP:
aeh :::t:1.:t:=. sheng srel] OCB *srjel)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR C'f), PR, LR MGZY shhing ( -'f) ONW
[E] TB *s-ril) (*sril) > Manchati sri I) 'to live, alive'
g i.!13 sheng srel] OCB *srjel)
[E] WT sril)-mo 'sister', Lower Kanauri ril)s
W sheng srel]?
observe xIng sjal]B siel]B sel]?
reduce sheng srel]?
qs '11 xing sjiil)C siel]C sel]h
[Tl Sin Sukchu SR sil) (:*); MGZY sing (:*) [sil)]; ONW siel)
tu xing, sheng! sjal]c siel]c sel]h ' weasel'
[Tl WT *sre(l) > sre-mol) , sre-mo ' weasel', Lepcha sa-myol) 'marmot', M ikir il)ren < *m-ren
'mongoose', WB hrafi
c
'squirrel'
X I star xIng siel] sel], S tshel] sel)
[T] MTang siel) < sil), ONW sel) <> [D] Y -Guangzh 55SI)AI, Taish 33knAI , Enping 35sial)AI;
PMin *tshal) - *sel): Xi am col. tshjAI - san
AI
, lit. Sil)AI
x - 21lW qfng dzjiil) dziel) dzel) 'clearing sky' OCB *fitshjel)
z Ji to bark xIng siel) sel) sel)
[E] KN-Liangmei thaI), Zemei Ike-
5
t
h
al) 'to bark'
1i monkey sheng srel]
a' xIng siel](C) sel)(C) sel)(h)
[Tl MTang siel) < sil), ONW sel) <> [El TB: lP Sil)33 'smell; scent ; odor of fresh, raw food',
Chepang S;)YI)- 'emit smell, odor, be rotten' , Lepcha mUI)-sil), Rawang puse:1) 'stench'
b' r:I xing siel](B/C) sel)(BjC) sel](?/h)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR sil) U::.), LR sil) ; MGZY sing ct) [sil)]
[E] ST *sel): WT sel)-po - bsel)-po 'clear, white, airy, pale' * gsel)-po 'clear and
sharp' (sound), JP sel)33 ' clean'; Lushai thial)H / thian
L
' be clear, clean'
v fl'f jll) tsjiil] tsiel) tsel)
c' W green qlng tshiel) tshel] tshel] < k-sel]? OCB *srel) (!)
[E] ST *sil): WT gsil)-ma < *k-sil) 'pasture land, meadow', Mikir rel)-sel) < *-se/ il) 'green',
Rawang m;)sel) ' green', masil) 'blue'
141
9 oeM *-el) f#tfB (GSR 808-843)
luxuriant jfng tsiel)
i'
m
qfng tshjal) tshiel) tshel) < k-sel) ?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ts'il) (If); MOZY tshing (If) [ts' il)); ONW tshiel)
e'

qfng tshiel) tshel) tshel)
g'
m
jfng tsjal) tsiel) tsel)
f'

jfng tsjal), tsiel) ts(i)el) tsel), tsel)
k'

qrng tshjal)B, tshiel)B, tshel)? ,
EFJ
dzjal) dziel) dzel)
[E) TB-PKiranti *sll) 'ask', Oaro sil)? ' to inquire, question, ask'
h' qing tshjal)C tshiel)c tshel)h
I' qing dzjal) dziel) dzel)
m 'n 's' jing dzjal)B dziel)B dzel)?
t' *fi tuck in zheng tsrel)
dark red qi1111 tshien
C
tshen
C
tshins
1250cd red tshien
c
tshen
C
tshins
OCB tshins 'dark red' (Baxter 1992: 433)
9-26 = K. 825 Mand. Me LHan oeM
OCB *tsel)
OCB *tshjel)
[T) ONW dziel)
= 9-23/8lle
a - .3f if ping bjBI) biel) breI) OCB *brjel)
[T) ONW bel) <> [D) PCoastal Min *bal) > Amoy pIA2 < *bal) 'even, flat' phIA2 < *bhal)
'to flatten'; Fuzh pal)A2; PNMin *pial) 'level' If, 'yard' if
[E] TB *plel) ' flat surface' > Tamang plel) ' big flat stone'; Mikir kaplel) 'plank'
ping bjBI) biel) breI)
c Artemisia ping bjBI) biel) breI)
duckweed ping biel) bel) bel)
rf ping biel) bel) bel)
-++-
d ff rain m. ping biel) bel) bel) < blel) 'rain master'
[E) AA: Khmer bhliel) 'rain', PNB *plifi 'sky', Pearic ph iiI) 'sky'
ff duckweed ping biel) bel) bel)
e W beng, peng p(h)el) p(h)el) prel), phrel)
[E) ? TB-WT spril)-ba, spril)s 'to send a message'
fg 'If :of peng phel) phel) phrel)
9-27 = K. 839, 817 Me LHan oeM
a pfng phiel) phel) phel)
cd pin phjiang
C
4 phiel)c phel)h 3-57/740t iJj
817a cheng rhel)? =9-l7/835x OCB *hlrjel)
(a) 'gallop, drive rapidly'; (b) 'develop one's potential' . According to SW 4326, is
phonetic that can mean as little as the rime; the element could be semantic ('inquire'). The
OC form could also be *threl)? or *r-lhel)?
9-28 = K. 840 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab rzrLillz. bing biel)B bel)B bel)?
[T) Sin Sukchu SR pil) ('*); MOZY bing ('*) [pil)); ONW bel)
m peng bBI)C [Zihui],
bal)c [Duan Yucai]
142
9-29
ab
e
f
g
d
h
ij
k
m
n
o
pq
= K. 824
a#
JrJf
m screen
remove
anxious
Mand.
bing
pIng
ping
bing
bIng
bing
ping
bing
9 OeM *-el) (GSR 808-843)
Me LHan oeM
pjial)(C) 4 piel)(C) pel), pel)h [f] ONW biel)
phiel)(B) phel)(B) phet), phel)?
biel) bel) bel) OCB *bel)
pjial)B/C 4 piel)B/C pel)?/h OCB *pjel)'?
pjal) ? piel) pel)
bjial)c 4 biel)c bel)h
biel) bel) bel)
biel)B, bel)B, bel)?,
pjal)c ? piel)c pel)h
m= beat ping biel) bel) bel) [f] BTD Skt. bim[bisara]
IiiJt1fEi ping biel) bel) bel) [f] BTD Skt. bim[bisara]
[E] AA: Khmer biila /piil)/ 'swollen, pot-bellied, earthen water pot'
# a plant ping biel) bel) bel)
to cause peng phEI) phEI) ph reI)
(J
"vr beng pEl) pEl) prel)
w: beng pEl)e PEI)C prel)h
,!it horses s. pian bien, ben, ben or bin, 'horses side by side'
bi el) bel) bel)
[E] ? TB: Chepang bhil)- 'be close together (lay object, friends), double up'
double pian bien ben bfn 'side by side'
M double pian bien ben bin 'side by side'
Mlm pian bien ben bin
9-30 = K. 841 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a dark mfng miel)(B) mel)(B) mel)(?)
[f] MTang miel) < mil), ONW mel) <> [0] PMin *mal)A2 'night'
[E] TB *mil) > WB mafiB - mai
B
'dark, black' <> MY [purnell] or *J.l1WBI)CI
[Wang Fushi 20/140] 'evening, night', MK: PNBahn. mal) 'night'
cover mi miek mek mek
mfng miel)(B) mel)(B) mel), mel)?
c ming miel) mel) mel)
b sleep ming, miel), mel), mel),
mian mien men mfn = 32-40/4S7e !!R
W1; dizzy miiln mien
c
men
c
mfns
d ming-ling miet)-liel) mel)-lel) mel)-rel)
[E] Tai: S. ma-IeI)A2 < *mllr- 'insect'
efg mi miek mek mek =8-19/8530-\W
[f] MTang mian < mian, ONW men
9-31 = K. 826 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
is
d
ming mjial) 4 miel) mel) R!
[f] Sin Sukchu SR mil) (3j7.); MGZY ming (3jZ) [mil)]; MTang miel), ONW miel)
[E] TB *r-mil) > WT mil), OTib myil) 'name', Jiarong termi, LB *?-mil)l/3, Lushai hmil)H
'name' <> [N] In Chuci ming rimes also with *-in.
ming miel) mel) mel)
[f] MTang miel) < mil), ONW mel)
143
9 oeM *-el) f j j : ~ ~ (GSR 808-843)
9-32 = K. 762 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a -$ ming mj-el)c mil)c min R! -mrel) R! OCB *mrjil)(s)
[f) Sin Sukchu SR mil) ($:); MGZY ming ($:) [mil)); ONW mel) <> [D) PMin *mial)c 'life'
9-33 = K. 827 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a P ~ ming mj-el) miel) mre!) OCB *mrjel)
[E) TB: WB mrafi 'to sound'; Mikir marel) 'make noise, cry' , Lushai ril)H I rin
F
'be loud'
144
10 oeM rime *-0 Hau bu
GSR 108 - 138; 1229 - 1235
Baxter 1992: 500 ff. (10.2.10)
Table 10-1: OCM rimes *-01), *-ok, *-0 in QYS categories
Me
I
III
II
10-1
a-c
a
d
efh
qr
p
o
tuv
xy
*-01) R.12 *-ok R.ll ! *-0, *-okh R.lO, II
0- kUI) kOI) *k(1) ;frkuk kok *k6k o kh;)U
B
kho
B
*kh6?
I mUI) mOl) *m(1) : * muk mok *m6k
Rd;)u
c
doC
*d6h
I * tUI) tOI) *t(1)
111 duk dok *d6k ko
c
*k6kh
gjwol)C guol)C *gol)h liE khjwok khuok *khok fly kju kuo *ko
bjwol) buol) *bol) {il- zjwok ziok *s-Iok {1 pju
C
puo
c
*poh
Ijwol) liol) *rOI) 1iV zjwok dzok *dok
*tju
tio *tro
f.l tsjwOI)B tSOI)B *tol)? 1W jiu jo *10
:m gjwOI)B giol)B *drol)? ffr jiu
C
joC
*Iokh
i ffl jiwol)c JOI)C *Iol)h
I
I iI kal) bl) *kr(1)
I kak bk *kr6k
No Div. II
: pal) P;)I) *pr(1) I fl phak ph;)k *phr6k
! tl gal) g;)1) *dr(1) i gak g;)k *dr6k
= K. 108 Kou 0 10-3 may be phonetic.
Mand. MC LHan OCM
Ipj l1V gau bu ko k6 'hook'
[E] WT dgu-ba 'to bend'
1pj2 phrase ju kju
C
kuo
c
[T] -tJi'R kuo
c
(or kioC)-kuet 'a kind of hat', cf. Mongol kakUl (Pulleyblank 1983: 453)
gou buB ko
B
k6? < klo?
[D] PMin *f;)U
B
<> [E] MY *klu
2
1i?f5tJkij gou buB ko
B
k6?
fiJi gau bu
c
ko
c
k6h
ju kju kuo ko OCB *k(r)jo
fly grasp ju kju kuo ko
[T] ONW kuo; BTD Skt. ku; kuo-Iuit-da Skt. kolita
fly receive gau bu ko k6
fly tree st. qu gju guo go 'tree stump'
ttiJ a tree ju kju
B
kuOB ko?
crooked gau bu ko k6
1lJM'OJ J:l1iJ qu gju guo go

qu gju guo go
145
10 OeM *-0 (GSR 108-138; 1229-1235)
fril
k6u
kh;}U kho
kho
k kou!
kh;}U
B
kho
B
kho?
'Iii] kou
kh;}U
C
khOC
khoh
m
fi]
hou
y;}U
c
,X;}U
c
yoc,ho
C
fioh, hoh
n huu
X;}U
B
hOB ho?

h6u X;}U ho
[El WT I)ur-ba 'to grunt' sl)ur-ba 'to snore'
z flilj qu, k6u !
khju
B
, kh;}U
B
kh(i)oB kho?, kho?
a' DB] xii xju(C) huo(C) hO,hoh
b'
tfriJ
xu xju
B
huo
B
ho?
-c' warm xu xju
C
huo
c
hoh
10-2 = K. 109 Mand . Me LUan oeM
a

gou bu
c
ko
c
koh
efgjkl id.
JH [El TB *gow > WB ku
B
'cross over, transfer', JP gau
33
'pass over'
hi g6u k;JU ko ko
1198a $j jiang kfu]B bl)B krOI)?
10-3 = K. 110
D a
Mand. Me LUan oeM
kbu kh;}U
B
kho
B
kho?
[fl Sin Sukchu SR k';JW (1:.); MOZY khhiw U:.) [k';Jwl; ONW khou
=
1O-5/112f
also MC xju
B
OCB *k(r)os
OCB *kh(r)o?
[El TB: JP k
h
u
33
'hole, hollow', Lushai kua
L
(b
L
) < kua?/h 'a hollow, cavity' kua
L
I kuak
F
'to open up (a path)'
de OPtD kou kh;}UBJC
[El ? WB khok < *khuk 'knock, rap'
f jD kou ! kh;}U
B
kho
B
10-4 = K. 111 Mand.
kou a
kho?Jh
kh6?
oeM
kh6h
= JO-IIl08k tJi(
[El TB *r-kuw > Chepang ku? 'steal', WT rku-ba 'to steal', IP JiPl_ku
55
'to steal', NNaga *CI
V-b:w, WB khui
B
< *C-kui
B
, PL *k0
2
'to steal' <> [Nl Baxter 1992: 238 considers
25-19/257m 5G phonetic, but it could also be semantic, cf. SW 1358.
10-5 = K. 112 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a j- hou y;}UBJC goB/C g6?Jh OCB *g(r)o?
c WBiH hou yaiC-y;}u
C
geC-go
C
greh-groh OCB *gres-gros
d tJ gou buB ko
B
ko?
[fl MTang bu, ONW kou <> [E] ? TB: WT bsgo-ba 'to soil, stain, defile, infect'
e 9J gou k;}u
c
ko
c
koh
f Wi hou, X;}U
c
, hoC, h6h, 1O-I1108m
kou, gou kh;}U
C
, buB khoC, ko
B
kh6h, k6?
[E] WT 'khu-ba 'insult, offend'
g Dfo hou X;JUBJc hoBJC hO?Jh
10-6 = K. 113 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a target hou y;}U go go OCB *g(r)o
[El ? AA: Khmer Ikaohl 'to raise (crossbow) with a view to aiming' 'be raised up,
clearly visible'; or Ik6hl 'to hit (squarely)'
146
10 oeM *-0 f ~ t f G (GSR 108-138; 1229-1235)
f ~ be, have hau y;}U go go
[E] AA: PVM *b:7 'to be, have, there is', PMonic *go07 'to get, possess, obtain'
e f,* watch hau y;}U
c
goc goh
f ~ hau y;}U go go
[E] ? TB: Chepang guk 'throat' <> MK *k::l7 'neck'
g 11* hau y;}U go go
[D] PMin *g;}U < *Ngo ? < ? TB: PL *7-k0
2
/
1
hj m ~ hau y;}U go go
)- ~ m hau y;}u(C) go(C) go, goh
10-7 = K. 114 Mand. MC LHan oeM
a !If- thick hau y;}U
B
goB g07 OCB *g(r)07
[T] Sin Sukchu SR y;}W <-1::); MGZY Xiw U:) [yiw] <> [D] g;}U
B
!If- thickness hau y;}U
c
goc goh
10-8 = K. 115 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a i& behind hau y;}U
B
yoB fi07 OCB *fi(r)07
[T] Sin Sukchu SR y;}W <-1::>; MGZY Xiw (..t) [yiw]; MTang y;}U, ONW you <> [D] PMin
*fi;}u
B
<> [E] TB *ok > WT 'og (not 70g ) 'below, afterward, later, after'; LB *?ok 'lower
side, below' > WB ok 'under part, space under'; Limbu yo 'down, below, downhill'
i& support hau y;}U
c
yoc fioh
10-9 = K. 121 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
~
ju gju
C
guo
C
goh
[T] MTang gy < guo, ONW guo
d ju kju kuo ko
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ky ( lJZ); MGZY gyu (lJZ) [ky]; MTang ky < kuo, ONW kuo
e ju kju
B
kuo
B
k07
10-10 = K. 122 Mand. Me
bu
LHan
70
oeM
70 a
m-
k
n
o
p
11: 1 conceal au
IIDi
au 7;}u 70 76
[E] WB ui
B
'pot, jar, chatty'
~ W\ au 7;}u 70 76
~ [T] Sin Sukchu ~ SR 7;}w (lJZ); MGZY lID( 'hiw (lJZ) [7;}w]; ONW 70u
~ au ! 7;}u
B
70
B
767
U ~ vomit ou 7;}u
B
70
B
707
babble au 7;}u 70 76
~ soak ou 7;}u
c
70
c
76h
seagull au 7;}u 70 76
fmi yu 7ju
B
7uo
B
707
~ ~ warm yu, yu 7ju
B
7uo
B
707
[E) ST *70: WB u
B
(i.e., /?u
B
/) 'lay an egg' ~ ;}_U
B
'egg'
~ ~ mother yu 7ju
C
7uo
c
70h
II brood you 7j;}u
c
7u
c
[D] Min: mm'ou iuCl, Chongan ieu
c1
yu, 7ju
C
, 7uo
C
, 70h,
qu khju khuo
kho < k70?
147
a
h
9
cd
g
r
10 oeM *-0 (GSR 108-138; 1229-1235)
conceal gu khju khuo kho < k?o ?
crooked g6u k:m ko ko = late graphic loan for
k6u kh;}u, khju kho, khuo kho
[E] ? TB *ku > WB khu
B
'take out or up and put in dish, gather'; Yakha khu 'lift up, raise';
Bahing ku-to 'bring up'
]I; gu khju(C) khuo(C) kho ! OCB *kh(r)jo
[f] MTang khy < khuo, ONW khuo <> [E] TB *(s-)kuw > WT sku, WB kui 'body'
gu khju(C) khuo(C) kho, khoh
[E] ? WT 'khyug-pa 'to run, dart, hasten' * 'khyu-ba, khyus 'to run' * dkyu-ba 'a race' * 'gyu-
ba, 'gyus 'to move quickly'
i1i pivot shu tshju tsho k-hlo ? or khjo ?
[D] Yue: HK-NT 232khyAl, Conghua k
h
y55, Doumen k
h
ui
45
; Hakka: Huizhou ky33, Dong-
guan k
h
i
33
i1i an elm shu,6u ?;}U ?o ?o
wildcat chu thio thro ? or rho?
10-11 = K. 124 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
fIJ
monkey yu
lJ.iu
c
I]uo
c
I]oh
[E] TB: Kuki-Naga *I)a:w 'ape' > Lushai l)au
H
< I)au 'grey monkey'
fIJ
a fish yu
lJ.iu
I]uo 1]0
c

yu
lJ.iu
c
I]uo
c
I]oh
fi

yu
lJ.iu
I]uo 1]0
9
yu lJ.iu I]uo 1]0
[f] MTang I)y < I)uo, ONW I)uo <> [D] K-Sung Him Tong 1);)l)c, Meixian I)Ul)c 'stupid'
[E] Tai: PTai *?l)ua
B2
jC2 'stupid, idiot, ignorant', S. I)OOCI 'stupid'
jk
I
h
yu, ou lJ.iu, I];}U
B
I]uo, I]OB 1]0, I]o?
M yu, ou lJ.iu, I];}U I]uo, 1]0 1]0, 1]0
yu lJ.iu
c
I]uo
c
I]oh
o
n
ill
p
rrl Sin Sukchu SR I)y ('*); MGZY xyu ('*) [fiy]
a pair ou I];}U
B
I]OB
a pair ou I];}U
B
I]OB
unexpected ou I];}U
c
1]0c

yu,
y6ng
y6ng
. B
I]JU, I];}U ,
IJ.iwol]
IJ.iWOI]
I]uo, 1]0B,
I]uol]
I]uol]
I]O?
I]o?
I]oh
1]0, I]o?,
1]01]
1]01]
10-12 = K. 117 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a 9'e d6u t;}U to to
[f] BTD ifEVitHt to-zuit-da Skt.
10-13 = K. 116 Mand.
ab i.H-4 bushel dou
4i4 ladle zhu
10-14 = K. 1246a Mand.
a dou
MC
t;}U
B
tsju
B
MC
t;}U
C
LHan
toB
tso
B
LHan
toC
148
OCM
to?
to?
OCM
toh
[D] PMin *t:lU
B
10 oeM *-0 (GSR 108-138; 1229-1235)
10-15 = K. 1235 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
rut dou
d;:)u
B
doB
do?
b
IT
zhuo trok
c
IMJ
dou d;:)u
c
doc doh = 1O-1711234a F'J
10-16 = K. 118 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
d
e
dou d;:)u
c
doC doh
[f) Sin Sukchu SR d;)w (-$;); MGZY thiw (-$;) [d;)w) <> [D) PMin *d;)u
c
dou d;:)u
c
doc
[E) TB *tu-I] ' bean'
dou doh
[D) PMin *Q;)U
c
: Fuzhou tau
C2
-kauk
D1
, Jianyang l oC2
[E) TB *du(k) ' neck, head', JP du?31 'neck', Garo gitok, Mikir tsethok, Lepcha tilk-tok
'neck', Abor-Miri a-tuk, Atong d;)k-;)m, Kaike thoppa *thok-pa) 'head'
dou d;:)u
c
doc
tou do do
[f) ONW dou; BTD Skt. dhu <> [D) PMin *dh;)u
A2
: mingle th;)u
D1
, Fuzh 52thau, Xiamen
t
h
au
A2
-k
h
ak; W-Wenzh 21dfieu
fg shu zju
B
dzo
B
do?
169a duan twan
B
tuanB, S toi?ton?
[f) Sin Sukchu SR tw:m (:5f); MGZY don (:5f) [t:m]; ONW tuan. <> [0] PMin *toi
B
10-17 = K. 1234 Mand. LHan
doC
oeM
doh a r.J dou = IO-JS/l23Sc
[f) ONW dou <> [E) TB *daw > WB do
B
'interfere in a quarrel'; Lushai dOH 'be at enmity'
10-18 = K. 128 Mand. Me LHan OCM
af
*l>t*
ZhU tju tio tro ' tree trunk'
ar *2**1 red zhu tsju tso to
[f) ONW tsuo <> [E) MK: PVM *t:)h 'red'
de

zhu tsju tso to
gh
!I!*&
zhu tju
tro
kIm

zhu tju
tro
u
"*
dou, zhou t;:)u
c
, tj;:)u
c
toC tu
C
, .
tOkh, trokh = 11-131I218b
s

shu zJu dzo do
[f) Sin Sukchu SR z.y (:5f); MGZY zhyu (3]L) [z.y]; BTD Skt. ju
[E) ST *do(k): JP do?31 < tok
31
'cut off'

zhu zju dzo do
pr
ti***2
shu! tshju tsho tho ' beautiful'
10-19 = K. 129 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a zhu tsju
B
tso
B
to?
[f) Sin Sukchu SR <-.1:); MGZY jyu (1:) ONC tsuo
B
<> [0] PMin *tsoB
zhu tsju
B
tso
B
to? 'large kind of deer in the mountains'
b- zhu tsju
C
tso
C
toh
c ff touch zhu tsju
C
, tju
C
tsoC, toh, troh
[E) ST *tu: WB tui
C
' touch lightly', Lushai tuuk
F
'to touch' (as in a game)
ff pour zhu tsju
C
, tju
C
tsoC, toh, troh = 13-22/ 1090a'
149
lO oeM *-0 (GSR 108-138; 1229-1235)
ff flow in zhu tsju
C
, tju
C
tsoC, toh, troh
[E] WT mdo 'confluence, lower part of valley'
d tt zhu tsju
C
, tju
C
tsoC, toh, troh
e tt zhU tju
B
tro?
f tt zhu tju
c
troh
9 1.t zhU <;Iju
C
<;IioC droh [D] PMin *diu
c
h zhU <;Iju
B
<;IioB dro?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR 0:.); MGZY cyu (J::.) <> [D] PMin *dhiu
B
[E] TB-WB tui!) 'post, column'; SChin Daai ktu!) 'post', JPto?31 < tok
31
it tou thoB tho?
10-20 = K. 1232 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

zhu tsju
C
tso
C
toh
10-21 = K. 130 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

shu zju dzo do
e
t9:
tou do do
[f] ONW dou <> [E] WT 'dor-ba 'to throw or cast away, throw out, eject, decline, reject'
gtor-ba 'to strew, scatter, throw, waste'
323a dai ! twiii
c
tuas tOs
10-22 = K. 127 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a 1I zhu tju
C
troh
eh shu zju
C
dzo
c
doh
W to plant shu zju
B
dzo
B
do?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR (J::.); MGZY zhyu (J::.)
[E] ? Area word: TB-Lushai tU?L *tus) 'to plant (a seed)'
W tree shu zju
C
dzo
c
doh
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ($:); MGZY zhyu ($:) ONW dzuo <> [D] PMin *dzhiu
c
m jJJff ehu <;Iju <;Ii 0 dro
n JIf ehu <;Iju <;Iie-<;Iio dre-dro
[E] Tai: S. rii
A2
_r;,;,A2 'walk hesitatingly, undecided'
10-23 = K. 125 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a FfrT canoe yu jiu jo 10 'dug-out, canoe' SW 3803
The original graph consisted of 'boat' and 'knife'. The upper element was either part of the
knife, or the downward turned mouth, thus writing yu 'instruct'. - JiJIj ilJJ] look like the
original graph for 'canoe', but appear only later (JY) and are read dao 'a small, knife-shaped
boat', i.e., the word is taken as a special meaning of 'knife'.
FfrT agree yu jiu jo 10 'say yes'
[E] WB lyo 'suit, agree with, be proper'
fghi IlWJiWJWJ:WJ yu jiu jo 10
'I'iltr [E] WB lyoc 'loose, slack, subside' hlyoc 'loosen, make lax, lessen, diminish'
no yu jiu jo 10
[f] Sin Sukchu SR y (:iJZ); MGZY yyu (:iJZ) Uy]
k
M
yu jiu jo 10
M
yu jiu(C) jo(C) lo,loh
em
rttuIDfrJ
yu jiu
C
joC
loh [E] ? WT blo 'mind, intellect'
150
10 oeM *-0 1*tfG (GSR 108-138; 1229-1235)
q 1W yu, tou jiu, d;m jo, do 10, 10
[E] MK: Old Sino-Viet. 10 'small hole' (Pan Wuyun 1987: 29), Loven luh 'hole', Khmer I
tluhl 'perforate' * Iluhl 'pass through, pierce, perforate ... '
p twJ yu jiu, d;m
B
jo, do? 10, lo?
r iji] yu, ehu jiu, dzju jo, zo 10, m-lo
dj ~ l t r yu jiu
B
joB lo?
s M shu sju so Iho
[f] MTang su < suo, ONW suo <> [D] PMin *so
uv {lfuMrJ tou th;)U tho Iho {iltr [El WB lu
c
'take by force'
frlX tou d;)u do 10
[E] WT glu 'song', Mru klO 'sound, melody', WB kyu
B
'produce melodious sound'
10-24 = K. 126 The oeM initial was either *j- or *1-.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a ~ drag yu jiu jo jo < r-jo (cf. 10-29/123a)
ef g ~ ~ yu jiu jo jo
bedg- ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ yu jiu
B
joB
jo?
10-25 = K. 1243b Mand. Me LHan oeM
b ir yu jiu
B
joB
lo? * 10-23/125f,u
10-26 = K. 1243c Mand. Me LHan oeM
e jj(; shu sju
C
soc, tshoC hjoh?
[f] ONW suo <> [D] PMin *tshio
c
; Yue-Guangzh 33ts
h
yCD, Taish ts
h
ui
21
'house'
10-27 = K. 120 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
iffi
lou l;)u
c
loc roh or rokh
[f] Sin S. SR I;)w (-$;); MGZY Ihiw (*) [I;)w]; MTang I;)u, ONW lou <> [D] PMin *I;)u
c
[E] Old Sino-Viet. r::> <>Tai: S. rua
B2
< *r- 'to leak'
10-28 = K. 1246b Mand. Me LHan oeM
b
~ ~
lou l;)u
C
loc
roh
10-29 = K. 123, 1207 Me LHan oeM GYSX 1024
123a _drag IU Iju lio ro = rjo (cf. 10-241126a)
bind Iii Iju
B
liOB
ro?
empty lou l;)u
10 ro
mound lou l;)u(B) 10(B) ro, ro?
j
tI
lou l;)u
B
loB
ro? [f] ONW lou
b
11
lou, Iii I;)u, Iju
B
10,lio
B
ro, ro?
e
iii
lu, lou Iju, I;)u lio, 10 ro, ro
d
:jf
lu, lou! Iju, l;)u lio,lo ro, ro
e
if
10, lou Iju(B), l;)u liO(B), 10 ro, ro?, ro
f
II
Hi! Iju
C
lioc
roh * 10-29/1207a
9
tJ
10 Iju lio ro
h
~
Iii Iju
B
liOB
ro?

lou,lu, l;)u, Iju
C
, 10, lioc, ro, roh,
ju kju
C
kuo
c
kroh
lSI
10 oeM *-0 (GSR 108-138; 1229-1235)
k 11 lou I;m 10 ro
[f) BTO Skt. ro[hita]. MHan ttwm Krorayina <> [0] PMin *1:lU
cricket lou I;)u 10 ro
sickness lou I;)u
c
loc roh
m. Iou I;)u
c
loc ro, roh
[E) WT 'bru-ba 'chisel, carve, cut'; Nung :l-ru 'carve, write' <>Tai: S. p:J:Jk
D1
'to peel', but
also PTai *db:Jk : S. b:Jk
D2
'to skin, peel' pb:JkDI 'an encasement'
n II lou -l;)u [dok-]Io ro = a 'empty'
op WW ju gju
B
guo
B
gro?
123q JiI ju kju
C
kuo
c
kroh
123r 1& to count shu sro?
[f) Sin Sukchu SR (.1:.); MGZY (zhu shu (1:.) ONW
[E)? AA: Mon ruih hypoth. sruih 'to count', lros id.
1& number shu sroh
1207a 1& frequent shuo pk srok 10-29/123f
1& net eu tshjwok tshiok tshok < k-sok
b a measure shu sro? 'a measure of capacity' [Yili]
container sou S;)U
B
SOB so? 'container for rinsing rice' [SW)
e Ii sou S;)U
B
SOB so?
[f) ONW sou <> [E) ? OTib. sog 'grassland'
10-30 = K. 133 Mand.
ad 1 beard xu
Me
sju
LHan
sio, tshio
oeM
sno [0] PMin *tshiu - siu
wait xu sju sio, tshio sno = 1O-31/134a WF, 'wait'
[f) Sin Sukchu SR sy ( 3:jI ); MGZY syu (3:jI) [sy]; MTang sy, ONW suo; BTO Skt. su
[0] PMin *tshiu
AI
- *siu
AI
e
f
xu sju
xu sju
B
sio
sio
B
sno
sno?
10-31 = K. 134 There is some confusion between this series and 25-35/238 rurln
a
b
Mand. Me LHan oeM
wait xu sju
[f) MTang sy, ONW suo
soft ruan, nzjwan
B
,
nuan nuan
B
xu,rli sju, nzju
sio, tshio
nuan
B
,
nuon
B
sio, no
sno
non?,
non?
sno, no
e rli nzju no no
OfmUJ(., 5G fli-er nzju-nZie no-ne no-ne
'Forced laugh, strong laughter' [Chuci] is a reduplicated form.
fg rrm 9 rli nzju no no
h soft rli nzju no no
shoulder nau(C) nouC
C
) nau, nauh
Of nouCC) or nG, nGh
rli nzju no no
e 1[1 weak rli nzju no no
1O-30/133a :iJX 'wait'
[E) TB *now 'tender, soft' > PL *C-nu
2
, WB nu
c
< no
c
'young, tender' 3li nuB 'be made soft '
3li hnu
B
'make soft, mollify', Lushai noR < no07 'young, tender, soft, young of animals'
152
10 OCM *-0 (GSR 108-138; 1229-1235)
'It
weak rurm, nzjwan
B
, nuan
B
, non?,
nuan, nulin
B
, nuan
B
, non?,
nuo nuli
c
nuai
c
noih
Mi ru nzju(B) no(B) no, no?
[E] WT mo-ba, mon-po 'sharp, acute (of taste, intellect),
d iI ru nzju
C
noc noh
nuo nuli
c
[JiyunJ
[E] Tai khau nua (Savina, khfiu 'rice')
10-32 = K. 135

a
Mand. Me LHan oeM
ru nzju
B
noB no?
[T] ONW rlUo
'glutinous rice'
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ry (1:); MGZY Zhyu (1:) [ry]; ONW rlUO <> [E] TB *nuw - *now > WT
nu-ma 'breast' * nu-ba 'to suck' * nud-pa 'to suckle', Tsangla nu 'milk'
nou, gou no
c
noh
10-33 = K. 119 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
iE
zou tso
B
tso?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR tS;}W (1:); MGZY dzhiw (1:) [tS;}w]; ONW tsou
B
<> [D] PMin *ts;:m
B
10-34 = K. 1229 Mand.
a * zou
be eou
oeM
tsoh
tshoh
10-35 = K. 131,325 Me LHan oeM
131 a 113(1 qu, eou tshju
B
, tshio
B
, tsho
B
tsho?, tsho?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ts'y (1:); MGZY tshyu (1:) [ts'y]; MTang tshy < tshuo, ONW tshuO
ae 113(2 qu tshju
C
tshio
C
tshoh
k ju dzjuB/C dzioB/C dzo?/h OCB *dzjos
[T] Sin Sukchu SR dzy MGZY tsyu [dzy]; MTang dzy, ONW dzuo
[E] ST *tso: WB cue 'to collect, gather together', WT 'tshogs-pa 'to assemble, gather, meet'
tiI& ju tsju tsio tso

ill mz
z6u!
z6u,
tsju

tsio tso
tso, tsro? !,
ju tsju tsio tso
z6u, tS;}U, tso, tsro !,
ju tsju
C
tsio
c
tsoh
In& z6u tsju tso, tsio tso, tso
[E] WT zur 'edge, corner, side, aside'; Lepcha sur 'angle, corner'
g m hasten qu tshju
C
tshio
c
tshoh < ? C-soh
m interest qu tshju
C
tshio
c
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ts'y MGZY tshyu [ts'y]; MTang tshy, ONW tshuO
m groom eu ! tsho
B
tsho? cf. ll-1911219d
o i'1lX sou SOB so? = IO-2911207c ili
[T] ONW sou
q zhou! dzroh OCB *dzrjos
= IO-361I32g
p IiX hemp st. z6u tsro 'hemp stalk'
IiX gather w. euan dzwlin dzuan dzon 'gather wood'
153
c
d
e
10 oeM *-0 (GSR 108-138; 1229-1235)
zao tsou
B
zui tswiii
C
tsuas tsos OCB *tsots
[T] MTang tsuoi, ONW tsuoc. Words in final *-t or *-s are occasionally included in an open
syllable series, e.g., GSR 61, and 605.
zui dzwil.i
c
dzuas dzos

tshros
tit pinch cuo tshwat tshuat tshot
[E] TB: LB *tswat * caus. *7tswat 'to pluck' > WB chwat
tit pointed zui tswat [GY] tsuat tsot or
tswai
c
[JY] tsuas tsots
10-36 = K. 132 MC can derive from both OC (t)sro and (t)sru.
Mand. MC LHan OCM
a cM tshro
[T] ONW <> [E] AA: PMon *ks:>:>y 'useless fiber, hay', PWa *s:>h 'cut grass'
c hasten qu tshro
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ts'y (Sf); MGZY tshyu (3f) [ts'y]
groom cou-ma tsh;}U
B
- tsho
B
- tsho? = 1O-35/l31g
de cM d?ju d?o dzro
[T] Sin Sukchu SR (3f); MGZY cu (3f)
m
zhou
[

zhou
h
U
zou
9
groom zou
run zou
= 1O-35!13lq
10-37 = K. 1097
abm
H!
n
d
t!
move
Mand.
sou
sou
sou




d?j;}u
c

tsruh
tsu tsru
LHan
SOB
SOB
SOA R!
tsro
dzroh
OCM
so?
so?
so
[E] ? TBLepcha a-sur 'wrinkle'
[D] Min: Xiam (lit.) tS:>Al
OCB *dzrjos
'move'
[E] TB *m-sow 'awake', Tamang 2S0 'live'; WT gson-pa 'be alive, to wake, rouse, urge on'
e-
h
[9
k
t! search sou sru R! OCB *srju 'search'
sou R! sru
15!l hunt sou sro or sru = 13-62/1 098a
15!l dog sou sro
[N] Leibian s;:m
B
< *s67, SW mlo-sou
[E] AA: Palaung-Wa *s:>7 'dog', PSBahn. *s:>:, PVM *7a-c:>:7
i! soak sou sru?
= 13-32/l077r 1m; = 13-60/l112h:fi
i! urinate sou
M' sou !
shou !


sao
xiao sieu
B
SOUB
seuB
154
sru
sru?
sruh
sfi?
sifi?
10 oeM *-0 (GSR 108-138; 1229-1235)
10-38 = K. 1230 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
R
pou b;m bo bG R!
10-39 = K. 136 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
fi
fil pju
C
puo
C
poh
[fl MTang pfu < pfuo, ONW puo
d tf1 raft fii pju puo po
board fil, bou bju
C
, \);)u
C
buo
c
, boc boh, boh
e JEft fii pju puo po
cr
Jff1Jff
fu pju
B
puo
B
po?
m
1:1
fu bju buo bo
n

fu bju
B
buo
B
bo?
[El ? TB: Lepcha por, por 'to spoil, smell'
ij ftm fil bju
C
buo
C
boh
k
flft
fil bju
C
buo
c
boh
[fl MHan kau-buo
c
(Kabul)

fil-Iou bjuCI;m
B
buoc-lo
B
lpq
fil bju
C
buo
c
boh
0 mt intestines fil bju
C
buo
c
boh 'belly'
[El ST and area word: TB *(s-)pu * (s-)bu 'belly, stomach'
,1M foot fii pju puo po
h
1ft
fii phju phuO pho = 13-73!l233kf!jl
fg

fu phju
B
phuOB
pho?
10-40 = K. 137 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
*
fu bju buo bo
10-41 Mand. Me LHan oeM
R
mou m;;)u
C
moC
moh?
155
11 oeM rime *-ok Wu bu
GSR 1202 - 1228
Baxter 1992: 503 ff. ( 1 0.2.11)
See Table 10-1 for OCM rimes *-01), *-ok, *-0 in QYS categories. In the OC rimes *-ak, *-ek,
*-ok and *-auk, syllables with Me retroflex initials, especially of the expected QYS type
tend to be rare in Diy. III and seem to haye shifted into Diy. II
11-1 = K. 1203 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a @ kil
khuk khok kh6k
[E] TB-Lushai kuuk
H
'shriek'
11-2 = K. 1225 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

jiao, jue kak bk kr6k OCB *krok [T] ONW kak
d

jue kak bk kr6k
e
1iJfJ
que yak g:)k gr6k
f

hu yuk gok g6k
11-3 = K.1226 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

que khak kh:)k
khr6k
bc

que khak kh:)k
khr6k
JLJ '
Ell-
Ji-5Z.
ke khak kh:)k
khr6k
[D] M-Xiam lit. khokDI, col. khokDI, Y -Guangzh 33h::>k
D
d

jue kiik bk kr6k
h a tree gu kuk kok k6k
husked gu kuk kok k6k
[E] AA: PVM *rko? 'husked rice', Khmu IrI)k5?1 <> TB-WB kok 'rice plant'
j

gu kuk kok k6k
k

hu yuk gok g6k
a meas. hu yuk gok g6k
poor xue, que yak, khak g:)k, kh:)k
gr6k, khr6k
m

gou bu
c
ko
c
k6kh 'to suckle' [GY]
p
F.W1.
'V<.
gou ko
c
k6kh
q
It
kou
khOC
kh6kh
[E] JP kro?55 < krok
55
'to hatch'
9
xue, hu xak, xuk h:)k,hok hr6k
[E] PTai *r!;lakD2, KS *trwak
7
'vomit'
11-4 = K. 1213 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
Hi!
qil khjwok khuok khok OCB *kh(r)jok
[T] Sin Sukchu SR k'y CA); MGZY khyu (A) [k'y]; ONW khuok
156
11 oeM *-ok (GSR 1202-1228)
11-5 = K. 1214 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab
ftDm JU
gjwok guok gok OCB *fikh(r)jok
[f) ONW guok
cd

ju kjwok kuok kok
11-6 = K. 1204 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

wii ?uk ?ok ?6k
[f) Sin Sukchu SR 7u (A); MGZY 'u ( A ) [7u]; ONW 10k
b
IffiU
wii ?uk ?ok ?6k
cdef WQ 'lak 10k ?r6k
h

WQ 'lak bk 7r6k
9
moisten
WQ
'lak
?:)k ?r6k
soak QU ?;m
c
?oC
?r6kh
11-7 = K. 1217 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a jj xu xjwok huok hok
11-8 = K. 1227 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
-ffi
yue I)ak I):)k I)r6k = ll-IO/ 12l5c
[f) ONW I)ak
11-9 = K. 1216 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a .=&
yu IJjwok I)uok I)ok
d Jj[ xu xjwok huok hI)ok
[f) ONW huok <> [E) WT sI)og-pa, bSI)ogs 'to vex, annoy'
11-10 = K. 1215 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a 5[\ yu IJjwok I)uok I)ok OCB *I)(r)jok
cd

yue I)ak I):)k I)r6k c = 11-9/ 1227a -,fir
11-11 = K. 1205 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
3't
tii thuk thok
th6k cf. 28-13/544c
11-12 = K. 1224 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
JV
shu zjwok dzok dok
d

zhu zjwok dzok dok
e
:lffi.J
zhu tsjwok tsok tok
[f) ONW tsuok <> [E) LB *duk 'burn, be blazing' * *7duk 'kindle, set on fire ' > WB tok
'blaze, flame' ; WT dugs-pa 'to make warm, to light'; Lushai duk
L
'be glowing with heat'
f,ll] chu tshjwok tshok thok
9 fIj chu tshjwok tshok thok
[fl ONW tshuok <> [Dl Min: Xiam liL tshiok
D1
, col. tshik
D1
<> [E) ST *tok WT thogs-pa 'to
strike, stumble, run against', Lushai t:):)k
H
'to knock (against)" Mikir tok- 'to strike, beat'
;X chu tshjwok tshok thok 'angry', N.Pr.
h zhu drok
du duk dok d6k
157
kl
m
n
p
o
q
s
u
v
X
r
11 oeM *-ok (GSR 1202-1228)
.,;;
du, duk, dok, dak,

1;
shu, zjwok, dzok, dok,
zhu tsjwok tsok tok
du duk- dok- dak
du duk dok dak
[D] 'To be alone, alone'. Acc. to FY 791111 , this was a Han period 'Southern Chil' dialect
word for 'one', note also Fuzhou sio?8 (corresponding to QYS zjwok < *dok) ' one' that may
be related (Norman FY 1983.3: 208).
u;j peck zhuo trak
11


beak dou, zhou tj;;m
C
toC, takh, trokh
zhuo <:bk drak OCB *drok
[N] The GSR reading is not supported by the QY (Coblin 1983: 154).
zhuo trak
zhuo <;lak <;l:Jk drak
]I attached zhu tsjwok tsok tok
[E] WT gtogs-pa 'to belong to, be part of' thog-pa 'to gather', rdogs-pa 'to bind, fasten'
]I attach shu zjwok dzok dok [f] ONW diuok
1fT zhu tjwok tiok trok
zhu tjwok trok
jl zhu6 tjwok trok = 11-1211224t .li
ifI zhu <;ljwok diok drok
[E] WT ' dug-pa 'to sit, dwell, stay, remain', WT rdog-pa 'step, kick, walk'; JP t
h
Ol)3l 'stop'
chuo tshrak
[E] AA: Khmer ciika (cook! 'lift with tool...' cpiika IcbOok! 'trident for lifting fish'
11-13 = K. 1218 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
cd
f
eg
b
h-

chu throk
zhu6 tjuk trok
[E] TB: Chepang tu? 'female genitals'

zhuo tilk trak
[E] ? TB : WT rdug-pa 'to strike against, to stumble at '
[D] Min: Amoy col. te?DI, lit. tok
Dl
, Zhangzh t\<l?
zhuo tak, tjuk trak, trok
zhu6 trak
peck up zhu6 tuk tok trak I 0-181128u u*
[E] LB *tok 'peck, strike with a curved instrument, hook onto', WB tok-hra ' woodpecker';
Lushai tsu
L
(tsuk
L
(Lorr. chu) ' to bite (as snake)" 'peck'
zhong tjwOI)B trol)?
[E] TB: WT rdul) 'a small mound, hillock', WB tOI) ' hill, mountain ' <> MY *tr
2
;)1)1
'mountain'
11-14 =K. 1202, 1220 Me LHan
kok
oeM
a :fr valley gu kuk k1ak = klok
[E] ? Mikir arl6k < *r-16k ' valley'
:fr good yu jiwok jok 10k
title lu luk 10k < *lok part of a X ion gnu title
158
11 oeM *-ok (GSR 1202-1228)
f yu jiwok jok 10k
[Tl Si n Sukchu SR y ( A ); MGZY yyu (A ) [jy]
[E] WT Idug(s)-pa, ldugs *Nluk) ' to pour (water into vessel, on hands), > ' cast , found'
deg yu jiwok jok 10k ONW iuok
h m
1220a i.e-
yu jiu
C
joC lokh
su zjwok ziok s-lok
[T] Sin Sukchu SR zy (A); MGZY zyu ( A ) [zy); ONW zuok
[D] M-Xiam lit. siok
D2
, col. si07
D2
11-15 = K. 1208, 1228 Me LUan oeM
aef Iu luk 10k rok
ghi

Iu Iuk 10k rok
klm-

Iii Ijwok liok rok
1228a b6 pak p::>k prok
fu bjuk buk
11-16 = K. 1209 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a
J1g
lu luk 10k rok
e
m
III luk 10k rok
[D] Guangzh mnk?
SW
[E] WT dkrug-pa ' stir up' 'khrug-pa ' be disturbed, quarrel' sprug-pa ' to shake, stir up'
h Ii III luk 10k rok
[E] AA: PVM *m-ru:7 ' forest '
fg itft III luk 10k rok
*BE (Ii ft-) lu liek-luk lek-Iok 'spinning wheel'
[E] Tai r:):)k
8
'pulley' (?)
11-17 = K. 1223 Mand. Me LUan
flok
flok
oeM
a
bed
ef


rti, rll
ru
flijwok
flijwok
nok
nok
;filUM nou nuok, n:m
C
nouk, noC nuk, n6kh
[T] ONW nouk or nauk ? <> [N] The OB graph shows two hands holding an agricultural
implement, a hoe. Hence a F:fj is the original graph for ef.
[E] Lushai hnu
F
< hnu7 *-7) 'work finished, weeded or harvested area'
nok nok
11-18 = K. 1206 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
1m
zu dzuk dzok dzok
d

zu tsuk tsok ts6k
e

cu tshuk tshok tsh6k
f nest cu tshuk tshok tshok
a pipe cou tshgU
C
tshoC
tshokh
9
U$ sou, SgU
B
/
C
, soB/C,
sOt/h,
COU tshgU
C
tshoC
tshoh < k-soh
11-19 = K. 1219 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a )E foot zu tsjwok tsiok tsok
[T] Sin Sukchu SR tsy (A), PR, LR tsu7; MGZY dzyu (A ) [tsy]; ONW tsuok
[E] WT chog-pa ' be sufficient'
159
11 oeM *-ok (GSR 1202-1228)
JE. add ju tsju
C
tsio
c
tsokh
e aJE zu tsjwok tsiok tsok
d
fJE
eu tshjwok tshiok tshok = 11-211I222g
cf. 1O-351I3Ig; 1O-361I32c
e :j:JE zhuo tsrok
11-20- = K. 1221 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

su sjwok siok sok OCB *sjok
[f) MHan Soyd or soyoik <> [D) PEMin *tshuok
OI
, PWMin *Juok
OI
'unhusked rice'
11-21 = K. 1222 How MC sj- can serve as phonetic in words with MC s- is quite puzzling; perhaps
some of the words in Div. I derive from OC *sl-.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a * shu sjwok sok Ihok
[E) ? WB hluil)B 'bind into a bundle'
su
[f) Sin S. SR su (A); MGZY su (A) [su]; ONW sok. <> [0] M-Xiam lit. SOk
DI
, co\. SOkOl
k su suk sok sok
pr su suk sok sok
g eu tshjwok tshiok tshok < k-sok ? = 11-191I219d
q su suk sok sok
[0] M-Xiam SOkOl <> [E) WT 'tsho-ba, sos 'to live, revive, last; feed'
s I!ifX sou S;)u
C
soc sokh
[E) TB *su(w) > M agari su, Garo, Dimasa gu-su, WT sud-pa ' cough'
iifX sou S;)U
C
, soc, srokh or sroh IO-37II097fetc.
o w,x shu, shuo sr6k
[0] Gan-Changsha so33, Yue-Guangzh J:>k3
3
, Min-Xiamen SU?32 (D I)
[E) WB sok 'drink, smoke'
song, sjwOI)B, SiOI)B, so I)" ,
sou S;)U
B
SOB s6?
mn song sjwOI)B siol)B, SOI)?
[0] M-Xiam lit. SiOI)Bl, SU tshol)Cl = 12-22/ 119\j
shu -
11-22 = K. 1210 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
e
f
g
hi

bu puk pok p6k
[f) ONW pok <> [E] LB *Npok
H
- *?pOkH - *?bok
L
'explode, pop'
pu ph uk ph ok ph6k
pu ph ilk ph:lk phr6k
fu, pou phju
C
, ph;)uc,ph(u)oC, phokh,
phj;)U
C
, phu
C
, ph;)kh,
fu phju
C
phuo
C
phokh
11-23 = K. 1211 Mand. Me LHan
bok
bok
oeM
b6k
b6k
a a bu buk
b servant pu buk, buok
[E] WT bu 'son, boy'
160
OCB *bok
11 oeM *-ok ~ ~ ~ (GSR 1202-1228)
f ~ crowd pu ph uk phok ph6k
9
i'l shrubby bu puk, buk pok, bok p6k, b6k
rough pu ph uk phok ph6k
to trim po phak ph;,k
phr6k
i-
~ W ~
bu puk pok p6k
~
pu ph uk ph ok
ph6k
[f] MHan ~ t ~ phok-deu?l-theu < *ph6k-liau? Pukalavati, IlI:UKEAUWnc;
m
~
pu, po phuk, phak phok, ph;,k phOk,phr6k
n
~
pu phak ph;,k
phr6k
11-24 = K. 1212 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ae *W mu muk mok m6k
* [f] Sin Sukchu SR mu (},,); MGZY mu C\) [mu]; ONW mok
f mut (miii-)mu -muk -mok -m6k or -mr6k oeB *-mok
161
12 oeM rime *-01] Dong bil *:gG
GSR 1172 - 1201
Baxter 1992: 505 ff. (10.2.12)
See Table 10-1 for OeM rimes *-01], *-ok, *-0 in QYS categories.
12-1 = K. 1172 Mand. MC LHan OCM
ad IJj] gong kUI] kOI] kOI] = klol]
[T] Sin Sukchu SR kUI) (3fL ); MGZY gung (3fL ) [kul)]; ONW kOI)
[E] ? Area word: TB-WB kiul)B ' employ, order, commission' <> AA-OMon klon Iklopl ' to
work' ?, 'work as a cultivator'
e J3<: gong kUI], kuol] kOI] , koul] kOI], kill]
g ~ gong kUl]c kOl]c kOl]h
1m l ~ i hong yUI] gOI] gOI]
g' ~ hong yUI] gOI] gOI] = glol] ?
[N] Transcribes a pre-Han TB word for 'river' (cf. WT klul); Unger Hao-ku 50, 1995
J sI rainbow hong YUI] gOI] gOI] = glol] ?
[D] PMin *ghioI)B, but Ji llnyang lel)Cl, Gan-Shilnggao has lonB-lul)H
[E] PY *klul)A 'rainbow'
sI rainbow jiang kal]c bl]c krol]h [D] Gan: Wuning dial. bl)Cl
#1 hong YUI] gOI] gOI] OCB *gol)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR yUI) (3fL); MGZY Xung en [YUI)]
k n hong YUI] gOI] gOI]
h ~ hollow kong khul) khol) khol)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR k'ul) (3fL ); MGZY khung (3fL ) [k'ul)] ; ONW khol)
[E] WT khul) 'hole, pit, cavity; hollow'; WB khol)B 'be hollow'
~ exhaust kong khul]c kholf khol]h
~ hole kong khul]B khol)B khOl]?
z t ~ kong khul)(C), khol)(C) , khoI), khol]h,
khal]c kh;)I)C khrol]h
a' ~ throw kong khul]c khol]c khol]h
to beat qiang khal]c kh;)lf khroI)h
b' ~ qHing khal] kh;)IJ khrol] ' hollow wooden instrument'
v 1I jiang kal] bIJ krol]
[E] AA: PMonic *krOOI), Bahnar krOI), Katu karul)
U n gang kal] bl] krol]
x til gang, kong kal), khuIJc bll, khol]c krol) , khol)h
y JJ[ xiang yal]B g:>I]B grol]?
[T] ONW yal)B <> [D] Chengdu 53tcin-13xal) Wi JJ'i , Yangzh 42tcil)_55XOI) (col.); Amoy hal)C2
[E] TB Chepang grol)-ko 'stretch the neck'
s ~ qiong gjwol] guol] gOI]
[E] WT gyol) 'want, need, indigence'
162
12 oeM *-ol)

(GSR 1172-1201)
pc'
pli: gong kjwol)B kUOI]B kOl)?
d'
JA
)G\ kong
khjwOl)B khuol)B
khol)?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR k'jul) <-1::.), PR, LR k'ul); MGZY khyung U:::.) [k'jUl)]; ONW khuol)
[E] WT 'gOl)(s)pa, bkol) ' to despond, be in fear'
e'
m
qiang gjwol) guoI] gOl)
f'

qiang, gjWOI] , gU0I], gOl),
qiang khaI] kh:JI] khrol)
12-2 = K. 1174 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
JL
kong
khul)B khoI]B
khol)? [T] ONW khol)
12-3 = K. 1182 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
+t
gong kjwol)B kUOI]B kOl)?
c j:t join hands gong kjwOl)B kUOl)B kOl)?
j:t together gong gjwOl)C guoI]c gOl)h [T] ONW guol)
e
Itt
gong kjwOl)B kuoI)B kOl)?
m
'?fE
gong, kjwol)B, kUOI]B, kOl)?,
ju kjwok kuok kok
f
f:Jt
gong kjwol)(C) kuoI](C) kOI), kOl)h
[T] Sin Sukchu SR kjul) (3]Z), PR kUl); MGZY gyung ( 3JI ) [kjUl)]
gk

gong kjwoI] kuoI] kOl)
1

gong kUl), kjwol) kuoI] krOl)
n

gong, kjwOl)B, kUOI]B, kOl)? ,
qi6ng gjwOI] gUOI] gOl)
0
1ft
hOng yUI] gOI] gOl)
pq hong, YUI]c, gOI)c,
xiang
yal)c g:JI]c grol)h
r
/t:Jt
hong xuI] hOl) hOl)
s
xiang
yal)c g:Jl)c groI)h

gang kaI)B bl)B
krol)?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR kjal) U:::.); MGZY gyang C.l::.) [kjal)]
it
ju kjwok kuok kok
12-4 = K. 1184 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a yong ?jwol) ?uoI] ?ol)
[E] WB uil) 'pond, lake' 'pond, poo]'?), Mru Ol) 'id.', JP ?Ul)33 'fill (as a lake),
c harmon. yong ?jwOl) ?uol) ?Ol) 'harmonious'
cover yong ?jwOl)(Bj C) ?UOI)(BjC) ?ol), ?Ol)?, ?ol)h
Ii yong ?jwoI) ?UOl) ?Ol)
II yong ?jwoI) ?uol) ?ol)
[E] WB uil)c 'bulge of anything' :l( uil)B 'collection of humors (boil)'
h harmon. yong ?jWOl) ?uol) ?Ol)
obstruct yong ?jwOl)BjC ?uOI)BjC ?ol)?jh
k M yong ! ?jwOI)B ?uOI)B ?ol)?
obstruct yong, yang ?jwOI]AjBjC ?uOI]BjC ?Ol), ?0I)?, ?ol)h
m Jf yong ?jwOI] ?UOI] ?ol)
163
12 oeM *-01) (OSR 1172-1201)
Op weng ?ul)c ?Ol)c ?ol)h = 12-1311173g
12-5
1183a
b
c
def-
g
1243a
12-6
a
g
fe
h
12-7
a
12-8
[T] ONW 701) <> [N] has additional readings MC 7jwol)(C)
Mand.
xiong
xiong
xiong
xu
Me
xjwol)
xjwol)
xjwOI)B
xju
C
hOI), h01)?
hoh
= K. 1175 Mand. Me LHan oeM
* dong tU1) t01) t(1)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR tUI) (:5fZ); MGZY dung (:1fL) [tUI)]; ONW tOI)
dong tU1)A/c t01)c t(1)h
[E] Yao languages have a back vowel: blul)6, bjUl)6, bUI)6, bil)6
1*{* dong tU1)c t01)c tOl]h
(di )-dong tieiC-tul] tes-tol] -tOI]
= K. 1189 Mand. Me LHan oeM
fJi;. zhong tsjwol) tSOI) tOI]
[N] :1} gong is semantic and probably not phonetic, hence only the rimes agree.
= K. 1188 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a m heavy zhong <;IjwOIJB <;liOI)B drol]?
. double chong <;Ijwol] <;lim] drol]
[T] Sin Sukchu SR (:If), PR MGZY cyung (:If) ONW duol)
c zhOng tjWOl]c, tOI]C trol]h, tOl]h
b zhong tsjwol]C tsmf tOl)h
d ft seed, hair zhong tsjwOI)B tS01)B t01)?
[T] ONW tsUO!) <> [E] TB: Chepang tU1)7- 'to plant' dUI) 'shoot, sprout', Tangsa
(Barish) 1tol)(7) <>? AA-PVM *k-co:1)7 'seed'
ft sow zhong tsjw01)c tS01)c t01)h
efu !lIBJIi zhong tsjw01)B tSOI)B tOI]?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR (1:); MGZY jung (1:)
g a vessel zhong tsjwol] tS01) tOI]
kd' Ala zhong zwo1)B dZ01)B dOI]?
[E] TB: Limbu th:Jl)t- 'to swell'
111 chong ts
h
jw01) tsh01) thol]
iU chong ts
h
jw01) tshOI) thol]
ji dong tUI]B t01)B t(1)?
m IJJ dong dUI]B dOI]B dOI]?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR dUI) ( 1:); MGZY tung (1:) [dul)]; ONW dOl)
164
12 oeM *-ol) (GSRII72-120J)
n 'JlfJ tong ! dUl)c dOl)c dOl)h
o :M: boy tong dUl) dOl) dOl)
[f] MGZY tung (:>JI) [dul]l <> [E] TB-KN-Khami dOl] 'boy' <> MY: Mong tUl]ss 'son, male'
II shaman tong dUl) dOl)
[D] PMin *dol]A > Amoy col. dal]A2 'sorcerer, medium' < MK: Viet. d\'long 'to shamanize',
WrMon dOl] 'to dance'
r {j tong dUl) dOl) dOl)
s i tong ! thul) thOl) thol) = 12-9/l176j flPJ
f! chong, qj wOl) , qiol), drol),
tong dUl) dOl) dOl)
x bell zhong tsjwOl) tsol) tOl)
a' iiJ chong thjwOl) tshOl) thol)
b' ti chong, tshjWOl), tshOl), thol),
zhuang qal)c qOl)c drol)h
c' chong, tshjwOl), tshOl), thol),
tong dUl) dOl) dOl)
e' IjJj chuang <;lal) <;l01) drol)
f' m chuang, <;lal), <;lol) , drol) ,
zhuang <;lal)c <;lOl)c drol)h
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ("*), PR, LR MGZY cwang ("*)
[E] WT rdul]-ba, brdul]s '\0 beat, hammer, pound'; WB thOI]B 'pound' (vb?), JP t
h
Ol]31 'kick'
1248a!Hi tuan thwan
B
thuan
B
thon?
12-9 = K. 1176 The phonetic t6ng was prob. OCM *dol] (not *161]), because most foreign
connections have aT-like initial, t6ng 'tube' is a late character; 'copper' is perh. a loan.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a [q] tong dUI) dOl) dOl)
[f] Sin Sukchu SR dUI] (:>JI); MGZY tung (:>JI) [dul]]; ONW do
d t6ng dUl) dOl] IOI)
[E] Cf. Tai-Wuming IU:1]2, MK-Palaung mgbl] 'copper'
ei t6ng dUl) dOl) dOl)
g M" t6ng, tong dUl) dOl) 10l) = 12-1 0/ 1185t m
Late graph [Liishi] (*1-> do) <> [f] Sin Sukchu SR dUI] (:>JI); MGZY tung (:>JI) [dul]]
h 1jI:iJ dong dUlF dOl)c dOl)h
[E] TB *dwa:1) 'pit, hole', Tiddim Chin wa:1) 'hole, make a hole', WT dOl) 'deep hole, pit'
stupid tong, thul)(C), thOl)(C), thol) , thol)h = 12-8/ 1188s
t6ng dUl) dOl) dOl)
simple dong dUl)B dOl)B dOl)?
k 'Jill] tOng thul) thOl) thOl)
12-10 = K. 1185 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a ffl yong jiwol)C jOl)e 10l)h
[f] Sin Sukchu SR JUI] ("*); MGZY yYung ("*) (jul]]; ONW iuol]
[E] WT 10l]s 'the use or enjoyment of something' (e.g., wealth)
f mZ yong jiWOl)B jOl)B 10l)?
xa' yong jiwol) jOl) 10l)
y it hire yong jiwol) jOl) 101)
165
12 oeM *-01] (GSR 1172-120\)
111 fair chong tshjwOI] tshOI] k-lhol]
z tJI yong jiwol) JOI) 101] = 12-10A1l186a
h m yong jiwOI)B JOI)B 101)7
jkm {ffi yong jiwOI)B JOI)B 101)7
n yang jiWOI)B JOI)B 101)7
Iu yong jiwOI)B JOI)B 10l)7
[D] M-Amoy col. yil)B 'wave'
r W tong thUI) thol) IhOI)
[f] Sin Sukchu SR t'ul) (3fL ); MGZY thung (3fL) [t'UI)]; ONW thOI)
p fiti tong thul)B thOl)B thol)7 (late graph [LiishiD
[E] ? PTai *thualfl/AI 'bucket' <>? TB: Chepang dhul) 'container'
q 1l tong thul)c thOI)C lhOl)h [f] ONW thOI)
11 t6ng dUl) dOl) 1(1) = 12-911176g
[f] Sin S. SR dUI) (3f!.); MGZY tung (:5jZ ) [dul)] <> [E] Area word: WT dOI)-po - Idol)-po < *N-
101) 'tube', Chepang thOI) 'tube'. <> PTai *kl-: S. ki::lOI)CI 'tube, cylinder'; Li 101), IN t'lul)
o song zjwol)C ziOlf s-Iol)h
[T] Sin Sukchu SR zjul) PR sUI); MGZY zyung [zjul)]; ONW zuol)
[D] M-Xiam (lit.) SiOI)C2 = il0 <> [E] TB: WT lUI) 'exhortation, admonition, instruction'
12-10A = K. 1186
a I"
Mand.
yong!
Me
jiwOI)
LHan
jOI)
oeM
101) SW =12-101l185z
12-11 = K. 1187 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a contain r6ng jiwol) JOI) 101)
'countenance' = 12-1311190d. The original phonetic was 12-13 0- (Unger, Hao-ku 63,
1999). [f] Sin Sukchu SR JUI) (5f); MGZY yyung (ljI.) [jUI)] ; ONW iuol)
[E] TB: WT 101) 'leisure, free time' <> Tai: S. 10l)B2 - 100l)B2 'feel at ease'
bc r6ng jiwol) JOI) 101)
12-12 = K. 1192 Mand. MC LHan oeM
ac
Hfi
chong sjwol) sOl) Ihol)
[E] KT: S. *klool) 'hull rice', Kam-Sui *tyUI)B
d

chong sjwol) , sOl) , Ihol),
rhol)h,
rhol)
12-13 = K. 1173, 1190 The element 0- seems to been the original graph for weng (Unger, Hao-
ku 63, 1999). A weng was a bellied vessel with a small opening, two handles and outward turned lips.
The graph was also used as a phonetic in weng ' old man, uncle', and perhaps than transferred to the
similar sounding synonym gong 'uncle'.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
1173a 1:} prince gong kUI) kOI) klol)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR kUI) (:\f-); MGZY gung [kUI)] <> [DJ Min-Xiamen kal)AI
'grandfather' ; 'clan head' <> [E] Tai: S. IUl)A2 < *1- 'parent's elder brother, uncle' <>? MK
etymon: Khmer /100]11 'chief' Ikloo]1/ 'dignitary higher than' /100]1/
1:} impartial gong kUI) kOI) kOI) 'impartial, fair, public'
[E] TB: WT (d)gul) 'middle'
1190a rl song zjwol) ziol) 5-101)
[T] ONW zuol) <> [D) Min: Xiam lit. SiOI)A2, col. tsil)A2
166
12 oeM *-01) (GSR 1172-1201)
b litigate song zjwol)(C) ziol)(C) s-lol), s-lol)h
d i}j eulogy song zjwol)C ziol)c s-lol)h
[f] Sin Sukchu SR zjul) (1;:), PR sUI); MGZY zyung (1;:) [zjul)]; ONW zuol)
[D] M-Xiam (lit.) siol)c2 = <> [E] WT lUI] 'exhortation, admonition, instruction'
counten. r6ng jiwol) jOI) 101) 'countenance' = 12-11/ 1187a
f song sjul) siul) sUI)<slul)?
[D] M-Xiam lit. SiOI)Al, col. sil)Al
[E] MK *sluul) > PMonic *slool) 'be high up, high, tall ' , OMon s-IOI) 'be high'
song suol), soul), - [D] M-Xiam lit . SOI)Al, col. sal)Al
tshjwOI) tshiol)
1173g weng ?Ul)c ?ol)c ?ol)h = 12-41l1840p
weng lUI) (01) (51)
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ?UI) ('V); MGZY 'ung ( ) [?ul)]; ONW ?Ol)
[E] TB-Lushai un
L
' be old, elderly, venerable, ancient' , WB u
B
' uncle'
12-14 = K. 1180
a *
Mand.
long
oeM
rOl)h
12-15 = K. 1193 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a dragon 16ng Jjwol) liol) rOI) OCB *C-ljOI)
[E] AA: Viet. rohg 'dragon', Khmer roI) - rOI) <> KT: Siam. - marOI)
W variegat. mling mal) m;)1) mrol) = 12-26/1201
h Ii 16ng lUI), Ijwol) 101), liol) rOI), rOI)
ik j 16ng lUI) 101) rOI)
1 ji 16ng lUI)(B) 101)(B) rOI), rOI)?
[f] ONW IUOI] <> [E] Area word: AA: OKhmer Ikrul)l 'to cover, shelter, protect. to pen
(animals)' druila ItruI)1 'pen, cage, coop for birds and animals ' <> WB khruil)c 'cage for
birds' <> KT: PTai *krOI)Bl 'cage', AN *kurUl) 'cage'
m W 16ng lUI) 101) rOI) [D] Min: Jianyang SOI)A
o 16ng lUI) 101) 1'(1)
fg !illll long Ijwol)B liol)B rol)?
p 11 chong rhol)?
12-16 = K. 1194 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a :&: r6ng nzjwoI] nOI] nOI] 15-IO/ 1OJ3e
12-16A

rong nzjWOI)B nOI)B ' push a cart' SW 6456
12-17 = K. 1195 Mand. MC LHan OeM
a

rong nzjWOI)B nOI]B nOI)? 15-101l013e
12-18 = K. 1196 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
JC
rong nzjWOI)B nOI)B
nOI)?
12-19 = K. 1199 Most graphs have two forms, one with element a, the other with b.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab

chuang tshrol)
-1m chuang tshrol)
cdf c6ng tshul) tshOI) tshol)
167
12 oeM *-01)

(GSR 1172-1201)
h
1,iU.
,to;,omon cong tshUI) tshOI) tshol)
[E] TB: WT btsol) 'onion', Mru chol)
9
jl onion eong tshul) tsho1) tsh(1)
a wagon chuang tshr(1)
ijk
.
1 ,wD' ItJ'
zbng tsu1)B tSOI)B tS(1)?
12-20 = K. 1177 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a a zong tSU1)(C) tSOI)(C) tsol), ts(1)h
beef

zong tSUI) tSOI) tSOI)
12-21 = K. 1178 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
tl
e6ng dzu1) dzol) dz(1)
Because of semantic overlap, mz is not necessarily phonetic.
12-22 = K. 1191 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
fA c6ng dzjwol) dzio1) dzol)
d 1; follow c6ng dzjwol) dzio1) dzol)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR dzjul) (-'), PR, LR dzul); MGZY tsyung (-') [dzjul)] ; ONW dzuOI)
1; follower zong dzjwol)C dzio1)c dzo1)h
1; longitud. zong tsjwol) tsiol) tSOI)
1; leisure eong tshjwol) tshiol) tshol)
1; hairdress zbng tSU1)B tSOI)B tS(1)?
h let off zong tsjwol)C tsiorf tsol]h

quickly zbng tsu1)B tSOI)B ts(1)? [E] WB cuil)B 'drive fast'

zong, eong tS(h)jWOI) ts(h)iOI] tS01), tsho1)
k

zong tSUI) tSOI) tSOI]
j

song sjwOI)B SiOIJB S01)? , = 11-2111222mn mR'l*
tsh(i)01)C tsho1)h < k-soI)h
[D] M-Xiam lit. SiOI)Bl, col. tshOI)Cl
W
song sjW01)B SiOI)B S01)? = 11-2111222m '1*
12-23 = K. 1179 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a song SU1)c S01)c s(1)h
[T] Sin Sukchu SR sUI) ($:); MGZY sung ($:) [sul)]; ONW sOl)
[D] M-Xiam lit . SOI)CI, coL SOI)CI
12-24 = K. 1200 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a shuang sr(1) OCB *sCr(j)ol))
[T] Sin Sukchu SR (-'), PR ?wal); MGZY shhang (-')
[E] TB: WT zul) 'a pair, single', Mru chol) ' pair '
12-25 = K. 1197 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
-*-
feng phjwOI)
p
h
U01) phol)
e

bang pa1) p01) prol)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR pal) (-'); MGZY bang (if) [pal)]
d !I!$ bang bal)B bOI)B br(1)? =g '
m
*
feng, bjwo!], buo!], b01),
feng phjwOI) phUOI) pho1)
168
12 oeM *-ol) * (GSR 1172-1201)
o meet feng bjwol) buol) bOl) [T] ONW buo!]
a sound peng bUl) bOl) bOl)
v M feng bjwol) buol) bOl)
x f.&i to sew feng bjwol) buol) bOl)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR VU!] (1jZ); MGZY Hwung [VU!]]; ONW buo!] <> [D] Min: Xiam lit.
hO!]A2, col. pO!]A2
f.&i a seam feng bjwol)c buol)c bOl)h
[D] Min: Xiam lit. hO!]C2, col. p
h
O!]C2
r 1* feng phjwOl) phUOl) phol)
st feng phjwOl) phUOl) phol)
[T] Sin S. SR fu!] (1jZ); MGZY hwung (1jZ) [fu!]] <> [D] Min: Xiam lit. hO!]Al, col. phO!]Al
<> [E] TB: WT bu!]-ba 'bee' (HST: 40)
u- feng phjwol) phuol) phol)
y peng bUl) bOl) bOl)
sail peng bUl)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR bu!] (1jZ); MGZY pung (1jZ) [bU!]]) 'sail' <> [D] PMin *bho!]
!t feng pjwOl) puol) pOl)
[D] Min: Xiam lit. hO!]Al, col. pO!]Al <> [E] Area etymon: WT phU!]-PO 'heap'; Lushai pU!]H /
pun
L
'increase, assemble' * VUU!]R 'a heap, a mound'
feng pjwol) puol) pOl)
[N] Hanshu 96A: humped cattle of India, zebu
k E feng phjwOl) phUOl) phol)
beng, bang pUl)B, pfu:JB pOl)B, p:)l)B pOl)?, prol)?
z -* feng bjwol)B, bUOl)B, bOl)B,
phjwOl)B phUOl)B phOl)B [D] Min: Xiam (lit.) hO!]C2
[T] Sin Sukchu SR fu!] (1:), LR VU!]; MGZY Hwung U:) [VU!]]; ONW buo!]
b' t$ peng ! phjwOl)B phUOl)B phOl)B
c' 1$ feng bjwOl)C bUOl)C bOl)h
d' 0* beng, beng pUl)B, bUl)B pOl)B, bOl)B POl)?, bOl)?
e' 3$ beng pUl)B pOl)B POl)?
f' beng pUl)B, bUl)B pOl)B, bOl)B pOl)?, bOl)?
W bang bfu:JB b:)l)B brol)?
[E] Tai: S. p
h
b;)!]A2 < *b- 'club, cudgel'
g' !I$ bang bal)B b:)l)B brol)? = d
12-26 = K. 1201 Mand. Me
mal)
LHan
m:)l)
oeM
acde mrol) a = l2-1311193a
12-27 = K. 1181 Mand. Me LHan oeM
adf meng mUl) mOl) mOl)
c blind meng mUl) mOl) mal) = 6-23/902a
[E] TB *mu:!] > WB hmui!] 'dull, downcast' * hmui!]B 'very dark'; 1P mu!]33 'overcast'
b cover meng mUl) mOl) mal)
dense meng mUl)B mOl)B mOl)?
e meng mUl)(B) mOl)(B) mal), mOl)?
169
13 oeM rime *-u You bu
GSR 1040 - 1116
Baxter 1992: 507 ff. ( 10.2.13)
Table 13-1 : OCM rimes *-ul), *-uk, *-u in QYS categories
Div. *-ul) R. 1S *-uk R. 14 *-u R.13 , *-ukh R.14
I
kuok kouk *kfik iff duB hou
B
*hfiI'
tuol) toul) *tfil) duok douk *dfik pauB pouB *pfiI'
m dauB douB *lfiI'
kauc kou
c
*kfikh
III
' kjul) kUI) *kul) %J kjuk kuk *kuk t bj;m bu *bu
H phjUI) phul) *phul) mjuk muk *muk 1I phj:m
C
phu
C
*phukh
tsjul) tsul) *tul) 'r'r tjuk tuk *truk :ffi tsj;m tsu *tu
$ tjul) *trul) ;\ Ijuk liuk *ruk *5t tsj;;m
C
tsu
C
*tukh
sjul) siul) *sul) ;U lj;)u liu *ru
II
kal)c bl)c *krfil)h y ak g::>k *grfik pau p::>u *prfi
@t *trfil)h JT\ *tsrfiI'
kauc bu
c
*krfikh
IV
niek neuk *nifik keu *kifi
diek deuk *lifik 'DJ I'ieu
B
I'eu
B
*I'ifiI'
B B * 'AI'
"" tleu teu tlU
leu *rifi
3/4 gr
kjieu
B
4 kiu
B
*kiuI'
mjieu
C
4 miuc *mriuh
III ac
Ijeu liu *riu
II
tm I'au bu *I'rifi
All phonetic series that are suspected to include words with the OeM rime *-w;) (Div. III) are
found under Rime 4.
No LHan high vocalic onset need to be postulated with the high vowel u; however , i is
inserted after acute initials. LHan -iu after gutturals is a survival of oe *-iu (Baxter *-iw).
Table 16-1 for comparison of OeM rimes *-auk, *-uk, *-(i )au, *-(i)u.
170
13 oeM *-u CGSR 1040-1116)
13-1 = K. 1040 Mand. Me LHan oeM
abc

gao kau kou kil
d

hao yau gou gil
efg hao yau
B
gou
B
gil?
*\4-\1l039h Bl!f; \3-2/ \244c '*
h

ao I)au I)ou I)il
13-2 = K. 1244c Mand. Me LHan oeM
c
*
gao
kaUB kou
B
kil?
= 14-111039h al!f; * I3-111040g
13-3 = K. 1041 1if GSR 1041 P etc. constitute a separate series, see 16-8.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
aj
:;y"
kao khaU
B
khoU
B
khil?
do

kao khau
B
khou
B
khil? R! OCB *khu7
1
Vj giao khau
B
/
C
khoU
B
/
C
khril?, khrGh
[f] Sin-SR khjaw
B
; MGZY khjaw
B
; ONW khau; BTD khmu; MHan khlU
mn
t'575
xiu
xj;;)UB huB
hu?
13-4 = K. 1042 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

hao yau
B
gou
B
gil? [f] ONW yau
13-5 = K. 1043 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
'l
hao yau
B
gou
B
gil?
13-6 = K. 1065 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab
JIll
kj;m
B
ku
B
ku? OCB *k(r)ju7
[D] PMin *kiu
B
: Xiamen ku
B
<> [El TB: WT sko 'onion'
13-7 = K. 1068 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a fault jiu gj;m
B
guB gu? OCB *g(r)ju7
PI.N. gao kau kou kil
c m gao kau(B) kOU(B) kG, kil?
ef

gao kau kou kil < klu ?
13-7A = K. 1070mn Mand. Me LHan oeM
mn xiao ! kieu keu kiG
There is nothing to suggest that \3-Il/I070 it is phonetic.
13-8 = K. 1064 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab .L-j > I twistjiU ! kjieu
B
4 kiu
B
kiu? OCB *k(r)jiw7
1-/ has tone A.
ef giu, gjieu 4, giu, giu,
jiii kjieu 4 kiu kiu =4-1S/l 066i
ghi gJjg
Jlao kieu
c
keu
c
kiGh
OJ.! [fl Sin Sukchu SR kjew C*); PR kjaw; MGZY gyaw (*) [kjew]; ONW keu; MHan kiu;
BTD keu
d elegant
" - ,
JIU . kjieu
B
4 kiu
8
kiu? a lexicographic ghost?
171
be
13 OCM *-u (GSRI040-1116)
eleg. jiflO, jiao gjau
B
3,
-kjau
B
3
giuuB,
-kiau
B
gaul"
kau?
1103a J& shou sj;m SU hju? or nhiu ? OCB *xjiw
[T] Sin Sukchu SR (1JZ); MGZY shiw (1JZ) ONW su
[N] SW says that 1..1 is phonetic, but it may have been chosen for other unknown reasons.
1139a 1& qiao gjiau 4 giau giau
13-9
a
SW says that !& is phonetic. Although the latter is a phonological oddity in this series, qi ao
fits within the range of the phonetic GSR 1064a.
= K. 1044 Mand. Me LHan OCM
iff good hao xau
B
hou
B
hu? OCB *xu?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR xaw (..t.); MGZY haw <-1: ) [xaw]; ONW hau. See also p. 10.
iff love, like hao xau
c
hou
c
huh
[E] TB *hu 'rear, raise, nourish'
13-10 = K. 1244d Mand. Me
xau
LHan
hou
oeM
d hao hu = l3-1lI1070k
13-11
ag
hij
k
[E] TB: Chepang hu?- ' to weed'
= K. 1070
{*Ilf*

1*

Mand.
xiii
xiii
hao
xiao
Me
XjdU
xj;m
xau
xau
LHan
hu
hu
hou
hou
oeM See also 13-7 A.
hu
hu
hu = l3-10/1244d :OO
hnl or hu
13-12 = K. 1088 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

chou tshjdU
C
tshu
C
k-hjuh
[D] M-Xiam lit. tshiu
el
, col. tshao
Cl
, Fuzh tshau
C
[T] Sin Sukchu SR (*); MGZY chiw (* ) MTang tsheu < tshu, ONW tshu
c X1U XjdU
C
huc huh
[T] MTang hiu > heu, ONW hu <> [D] M-Xiam lit. hiucl 'bad smelling'
d qiu khjdU
B
khu
B
khu?
13-13 = K. 1089
a IDl
13-14 = K. 1071

Mand.
chou
oeM
k-hju
ii= is probably not phonetic in 16-27/1152 nao.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
you ?jdU ?u ?u SW
This may be the original graph for the next item a, hence has nothing to do with 16-27.
a
d
fghi


you
you
you
?jdU
?jdU
?jdU
?u
?u
?u
[E] TB: Lushai vuur
F
' fill (with earth), cover'
e
tif
13-15 = K. 1072
a
you
Mand.
you
Me
?jdU
LHan
?u
172
?u
?u
?u
?u?
oeM
?u
[T] BTD Skt. u[pa ... ], ut[pa ... ]
13 oeM *-u (GSR 1040-1116)
13-16 = K. 1115 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a yao lieu leu ?in
b you ?jieu 4, ?j;m ?iu ?iu
c you ?jieu 4 ?iu ?iu OCB *?(r)jiw(?)
[Tl ONW ?iu <> [El Mru iu (i.e. ?iu) 'dark'
f 1;b you ?jieu
C
4 ?iu
C
?iuh
[Tl Sin Sukchu SR ?iw ("*:); MGZY Yiw ("*:) [?jiwl <> [El WT yu-bo 'without horns'
9 rJfj] you ?jieu 4 ?iu ?iu
[El Lushai eu?L (i.e., ?eu?) 'to bark or call (as sambhur deer)'
h I!WJ you ?jieu
B
4 ?iu
B
?iu?
2 yao ?ieu
B
?euB lin? see 16-201114Sq 'fii
t7;IJ ao, ao ?au ?::m ?rin = 13-16A [1cIJ
> later [1cIJ 'concave'; * 13-171124Sa '& *?ifi? 'eye socket'
13-16A [!.D concave ao, ao ?au = 13-16/11ISj:f:1JJ
13-17 = K. 1245ab Mand. MC LHan OCM
ab

yao ?ieu
B
?euB
lin? * 13-16111ISc
jue! ?iwet ?uet ?uft < lint ? SW 1440
For other instances of a *-uiC < *-iuC metathesis, see EDOCnei (p. 397).
13-18 = K. 1244h Mand.
h tao-tie
LHan OCM
thai ou-thet ?
[Nl The '5JJf. 16-8 element may be semantic.
13-19 = K. 1084, 1085 MC LHan OCM
afg
ft
zhou tsj;m tsu tu
[El MK: Khmer du:k 'boat', Bahn. *du:k 'boat', PVM *cfo:k -> Tai-S. tu:k
D1
'boat'
fg
1085a
d
e
{f,j- lMJ- zhou tj;m tu tru
'!Jt receive shou zj;m
B
dzu
B
du?
[Tl Sin Sukchu SR (....1::.); MGZY zhiw (....I::.) ONW diu
t5t give shou zj;m
C
dzu
c
duh
#. shou zj;:m
B
dzu
B
du?
13-20 = K. 1086 Mand. MC LHan OCM
ad 1'1'1 m'l zhou tsj;m tsu tu
[Tl Sin Sukchu SR (-'); MGZY jiw (3fT.)
ONW diu
e "@lll'l chou zj;m dzu du = 13-2211 0900
13-20A = K. 1087 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a broom zhou tsj;m
B
tsu
B
tu?
The same graph writes a synonym sao, see 13-61.
13-21 = K. 1091 Mand. MC LHan OCM
[a'Ja tt. chou zj;m dzu du
[Tl MTang ieu < diu, ONW diu <> [El Lushai dOH 'to counter contributions ... '
e

shou zj;:m
c
dzu
c
duh
cd

chou tshjgU tshu
thu WB huik 'to pant'
173
13-22
abl
Idf
kmn
q
op
9
a'
r
s
u
xz
13-23
ab
c
d
13-24
a
13-25
a
b
c
13-26
ahi
13 oeM *-u (GSR 1040-1116)
= K. 1090 Mand. Me LHan oeM
> !HI! chou qj;)U du dru 'ploughed fields'
chou qj;)U qu dru 'who'
[T] Sin Sukchu SR dz.iw (3.fL); MGZY ciw (3.fL ) [dz.iw] <> [E] Kuki-Chin *tu?/h 'who'
chOu qj;)U du dru WT do ' two, a pair'
gJ zhou tj;)U

tru
chou ij;)u diu du = 13-20/l086e IlItI
=h
shou ij;)u
B
diu
B
du? =
I'i"f
ii
zhu tsju
C
tso
C
toh = IO-19/l29c it
tI beat dao
tauB touB tii?
[D] Yue-Taishan au55_mbai55 f!'b* <> [E] JP t
h
u
5
5, WB tui
S
'push'
pain zhou qj;)U
C
quC druh
11
dao
tauB/c touB/c tii?, tiih = 13-26/l083n 1Jl,J
fj
tao dau dou du
to cover dao dau
c
dou
c
duh
covering chou qj;)U qu dru
RIR
tao dau(C) dou(C) du,duh
= K. 1073 Mand. Me LHan oeM
MfT
zhbu tj;)U
B
tru? WT gru-mo 'elbow'
Mt
zhou qj;)U
B
quB
dru?
1 tao thau
B
thou
B
thu?
= K. 1074 Mand. Me LHan oeM

zhou tj;)U

tru
= K. 1116 Mand. Me LHan oeM
niao I I tieu
B
teuB tiii?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR njew (..1::); MGZY dyaw (..1::) [tjew] <> [E] TB: Garo *do?, Karen *to 'bird'
:i; niao I I
tieuB/c teuB/c tiU?, tiuh

dao tau
B
touB tu?
= K. 1083 Mand. Me LHan oeM
mJ
zhou tsj;)U tsu tiu
[T] ONW tsu <> [E] Tai: S. diw
3
'strips of rattan or bamboo bent in a circle to which ribs of a
cage are fastened'
fhi yJ] zhou, chou tsj;)U tsu tiu
m #"fflJ wrap chou qj;)U qu driu
In #Jljji.W 9j;lU-mjieu, OCB *drjiw-mrjiw 'be tied round' <> [T] MTang geu < 9u, ONW du
#J!J envelop tao thau thou Ihu
graph borrowed late [Liji] for l3-27/l078g
n fm chou qj;)U qu driu
j Q.fflJ zhou, zhao tj;)U, tru, tru
I chou qj;)U du driu
k '1m chou ! thu thriu
o 1m diao tieu teu tiu
[E] S. tok
D1
' to become faded'
174
13 oeM *-u (OSR 1040-1116)
prs

diao tieu teu tiu
tu

diao tieu teu tiu
v

thio dieu deu diu
x tune tiao dieu deu diu OCB *diw
[T] BTD Skt. deva
morning zh6u! tj::lU
C
tu
C
tru(k)h a loan for 14-911 075a
y

dao
tauB touB tu?
z
11
ti thiek thek < theuk thiuk
13-27 = K.I078 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
8
you ju, lu,
- yao jiau
B
jauB lau?
bef
[-fEr-
P
s
"'6B tao thau thou
Ihu
9 fa
tao
thau thou
1M = 13-2611083m
d 15 overflow tao thau thou 1M
15 crowd tao thau, dau thou, dou Ihu, lQ
h
fa
dflO dauB dOuB lQ? < g-lu? MY *nblau
A
[E] Borrowed by Tocharian as klu 'rice' (Mallory a. Mair 2000: 310) <> [D] PMin *tiu
B2
*ffi
(corresponds to QYS 9j;lU
C
[JY]) may possibly be a variant (Norman, p.c.)

dao,dao dau
c
dou
c
lfih
13-28 = K. 1046 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ae

tao thau thou
Ihu ?
13-29 = K. 1047 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a-e

tao dau dou lfi R! (#.ill) OCB *b-Iu
WJ Sin Sukchu SR daw (3JL); MGZY taw (3JL) [daw]; ONW dau
d tao dau dou lfi R!
gallop dao dau
c
dou
c
lfih
pleased yao jiau jau lau
13-30 = K. 1079 The initial could be either OCM *li- or *j-; the default initial is here *j- (- *li-).
a
e
d
b
m
n
o
Mand. Me LHan oeM
8=!
you ji;m ju ju
[T] Sin Sukchu SR iw (3JL); MGZY yiw (3JL) [jiw]; ONW iu
ffiI you ji;m ju ju = 13-3211077q
fMl you ji;m
C
ju
C
juh [E] TB *yu? or *b-y;;,w 'rat'
1m pumelo you ji;m
C
ju
C
juh
cylinder zhU <;ljuk <;luk druk < r-liuk
fIE sleeve xiu zj:m
c
ziu
c
s-juh OCB *zjus
sleeve xiu zjgU
C
ziu
c
s-juh
dress you jigu
C
ju
C
juh
The graphs n and 0 are often substituted for each other, 0 being the more common.
big, tall you jigu
C
ju
C
juh < wuh ?
'big, tall (of grain)' <> [E] Lushai vu
R
'be ripe and yellow (as standing rice)', 'show up / be
conspicuous (as flowers),
175
13 OCM *-u (GSR 1040-1116)
e frffi chou, rhiu or t-hliu,
zhOu <;fu
c
driuh < r-liuh
f tEE chou rhiu or t-hliu OCB *hlrju
[f] MTang < ONW thu <> [EJ TB: Chepang klu- 'pull out (hair), glu- 'pull out
(larger) weeds, cultivate crop' blu- 'remove, root out'. <> Tai: S. thlok
D1
'id.'
ghil EE 'ill zhOu <;fu
c
driuh < r-liuh
p lM! zhou ! <;fjuk <;fuk driuk < r-liuk
q:f!:!! df diek dek < deuk lifik
S3 df diek dek < deuk lifik OCB *liwk
= 14-13/1022d <> [fJ Sin Sukchu SR di (A); MGZY ti (A) [diJ
13-31 = K. 1082
a !ti
Mand.
you
LHan
juB
OCM
lu? or jut
13-32 = K. 1077 The phonetic writes words with initials OCM ju liu s(l)iu.
Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
i&
you! ju ju [EJ WT yul 'place'

you ju ju
c
{15I:

you! ju ju OCB *ljiw
q
:11){

you! ju ju OCB *ljiw
= 13-301l079c 1EIl *ju <> [f] Sin Sukchu SR iw MGZY yiw [jiwJ
k dieu
c
deuc lifikh = v
f 11* pull down tiao thieu theu
lhifi
11* a tree
tiao dieu deu lifi OCB *liw
[fJ MTang diau, ONW deu
ghjt tiao dieu deu lifi OCB *liw
v

diao dieu
c
deuc lifikh =k

df diek dek < deuk lifik
x

df diek dek< deuk lifik OCB *liwk
s

tiao thiek thek
lhifik
e

XlU siu SlU OCB *sljiw
[EJ TB: Lushai thu
F
< suu? 'dried (as fish)', 'dried and rotten'
r
rm
xiu siuB
siu?
= 13-60/1 112h 'lll; = = 10-37/10971511 *sru?
u

xiao sieu
B
seuB sifi?
d

xiu siu siu
[f] ONW su; BTD Skt. su
rapid xiao, sieu, seu, sifi,
shu sjuk suk hjuk
mop shu zjuk dzuk diuk
MC z- can occasionally derive from an OC j-like initial, see EDOC 9.3.
13-33 = K. 1080 Mand. MC LHan OCM
afgh you ju ju OCB *ju
"lIH: = 13-341l081g <> [fJ Sin Sukchu SR iw MGZY yiw (:>j7.) [jiw]; ONW iu
[DJ PMin *ziu <> [EJ WT rgyu-ba < *r-ju 'to go, walk, move, wander, range (of men,
animals, etc.)', Lepcha yu
176
13 oeM *-u (GSR 1040-1116)
13-34 = K. 1081 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a EB you jigu(B) ju(B) ju, ju?
9 W you jigu ju ju = 13-33/1080 rtff'fJ11
[T] Sin Sukchu SR iw ("'f); MGZY yiw ("'f) [jiw]; ONW iu
13-35 = K. 1094 Mand.
qiu
MC
zjgU
LHan
ziu
ziu
OCM
a
e
13-36
a
h
ij
r
a'
ty
k
In
o
pq
z
IN
1[2;1 qiu zjgU
[D] M-Xiam, Fuzh SiU
A2
'to swim'
Mand. MC
you jigu
B
you, you jigU(B)
you, you jigu
B
/
C
LHan
juB
jU(B)
ju
B
/
C
s-ju OCB *zju
s-ju * 13-33/1080
OCM
ju?
ju, ju?
ju?,juh
IE] KN *m-hew 'spoiled'
you jigu ju ju OCB *ju
[T] Sin Sukchu SR iw ("'f); MGZY yiw ("'f) [jiwJ; ONW iu
you jigu ju ju
you ju ju


1@ JlU tsjgU
B
tsiu
B
tsiu, tsiu?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR tsiw U:.); MGZY dziw (1::) [tsiw]; MTang tseu < tsiu, ONW tsu
[D] PMin *tsiu
B
>Xiam, Fuzh tsiu
B
<> IE] PTB *yu(w) 'wine'
qiu dzjgu dziu dziu
m qiu, jiii dzjgu, tsjgU dziu, tsiu dziu, tsiu
qiii tshjgU tshiu tshiu
h
zu, ell ts(h)juk ts( )iuk tsiuk, tshiuk
13-37 = K. 1246c Mand. LHan
ju
C
OCM
e 1/\ monkey you juh < wuh ? = 28-111575q
13-38 = K. 1102,1048 MC LHan OCM
1102a head shou sjgU
B
suB Ihu?
[T] BTD 1wt{$j suB-da[i]-was Skt. suddhavasa <> IE] TB *Iu 'head'
turn head shou sjgU
C
suc Ihuh
1048a m way dauB douB Iii? OCB *Iu?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR daw U-.*); MGZY taw (1:.) [dawJ; ONW dau <> IE] Yao klauB 'road'
m lead diiu
c
dou
c
lfih
d lead diiu
c
dou
c
lfih
13-39 = K. 1095 The initial could be OCM *1- or *j- **w-?).
Mand. MC LHan OCM
a * xill sjgU
C
siu
c
siuh < *swuh? OCB *sljus
[T] Sin Sukchu SR siw C*); MGZY siw ($:) [siw]
IE] ? TB: Chepang syu- 'to prosper, flourish', Lushai vuul
H
'be in full bloom (as flowers),
e l3 xill, you sjgU
C
, jigu
B
siu
c
, juB siuh, ju?
d you jigu
B
juB ju? < *wu? ? OCB *Iju?
[E] WT yur-ma 'weeds' from < *wur
e you jigu
B
juB Iu? (?) OCB *Iju?
IE] WT slu 'entice'; also PTai *1-: S. b"B2 'to lure, deceive'
177
13 oeM *-u COSR 1040-1116)
13-40 = K. 1099 The OC initial could have been *nh, *lh, or *hj; *hj is the default initial.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a keep shou sj::m
B
suB hju?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ct); MGZY shiw Ct) ONW su
fief shou sjou
C
suc hjuh OCB *stjus
c hunt shou sj;:m
c
suc hju? !
13-41 = K. 1100
cognate 1'1 I3-4De.
The initial consonant is unknown, it probably is the same as in the possible
Maud. Me LHan oeM
a shou sj:m
c
suc hjuh
[T] Sin Sukchu SR (*); MGZY shiw (*)
13-42 = K. 1101 The OC initial consonant is uncertain, the default here is *hj-; the word could
possibly be related to foreign ones with initial *n-.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a shou sj::m
B
suB, hju? or nhu? ? OCB *hju??
S tshu
B
[T] Sin Sukchu SR cn MGZY shiw U: ) [iw]; ONW su
[D) PMin *tshiu
B1
> Xiam tshiu
B
, PWMin *Jiu
B1
13-43 = K. 1055 Maud. Me LHan oeM
a
::tt
HlO Hiu
B
10uB rG? Old Sino-Viet. reu
[T] ONW lou <> [E] TB *raw > WT ro 'corpse' ; Lep hryu 'be dry, dead' (of leaf) ; Lushai ro
H
'be dry, dead'; WB ro (= rau) 'very old' rwat 'old, tough', NNaga *row 'old' (of person)
13-44 = K. 1056 Maud. Me LHan oeM
a
4=
lao Hiu lou rG Viet. rao 'enclosure'
[T] Sin Sukchu SR law C.t); MGZY law C.t) [Jaw]
13-45 = K. 1069 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a fly high liau lieu leu riG SW 1499
whistling liu, Ijdu
C
, Ijeu
C
, liu
c
riuh 'whistling of wind'
liao Ijau
C
b

liu ljeu, ljdu liu nu
f

liu ljdu !iu ru, probably riu (cf. a)
j
}'j]
Jiu, III Ijdu(C) , liu(C), riu, riuh,
ljuk liuk riuk
k

chou, thu
. ,
rhiu
liaa lieu leu riG
no

liao lieu leu riG
p a plant liaa lieu
B
leu
B
riG?
a plant III Ijuk liuk riuk
g

liu, jiG Ijdu, kjieu 4 liu, kiu riu, kiu

qiu gjieu 4 giu giu
h

jiu kjieu 4 kiu kiu
178
13 oeM *-u (GSR lO40-11 16)
twist JlU kjieu 4 kiu kiu OCB *k(r)jiw
[E] PTai *kli;)U
AI
(?): S. kliau
AI
'to wind around, twist a string', Saek tleeu
C1
; note however
PTai *ki;)u
CI
: S. kiau
c1
'to wind around, twist'
bind mill mjieu
C
4 miuc miuh
m mill mjieu
C
4 miuc miuh OCB *mrjiws
[f] Sin Sukchu SR miw MGZY miw [miw]
s unite, glue jiao kau(B) bu(B) kriu R!
to crow jiao kau bu kriu R! OCB *kriw
frost jiao kau bu or kau ? (kru or krftu ?) [Chuci]
[E] PWMiao *klau
7
'ice, snow'
u III Ijuk !iuk ruk [E] TB-Mru ruk 'shame'
vx III Ijuk liuk ruk
r mJ lao lau lou ru
q
[E] WT ru-ma 'curdled milk', also JP ru
31
_ 'liquor' <> PTai *xl-: S. lau
CI
'liquor', KS
*khlaau
3
'rice wine'
Xlao
sharp taste !iao
xau
Ijau
C
h:m
liau
c
hru or h(i)u
riauh
13-46 = K. 1104 Mand. MC LHan OCM
ac 1milJrt lill Ij;m liu ru or nu
13-47
aa'
b'
c'
pq-
stz
v
y
1m
x
u
a
9
f
j
[f] Sin Sukchu SR liw ('f); MGZY liw ('f) [Iiw]; MTang leu < liu, ONW lu < lu. MHan li
tmP#E piek-liu-liai Skt. vaidurya, Pkt. veluriya <> [D] M-Xiam, Fuzh lau
A2
= K. 1114 Mand . MC LHan OCM
.gpl >;U
!ill Ij;)u liu ru 'to butcher'
[f] Sin Sukchu SR liw (:>JZ); MGZY liw (:>JZ) [liw]; MTang leu < liu, ONW lu < lu
[D] Jianyang seu
A2
<> [E] TB-Tiddim gou
53
I g::l?ll < rouh I r::l?/h 'to kill, slaughter'
lili Ij::m
B
!iu
B
ru?

!ill Ij:m(B) !iu(B) ru, ru?
mq;fjj lill Ij;)u liu ru
[f] MTang leu < liu, ONW lu < lu <> [D] M-Xiam, Fuzh lau
A2
!ill Ij;)u liu ru
11
1iU Ij;)U
C
liu
C
ruh [E] Tai: S. riau
B2
'rapids'
11
1iU Ij;)U
c
liu
c
ruh
lill Ij;)u
B
liu
B
ru?
II
lill Ij;)u
B
!iu
B
ru?
m
zhou <;ij;)U
c
duc
druh
lfYIJ
liao lieu leu riu
.gp 2 cyclic. s. mao mauB m:m
B
mru? OCB *mru?
5n
mao mauB m:)u
B
mru?
:gp
mao, Jill mauB, Ij;)u
B
m:)u
B
, !iu
B
mru?, ru?
W
pao, phau
C
, ph:)U
C
,
phruh,
jiao kauc
bu
c
kruh or krukh
Jiao is a synonym (14-111 0390) written with the graph for pao.
barter mao m;)u
c
moc
muh
bad eyes mou mj;)u
c
mu
c
muh * 13-7611109q
179
13-48
a
b
c
e
d
f
9
13-49
13 OCM *-u (GSR 1040-1116)
= K. 1105 Mand. Me
*
rou nzjgu
t*
rou nzjgu(C)
rou nzjgu
'*
rou! nzjgu
B
/
C
W*
rou
nzjgu(B/C)
[E] Lushai *hnu? 'footprint'
**
rou, mu l!jgU
C
[E] WT snor-ba 'mix, disturb'
j* monkey mio nau
- 16-271l152b 11 (*niiu); 13-49
Mand.
mio
Me
nau
- 13-48/1105g 1*; 16-271l152b 11 (*niiu)
LHan oeM
nu nu [E] IP nu
33
'relaxed, slack'
nu
c
nuh [f] ONW flu
nu nu
nu
B
/
C
nut, nuh
nu(B/C) nu, nut, nuh
l!u
c
muh
nou nu
LHan OeM
nou nu
13-50 = K. 1076 Mand. Me LHan oeM
af ill> jB: niu l!jgU
B
l!U
B
mu? 'claw'
e
9
k
h
a
m 'Finger, toe, claws' <> [E] TB-LB *s-nyuw
l
,2 'digit, finger' > WB lak-hfiui
B
'forefinger'
<> PTai *niu
c2
'finger', Shan niw 'finger, toe, fingernail, toenail'
m niu l!jgU
B
l!u
B
mu?
m niu l!jgU
B
l!u
B
mu? OCB *nrju?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR niw C1:); MGZY fiiw U:.) [IJ.iw]; ONW nu
'I!: niu l!juk l!uk muk
If
XlU sjgU sm snu
Qiu X. 2000, p. 224: the element II: was originally Y... <> [f] BTD Skt. 5U
il2 cycl.s. chou rhu? or nhru? OCB *hnrju?
[E] PVM *c-Iu: > klu: / tlu: 'buffalo' > Viet. trau
13-51 = K. 1049 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
f.
zao tsauB tsou
B
tsu?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR tsaw (J:.); MGZY dzaw (J:.) [tsaw]; ONW tsau
b grass cao tshau
B
tshoU
B
tshu? == 13-52/1 052c
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ts'aw (J:.); MGZY tshaw (J:.) [ts'aw]; ONW tshau
anxious cao tshilo
B
tshou
B
tshu? < *C-su?? == 13-601l112e 'I'ill:
13-52 = K. 1052 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ac a cao tshau
B
tshou
B
tshu? == 13-5111049b 1ji
13-53 = K. 1050 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

zao tsau
B
tsou
B
tsu? OCB *tsu?
13-54 = K. 1051 The element gao 15 *kluk 'report' is semantic, not phonetic; the word 3 *tshfih
originally meant 'to go and offer (a sacrifice)', 'go and appear in court', which usually would involve
some 15 announcement or report. Therefore, this phonetic series did not have an *sk-like initial.
a
Mand. Me LHan oeM
make ZllO
to go to cao
180
dzu?
tshuh
13 OeM *-u (GSR 1040-1116)
d cao tshau
C
tshou
C
tshQh
e chou
tshruh
13-55 = K. 1053 Mand. MC LHan OCM
ad lUI cao dzau dzou dzQ
[f) Sin Sukchu SR dzaw (1jL); MGZY tsaw (1jL) [dzawl <> [E) WT 'dzog- 'heap together'
e m transport zao dzau
c
dzou
c
dzQh
PI.N. cao dzau dzou dzO
fgh m;mrl zao tsau tsou tsO [f] ONW tsau
13-56 = K. 1054 Mand.
zao
MC
dzau
B
LHan
dzou
B
OCM
dzO? a
13-57 = K. 1092 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
f:k
gill
tshj;)U tshiu tshiu OCB *tshjiw
[D] M-Xiam, Fuzh tshiu
AI
* shou *nh(i), hence < *C-nh(i)u?
bcd gill
tshj;)U tshiu tshiu
e
rtfk
jill tsj;)U tsiu tsiu
f
lfk
gill, tsj;)U, tsiu, tsiu,
jiao tsieu
B
tseu
B
tsiO?
9
"- I
JlU .
dzj;)u dziu dziu
1fk
giao, tshjau
B
,
jill dzj;)u
B
dziu
B
dziu?
f.k
J l!J\ chou dzru or dzriu
h

zhOu tsruh or tsriuh
13-58 = K. 1093 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
5X
J' JlU
dzj;)u
C
dziu
c
dzuh R! OCB *dzjus
[fl Sin Sukchu SR dziw (*); MGZY tsiw [dziw); MTang dzeu < dziu, ONW dzu. MHan
li&t khu-dziu
c
= Kujula
bc M c trample zu, ell tsjuk, tshjuk tsiuk, tshiuk tsuk, tshuk
anxiously cu, zu tsjuk, dzjuk tsiuk, dziuk tsuk, dzuk
13-59 = K. 1111 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
m
zhao tsrO? = 13-60/ 1112a 3Z
c
tm
zhua tsrO, tsrO?, tsrOh
[D] M-Xiam tsua
AI
13-60 = K. 1112 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
X
zhao tsrO? = 13-5911 lila m
[D) M-Xiam b. liaO
BI
?)
d
Ii
zao tsauB tsou
B
tsQ?
e
'Ii
sao, Sau(B), sou(B), so, sO?,
cao tshao
B
tshou
B
tshO? < CosO? ? = 13-5111049b 1j!i:
f

sao sau sou sO TB-Chepang saw- 'itch'
9 m
sao sau sou sO
[El MK-OKhmer Isook! 'sorrow'
181
13 oeM *-u (GSR 1040-1116)
h
m
xiu sj;)U suB
su?
= 13-3211 077r #If; = JO-37/J097f
Ii
qi tshiek tshek < tsheuk tshiilk
13-61 = K. 1087 Mand. Me LHan oeM
gf twti
sao
sauBjC souBjC su?jh
The same graphic element ffl writes a synonym zhbu; see 13-20A.
13-62 = K. 1098 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a Ji a plant sou su sru
a hunt sou su sru or sro = 10-37/1097h
13-63 (cf. K. 647) Mand. Me LHan oeM

sou sj;)u,

sru 'three-year-old calf'
[El KD: PHlai *sr-: Baoding fu
3
, Zhong-shan tshu
3
'three'. <>Cf. 38-29/647
13-64 = K. 1057 Mand. Me LHan oeM
afg

bao pau
B
pou
B
pu?
h robe bao pau pou pil
salute bila pau
c
pou
c
pilh
13-65 = K. 1058 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

bila pau
c
pou
c
pilh
13-66 = K. 1059 In the BI, 13-69 tfr has been added as phonetic (Qiu 2000: 232).
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

bao pau
B
pou
B
pu?
[fl Sin Sukchu SR paw Ci); MGZY baw, ba'o (J:.) [paw]; ONW pau <> [El TB *puw 'value'
13-67 = K. 1060 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab
bao pau
B
pou
B
pil?
13-68 = K. 1061 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
JBm
bila bau
c
bouc buh
13-69 = K.1107 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
m
Iou pj;)U
B
puB
pu? R!
d d piao bjiau 4 biau biau
13-70 = K. 1108 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a $ fu bj;)u
B
bUB
bu? R! OCB *b(r)ju?
[fl MTang bvu, ONW bu
13-71 = K. 1154,1106 Me LHan oeM
1154a

biao pjieu 4, PJU, PJU,
pjiau 4 piau pIaU
[N] The graph !\; also writes a synonym shan *sram 36-2411154.
[E] PMiao *preu
2A
, PYao *pyIeP 'hair'
182
13 oeM *-u CGSR 1040-1116)
This graph seems to be the abbreviated phonetic in the following:
1106a biao pjieu 4 piu piu
b biao bjieu 4, bj:m biu biu
13-72 = K. 1113
ab l > J3
Mand. Me LHan oeM
bao, pau, p::>u, prO,
pao phau ph:>u phrO
[E] WT phru-ma 'uterus'
a
2
wrap bao pau p::>u prO OCB *pru
[T] Sin Sukchu SR paw ( 3jZ); MGZY baw (3jZ) [paw], MHan pJU; BTD plOU; ONW pau
[E] WT 'phur- 'wrap up'
c t!I mat bao
reed
pau
bjau
B
3?
p::>u
biau
B
prfi
bau?
eg J: 1iQ pao bau b::>u brO
h ff@ bauB b:Ju
B
brO?
d WI bao pauB p:Ju
B
prO?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR paw U:); MGZY baw <-t) [paw]; ONW pau
[E) TB: Lushai puarH 'full , satiated'
OCB *pru
f gourd pao bau b:Ju brO [E] Lushai buur
H
'gourd'
run pao [E] Miao plau
c1
'to flee'
fEZ robe pao bau bou bO
lapel bao bau
c
bou
c
bOh
f'EZ bauB bouB bO?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR baw (.1.); MGZY paw <-t) [bawl <> [0] PMin *bhiiu - *biiu
[E] WB puik 'hold in arms, hug'
kl @ m fu bj;:m bu bu
m @ po, phak, ph:Jk, phrOk,
pao, bao bau(B/C) b:Ju(B/C) brO, brO?, brOh
n bao bak b::>k brfik
Me LHan oeM
phju irreg! phu
phu R!
phju phU
phu
phju phu R!
phu
phju, bjgu phu
phu
o pau, pou bau, bgu b:Ju, bou brO, bO
183
13 oeM *-u (GSR 1040-1116)
13-74 = K. 1062 Mand. Me LHan oeM
-ab r=J > 'I I mao mauc mouc muh OCB *muks
ab 'I2 to look at mao mau
c
mouc muh
[D] Gan-Wuning mou
CI
' to look at' <> [E]JP mu
31
'to see'
ab 'I 3 mo
Alternate reading for 'covetous' and the name Mao-dun then read Mo-du LH m;:)k-tu;:)t
-cd mao mauc mouc muh
For an additional item of GSR 1062, see 5-37.
13-75 = K. 1063 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

mu, mou mu
s
mu? R! DeB *m(r)ju?
[E] DKhmer jmol [cm991J 'male of animals' . See EDOe; Intro. 8.1 .1.
13-76 = K. 1109 See Baxter 1992: 467 for these rimes.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a ;;f mao < mj;:lu mu muR! DeB *m(r)ju
c
"*
mao mau m:m mru R! DeB *mru
d
tf*
mao! mau mou mu
f

mao mouc muh OCB *m(r)jus
h
.&
wu mjuB/C muoB/ c mo?, moh
kl

wu mju
C
muo
c
moh
0

mou mu mu
mnp

mao mu mu
q

mao, mou milk, m;:lu
c
m;,k, moc mr6k(h)
[E] WT rmogs-pa 'eyes heavy with sleep, inert'
r

mu muk mok m6k
s
It
wu muk mok m6k
?Ji
wu mju
C
muo
c
R! moh DeB *m(r)jos
[T] MTang mvu < mvuo, DNW muo ' make effort' <> [EJ TB *mow > PL *mi(aw)2 'work',
WB mu 'do, perform' . <> PTai *hm-: S. mok
D1
'apply oneself'

wu mju
C
muo
c
moh
[D] Yue-Guangzh mou
22
, Min-Xiam bu
33
, b;)24, Fuzh mu;)52 <> [E] TB *mu:k 'fog'
13-77 = K. 1110
a .$ bellow
bed
e {if
13-78 = K. 1231
a rt
f a
See Baxter 1992: 467 for these rimes.
Mand.
mou
mou
mou
Mand.
wu II
mao, mou
Me


<
LHan
mu
mu
mu
LHan
muCR!
muCR!
184
oeM
mu
mu
mu
oeM
muh
muhR!
in dialects also 'to love'
OCB *m(r)jus
14 oeM rime *-uk Jue bu
GSR 1016 - 1039
Baxter 1992: 518 ff. (10.2.14)
See Table 13-1 for oeM rimes *-uIJ, *-uk, *-u in QYS categories; Table 16-1 for comparison
of oeM rimes *-auk, *-uk, *-(i)au, *-(i)u, and Table 17-1 for comparison of oeM rimes *-ek,
*-ak, *-auk, *-uk. No LHan high vocalic onset need be postulated with the high vowel u;
however, i is inserted after acute initials.
14-2 = K. 1017 Mand.
a *1 JU
cdegfjk
h ju
qii
Me
kjuk
=a *1
kjuk
khjuk
bu
C
krGkh
kou
B
kO?
gou
B
gO?
gou
B
gO?
LHan oeM
kuk kuk
kuk kuk
khuk khuk
14-3 = K. 1038 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a xue yak g:lk grfik
OCB *k(r)juk
[E] TB *kuk - *guk 'to bend'
[T] Sin Sukchu SR yjaw (A), LR yjaw?; MGZY (Hyaw Hyaw (A) [yjaw]; ONW yak
d yau
C
g:lU
C
grGkh
f W: awake Jue kak bk krOk
W: awake intr. jHlO kauc bu
c
krOk !
185
14 oeM *-uk J!:G (GSR 1016-1039)
Wt
jiao kau
B
bUB krfi?
tE] WT dkrog-pa 'to stir, scare'
9

ku khuok khouk khfik
h
:'II
xue, yak, gouk, grfik,
yue nk ?ouk ?rfik
14-4 = K. 1045 Mand. Me LHan OeM
a Jl interior ab nu
c
?ou
C
?Okh
cove yu ?juk ?uk ?uk
be ab, yu ?auC, ?juk ?ou
C
, ?uk ?fikh, ?uk
[f] Sin Sukchu SR law (:tr); MGZY 'aw (:tr) [7aw); ONW 7uu.
[Dl Min dial.: Fuzhou oCI_t
h
au
A2
, Xiamen u
CI
<> tE] Viet ao ' pool, pond'
de yu ?juk ?uk ?uk
j;!l!! 'warm' tE] WB uik (Le. ?uik) 'feel warm'
14-5 = K. 1016 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a ii poison n. du duok do uk dOk OCB *duk
[f] ONW douk. MHan Jrll sin-douk Hinduka <> [Dl Vue tuk
D2
, Kejia t
h
uk
D2
, Fuzh ts}ik
D2
tE] WT gdug-pa 'poison'
ii to poison du dauc dou
c
dOkh
[D] Vue tou
C2
, Kejia theu
el
, Min Fuzh thau
CI
'to poison'
b ft du, dao duok, daue douk, douc dGk, dfikh
du, dao tuok touk SW 3702
ri du duok douk SW 266
14-6 = K. 1025 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a :f.5i'. pray zhu tsjuk tsuk tuk
[f) Sin Sukchu SR ( J\ ); MGZY jyu (J\)
:f5i'. curse zhbu tSjdU
C
tsu
C
tukh OC8 *tjuks
f;t5i'. ehu, zhu ts(h)juk ts(h)uk tuk, thuk
14-7 = K. 1026 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a shu ijuk diuk duk
[f] ONW dzuk 'Which one, whoT
b shou, shU ijuk dzuk duk
[f] Sin Sukchu SR z..u C\'), PR, LR z..u?; MGZY zhyu ( A ) [z..y]; ONW diuk
tE] PKiranti *thok - thuk 'ripen'
e shu ijuk diuk duk
14-8 = K. 1019 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a 1'1 zhu tjuk truk
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ( J\ ), PR MGZY jyu ( J\ ) ONW tuk
tE] S. t:):)k
D1L
< *pr- 'bamboo strip'
e JfL zhu tjuk truk
de e zhu tjuk truk
tE] WT rdug 'to strike against'
fg dil tuok touk tfik OC8 *tuk
[f] Sin Sukchu SR tu (J\); MGZY du ( J\ ) [tu). <> tEl WT 'thug-pa 'thick'
186
14 oeM *-uk (GSR 1016-1039)
14-9 = K. 1075 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a zhou tj;;lu
C
trukh or truh
[Dl PMin *t:m
c
> Xiam, Fu'an taue ' afternoon'. Ch. -> Tai: S. truu
SI
'early morning'
[El WT gdugs 'midday'
14-10 = K. 1024 Mand. Me LHan OCM
ab .1 gruel zh6u tsjuk tsuk tuk
5fi] [f) ONW tsuk <> [D) PMin *tsyk <> [El WT thug-pa 'soup, broth'
.2 nourish yu jiuk juk luk
= 14-1111 020a ff; 14-121l021a WTrl, Zh5u was perhaps partially selected for semantic
reasons <> [El JP lu
31
'give birth'
14-11 = K. 1020 Mand. Me LUan OCM
a 1f yu jiuk juk luk OCB *Ijuk
14-12
a
14-13
a
d
e
14-14
ac
e
fgh
ijk
Ino
m
qr
s
uv
= 14-111 I 024b 14-1211021a <> [El JP IU
31
'give birth (to a child)'
= K. 1021 Mand. Me LHan OCM

yu jiuk juk luk = 14-11I1020a If
= K. 1022 The initials could also be OCM *dr-, *d-, *thr-.
Mand. Me LUan OCM

zhu driuk < r-liuk

df diek dek < deuk link OCB *liwk
= \3-30/1 079 S3 <> [f) Sin Sukchu SR di CA.); MGZY ti (A) [di]

zhu,chu hriuk < r-lhiuk, driuk < r-liuk
OCB hlrjiwk
= K.I023 Mand. Me LHan OCM
Jffi
yu jiuk juk luk
fl
df diek dek < deuk liGk
du duk dok 16k
7111J!lI
du duk dok 16k
!fJfljJ{ du duk dok 16k
m
du duk dok 16k
[f) Sin Sukchu SR du ( A ); MGZY tu (A) [dul; ONW dok
Ul.
du duk dok 16k
.. dou,du d;;luc,duk doc, dok 16kh,16k
fIJi
xu zjwok ziok s-Jok
Jtj
shu (d)zjwok zok m-Iok
[El WT blu-ba 'to buy off, ransom' blud-pa 'release, ransom' <> PTai *lu
s2
'to redeem,
tribute', *dllru
s2
'to donate, ransom' <> AA-OKhmer I bkl, Khmer Ilukl - Irukl 'to sell, to
fine'
14-15 = K. 1018
a if
Mand. Me LHan
xu xjuk huk
OCM
huk
[fl Sin Sukchu SR xy (A); MGZY hyu ( A ) [xyl
if chu rhuk
[fl Sin Sukchu SR tfy ( A ), PR MTang ONW thuk
[El TB *hu 'to rear, raise, nourish '
187
cd
e
f
tf
lUi
'I;

14
ehu,
xiu
xu,ehu
xu
ehu
oeM *-uk (GSR 10\6-1039)
, rhukh,
xj;:lU
c
huc hukh
XjdU
C
, huc, l.hU
C
hukh, rhukh
xjuk huk huk
rhuk
14-16 = K. 1032 Mand. Me LHan OCM
a ,\ liu Ijuk liuk ruk OCB *C-rjuk
[f] Sin Sukchu SR lu CA.), PR, LR lu?; MGZY Iyu CA.) [Iy]; ONW luk.
[D] PMin *Ihok > NMin Jianyang SoD2 <> [EI TB *d-ruk 'six'
efh lu Ijuk liuk ruk
mu mjuk muk mruk
14-17 = K. 1033 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a flesh rou nijuk rmk nuk
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ru (A.), LR ru?; MGZY Zhyu ( A. ) fry]; ONW nuk
fleshy ru nijdu
C
nu
c
nukh
fJ rou nij;;m nu
14-18 = K. 1031 Mand. Me LHan OCM All -ek < -euk
ag
shu sjuk suk nhuk OCB *stjiwk
[E] LB *(s-)nok 'bean'
b shu sjuk suk nhuk
p

ni niek nek < neuk niilk [E] WT giiog-pa 'to desire'
fxy

qi tshiek tshek tshi ilk < snhi ilk
[N] Aspirated initials in OC are secondary, one source of tsh- is snh- that, given the phonetic
*nhuk, seems to be the source of Me tsh- here. Since the nasal disappeared early, the syllable
could then be used for words with original affricates.
v
S
eu, qi tsjuk, tshiek tsiuk, tshe(u)k tsiuk, tshiilk
tu eu tsjuk tsiuk tsiuk OCB *Stjiwk
1m

ji dziek dzek dziilk
e

eu tsjuk tsiuk tsiuk
k
l&l
eu tsjuk tsiuk tsiuk
l&l
df diek dek diilk
rs df diek dek diilk
m-X
shu ijuk diuk diuk OCB *djiwk
hi
ehu tshjuk tshuk thiuk
no

du tuok touk tfik
q
#X
jiiio tsjau, tsieu tsiau, tseu OCB *tsjiw
[D] Min *tsiau
14-19 = K. 1027 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
8:
ell tshjuk tshiuk tshuk
b
II
zao tsauc tsou
C
tsilkh
14-20 = K. 1029 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a m pass night Sll sjuk siuk suk 'pass the night'
[fJ ONW suk <> [DJ M-Xiam lit. siok
D1
, col. sik
D1
188
14 oeM *-uk (GSR 1016-1039)
m mansion XlU sj;m
C
siu
C
sukh ONW su
m see 1@1fm rou-xu 14-24
c #,@ suo sruk
IT] ONW <> [E] Khmer /c,:xx/ 'be straight'
d suo sruk
14-21 = K. 1030 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
14-22
a
cd
e
fg
h
ijk
14-23
a
d
9
h
m
k
rn
su sjuk siuk suk
[D] M-Xiam (lit.) siok
D1
<> [E] LB *C-sok 'morning'
= K. 1028 Mand. MC LHan OCM
m
su sjuk siuk siuk ONW suk
jiJlt su, sjuk, siuk, siuk,
shou su sriu ONW

til
xiu sj;m
C
siu
c
siuh or siukh
D,lix sieu
c
seuc siGh
panpipe Xlao sieu seu siG - 16-33/1 14ge'
IT] MHan siu; BTD seu; ONW seu; MTang siau > siau

xilio sieu seu siG
= K. 1034 Mand. MC LHan OCM

fu bjuk buk buk
return fu bjuk buk buk OCB *b(r)juk
IT] Sin Sukchu SR vu (A); MGZY hwu (A) [vul; MTang bvuk, ONW buk
fi repeat fu bj:m
c
bu
C
bukh

fu bjuk buk buk

fu pjuk puk puk [E] TB *pu:k 'cavern'
tl:
fu pjuk puk puk

fu phjuk phuk
phuk [E] TB *bu 'insect, snake'
fi turn over fu phjuk ph uk
ph uk
IT] MTang pfu, ONW phu <> [E] TB: WT 'bubs 'put on a roof' spub- 'turn over', PL *pup
'turn over, search for'
if cover fu
11 cover fu
bi
phj:m
C
phjau
C
bjak
phukh
phukh
bmk or bruk?
14-24 = K. 1036 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
rou mjuk muk muk
IT] Sin Sukchu SR mu (A); MGZY wu (A) [vu]; ONW muk; BTD titi! muk-gianB-lian
Skt. Maudgalyayana, Pkt. moggalHina <> [DJ PMin *J;I10kD2 <> [E] TB *mik - *myak 'eye'
'@"m alfalfa mu-xu mjuk-sjuk muk-siuk muk-suk) [SJ]
14-25 = K. 1035
a
Mand.
mu
MC
mjuk
LHan
muk
189
OCM
muk
15 oeM rime *-UI) Dong btl
GSR 1002 - 1015
Baxter 1992: 524 ff. (10.2.15)
See Table 13-1 for OCM rimes *-ul), *-uk, *-U in QYS categories.
No LHan high vocalic onset need be postulated with the high vowel u; however, j is inserted
after acute initials.
15-1 = K. 1006 Maud. MC LUau OCM
a ' gong kjul) kUl) kUl)
[T] ONW kUI) (also written gong 2} *kloI) in Shijing) <> [E] AA-Mon gloI) 'citadel, palace'
fe e gong kjul) kUl) kUl) [E) TB *guI) 'body'
hg g qlOng gjul) gUl) gUl)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR gjUI) (3Ji.); MGZY kyung ( ) [gjUI)]
15-2 = K. 1015 Maud. MC LUau OCM
$ xiang Val) gOl) grill)
a go down jiang kal)c kol)c krul)h [Tl ONW kal)
submit xiang yal) g::>1) grill) [T] ONW yaI)

jiang kal)c kol]c
d
Wf:
hong, yuol], gUl) go(u)l), grul) and many other readings
xiang, jiang gal), kal]C g/bl]C
f eminent long ljul) liul) rul) OCB *g-rjuI)
[E) Khm rUI) ' eminent'
thunder long Ijul) liul) rul) [E] JP rUI)3l 'rumbling'
g
11
long Ijul) liul) rul]
e

zhuang, trul]h,
hong
xUl)c hOl]c hOl]h
15-3 = K. 1002 Mand. MC LUau OCM
a dong tuol] toul] tal) [T) ONW tQuI)
teng duol) doul) dUl) [E) WT gduI)-ba 'feel pain'
e zhong tsjul) tsul) tUl)
[T) Sin Sukchu SR (3Ji. ), PR, LR MGZY jung (:lJL) ONW tSUI)
[E) Chepang dOI)?- 'to end, cease', KN-Lai dOl) / dO?I) 'to end'
f 1iilii zhong tsjul) tsul) tUl) < tjul)? = \5-4/JO\Oe
[E] WB: kjuiI)B 'locust'
15-4 = K. 1010 Maud. MC LUau OCM
a m zhong tsjul)C tSUl)c tUl)h = tjul)h ?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR (:t:), PR, LR MGZY jung (:t:) ONW tsuI)
e zhong tsjUl) tSUl) tUI) =tjul)? =
190
15 oeM *-ul] (OSR 1002-1015)
f

zhong, tsjUI], tsul], tUl),
c6ng dzu(o)l) dzo(u)l) dzul],dzol)
IS-S = K. 1011 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
Jf.
chong tshjul) tshUl) thul)
b
m
tong!
thUOl]c thoul)c
thul]h
IS-6 = K. 1007 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a cP middle zhong tjul) trul) OCB *k-Ijul)
[1'] Sin Sukchu SR (-'f), PR, LR MGZY jung (-'f) MTang ONW tUI]
f
jl
k
n
o
p
IS-7
[E] PMiao *ntr:)I]A
cP hit the mid. zhong
{$

r:P
JD\
zhong
zhong
zhong
chong
chong
chong!
tjul)C
"jul)C
tjul)
tjul)


"jul)
"jul)




"ul)
"ul)
trul]
trul]
thrul]
thrul),
drul]
drul]
= K. 1009 Mand. Me LHan oeM
[E] Tai: S. trol]AI ' faithful, loyal'
[E] WT chul]-ba ' young'
ca fi.> R ch6ng "jul) "UI) drul] < r-lul)
[1'] Sin Sukchu SR dzjul) (-'f), PR d7,ul); MGZY cyung (:1jL) [dzjul)]
EE. also writes ' snake' 28-23/1009. <> [E] TB *d-yul) bug
e ti t6ng duol) doul) lUI) = I 5-8/1 008e m
f
d
1'A t6ng duol] doul) lUI]
r6ng jiul] jUl) IUl)
[1'] ONW iUI] <> [E] TB: PL *7-101)1 'hot'
IS-8 = K. 1008
a
e fB
Mand.
r6ng
t6ng
Me
jiUI)
duol)
LHan
jUl)
doul)
oeM
lUI)
lUI)
15-9 = K. 100S Mand. Me LHan oeM
abgh -= b U,.JJa n6ng nuol) noul) nUl]
= I 5-7/1 00ge e
[1'] Sin Sukchu SR nUl) (:1jL ); MGZY fiung ( :1jL ) [I).UI)]; MTang nOI) , ONW naul)
n6ng nuol]
kl.fl:fl n6ng I)jwOI], I)iol) , nrol] ,
ij n6ng
nzjWOI] nOI)
I)jwOI), I)iol],
nOI]
nrol],
nUl) nOI] nOI]
[T] MTang nOI], ONW naul) <> [D] PMin *nh:lI)(C)
IS-10 = K. 1013 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a J.:X; r6ng nZJul) nUl) nUl]
PTai *hn- > S. n:):)I]AI 'pus'
[1'] Sin Sukchu SR rjul) Co/ ); PR rUI); MGZY Zhyung (-'f) (rjul)]; ONW nUl)
e r6ng nzjUI] nUl] nUl)
191
15 oeM *-ul) (GSR 1002-10 15)
15-11 = K. 1012 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

song sjul) siul) sUI)
15-12 = K. 1004 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
*
song SUOl)c soul)c sUl)h
15-13 = K. 1003 Mand. Me LHan oeM
_ A
a 7F zong tsuol) tsoul) tsul)
[f] Sin Sukchu SR tsul) (3jL); MGZY dzung (3jL ) [tSUI)]; ONW tSQul)
[E] WT rdzol)(s) 'castle, fortress '
[ ** zong, zong tSUOl)c tsoul)C tsul)h
g f* cong dzuol) dzoulJ dzul)
h *' chong dzrul)
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ( 3jL ); MGZY cung (3jL )
= 12-13/ 1190f '*
[E] Khmer /crol)/ 'to raise up', crUiIa /crool)/ 'be upright ' ; Riang ts;)r:Jl), Khasi jrol) ' high'
15-14 = K. 1014 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
tI
feng phjUI) phul) phul)
The phonetic element seems to be GSR 1197
e
B
[eng phjUI) phUI) phul)
15-15 = K. 1253a Mand. Me LHan oeM
a [eng phjUI)C phul)C phul)h or ph;)lJh
192
16 oeM rime *-au Xiao bii
GSR 1129 - 1171
Baxter 1992: 526 ff. (10.2.16)
Table 17-1 compares OCM finals *-ek, *-ak, *-auk, *-uk.
Table 16-1: Comparison of OCM rimes *-auk, *-uk, *-(i)au, *-(i)u
Div. *-auk R.17 *-uk R. 14 *-au R. 16
I yak gok *gauk illIi kau kou *kau
lak 10k *rauk ='IS mau mou *mau
7J tau tau *tau
I
if yuok gouk *gauk
kuok kouk *kilk
'!f. ?uok ?ouk *?1iuk
1l duok douk *dilk
i* luok louk *rauk
III 1)jak lJiok *lJauk *.1 kjuk kuk *kuk
t:"J ?jak ?iok *?iauk mjuk muk *muk
tshjak tshok *thauk 'r'r tjuk *truk
'm tsjak tsiok *tsiauk /\ Ijuk liuk *ruk
3/3
gjau3 giou *gau
gr
7::. ?jau
B
3 ?iou
B
*?au?
* pjau
B
3 piouB *pau?
III fill tsjau
C
tsau
C
*tauh
ac
IV -M diek deuk *liauk niek neuk *niilk ?ieu
C
?eu
C
*?iauh
liek leuk *riauk diek deuk *liilk l]ieu lJeu *l]iau
lIt dieu deu *liau
3/4
Wi ?jiau4 ?iou *?iau
phjiau4 phiau
*phiau
II
lJiIk lJ:>k *lJrauk yak g:>k *gnlk ::Q: kau kau *krau
!j[ tilk t:>k *trauk mau
c
mau
c
*mrauh
pilk p:>k *priauk l)au l)au *nrau
16-1 = K. 1129 Mand. MC LUan OCM
*-u R. 13, *-ukh R.14
Iff xau
B
houB *hil?
1l pauB poUB *pil?
m: dauB dOuB *lil?
Hili kau
C
kou
C
*kilkh
r- bjau bu *bu
m phjau
C
phu
C
*phukh
fit tsu *tu
m tsu
C
*tukh
;JJ liu *ru
If< kieu keu *kifi
rJ] ?ieu
B
?eu
B
*?iil?
teuB *tiil?
lieu leu *riil
t:J.j kjieu
B
4 kiuB *kiu?
mjeuq miuc *mriuh
ljeu liu *riu
ti1J ?au ?:>u *?riil
pau p:>u *pril
JT\ tsau B ts:>u
B
*tsril?
kilU
C
*krilkh
a high gao kfiu kau kfiu OCB *kaw
deh
[f] Sin Sukchu SR kaw (1JL); MGZY gaw ()jl) [kawJ; ONW kou. MHan illIi0t kou-buo
c
(Kabul)
raJ
height gao kfiu
c
kau
c
kfiuh

d J"iWl
gao k1l.u
B
kau
B
kfiu?
[E] Tai: S. khau
Al
'white, clear, pale'
193
16 oeM *-au

(GSR 1129-1171)
-fg frWjfg gao kauB kauB kau?
[D] PMin *g;)81 'rice straw'


gao
kau(C) kau(C) kau, kauh
jk k dried kao
khau
B
khau
B
khau?
an herb gao kauB kauB kau?
a' dried fish kIlo
khau
B
khau
B
khau?
m
kao khau
C
khau
C
kMuh
s
M
qiao
khau(C) khau(C)
khrau, khrauh
mn

hao vau gau gau
yz


hao Vau gou gau
0

hao VaUD gou
B
gau?
q
?t
hao xau hou hau
b'
Ifii
hao! xau hau hau? = l6-911l68b
v
i:
he xiik, yak h:Jk, v:Jk hrauk, grauk
u

he xuok, xiik houk,hok hauk
=-Er
i'ifi'il shout xiao xau
c
hau
c
hraukh or hiiuh ? =x
X

stern he xak, xak hok,h:Jk hriiuk
shrill xiao xau
c
hau
c
hraukh or Muh ? =t
c' j( hao, he xau
c
, xak houc,h:Jk haukh, hrauk
16-2 = K. 1244 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

gao kau kou kau
In\
b
tt
gu, zhuo kuok, tsjak kouk, tsak kauk - kiauk
[E] TB *kok 'bark, skin' > WB WT skog-pa - kog-pa 'shell, peel, rind'

qiao khjHiu 4, khieu kheu
khiau

yao jiiiu or jou jau

tl\\ '1\\
yao jiau
B
jou jau
16-3 = K. 1138 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ace

[PJ f1'ij "IE) qiao gjau 3 giou gau 'high, tall' OCB *fikCr)jaw
a arrogant jiao, kjau 3, kiou, kau,
qiao khjau 3 khiou
khau
Jilt
jiao kjau 3 kiau kau
jklm

jiao kjau
B
3 kiou
B
kau? rrJ ONW kau
d jiao gjau(C) 3 giau(C) gau,gauh
9
m bridge qiao gjau 3 giou gau
sweep jiao kjau
C
3 kiou
c
kauh
energel. jiao kjau
B
3 kiou
B
kau? 'energetic'
h
m
qiao gjau 3 giou gau
n

jiao, qiao kjau, gjau 3 kiou, giau kau, gau
0 high jiao kjau 3 kiou kau OCB *kCr)jaw
vigorous qiao khjau 3 khiou khau
a dog xiao hjau 3 hiou hau
p
#00
qiao khjau 3 khiou khau
q Rl martial jiao kjau
B
3 kiau
B
kau? OCB *k(r)jaw7
Rl sandal jue kjak kiak kauk =r
194
16 OCM *-au (GSR 1129-1171)
lEil conceit. jue gjak giok gauk
r
Jrjj jue kjak kiok kauk =q
16-4 = K. 1162 Mand. MC LHan oeM
ab jilio kieu
B
keu
B
kiiiu? = l6-611166y t&
d seek jiao kieu keu kiau
limit kieu
c
keu
c
kiauh
f

yao! kieu keu kiau
c DJi jiao kieu
c
, kiek keu
c
, kek kiauk, kiaukh
e

jiao, jf kieu
C
, kiek keu
c
, kek kiauk, kiaukh
9

qiao, qf khieu
c
, khiek kheu
C
, khek khiauk, khiaukh
h

qiao khieu
c
kheu
C
khiau(k)h
1258e zhuo tsjak tsok kiauk
16-5 = K. 1163 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a zhao, jiao kieu, tsjau keu, tsou kiau, kiau =
[E) Tai: Lao kiau
BI
'to reap, sickle', S. kiau
BI
'to cut with a sickle' khiau
A2
< *g- ' a sickle'
16-6 = K. 1166 Most or all words in this XS series could have had the OCM rime *-iau.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a jiao kau kau krau or kriau
[T] ONW kau <> [E] TB *rjaw > WB roB (= rauB) ' to mix, mingle', Kachin yau 'be mixed' 3t
kgjau 'to mix, intermix'. <> PYao *klaau
3
'to pay'
Imo X jiao kau kau krau
n
9
p
c
k
e
f
h
qruv
jiao kau kau
D5( cry JlaO kau kau
[E) TB: WB kro 'shout, call out', Lahu ku < *kru
D5( cry yao ?au ?au
[E] TB *a:w 'cry out'
krau
krau
?rau or ?au
D5( bite yao I)au
B
I)au
B
I)rau?
OCB*kraw
[D) PMin *gau
B
: Amoy ka
C2
, ]Hingle hau
9
<> [E] TB: Chepang I)aawh ' to bite'
qiao khau khau khrau 'tibia, spoke of a wheel'
[D) Min 'foot': *khau
AI
> Amoy kha
AI
jiao kauB kauB krau?
[E) TB: WB kro kyo 'to fry', JP krau
33
'dry up, overdry' 3t klPI-rau
33
'dry over a fire'
t.& twist jilio kauB kau
B
krau?
a band xiao yau gau grau
r:x: Jlao
kauB kauB
krau?
1x beautiful jiao kauB kauB
krau?
fJx beautiful jiao ! kauB kauB krau?
immoral xiao yau gau grau
1X
jiao kauc kauc
krauh
3<:11:
xiao yauC gauC grauh
foot oft. xiao yau(B/C) gau(B/C)
grau, grau?, grauh
school xiao
yauC gauC grauh 3t 16-711l67h
foot fetters j iao kauc
kau
c
krauh
quickly jiao kauB kau
B
krau?
195
16 oeM *-au

(GSR 1129-1171)
xy jiao kieu
B
keu
B
kiiiu? = 16-411162b OCB *kew?
b' bars jue kc1k bk kriiuk = 16-7/ 1167m
compare
kauc kauc kriiukh (or kriiuh ?)
z 9:
yao ?ieu
B
?eu
B
?iiiu?
a'

yilO ?ieu
C
?eu
C
?iiiuh = 16-101l141j
[E) TB Mru iu (i.e., ?iu) 'dark'
16-7 = K. 1167 Most or all words in this XS could have had the OCM rime *-iau.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
ade yao yau gau griiu
fbi jIaO kauc kauc kriiuh * 16-6/ 1166i
[f) Sin Sukchu SR kjaw C'F*); MGZY (gyaw gyaw (-'F*) [kjaw); ONW kau
[D) Min *kau
c
; Kejia *kau
A1
. GSR 1167fg have additional BI forms.
jue kc1k bk kriiuk = 16-61l166b' !li5t:
16-8 = K. 1041p-t 13-3/l04Ia kao ""7 OCM khfi? is semantic and therefore not necessarily phonetic.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
p.!if hllO yiiu
C
yauC [SW]
q '5JfG cry out hao yiiu you fiiiu OCB *gaw
[E) TB *gaw - *kaw 'shout'
'5JfG call hllO yiiuC yauC fiiiuh OCB *gaws
[f) Sin Sukchu SR yaw (* ); MGZY Xaw (*) [yaw]; ONW you
r nfj noise hao yiiu you fiiiu
vast xiao xjau 3 hiau hau
s xiao
xiao
xjau 3
jau 3
hiau
wau
hau
wau MC jau 3 is a unique syllable
16-9 = K. 1168 16-7/1167) is not phonetic, nor is 13-31041 *khfi?
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
b

xiao
16-10 = K. 1141 Mand. Me
a *- bend yao ?jau
B
3
*- tender yao ?jau 3
[f) ONW tau 'delicate, slender'
*- newborn ao ?auB
c M tender yao ?jau 3
f 7JJ;" yao ?jau
B
3
[fl ONW tau 'break off, die'
degh yao ?jau 3
k
m
yao ?ieu
B
yao, yao ?ieu(B/C)

Yf;.

= 16-6/l166a'
yao, ao
WQ
wu
?iiu
B
?uok
?uok
LHan
?iau
B
?iau
?au
B
?iau
?iau
B
?iau
?eu
B
?eu(B/C)
?au
B
?ouk
?ouk
196
hriiuh
hiiu? = 16-J / 1l29b'
oeM
?au?
?au =c
?au? = k
?au =a
?au?
OCB *?(r)jaw
?au [fl ONW tau
?iiiu?
?iiiu, ?iiiu?, ?iiiuh
?iiu? = a
?auk OCB *?awk
?auk
16 oeM *-au (GSR1129-1171)
1242a jj( satiate yu ?jwo
C
?ah = 1-28/6Ie
16-11 = K. 1142 Mand. MC LHan OCM
ab 1 waist yao ?jiau 4 ?iuu ?iau OCB *7jew
[f] ONW 7iau <> [E) PTai *7eu, S. sa-7eew 'waist'
import. yao ?jiau
C
4 ?iuu
C
?iauh
[T] Sin Sukchu SR 7jew Clf); MGZY yaw (If) [7jcw] 'must, have to, want, will '
ed yao ?jiau 4 ?iuu ?iau
16-12 = K. 1140
a :H clamor
clamor
16-13 = K. 1130
ae

efgk
h
Mand. MC LHan OCM
xiao xjau 3 hiuu hau
ao I)au I)uu I)au
Mand. MC LHan OCM
a6 I)au I)uu I)au
a6 I)au I)uu I)au
a6 I)au I)uu I)au
[E] ST *IJau: TB *r-IJaw (STC no. 270) > WT rIJod-pa, brIJos 'to parch, roast, fry'
jrno
I
d

ao I)uu
reckless ao, yao I)au, I)au I)au, lJau I)au, I)rau
jest ao l)au
C
l)uu
C
I)auh
WZ
ao l)au
C
l)au
C
I)auh
[T] Sin Sukchu SR IJaw ($:); PR aw; LR aw; MGZY ngaw ($:) [IJaw]
16-14 = K. 1164 Mand. MC LHan OCM
-a

yao I)ieu I)eu I)iau OCB *IJew
[f] BTD IJeu; ONW nIJeu
b dwarf yao I)ieu I)eu I)iau
luck jiao kieu
B
keu
B
kiau?
Ino

rao flzjau flau I)iau
rn

nao, rao nzjau nau I)iau
k

rao nzjau
B
naUB I)iau? OCB **IJjew
[T] ONW nau; MTang nau
qr

nao ndiu or nriau
p moar rao flzjau nau nau or niau
[E) MK: Khmer thnaol 'punting pole'
m bend nao! nrauh or nriauh
m
shao sJau sau, tshuU I)hiau or nhiau ? GCB **hIJjew
[f] BTD sau; ONW sau; Sin Sukchu SR elf), PR MGZY shew en
[0] PWMin *tshiau, PEMin *siau 'roast'
s
m
nao, hao I:lau
B
!, xau I:lauB,hau nrau?, hnau or hau 16-2711152a
h

qiao gjiau 4 giau giau
e
m
jiao kieu keu kiau
d
iii
qiao khieu kheu khiau
ij

qiao, qiao khau, khieu
B
khau, kheu
B
khriau
e

xiao xieu heu hiau
197
16 oeM *-au (OSR 1129-1171)
f Xlao xieu
B
heuB hiau?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR xjew (J:.), PR xjaw; MGZY hyaw (...t) [xjcw)
[E] PYao hiu
3
'to know'; MK-Viet. hieu 'to know'
9 xiao xieu(B) heu(B) hiau, hiau?
16-15 = K. 1131/2 Mand. Me LHan oeM
1131 a )] knife dao tau tau tau OCB *taw
[f] ONW tau <> [E] ? Area word or CH loan: e.g. , TB-Karen *?do 'knife', JP n
31
-d0
31
'short
knife', Viet. daw 'sword', Stieng taaw. For dao jljlJJiJJJ 'small boat', see under 1O-21125a
)]::J flutter diao tieu teu tiau
c t7J dao tau tau tau [f] Khot. ttava
d 0)] tao thau thou thau
1132a Uff dllO tauC tauC tauh
[f] Sin Sukchu SR taw ($:); MGZY daw ($:) [taw); ONW tau
c fiU dao tauB/C tauB/c tau?, tauh [f] ONW tau
[E) TB: JP du
55
'to pour (from a pot)', PVM *toh 'to pour' <> Tai: S. tokDIS 'to fall down'
d iiI zhuo tauC, tau
C
, taukh, trauk
1131 e B call zhao <:ijau
C
drauh OCB *drjaws
[E] Tai: S. riak
A2
'call'
Pl.N. shao zjau
C
dzau
c
dauh
ttl zhao tsjau tsau tau [f] ONW tsau
q g zhao tsjau
C
tsauc tauh
j chao thiau thrau OCB *thrjaw
[f) BTD thau; ONW thau; MTang t.hau
chao
tshjau tshau
thrau,
thau
k yao jiau jau lau or jau
c' diao tieu teu tiau
d' B a pea tiao dieu deu diau
reed diao tieu teu tiau
e':fg tao dau dau dau
m 8jg bright zhao tsjau tsau tiau < kiau OCB *tjaw
[N] Acc. to SW zhao jil iJ (tsjHiu, kieu) is a loan graph for Del, therefore the OC stem was prob.
*kiau (not *tiau), note also the allofams jiao and qiao im )
BB glorious zhao tsjau
B
tsau
B
tiau? < kiau?
BB shrined chao zjau dzau diau < giau
no m zhao tsjau
C
tsauc tiau < kiauh
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ($:); MGZY jew ($:) ONW tsau
r sickle zhao tsjau tsau kiau ! = 16-511 163a jiliJ
p m pool zhao tsjau
B
tsauB tau? OCB *tjaw?
zhao tsjau
C
tsau
c
tauh OCB *tjaws
s chao tshjau(B) tshau(B) thau, thau?
dauh shao zjau
C
dzau
c
z m
a'b'
16-16 = K. 1133
a
shao
shao
Mand.
dao
zjau
B
zjau
Me
dau
C
dzau
B
dzau
LHan
dau
c
198
dau?
dau
oeM
dauh OCB *daw(k)s
16 oeM *-au (GSR 1129-1171)
16-17 = K. 1143 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a morning zhao tjau trau OCB *trjaw
[fl ONW tau <> [E) Tai: S. phrau
A2
< *br- 'morning'
audience chao q.jau q.iou drau OCB *fitrjaw
d chao q.jau q.iou drau
1160a mjau
C
3 miouc mrauh OCB *m(r)jaws
[E] ? MY *prau
2
< *br- 'house'
16-18 = K. 1146 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

zh!1O q.jau
B
diou
B
drau?
16-19 = K. 1147 Mand. Me LHan oeM
!..
chao q.jau q.iou drau a f@.
16-20 = K. 1145 Mand. Me LHan oeM
abc zhao q.jau
B
q.iou
B
drau? < r-lau? OCB *drjaw?
dg
u
v
xy
s
z
o
[El TB: Chepang hraw?- 'forebode, potend ill fortune, be ill'
yao jiau jau lau

tao dau dou
[E] MY *glaau
3A
'peach'
ill, tao dau dou
tao dau dau
7Jt pour tao! thau thou
[fl ONW thou <> [E] PMiao *?leu?A 'to pour'
PI.N. dao dauB dauB
7Jt a lake yao jiau [GYj
Ujt
,ljt
tao, ti!1O
tao, dao
dau, thieu
c
dau(B)
lau
lau
lau
lhau
Jau?
lau, lhiauh
laue?)
jJt provoke tiao thieu theu lhiau
OCB *g-law
'name of a lake'
[f] Sin Sukchu SR t'jew (1jZ), PR t'jaw; MGZY thyaw (1jZ) [t'jcw] . MHan phok-deu?/-
theu < *ph6k-liau? Pukalavati, flEuKEAuwnc;
caper diao dieu
B
deuB
restless tao thau thou
liau?
lhiiu
h hoe tiao, qiao thieu, tshjau theu, tshiou lhiau, slhiau
Ii au
ik
jIm
n
r
p
q
lance tiao

tiao
tiao
1jE usurp tiao, tiao
go/come tiao

diao

tiao !
I perfor. tiao!
dieu deu
thieu theu
thieu
c
theu
C
thieu, dieu theu, deu
dieu(B) deu(B)
dieu
B
deuB
dieu deu
dieu
B
deuB
yao-tiao ?ieuB-dieu
B
?euB-deuB
small tiao thieu theu
16-21 = K. 1144 Mand.
abc yao
Me
jiau
LHan
jou
199
lhiau
lhiauh
lhiau, liiiu
liau, liau?
liau?
liau
liau?
?iut-Jiu? ?
Ihiau
oeM
jau
'perforate'
- 'beautiful'
16 OCM *-au 1Hm (GSR 1129-1171)
defhijkl-
9 f.t
yao Jlau jau jau
m
n
o
[f] Sin Sukchu SR jew (3jZ); MGZY yew (3jZ) Oew] ; ONW iau <> [D] Min *iau
[E] TB: WT g-yo-ba 'to move, shake, change place'
yao jiau
C
jau
C
jauh
,* follow yao jiau jau
jau
OB pron. zhou <;Ij;m
C
<;Iu
C
druh < r-Iuh or r-juh ?
' oracle pronouncement' ; loan for you 13-3011079 EI3
you ji;)u ju
JU
16-22 = K. 114ge The element IJ\ is semantic (so SW), not phonetic; MC s- and s- do not mix
inXS.
Mand. Me LUan oeM
e jr few shao sjau
B
sauB hjau ? OCB *h(l)jew?
[T] ONW sau <> [D] Min-Amoy tsio
S3
jr young shao sjau
C
sau
c
hjauh ?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR (..1), PR MGZY shew (1:.) ONW sau
'fY chao [D] M *tshau
B
16-23 = K. 1135 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a # toil lao Hiu lou diu
[f] Sin Sukchu SR law ( 3jZ); MGZY law (3jZ) [law]
# recomp. lao lauc lauc rauh
lao lauc lauc
b * liao lieu leu riau
= 11-24/ 1151p <> [T] ONW leu
16-24 = K. 1151 Mand. Me LUan oeM
ab Jl b liao Ijau
C
liau
c
riauh
[T] Sin Sukchu SR 1jew (IF L), PR ljaw; MGZY lew (L:*) [lew]
e liao, liao Ijau(C),lieu
C
liau(C), leu
c
riau, riauh, riauh
h-i liao lieu(B) leu(B) riau, riiiu'?
liao, liao Ijau
B
, lieu
B
liauB,leu
B
riau?, riau? 16-6/ 1166kjirlO r.a.
9
f cure li llO Ijau
C
liou
c
riaukh = 17-811125a
o
s
p
[E] TB: Mru rok / tarok ' to cure'
li ao lieu (B)
lao, liao
lao, liao
liao
lauB, lieu
lau, lieu
lieu
liao lieu
= 11-23/1\35b <> [T] ONW leu
lauB, leu
lou, leu
leu
leu
riau, riau?
raul, riau
ra u, riau
riau
riau
uv mt v lao lauB lOUD raul
16-25
7
Mand. Me LHan oeM
liao lieu
B
leuB
[f] ONW leu; MTang liau > li au; MGZY lew
B
, ZYYY Ijew, Sin-SR Ijew
B
, PR ljaw; LMing
General and Southern liau <> [E] Viet rbi 'finished ' , Lang-Io Tai : S. lew
5
200
16 oeM *-au
11fim
(GSR 1129-1171)
16-26 = K. 1245 Mand. Me LHan oeM
c
*4
IHw lieu(C) leu(C) riau(h) or riG(h)
d

liao lieu leu riau or riG
16-27 = K. 1152 13-1411071 you looks like the phonetic that includes the drawing of a
person that, however, is later interpreted as 'monkey' and hence applied to nao.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
b nao nau nou nau
= 13-48/ 1105g 1*; 13-49 (*nO)
a tf rao nzjau
B
nou
B
nau? * 16-1411 164s nao m
16-28 = K. 1244 Mand. Me LHan oeM

nao nau
B
nou
B
nau?
= 16-1411 164s nao m <> [T] ONW nau <> [E) WB nok 'dirty, foul, turbid' <> [N] Also
related to 25-34/ 189a tIS{ nuan, *nron 'to quarrel' [SW]
f nao nau
B
nou
B
or nou
B
nau? or nG? = 16-28A
[T] Sin Sukchu SR naw CU; MGZY naw (J:. ) [naw]. <> [E] TB *nuk 'brain'
16-28A = K. 1244g Mand. Me
nau
B
LHan oeM
g:lEU nao nou
B
or nou
B
nau? or nG? = 16-28f
16-29 = K. 1244 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ij nao I)au I) au nrau
[N] The fr. element is semantic ('woman' = moral terpitude) and not (primarily) phonetic.
16-30 = K. 1134 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ac sao sauc souc sauh
e sao sau sou sau
[T] ONW sou <> [D] Min-Arnoy ts
h
0
55
<> [E] TB *sa:w
f fMk sao sau sou, S tshou sau - C-sau ?
[D] PMin *tshou 'rank, fishy' <> [E] TB *saw - *su 'rot, decay'
d i* zao sauB/C souB/c sau?, sauh
m grasp cao tshau ! tshou tshau ONW tshau
principle cao tshau
C
tshou
C
tshauh
t* cao tshau
B
tshoU
B
tshau? < C-sau?
also written 38-29/647e 'Ifl
gnhi zao tsau
B
tsou
B
tsau?
[T] MHan yuoC-tsou? = waxsab <> [E] MY *ntslaau
3
B/c ' to wash (bathe)'
jk zao tsauc tsou
c
tsauh
16-31 = K. 1148 The OC rime could also be *-iau.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a jiao tsjau tsiou tsau
[T] Sin Sukchu SR tsjew (ljI); PR tsjaw; MGZY dzyaw en [tsjcw]
b 11* roast J1ao tsjau tsiou tsau
[E] TB *tsyow > WT 'tshod-pa - 'tsho-ba 'cook in boiling water, bake'
11* torch jue, zhuo tsjak, tsiok, tsauk, tsrauk
201
16 oeM *-au

(GSR 1129-1171)
c undersl. jiao tsjau
C
tsiau
C
tsauh 'understand'
dwarf qiclo dzjau dziau dzau
df jiao tsjau
C
tsiau
C
tsauh
eg

jiao tsjau tsiau tsau
hj
qiao dzjau dziau dzau

qlao dzjau dziau dzau
[D) PMin*dzhau: Xiam lit. ts
h
ai
A2
, col. ts
h
a
A2
k Om chew jiao dzjau
C
dziau
C
dzauh
reduced jiao tsjau tsiau tsau
cry jiu tsiu tsu
1m

zhuo tsrauk
16-32 = K. 1169 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
j4
chao d?-au dzrau
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ( 1jZ); MGZY caw (1jZ) <> [E) MY *rau
2
' nest'
b jU snatch chao tshrau
cut off jHio tsjau
B
tsiau
B
tsau?
c :lWJ snatch chao d?-au d?-au tshrau, dzrau
weary jiiio tsjau
B
tsiau
B
tsau?
d

sao sau sou sau
e
fi
zao tsauB tsau
B
tsau? = 16-301l134n
16-33 = K. 1149 In some words, the rime could be OC *-au. See also 16-2211 14ge y.
Mand. MC LHan OCM
a IJ \ Xlao sjau
B
siau
B
siau? OCB *s(l)jew?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR sjew (1:.), PR sjaw; MGZY syaw <-1::. ) [sjcw]; ONW siau
9 resemble xiao sjau
C
siauc siauh
disperse xiao sjau siau siau
hjk
11i f!oJWf
xiao sjau siau siau [f] ONW siau. OCB *s(l)jew
mno

xiao sjau siau siau

,"
xiao sjau, sieu siau, seu siau, siau
X

xiao sieu seu siau
a'b'

shao sriau
y
tf13
shiio sriau
z

shao sauc sriauh
c'

scrape xui!, xue, xiao sjak, sjau
C
siak, siauc siauk, siaukh [E] LB *sok 'scrape'

a zone shao sriauh
d'

xiao, sieu, seu, siau,
shuo,shao sriau, sriauk
e'

panpipe xiao sieu seu siau - 14-221l028h; * 17-7/ 1119a

a music shuo sriauk
pqr qiao tshjau
C
tshiau
c
tshiauh < k-siauh ?
s

qiao tshjau
B
tshiau
B
tshiau? < k-siau? ?

qiao! dzjau
C
dziau
c
dziauh
u .iEl!! hasten zhao <,ljau
B
<,liau
B
driau?
.iEl!! pierce diao dieu
B
deuB
diau?
202
16 oeM *-au (GSR 1129-1171)
16-34 = K. 1150 Ace. to ShuQwen, the element 7::. is not phonetic.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a xHIO sjau
C
siauc, S tshjau
C
sauh or siauh
[DJ PMin *tshiau
C
16-35 = K. 1153 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
*
biao pjau
B
3 piauB pau?
[fJ MHan pau; BTD pau; ONW pau; MTang pau
16-36 = K. 1154 biao - see 13-71
16-37 = K. 1155 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a

biao pjiau 4 piau piau
16-38 = K. 1156 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a ,G biao pjiau 4, pjieu 4 piau, piu piau, piu
16-39 = K. 1157 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab
c
d
j
f
9
h
e
flames piao phjiau phiau phiau
f;f!fi
JIYJ""'
lim
I>r-
'l'tlY
""
dry piao phjiau
C
phiau
C
phiauh
biao pjiau 4 piau piau
[EJ Tai: S. pleeu
A1
< *pl- 'flame' <> MK: Pearic phlaw - phlew 'fire'
biao pjiau 4 piau piau
piao phjiau
B
4 phiau
B
phiau?
piao phjiau(C) 4 phiau(C) phiau, phiauh
piilO phjiau
C
4 phiau
c
phiauh
quick piao phjiau
C
4 phiau
c
phiauh
tip piao, phjiau 4, phiau, phiau,
biao pjiau
B
4 piau
B
piau?
piao phjiau 4 phiau phiau
piao phjiau 4 phiau phiau OCB *phjew
plao bjiau 4 biau biau
[DJ Min: Fuzh phiu
A2
, Ji!in'ou phiau
c1
; Hakka phiau
A2
, Guangzh phiu
A2
[EJ MK: Viet beo 'duckweed', WMon bew 'to ride Iowan the water'
III wind n. piao,biao bjiau,pjiau 4 biau, piau biau, piau
OCB *sjaws
[EJ TB *pyaw > WT 'phyo-ba 'swim, soar, float'. <>? PTai *pliu
A1
'float in the air'
k
m blow piao phjiau 4 phiau phiau
piao bjiau 4 biau biau
fall biilO bjiau
B
4
crush piao, pao phjiau 4,
phieu, phau
lay down pao
ph
au
beckon biao pjiau 4
biau
B
phiau,
pheu, ph;:m
ph;:)U
piau
biau?
phiau,
phiiiu, phriiiu
phriiiu
pIau
16-40 = K. 1170 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

deer pao bau bau briiu 'kind of deer'
ab run biao pjau 3 piau pau 'to run' OCB *p(r)jaw
cde
illHI
biao pjau 3 piau pau
203
16 oeM *-au

(GSR 1129-1171)
f9 sltl
piao phjiau
B
4 phiau
B
phiau7
16-41 = K. 1137 Mand. Me LHan oeM
aecf mao mau mou mau
'f: [T] Sin Sukchu SR maw (.ljZ); MGZY maw (.ljZ) [maw]; ONW mau
[E] TB *r-maw 'hair', Kachin nmun nmau 'beard', LB *m;)w? 'hair'
9
E vegetable mao mau mou mau
cook mao mauc mouc mauh OCB *maw(k)s
h

mao
mauc mouc mauh OCB *maw(k)s
Bt
mao, mauc, mouc, maukh,
mo mak, mak mok mrauk
1't diminish hao xau
c
hou
c
hmauh
senile mao mauc mouc Coblin 1983:218
k ;ft hao xau
c
hou
c
hmauh
16-42 = K. 1171 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab

mao mauc mauc mrauh
c m small miao mjiau
B
4 miau
B
miau7
far mo mak mok mrauk
d

miao! mak mok mrauk
16-43 = K. 1159 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
m
miao mjau 3 miou mau OCB *m(r)jau
b
JEi3
= 16-1711160a
c

mao mau, mjau 3 mau mau
[T] Sin Sukchu SR maw (.ljZ); MGZY maw, mew (l]I) [maw - mew]
16-44 = K. 1158 The element & is semantic, hence it is only partially phonetic.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
acd it9ty{fy miao mjiau
B
4 miou
B
miau7
e

miao mjiau
B
4 miou
B
miau7 = 16-4511161a
b miao mjiau
C
4 miouc miauh ONW miau
16-45 = K. 1161 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

miao mjiau
B
4 miouB miau7 = 16-4411158e ill'}
204
17 oeM rime *-auk Yao bu
GSR 1117 - 1128
Baxter 1992: 532 ff. (10.2.17)
See Table 16-1 for comparison of OCM rimes *-auk, *-uk, *-(i)au, *-(i)u. The rime is mostly
*-iauk, rarely *-auk. A diphthong in a short-stopped syllable goes against the structure of the
CH language; perhaps the rime was really reduced to *-Jk, which in LHan had changed to -uk,
occasionally to *-ouk.
In this OC rime, retroflex initials do not exist in QYS Div. III (tjak < *-auk), they must have
shifted into Div. II (QYS therefore derives from OCM *trauk, not trauk.
Table 17-1: Comparison of OCM rimes *-ek, *-ak, *-auk, *-uk
Div. *-ek R.8 *-ak R.2 *-auk R.17 *-uk R.14
I :fr kak kak *kak t! yak gak *gauk
lrl kwak kuak *kwak lak lak *rauk
mlak lak *rak
mak mak *mak
I
1f yuok gouk *gauk
is- kuok kouk *kuk
tJ( ?uok ?ouk *?auk
'll duok douk *duk
i'luok louk *rauk
III khjak khiak *khak m I)jak IJiak *IJauk kjuk kuk *kuk
11 kjwak kyak *kwak ti"J ?jak ?iak *?iauk mjuk muk *muk
(i/f. bjwak buak *bak) tshjak tshak *thauk t'r ljuk *truk
'iif
<;Ijak <;Iiak *drak tsjak tsiak *tsiauk /\ Ijuk liuk *ruk
III liliJ ts
h
j1ik tshiek *tshek
:p zj1ik dZak *dak
ac jek *Iek
ljj; ji1ik jak *jak
1)!: jiw1ik wek *wek
1%J dzj1ik zak *m-Iak
57 zj1ik ziak *s-jak
3/4
?ji1ik4 ?iek *?ek
gr
{l'f pji1ik4 piek *pek
IV kek *kek diek deuk *liauk niek neuk *niuk
kiwek kuek *kwek :fl1!1liek leuk *riauk diek deuk *Iiuk
iff liek lek *rek
miek mek *mek
II :1m kck kck *krek '% khnk khak *khrak
IJak IJJk *IJrauk yak gJk *gruk
'lI ywck yuck *wrek '{; <;Ink .dak *drak .$ tak tJk *trauk
JW mck mck *mrek I3" pnk pak *prak pak PJk *priauk
*tsrek
3 kjnk kiak *krak
pj1ik3 piak *prak ?
This table shows how OC *-auk has merged in MC with reflexes of other OC rimes. It further
suggests how in Div. III the rime *-auk > jak has pushed the expected MC Div. III -jak (from
*-ak) final over into MC -jak after acute initials where it merged with finals deriving from
OC *-ek.
205
17-1
a
b
c
d
= K. 1117 Mand.
W
he
II
he
tt
que
Pi
que
17 OCM *-auk
Me
yuok
yak
kiik
khiik
(GSR 1117-1128)
LHan oeM
gouk gGk or gauk
guk < guuk gauk =glauk
kak kriiuk
khak khrauk
17-2 = K. 1118 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a nue IJ.iak I)iuk <I)iuuk I)auk OCB *I](r)jawk
c iff! nue IJ.iak I)iuk I)auk
[E] Tai: S. IJak-I]ak 'shivering' * hI]ak-hI]ak 'shivering' (as from ague)
d xue xjak hiuk hlpuk
17-3 = K. 1165 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a 93 condol. diilO tiek, tieu
C
tek, teu
C
tiauk, tifiukh
y. brother shu J.f;l( see 14-18b
[N] In the BI, if; writes shU LHan suk 'junior brother, younger uncle' (14-18); the graph
originally was designed for *nhiuk 'to harvest' .
d zhao, diilO tsjau tsau tiau
17-4 = K. 1126 The default rime in this series was prob. -iauk.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a .$: zhuo t::>k trauk
[f] Sin Sukchu SR LR MGZY jwaw CA) ONW tlik
b 1* zhuo trauk
cdf chuo thrauk
9 * chuo thfiuk OCB *thjawk
tshjak tshuk
zhao traukh tauC
1$: nao nrauh
m move diao diau?, difiuh dieu
B
/
C
deu
B
/
C
arrange nao
'I:$: dao dau
C

duu
C
nrauk
dfiukh
17-5 = K. 1120 This phonetic writes words of the type (C-)jauk. See also 17-16/1244k.
a
b
d
c
f
9
e
hij
kl
Mand. Me LHan oeM
kJ ladle shao ijak diuk diauk < giauk =b
kJ to ladle zhuo tsjak tsuk tiauk < kiauk =d
:fS shao ijak diuk diauk < giauk
[E] TB *s-kyok 'ladle' > WT skyogs-pa 'scoop, ladle', WB yok 'ladle', JP tf0 31 'ladle'

zhuo tsjak tsuk tiauk < kiauk
1"J ladle shao, zhuo, tsjak, zjak, tsuk, diuk, tiauk, diauk, = kiauk, d/ giauk
yue jiak juk <juuk jauk
zhuo tsjak tsuk tiauk
yue jiak jok <jouk jauk
zhuo, shao tsjak, zjak tsuk, iok tiauk, diauk (or *ki-)
df tiek tek tifiuk
diao tieu
c
teuC
tiaukh
[E] Tai: S. tok
DI
' to angle, fish with hook and line'
206
17 oeM *-auk (GSR 1117-1128)
m bind yue ?jak ?,iok < ?iouk ?iauk
[E] ? TB: WB yok 'wind around, as thread'
bond ?jiau
C
4 ?iou
C
?iaukh ?
n 1.19 yue, wo ?jak, ?ilk ?,iok, ?:Jk ?iauk, ?riiiuk
17-6 = K. 1119 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ac liMli yue jiak jok <jouk jauk 'flute' OCB *Ijewk
OeM *j- is based on the assumption that yue is related to 16-33/114ge' sill.u 'flute' (= sjau).
For an explanation of the graph's top element, see 38-3.
fg 1mrtml yue jiak jok jauk
de yue jiak jok jauk
h. yu jiu
C
joC jokh
17-7 = K. 1124 Mand.
a it df
c df
Me
diek
diek
[D] M-Xiam tia?D2, Y -Guangzh tck
d
f
9
mn
1(
Nr
fl

WI
tl, df thiek, diek
tl, yue thiek, jiak
zhuo d1lk
dieu
c
tillO thieu
c
LHan oeM
dek < deuk liiiuk
dek liiiuk
thek, dek Ihiiiuk, liiiuk
thek, jok Ihiiiuk, liauk
d:Jk driauk < r-liauk
deuc liiiukh
theu
C
Ihiiiukh
[D] M-Xiam thioCl, Y -Guangzh thiu
C
, K-Meix thiau
C
e !Ii t1 -t1 thiek-thiek thek Ihiiiuk
ijk Bl11Ur
h

q tl
YllO
zhuo
zhao
zhao
jiau
C



jau
C
liaukh

driauk < r-liauk
dau
c
driaukh < r-liaukh
dau
c
draukh < r-laukh
OCB *Iewk
OCB *Ija/ewk
OCB *Irewk
17-8 = K. 1125 The phonetic is Ii 'oak' *riauk, hence it writes words like *riauk, *rauk and
*jauk. See EDOCIntr. 7.2.1; this Intro. 9.2.5.
ai
a
j
k
d
e
9
P
1
no
Mand. Me LHan oeM
1 > Ii liek lek < leuk riiiuk 'oak'
joy Ie liik, I)au
c
10k, I)au
c
rauk, I)raukh
[T] Sin Sukchu SR law C\), LR law?; MGZY law (.7\) [law]; ONW 10k
See EDOClntro. S.2.; S.4.
music yue I)ak I):Jk I)rauk
cure liao Ijau
C
, lak liau
c
, 10k riaukh, rauk ?
= 16-2411 ISlfJ$! <> [E] Mru rok / tarok 'to cure'
pebbles Ii liek, lak lek, 10k
Ii liek, lak lek, 10k
W

1*



Ii, Ie
Ie
lu
yao
shuo, Ii
shuo
liek,liik
lak
luok
jiak
sjak, liek
sjak
lek,lok
10k
louk
jok
sok,lek
sok
207
riauk
riauk
riiiuk
rauk
rauk (or nlk?)
jauk
hjauk, riiiuk
hjauk
OCB *g-rawk
[T] ONW I)ak
= 16-24111Slf
= 2-1 /766u :Ed
[T] ONW iak
[T] ONW sak
17 OCM *-auk (GSRI1l7-1l2S)
17-9 = K. 1123 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a ruo nzjak nuk < nuuk niauk
[T] Sin Sukchu SR rjaw CA.), LR rjaw?; MGZY Zhew ( A ) [rew]; ONW flak
b
c
d
e
17-10


[E] WT nog-nol) ' soft, tender, weak'
ruo nzjak nuk
nl niek nek
sink nl niek nek
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ni CA. ); MGZY ni ( A ) [nil
urine niao
fr; niao
Mand.
nieu
c
nieu
B
Me
neuC
neuB
LHan
I7R
niao nieu
c
neuc
niauk
niauk
niauk
niau(k)h
niau?
oeM
niau(k)h
[E] PTai *li.- - n-: S. jiau
B2
' to urinate', Saek pUU
B2
17-11 = K. 1128 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a to bore zuo, zao dzak dzak dzauk
[E] TB-WB chok ' chisel'
a hole zao dzau
c
dzuu
c
dzaukh
zuo tsak tsuk tsauk
b
m
zuo tsak tsuk tsauk
17-12 = K. 1121 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
JJ Jue tsjak tsiuk tsiauk
= 17-13/1122a 1!ti <> [T] ONW ts(i)ak
01% Jlao dzjak dziuk dziauk
[D] PMin *dzhiak 'to eat'
e
m
jue dzjak dziuk dziauk
f
fit
zhu6 tsak tpk tsrauk
gh

tsjau
C
tsiau
C
tsiaukh
17-13 = K. 1122 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
'* sparrow que
tsjak tsiuk tsiauk
17-14 = K. 1136 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
bao bau
c
buu
c
baukh
ab pu buk bok b6k
[E] ? TB-Lushai phOH 'to dry or air in sunshine'
c

bao bau
c
buu
c
baukh
d
fi
bu, b6 puok, pak pouk,puk pauk
e
UJ
b6 pak p:Jk pauk
17-15 = K. 1127 Mand. MC LHan oeM
= 17-101*
= 17-9/1123d
OCB *tsjewk
= 17-12/1121a JJ.
' violent' OCB *bawks
'expose to sun'
(no *r, onomatopoetic)
ac b6 pak p:Jk prauk OCB *pra/ewk
[E] TB: WB prok 'be speckled, spotted' 3t ;)-prok 'decoration', Mikir phrok 'speckled', JP
pnl?, Mru preu 'of mixed color'. <> [N] 16-6/1166 could be phonetic.
20S
17 oeM *-auk i ~ ~ (GSR 1117-1128)
17-16 =K.1244k MC LHan OCM
k ~ " J
baa pau
c
pau
c
praukh
[N] SW says that 17-5 kJ is phonetic. In GY, this element writes also words of the type
*pr(i)auk, piau (always Div. IV, i.e., OC medial *i), hence 17-15 and 17-16 could have had
an OC medial *i. Cognate to 17-15/1127 . ~ .
209
18 oeM rime *-ai Ge bu (1)
GSR 1 - 31; 349 - 360
Baxter 1992: 413 ff. ( 1 0.1.3)
See Table 21-1 for OCM rimes *-an, *-at, *-(t)s, *-ai in QYS categories. See Table 7-1 for a
comparison of OC *-i, *-e and *-ai in QYS categories.
The OCM final *-ai (> QYS Div. III -je) still rimes with OCM *-iii (> Div. I) in Early
Han, but has merged with *-e in LHan, when I]ie < *I]ai rimes with * teC < teh.
OC *-iii (ge MC Div. I) and *-riii (jill 110 Div. II) have become LHan -a and -a and fallen
together with Rime 1 Div. II -a < *-rii (jill ]0, and with Div. III -ia < *-a (she while MC
OC *-a > MC -jwo (yu and *-ii > MC -uo (tu ) have already become LH -:).
However, in the eastern (Shandon g) dialect of Zheng Xmin OC -iii has survived as *-ai;
today's Min dialects and 'Old South' still have this final. LHan writes this archaic -ai for
mainstream -a.
A striking distributional oddity is the near absence of syllables of the type *Tai, while those
of the type *(C)Lai abound (see the large phonetic series 18-7 and 18-8).
The OCM coda *-i in diphthongs behaves like a final consonant, hence a strictly phonemic
transcription would write it as *-j, as in OCB (*-aj, *-uj).
18-1 = K. 1
-d X =:to]
Mand.
ke!
MC
kii
LHan -a < -ai OCM
ka < kai kiii
x = n:r without kbu D 'mouth' <> [f] ONW ko 'axe handle'
a -a:r ke kh ii B khai B khiii?
'axe handle'
[f] Sin Sukchu SR, PR, LR k':> Cl:.); MGZY kho U::) [k':>]; ONW kho
[D] Yue-Guangzh 35h:>Bl; Ke-Meix kh:>B. <> [N] Kbu 'mouth' is occasionally added to early
pictographs, as here to the 'axe handle', to indicate that the graph is not used as originally
intended but simply borrowed ('mouthed') for its sound or meaning.
9 rPJ he vii gai giii
'11j ke vii gai giii
f 16] carry he vii
B
gai
B
giii?
[E] WT 'gel-ba, bkal 'to load, lay on' * sgal-ba 'to load a beast' * khal 'load, burden'
16] what he vii gai giii
[f] Sin Sukchu SR y:> (-'F), LR v:>; MGZY XO (:>f) [y:>]; ONW yo
[D] Y-Guangzh 21h:>A2 <> [E] WT ga-na 'where', ga-ru 'whither'
o 7Ef lotus he vii gai giii
7Ef carry he vii
B
gai
B
giii
B
til] ge kii kai kiii
fpJ ke, ke khii(BjC) khai khiii [f] ONW kho
e 'iJ ge kiiB, kai
B
, kiii?, 'slender bamboo'
gan kiinB kanB kiin?
= 24-21l40k!*; 24-lIl39j fIj!
210
18 oeM *-ai (1) (GSR 1-31; 349-360)
pqr ge ka kai kai
[T] Sin Sukchu SR b (3JL), LR b; MGZY go (ljZ) fbI; ONW ka <> [D] Yue-Guangzh b
AI
,
Ke-Meix b
AI
, PMin *kai <> [E] ? TB: Lushai kai
L
/ kai?L < kai / kaih 'to play' (a fiddle
etc.), TGTM *Bgwai 'song', Chepang ke?- 'sing well', JP khaPI 'tell' (a story).
m [lPJ a ?a ?a < ?ai ?ai
[T] ONW ?a; BTD Skt. ?a-, e.g. ll"lJll!!itIl{; ?a-ka-niHa
c
Skt. Han ?li-I]ui
c

Tocharian B ankwas 'asafoetida'; MHan Il"lm la-man Armenia
jk he . ha hai hai
s strange qf gje 3 gie < gtat gai OCB *gaj
[T] Sin Sukchu SR gi MGZY ki [gil <> [E] ? WB khai- < kaiB 'remarkable'
odd jf kje 3 kie < kiai kai
%J qf gje 3 giai gai
v pot ji, qf, yr gje(B), meB giai(B), !Jiai
B
gai, gail', !Jai?
chisel qf gje 3 giai gai
u ,t.rr to ride qf gje 3 gtal gai
[T] Sui-Tang gi < ONW ge <> [D] PMin *ghia 'to ride'
rider ji gje
C
3 giai
C
gaih
ity to stand ji gje
B
3 giai B
[T] ONW geB <> [D] PMin *ghia
B
- gia 'to stand'.
a' fi bridle jf kje 3 kiai kai = 18-311238a lodge
z IIffiJ jf kje 3 kiai kai
y ji kje
B
3 kiai
B
kai?
c' one-footed qf khje khiai khai
loiter jr kje
B
3 kiai B kai?
knock ago ji, yr kje
B
3, meB kiai
B
, l)iai
B
kai?, !Jail
x * ji kje
C
3 kiai
c
kaih
[EI WB khai
c
'to bring', Lushai khai
L
'to give a present'
c' one foot qf khje 3 khiai khai
loiter jr kje
B
3 kiai
B
kai?
knock ago yi kje
B
, meB 3 kiai
B
, l)iai
B
kai?, !Jai?
d' slanting qI, JI khje, kje 3 khiai, kiai khai, kai
[E] WB kai 'oblique, sidewise'
e' qf khje 3 khiai khai
b' qr khje
B
3 khiai
B
khai?
g'j' yf ?je 3 ?iai ?ai
iT fpj-fliij yi ?je
B
3 ?iai
B
?ai?
f' yr ?je
B
3 ?iai
B
fail
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ?i (1::.)
h' particle yf ?je 3 ?iai ?ai
luxuriant yi ?je
B
3 ?iai
B
?ai?
luxuriant e ?a B ?oi B ?ail
i:'\;i v v
n IJ"J e, yl ?aB, ?je
B
7aiB,?iaiB ?ai7,7ail
18-2 = K. 349 Mand. MC LHan -a < -ai OCM
a -i" tally, item ge ka
c
kai
c
kaih
target gim kanB kanc kans 'side of target'
211
18 oeM *-ai (1) (GSR 1-31; 349-360)
18-3 = K. 1238a Mand.
a bridle jl
Me
kje 3
LHan -a < -ai oeM
kiai kai = IS-llla';\li';\
18-4 = K. 15 Mand. Me LHan -a < -ai OeM
acd 1JO:tIJOf}]O jia ka ka < kai kriii
1:10 [f] BTD Skt. ka- <> [E] WT kral 'to burden, tax' <> [N] For the role of kbu, see IS-I / I a.
Jla ka, kja ka
[f] BTD Skt. ka, -kya-: Skt. sak-kja-mun Skt.
sakyamuni
1fJo qie ga ga - [f] BTD Skt. sal)1gha
e jia ka
c
kai
C
kriiih
[f] ONW ka <> [E] WT bkral-ba 'to impose, place upon' (tax), 'appoint to'
9 jia ka kai kriii
[E] ? WT bkra-ba 'beautiful, blooming', bkra-sis 'happiness, prosperity, blessing' (sis 'good
luck, fortune, bliss'); Lushai / < thraah / 'be good'
WI ge kiiB koi
B
kiii
Ji he yii
C
goi
C
giiih
no qIe gjii
[f] Sin Sukchu SR kje <> [E] PTai *khie
A1
> S. khia
Al
'eggplant'
[D] Yue-Guangzh k
h
A2, Taish k
h
iA2; Ke-Meix kjhioA2; PMin *gb.
18-5 = K. 2 Mand. Me LHan -4e < -4ai oeM
ar fjtl > yi 'lie
c
3 I)ie
c
< I)iai
c
I)aih
[N] The graph was probably created to write the name of a Shang period people Wb (or rather
Yl) (often graphs for other ethnic groups include a weapon); 'sheep' was later added, as was
done occasionally in ethnic names of nomadic herders, probably to distinguish the name
from the conventional use of flt forT.
rv yi 'lie
c
3 I)iai
c
I)aih 'consider'
[f] Sin Sukchu SR i, (I) i) LR I)i, i; MGZY ngi (1f) [I)i]; ONW I)e
[E]TB *I)ay > KC-Lushai l)aiH / l)ai?L < *I)ajs 'to think, consider', 'be necessary, have need
to', 'be customary'
u fl dignity yf 'lie 3 I)ial I)ai = IS-6/21 a':
fl come yf 'lie 3 I)ial I)ai
[E] JP l)ai33 'to come, arrive', NNaga *I)oj
x ant yi 'lieB 3 I)iai B I)ai?
[T] Sin S. SR i Ct.); MGZY ngi C.t) [I)i] <> [D] PMin *l)hiai
B
<> [E] KN-Lai hl)e?r- 'ant'
Xl xje 3 hiai hl)ai
a fjt2 'I, we' wo l)aB l)oi
B
I) iii?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR I);) (..t), PR, LR ;); MGZY ngo (..t) [I);)]; ONW I)a
[D] Yue-Foshan 131);)i
B2
; Ke-Meix l)a
B
, PMin *l)aiB
[E] TB *I)ai: JP l)ai33 'I', Mikir ne, Chepang I)i - ni 'we', Lushai l)eiL 'self'
h ffJt e I)ii I)oi I)iii [f] ONW I)a
[D] Yue-Guangzh I);)A2; Min-Xiam goA2 <> [E] WB I)ai
c
'to lean, be inclined to one side'
MX e I)ii I)oi I)iii
9ffi heng-e 'name of the moon goddess': Tai: PTai *hl)aiAl 'moonlight', S. dianA1_l)aai
Al
'full moon', Po-ai *IOoI)B2-haaiAI 'moonlight' <> Cf. TB-Tamang 31)ia 'full moon'
p e I)ii I)oi I)iii
[f] Sin Sukchu SR I);) PR;); LR;), I);); MGZY ngo [NO]
[D] Yue-Guangzhou 211);)A2; Ke-Meixian I);)A2; PMin *I)iai, Xiamen gia
A2
klmn e I)ii I)oi I)ai
212
q
o
18 oeM *-ai (1) (GSR 1-31; 349-360)
silkworm e I)a I)oi I)ai Also loan for x 'ant '
e I)a
c
l)oi
C
I)aih
[E) TB-Lushai l)hei
H
' to fast, go without (food, medicine)'
18-6 = K. 21
a 1i
Mand.
yf
MC
IJ.ie3
LHan -ie < -iai OCM
lJie < I)iai I)ai = IS-5/2u
h m yi IJ.ie
c
3 I)iai
c
I)aih
18-7 =K.22 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a Xl xje 3 hiai hai
b JtQ xi xje
C
3 hiai
c
haih
rn Sin Sukchu SR xi MGZY hi [xi) <> [E) WT 'khyal-ba 'joke, jest' (r)kyal-ka
'joke, jest, trick'; Lushai khaal
L
/ khal?L 'to play with' inL-kheel
L
'to gamble, play'
.flIX Xl xje 3 hiai
[D) Min: PMin *hio 'ladle'
18-8 = K. 3 Mand. MC LHan OCM
al chi, tshje
B
, tshe
B
< tshai
B
, k-hlai?, ' to separate'
k
t
h
m
o
chf <;Ije <;Ie < <;Iiai drai < r-lai
[T) ONW tshe, de. <> [E) PL *C-klayl/3 'to separate'; Chepang kl;Jyh-sa 'to break (as sticks)' ,
Lushai hlai
R
'to flay, to skin, split (as cane)'
[N) The original graph shows two pieces of meat next to each other, hence probably 'to
separate' (2 x 'meat' = 'many' looks like a folk etymology).
The phonetic *k-hlai? was used to write words with OC *L in the initial; the reading *tlili
'many' was used to write words that later MC T -like initials; the *(t)R-type initials came
about partially for semantic reason, because the phonetic was writing words with the same
rime and similar meanings 'separate, open, wide' , etc.
chi tshje
B
tshai
B
k-lhai? = q
MTang tshi, ONW tshe <> [E) OBurm klai, WB kyai 'wide, broad' kyaiB 'wide
apart' khyaiB - khrai
c
'make wide apart, be diffused'
chi, tshje
B
, tshai
B
,
che tshja
B
tshai
B
chI tshje
B
tshai
B
chI! tsje
B
tsai
B
shf, shl, ije(B), diai(B),
duo taB toi
B
[E) PTai *tai 'maternal grandmother'
t$ chi
[E) WT 'dral-ba ' to rip up' hral-ba 'to rent'
iEZ chf <;Ije
zhi <.lje
B
<.le
B
, <;Iiai B
[E) KS *lai
4
'to fall'
k-lhai?
k-hlai?
tail
dai, dai?,
tail
rhai?
drai < r-lai
drai? < r-lail
= IS-9/4x
= IS-9/4z Ilth
q f$1 change yf jie je < Jal lai OCB *Ijaj
[T) Sui-Tang i, ONW ie <> [E) TB *Iaay 'change, exchange'
reach to yi jie
C
je
C
< jai
C
laih
enlarge chI tshje
B
tshai
B
k-lhai? = i
qr yf jie Jal lai 'migrate'
[E] Tiddim Chin laiR / lal
F
'to migrate'
213
18 oeM *-ai (1) (GSR 1-31; 349-360)
a 0
2
many duo ta to < tai tai < tlai
[f] BTD Skt. -t-, -tra <> [E] PTai *hlai
AI
'many', PHlai i?00i
1
d
duo, taC, taiC, taih < tlaih, = 24-2111470
tuo tha thai Ihai
[E] WT Idar-ba 'weary, tired, faint'
e to open zha ta < tai trai
3t 2-17/795j zh6 *trak
f f cha thraih
18-9 = K. 4 Mand. Me LHan -ie < -iai oeM
aft If > she dija ia < WI m-lai 'snake'
f = :Iii!I without 1J <> [f] Sin Sukchu SR zje ('f); ONW ia za ?) <> [E] PMin *s!ziai
!Itt compliant yi jie jai lai
h it burden tuo tha
C
thai
c
Ihaih
jk-
m
9
vx
b'
a'
y
d'f'i
e'
c'
z
nrsk'
q
compliant tuo da dai lai in wei-tuG I wei-yf
mEre rudder duo daB daiB lai?
[D] Yue-Guangzh 21th;)A2, Ke-Meix th;)B2, PMin *dai
B
[E] Tai: S. t
h
aai
C2
< *d- 'sternpost'; Old Sino-Viet. (or Viet.?) lai (Pan Wuyun 1987: 29)
, d .
,,,t., tuo a 01 al
tuo da dai
[f] BTD suB-da-was suddhavasa; yua-da-pa-li
C
Skt. vratapari-
i't; she sja sai Ihai
m ye jia
B
jaiB lai?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR je (1:.); ONW ia
1m chi qie qiai drai < r-lai
[D] Sui-Tang <;Ii < di, ONW de
[E] Lushai dil
R
'lake, pond, tank, pool', or Lushai liH < Ii 'deep pool'
chi qie qiai drai < r-lai = 18-8/3m
tfu di dic dic ? draih ? < r-Iaih OCB *Irjajs (?)
[f] Sin Sukchu SR djej C*), PR, LR di; MGZY ti (*) [di]; ONW dii; BTD Skt. dhi (Yu Min:
Coblin 1993: 904)
shr sje
B
saiB
[E] PWMiao *klaF 'release, forgive'
tili cleave chi,
zhi <;Ije
B
tili poplar yi jie jai
:J:fu:fffif't: tuo tha(C), daB thai(C), daiB
[D] Mand. archaic colloquialism la tJI: 'to pull'?
di see 8-12/850s
iii! other tuo tha
iii!t@ he/she ta
Ihai?
thrai? < r-lhai?,
drai? < r-lai?
lai
[f] ONW de
Ihai(h), lai? 'to draw'
Ihai
[f] Sin SR t';) ('f), PR t'a; MGZY tho (0/) [t';)] <> [D] Yue-Guangzh 55t
h
a
A1
, Ke-Meix tha
AI
zhi, tuo qje
B
qiai
B
drai? < r-lai? = 18-8/30
[E] KS *lai
4
'to fall'
yi
m!! conceited yi
cheat tuo, ta
jie
jie
jai
jai
th(u)ai
214
lai
lai
Ihai (lh6i ?)
18 oeM *-ai (1) (GSR 1-31; 349-360)
i' turn aside yf jie ]al lai
[EJ Lushai lei
H
'to be on one side, be awry, leaning to one side, rock and roll (as a boat)'
lei?L < leis 'to pour out, upon, water plants'
i%.J:I;{J;
h'n'Il'.;Vllli yf jie jai lai
I' iliff spreadout shf sje sal lhai
[TJ Sin Sukchu SR (.lJL), PR, LR n; MGZY shhi (If) ONW se
iliff give shi sje
C
sai
c
lhaih
1itff transfer yf jie jai lai
m' Iiffi shf sje sai lhai
j' shi sje
B
sai
B
lhai?
g' J.It[ evicerate chi, yi jie
B
jai
B
t-lhai? (rhai? ?), lai?
[TJ ONW the, ie <> [NJ The gloss 'evicerate' has been proposed by a student in a seminar at
the U. ofWA.
31B lick shi dzje
B
(m-Ie?) [YupianJ
= 7-18/1238e Di5 etc.
18-10 = K. 6 Mand. Me LHan -a < -ai oeM
a
b
24a
r.I

m
lua Iii lu < lui riii
[TJ ONW 10; BTD Skt. -Ia-; r5.- . <> [DJ Yue-Guangzh 21bA2, Ke-Meix b
A2
lua Iii lui riii
lua Iii lui riii
[TJ ONW 10 <> [DJ Yue-Guangzh 21t;:,A2; PMin *lhoi
A2
: Jiangle sai
D3
, Fuzhou lai
A2
If Ije liai rai = 18-1lI23f /.11
18-11 = K. 23 Mand. Me LHan ie< -iai oeM
abc chf < rhai 'a kind of ghost'
[EJ WT 'dre < *Ndre 'goblin, demon, evil spirit' gre-bo 1 -mo 'sp. of demon'; KN *tls-rai >
Tangkhul rai
H
'unclean spirit', Bodo nij 'devil'
de If lje liai rai
f $I a bird If lje liai rai
$I hang d. If Ije liai rai
'To be drooping, hanging down' <> [TJ ONW Ie. MHan :!i'imUillE piek-liu-liai Skt. vaidurya,
Pkt. veluriya <> [EJ ? TB: WT brgyal b-r(-)yal) 'to sink down (senseless), faint'
$I leave If Ije liai ral = 18-10/24a ,ji.
rrl tlJ lilt Alexandria
$I differ from Ii Ije
C
liai
C
raih
[TJ ONW Ie <> [EJ ST *ral: Mru ria < ral 'separated from', 1P ran
33
'be apart, separated,
divided' mli
31
-ran
31
'to place apart' pli
31
-ran
31
'be separate, sort out' gli
31
_ran
55
'to
divide, distribute' ra
31
' be parted, separated'
gh fftjM If Ije liai rai
18-12 = K. 350 Mand. Me LHan -a < -ai OeM
a im pI. name nua, na nii nu < nui nat
[TJ ONW no; BTD no-thes Skt. nadf; no-zuit Skt. nayuta
that na nii
c
nu
c
?
[TJ Sin S. SR n;:, (:*), PR, LR na; MGZY no (:*) [n;:,J
215
18 oeM *-ai (1) (OSR 1-31; 349-360)
18-13 = K. 5 Mand. Me LHan -a < -ai OeM
a
e
f
h
k
1
m
n
o
18-14
ti.
zub tsii
B
tso
B
< tsoi
B
tsiii?
[D] Yue-Guangzh 35tS::>Bl, Ke-Meix ts::>B
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ts::> Cl.), LR ts::>; MGZY dzo U:::) [ts::>]; ONW tsa
{6: zub! tsii
C
tsoi
C
51:
choose chiti
or or
51: diverge chit
tsiiih
tshriii
or tshre
tshriii
J!..
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ('f-); ONW (-
graduated cf tshiai
to rub cuo tshii tshoi
overseer shf
cha, zha
cub
*

tshii
B


tshoi
B
polish cuo tshii tshoi
[E] AA: Khmer /cnaj/ 'to cut (gems), to polish'
tshrai
tshiii
srai
dzriii, dzriii?
tshiii?
tshiii
suo, cuo sii, tshii soi, tshoi siii, tshiii
cuo, jue dzii, tsja dzoi, tsioi dziii, tsai
cuo dzii dzai dziii
[E] TB *tsa > WT tshwa (i.e., tsha) 'salt', Kanauri tsa; PL *(t)sa
2
, WB cha
B
jie tsja tsioi tsai ?
cuo,chf
[Liishi ch] Zl
tshii, dzii
dzje
C
dzie
c
dzeh
Mand. Me LHan oeM
'uneven teeth'
= 7-25/358r fj\l [Liji]
chit tshriii (or tshre ?)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR (:if); ONW <> [N] The Me rime seems to be an irregular
development from *-rai, one should expect MC -a. Cf. 8-13f.
cha tshriiih (or tshreh ?)
18-15 = K. 16 Mand. Me LHan -a < -ai OeM
ad 19> sM < sral
e
f

[T] Sin S. SR (:if); ONW BTD Skt. -sara, -sa[na], sra- <> [D] PMin *sai
[E] TB *z(l)a-y < **s(l)a-y > WB saiB - s:llai
B
'sand', PL *say2 , JP dzaPl- 'sand'
suo sii soi siii
[T] MHan kiap-pas(-sa[iD karpasa
tl> a plant suo swii suoi
locust shit
sriii
18-16 = K. 25 Mand. Me LHan -ie<-iai oeM
a f:Z 'hide' n. pi bje 3 bie < bioi bai
[T] Sin Sukchu SR bi (:if); MGZY pue (:if) [hue]; ONW be <> [D] PMin *phue
A2
[E] Kachin phyi 'skin, bark'
e be covered bei bjeBjC 3 bioiBjC bail, baih
[T] Sin Sukchu SR bi (1:::$:), LR bi; MGZY pue Ct.$:) [hue]; MTang bi, ONW be
cover ones. pf phje 3 phioi phai 'cover oneself with'
cloak pi phje
C
3 phioic phaih
f f/5{ bi bje
C
3 bioi
c
baih
216
18 oeM *-ai (1) (GSR 1-31; 349-360)
river bank bei, bf pje 3 piai pai
unjust bi pje
C
3 piai
c
paih
h bi pje(C) 3 piai(C) pai, paih
9 1El bi pje
B
3 piaiB pai?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR pi (1:); MGZY bue (1:) [puc]; ONW pe
d 1Ei pi bje3 biai bai
[f] ONW be <> [E] TB *bal > Bahing bal 'tired, weary'; WB panB 'tired' pha
B
' fatigued', JP
bass ban
31
' tired' <> Tai: S. phlia
A2
< *b- 'weary, exhausted' plia
Cl
< *p- 'to wear out '
:tEl divide pf phje 3 phiai phai
[E] PL *bayl 'to separate' ; WT dbye-ba ' parting ' dbyen-pa 'difference' , WT ' bye-ba 'to
separate, open'
:tEt supports bi pje
C
3 piai
c
paih
k pf phje 3 phiai phai
p - po phwa phai phai [f] ONW pho
[D] Yue-Guangzh phJAI, Taishan pUJ
AI
; Ke-Meix PJ
AI
. <> Tai: S. phlay2 'leaning, sloping'
rEl bo pwa pai pai
[f] Sin Sukchu SR pWJ (.lJL ); MGZY bwo (.lJL) [pWJ]; ONW po; BTD Skt. pa[ri ... J, -pa-
[E] ? TB: WT dba' (-kIOJ) ' wave'
rn lame bb pwaB/c paiB/c pai?, paih [f] ONW po
[D] Y -Foshan pUiAI; PMin *paiB <> [E] TB *pay *bay 'lame, limp, oblique' *bay 'left
(side)', Lushai baiR < ba? ' walk lame'
to lean bi pje
C
3 piai
c
paih
n bb pwaB/c paiB/c pai?, paih
[D] Mand. bo, K-Meix pa: B, Y -Guangzh pJ
CI
, K-Dongguan pJi
c
n., vb.; PMin *puoic
[E] TB *pwa:y 'chaff, scatter' > PL *pway2 'chaff' > WB phwaiB 'husk, chaff', Lushai vai
H
'husks of grain'
o 1:ilZ po phwa
C
phai
c
phaih
[f] Sin Sukchu SR p'WJ ($:); MGZY phwo ($:) [p' WJ]; ONW pho <> [D] PMin *phoi
c
[E] WB pai
c
'broken off' l:t phaiC 'break off in small pieces'; Lushai pe?L < pes 'to break, be
broken', JP phjai33 'break'
q saunter po bwa bai bai [f] BTD Skt. -pa-
grandmo. po
[f] ONW bo <> [E] TB *ba - pa 'grandmother'
18-17=K.26 Mand.
ab Pm 1 > bear pi
a Pm 2 exhaust pi
[f] ONW be
Me
pje 3
bje 3
LHan
pie < piai
biai
oeM
pai
bai
Pm 2 stop bfl baiB bai B or bei B brai? or breI'
Me -ai usually < *re <> [f] Sin Sukchu SR ba ($:) ; MGZY pay (1:) [baj]
'a bear' n.
= IS-16/25d
[E] WB priB < preB 'be done, completed', ? JP phra?31 < phrak
31
' to complete'
18-18 = K. 17 Mand. Me LHan -a < -ai OeM
a M hemp rna rna rna < rnai rnrai
[f] Sin Sukchu SR rna (.lJL ); ONW rna
[D] PMin *mai
A2
: Xiamen mua
A2
, Jianyang moi
A2
, Jian'ou mucCI, Fuzhou muai
A2
ef.m rno rnwa rna < rnai rnai
[f] Sin Sukchu SR mWJ (.lJL); MGZY mwo (.lJL) [mwJ); ONW rna; BTD pu;}m-mo Skt.
brahma <> [D) PMin *moi <> [E] ? TB: WB hmwa
c
' pulverize' hmwat 'be fine, smooth',
and I or to Lushai mee
R
< mee? 'be sandy and gritty'
217
18 oeM *-ai (1) (GSR 1-31; 349-360)
c rna mwii
c
mni
c
miiih
g- m! mje 3 mie < miGl mai
[D] PMin *l)'lUe
A2
'rice gruel' <> [E] WT dmyal-ba 'to cut up into small pieces'
h B not mI mje
B
3 miniB mail
[T] Sin Sukchu SR mi mjej (1:.), PR m;)j (:<]I); MGZY mue (5f 1:.) [mue]
B share m! mje 3 mie < mini mal
j III m! mje miQl rna!
d m rna mje
B
3 (!) miniB mai?
hUI xjwe 3 hye < hyni hmai
442a men mu;m m;m
18-19 = K. 356 Mand. MC
a demolish hUI xjwe
B
3
b fire hUI xjwe
B
3
[E] Tai: S. mai
C1
< *hm- 'to burn'
LHan -ye < -yai OCM
hyeB < hyni
B
hmai?
hyni
B
hmai?
218
19-9/l1ef
19 oeM rime *-oi, *-wai Ge bu (2)
GSR 1 - 31; 349 - 360
Baxter 1992: 494 ff. (10.2.8)
See Table 25-1 for OCM rimes *-on I *-wan, *-ot I *-wat , *-oi I *-wai in QYS categories.
After guttural initials the OC rime could be either *-oi or *-wai, but after acute initial s only
OC *-oi is possible (e.g., only *roi), after labials only *-ai.
In LHan, -oi has already broken to uai except in old southern dialects. The loss of final i in
LHan and the merger in Div. III with reflexes of *-e, mentioned in Rime 18, apply here as
well. As in 18, I write here conservative southern LHan forms with i; the ones encountered in
Han literature can be easily deduced by removing the i. Occasionally, the literary form has
been mentioned as a reminder (kua < kuai , etc.). In Div. III one could write either -yai or -yeo
The OCM coda *-i in diphthongs behaves like a final consonant, hence a strictly phonemic
transcription would write it as *-j , as in OCB (*-aj , *-aj , *-uj).
19-1
a
e
f
19-2
=K.7 Mand.
X
ge
to punt hmi
tfl. thrust hua
= K. 351 Mand.
MC LHan oeM
kwii kuai kwiii or k6i
ywa yuai gwriii or groi
ywa
B
yuai
B
gwriii? or groi?
MC LHan oeM
a * fruit guo kwii
B
kuoi
B
k6i? or kwiii?
[TJ Sin Sukchu SR kw:) (.1.); MGZY gwo (.1. ) [kw:)J ; ONW kuo <> [DJ PMin *koi
B
* satisf. kuo khwii
B
khuai
B
khoi?
guo kwiiB
[DJ PMin *koi
BI
' rice cake' , also ' dried fruit'
d guo kwii
B
kuaiB k6i?
ci- !!l!jltli/S'. guo-Iuo kwaB-Iwii
B
kuaiB-IuaiB k6i?-roi? OCB *k(r)oj?-(C)roj?
[EJ TB *k(l)wa-y g(l)wa-y > WB kwai
B
' dammer bee ' , Chepang kway 'bee'
ef ke khwii
c
khuai
c
khoih
I hua ywa
B
, y uaiB, yuaiB, groi?, gui?
j
k
m
gh
n
(ywiinB) S goi
C
lE*
huai! ywa
B
yuai
B
ft
kua! ywa
B
yuai
B

huo ywii
B
yuoi
B
R!
[DJ PMin *oi
c
*uai
B
'many'
1*
guan kwiin
c
kuan
c
flfJ
luo Iwii
B
luai
B
IS 10iB

wo ?wii
B
?uai
B
219
groi?
groi?
kons
roi?
?6i?
= 25-2/158f1.t1i
[T] ONW lua
19 OCM *-oi, *-wai (2) (GSR 1-31; 349-360)
19-3 = K. 352 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

guo kwil. kuai koi or kwil.i
c guo kwil.
B
kuaiB koi? = 19-2/35Ic
19-4 = K.18 Some of the words could have the OC rime *-wai.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
Pl 'Scapula' in OB; perh. the s. w. as next: 'cut meat off bones' (> bone cleared of meat)
-a- Pl 1% 1 /.]U gUll kwa
B
kuai
B
kroi? 'cut, bare bone'
a- 1%2 0181 kuai khwai (irreg.) khuai khroi 'wry mouth'
fg tI8J 9 huo ywil.
B
yuai
B
goil'
e pass by guo kwil. kuai koi
trans. guo kwil.
c
kuai
c
koih 'transgress' [T] ONW kua
h i'i ke khwil. khuai khoi
guo kwil. kuai koi
c !I!i% wo, gua, kwa, kwai kuai, S bi kroi,
luo lwil. loi g-roi
[D] PMin *Ih;)i <> [E] TB *kroy > WB krwe 'shellfish, cowry', JP k
h
oj33 'shellfish, shell'
b ,r,u gua kwa, kwai kuai kroi
d frl8J wa, gua kwa, kwai kuai kroi
19-5 = K. 28 Mand. Me
a Ji'i] kuf khjwe 3
1-23 is perh. also phonetic.
oeM
khwai
19-6 = K. 27 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a :A to do wei jwe wai R! wai OCB *w(r)jaj
:A
f


9
fJ1g
m

k
[T] Sin Sukchu SR uj (:if); MGZY xue ('f) [fiue]; MTang ui, ONW ue
for wei jwe
C
wai
c
waih
wei jwe
B
wai
B
wail'
huf xjwe 3 hyai hwai
[T] TB *way > WB wai
B
'whirlpool, brandish'; Lushai vai
F
< *vai? 'to wave' with the hand,
arm, or anything horizontally, 'brandish (a sword), * hui
F
'to beckon' with hand
guf kjwe kyai kwai
I)wiii
I)waih
19-7 =K.8 MC ywii could derive from OCM *wiii, *gwiii or *goi; we write *wiii.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a he ywii yuai wiii
[T] BTD Skt. va. <> [D] PWMin *W;)i
A2
, SMin *g-: Zhangping gue
A2
[E] Tai: S. k
h
aa
A2
< *y - 'straw, thatch grain'
gk he ywil. yuai wiii
e ;fO harmo. he ywil. yuai wiii 'harmony'
[T] ONW yua; BTD Skt. va, vra-
;fO attune he ywil.
C
wil.ih
n ;f4 ke khwiii
220
19 oeM *-oi, *-wai (2) (GSR 1-31; 349-360)
19-8 = K. 19 The OeM rime could have been *-wai or *-oi.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a hua xwa
c
hua
c
< huai
c
hl)roih (or hwaih ?)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR xwa (*); MGZY hwa (*) [xwa]; ONW hua
1 huii xwa a late graph for 1-27/44 (SW2699)
de e I)wa I)uui I)oi
c Jli huc> xwa
c
huui
c
hl)oih [T] ONW hUQ
19-9 = K. 11 The rime could be either *-oi or *-wai. The phonetic also writes 19-16 duo
*loi? Perhaps synonyms for 'shred meat' and/or 'demolish' with similar rimes were written
with the same phonetic. Alternatively, Me thwa
B
< *lhoi? 'shred meat' could have had a
variant *hoi that then spawned the present group (loss of a discrete initial, with survival of
aspiration as *h-, does occur elsewhere).
Mand. Me LHan oeM
b sUI, sjwe
C
, < syaiC, swaih, 'shred sacr. meat'
hUl xjwe
C
3 hyai
C
hwaih See also 19-16.
ef mm hUI xjwe 3 hyaihwai 'destroy' [Laozi]
[T] BTD Skt. vai-, Pkt. ve-, e.g., J!!'@tflj hyai-sah-lih SkI. Vaisalf <> [N] Related to
18-19/356 hUI *hmai? 'destroy'? See also 19-16.
9
sui zjwe zyai s-wai
[T] ONW zue; Han BTD SkI. vai- <> [E] TB: LB *s-yuy 'follow'
SUI! sjwe
C
syaiC swaih
h SUI sjwe
B
syai
B
, S tshyui
B
swai?
[T] ONW sue <> [D] M-Xiam col. tshe
B1
<> [E] ST *s(-)wi 'blood'
19-10 = K. 357 The element is occasionally substituted for 19-19 Yi:,
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a compl. wei ?jwe 3 lye < ?yai ?oi- 'compliant'
fall weI ?jwe
B
3 ?yai
B
?oi?
[T] ONW ?ue <> [E] ST *yol: WT 'gyel-ba ' to fall, dangle' g-yal 'dangling' g-yol
'curtain'; WB Iway 'suspend from the shoulder'
collect wei ?jwe
B
/
C
3 ?yai
B
/
c
?oi?, ?oih
bcde wei ?jwe 3 ?yai ?oi
f wei ?jwe
C
3 ?yajC ?oih 28-9/573 DIUN
[E] TB: Lushai VUI?L 'to keep or rear (animals), to domesticate' ; Mikir wi
H
'tend animals'
9 w6 ?wa(C) ?uui(C) ?oi(h)
19-11 = K. 9 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

wc> I)wa
c
I)ua
c
< I)uuic I)oih or I)waih
[T] Sin Sukchu SR I]:J (*), PR, LR:J; MGZY 0 (*) [:J]; ONW I]UQ <> [E] TB: Lushai l]:Ji
H
/
l]:Ji?L < l]:Jis 'to be quiet, silent, stop, pause', NNaga *C-I]uaj 'easy, gentle, quiet'
19-12 = K. 29 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a Fe; wei, wei IJ.iwe 3 I)yai I)wai (or I)oi ?)
bcde
f
[T] ONW I]ue <> [E] TB: WB I]wa 'large, high, project'
gUI kjwie
B
3 kyaiB kwai?
jFfE; gUl, gjwe
B
, gyaiB, gwai?,
kUI khjwe
B
3 khyaiB khwai?
221
19 oeM *-oi, *-wai (2) (GSR 1-31; 349-360)
19-13 = K. 20 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
E
wa l)wa
B
l)uaiB, JpiB I)roi? (or I)wai? ?)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR I]Wa (1:.), PR, LR wa; MGZY xwa (1:.) [fiwa] <> [D) PMin *I)hiai
B
19-14 = K. 10 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a * dub twaB tuoiB toi? 'hangonatree' = 19-17/31L
[T] Sin Sukchu SR t:J (1::.), LR t:J, tW:J; MGZY dwo (1:.) [tw:J); ONW tua
B
5t:U duo
twa
C
tuoiC toih
19-15 = K. 30 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a blow chul tshjwe tshuai k-hloi or thoi
[T] Sin Sukchu SR (-'jL); MGZY chue (-'jL) ONW tshue
concert chui tshjwe
C
thuai
C
k-hloih or thoih
[0] PMin *tshue <> [E) AA: Khmer khloy n. 'flute'
b cook chul tshjwe tshuai k-hloi or thoi
19-16 = K. 11 The phonetic also writes syllables of a different type, see 19-9.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
ae duo dwii
B
dUOB < duoi
B
loi? 'destroy' See also 19-9.
b tub thwa B thuoi B Ihoi? 'shred sacrif. meat'
[E) ? TB: Lushai hbi
F
'cut off, slash off' (in lengthwise motion). See also 19-9.
d duo dwa
B
duoi
B
loi? 'long and narrow'
'Long and narrow' (mountain) <> [E) TB: JP diI)31-loi
33
'long and narrow' 3!: 22-9/274
c oval tub thwii B thuoi B Ihoi?
J
dub, duo twaB, dwa
B
tuoiB, duoi
B
tloi?,16i?
chul <;ljwe <;lyai droi? or r-loi?
[E) ? TB: WB lwai 'suspend from shoulder'
k tub, thwa B, thuoi B, Ih6i?,
duo dwa
c
duoi
c
16ih
duo dwiiBJc duoiBJc
Wi?, 16ih 3!: 22-l3/324a 5t *16ts
19-17 = K. 31 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab I)j chul zjwe dzye < dzuai doi (= djoi ?)
d
e
ij
k
h
f9
m
[E) TB *dzywal > WT 'jol-ba 'to hang down' 3!: yol 'curtain'; Lushai fual
R
'sag, hang low'
shul zjwe
C
dzuai
c
doih (= djoih ?)
[T] ONW diue <> [E] TB: WT yur-ba 'to slumber' 3!: g-yur 'sleep'
m shul zjwe
B
dzuai
B
doi?

1:S'::!:E!i chul! tsjwe
B
tsuai
B
toi?
zhui tjwe
C
troih
1ij zhui <;ljwe
C
<;lyaiC droih = drjoih or r-djoih
chul, zhui <;ljwe(C) <;lyai(C) droi, droih
tli [E] WT yol-go 'earthenware, crockery' <> [0] PMin *dhui
dub twaB tuoiB toi? = 19-14
tuo thwiic thuoi
c
thOih
[0] PMin *thoi
C
; some dialects in the Yue area have aberrant forms: Guangzh col. thre
C1
beside th:JCI, Zengcheng sreyC2 , Bao'an suiB2, Enping ts
h
ui
A2
; Ke-Dongguan sui
B
[E) ST *tol > WT tho-Ie (i.e., *tol-e) 'debs-pa 'to spit' ('debs-pa 'to throw'); WB thwe
B
'spit'
222
19 OCM *-oi, *-wai (2) (GSR 1-31; 349-360)
19-18 = K. 14 Mand. Me LUan oeM
b It gua-lua
kwaB-lwa
B
kuoiB-luoi
B
, k6i?-r6i? See 19-2.

ljwe Iyai roi c
!lWL
19-18A = K. 1236b Me LUan oeM
II
lua Iwa
B
luoi
B
r6i?
19-19 = K. 354 The element 19-10 is in some graphs substituted for 5Jl:.
Mand. Me LUan oeM
a tua thwii
B
thuoB < thuai
B
nh6i? OCB *nhoj7
[El ST *C-nwal: WT mal 'rest, tranquility of mind'
f wei ! nroih
htl-sul yuo-swi go-suI 'coriander' Iranian gosniz (ca. 300 AD)
g f'il( strap sUI swi sui snui OCB *snjuj
d
e
[TlONW sui
f'il( sacrif. SUI,
hUI
f'il( level tuo
W
nei

rUI
19-20 = K. 1238jk

suo
jk rul
sjwe,
xjwie
thwa
B
syai
nu;}i
B
nzwi nui
Me
swaB
LUan
suai
B
nzwiB, nui
B
,
nzjwe
B
nuai
B
[E] AA: OMon jnor - jnow 'hanging banner'
19-21 = K. 12 Mand. Me LUan
snoi
nh6i?
nili?
nui
OeM
sn6i?
nui?,
noi?
oeM
a sit zuo dzwii
B
dzuoi
B
dz6i?
'a sacrifice'
'keep level... '
OCB *nuj?
= 28-J8/l237v
SW 4791
19-J9/354g
[T] Sin Sukchu SR dzw:) U:); MGZY tswo U:) [dzw:)]; ONW dzun [D] PMin *dzoi
B

seat zuo dzwii
c
dzuai
C
dz6ih
b
:Jlf
cua dzwii dzuoi dz6i
c

cuo! tswii
c
tsuoi
c
ts6ih

ZllO tswa
C
, tsuni
C
, tsu;}i
c
ts6ih, tsQih
d

zuo tswa
c
, tsuoi
c
, tsr6ih
- e

cuo tshwa
C
, tswa
c
ts(h)uoiC tsh6ih < k-s6ih ?
[E] AA: PMon *ks:):)y 'useless fibre, hay', PWa *s:)h 'cut grass'
f-
cuo tshwa
B
tshuoi
B
tsh6i?
g
AA
zhua tsr6i
19-22 = K. I3 Mand. Me LUan oeM
ab

suo
swaB
suoi
B
s6i?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR sw:) (1); MGZY swo (1) [sw:)]
223
19 oeM *-oi, *-wai (2) (GSR 1-31; 349-360)
19-23 = K. 355 Mand. MC LUan OCM
abc > suo swil. sua < suai s6i 'raincoat'
a shuai srui 'diminish'
[fl Sin Sukchu SR (3fL), PR MGZY (zhway shway (3fL)
chul tshroi < k-sroi 'reduce'
ae CUI tshu;)i tshfii < k-sfii 'mourning clothes'
d CUI srui 'rafter'
224
20 oeM rime *-et, *-ets, *-es Yue- Ji bu jj - ~ (1)
GSR 268 -348
Baxter 1992: 389 ff. (10.1.2)
Table 20-1: OeM rimes *-en, *-et, *-e(t)s in QYS categories
Div. , *-en R.23 : *-et R.20 ! *-e(t)s R.20
IV
5! kien
c
ken
c
*kens : ~ khiet khet *khet : ~ khiei
c
khes *khets
I
~ yiwen
C
yuen
C
*gwens ! miet met *met
~ kiwen
c
kuen
c
*kwens
Jt phien
c
phenC
*phens
M dzien dzen *dzen
i
3/3
gr ! ~ J bjan
B
3 bian
B
*bren? ~ U pjat3 pi at *pret ! .0 Iliai
c
3 I)ias *I)rets
I
3/4
gr I ~ khjianB4 khianB *khen? ! WZ mjiat4 miat *met ! ~ kjiaiC4 kias *kets
I [Hi mjian
C
4 mian
c
*mens
I I
I ~ IliiaiC4 I)ias *I)ets
, ,
I ffi)I: bjiaiC4 bias *bets i
III ac
difficult to distinguish from
~ sjiH sat *nhet
! difficult to distinguish from
*-an
~ nzjat nat *net
I *-a(t)s
I
difficult to distinguish
I
from *-at
IIIw
llfil jwan3 wen *wen
jI zjwan zyan *s-wen
I
II
' ~ ywan yuan *wen : tR: khwai
c
khuas *khwets
I
II
~ , kan kEn *kren }\ pat pet *pret : fI kai
c
kes *krHs
iJ ywan
C
yuen
C
*gwrens , jf pai
C
pes *prets
iff banc bEnc *brens
,
i
The oe vowel in rime *-et, *-es left only traces in Me Div. IV -iet, -iei
c
, and chongniu Div.
3/4 finals (which occur only after grave initials). After acute initials, reflexes of OC *-et and
*-at have merged in Div. III, therefore some of the series under rime no. 21 *-at may have
been OC *-et . Me -at, -ai
c
normally derive from *-ret, *-re(t)s, but can also derive from OC
*-rat, *-ra(t)s due to a convergence tendency in the QYS.
For LHan, ch6ngniil Div. 3/4 items (QYS -jiat 3/4) could be written -iet or -iat; I write -iar
because this is parallel to the breaking of *-ot to LHan *-uat.
225
20 oeM *-et, *-e(t)s .Fi (l) (GSR 268-348)
20-1 = K. 279 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a $JJ qie khat khet khret
b I qi khiei
c
khes khHs < s-kets ? OCB khets
[f] ONW khei <> [N] See 5,8.1 for *s-k." > *kh."
qie-kuo khiet-khuat khet--khuot khet-khot
c 1i qie khiet khet khet
f qie khiet khet khet
g g.g ji kjHii
C
4 kias kets
d jie kiet, viet ket, get ket, get
j jie kiet ket ket
k qie, Xle khiet, viet khet, get khet, get
[E] ST *ke(t): WT rked-pa 'the waist, loins, middle', JP JiIJ31_kjit
55
'waist', Tamang (l)ke: 'belt'
h energet.qie khai
c
khas khras (or khres ?)
eat qie khiek [f] MTang khik, ONW khek
e If nie I)iet I)et I)et
b- NP xie sjat siat set =
xie siet set set
[E] AA: Khmer sniata /snliat! 'peg, pin, ". wedge, .,,'
20-2 = K. 327 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a fr scale Jle Hi
c
kes krets
[E] TB-WB a-kre
B
'scales of a fish' <> PTai *klet
DI
S 'fish scales'
df
e
k
h
fr sudden jia ki'it ht kret
film jie kai
C
kes krets
:W jie ki'iic kes kre(t)s
1F musta. jie ki'iic kes krets
[E] PTai *kat: S. kaat
D1L
'mustard plant'
1F grass jie ki'iic kes
[N] GSR has Me kai
c
with this meaning
%f ji kiei
c
kes
Il' xie yi'ii
C
ges
xi'ii
C
hes
krets
kets
grets
hrets
20-3 = K. 312 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a thimblejue kiwet kuet kwet
divide guai kwai
c
kuas kwets
- 29-4/51 Ob *kri's
[N] For Div. II -wai
c
from *kwets (not *kwrats), see Introduction 5,2.3 <> [E) TB: WB kyuiB
'be broken' )f khyuiB 'to break in two'
k kuai khwai
c
khuas khwets
[f] Sin Sukchu SR k'waj (:t?); MGZY khway [k'waj]; ONW khuei
b i3k: open Jue ki wet kuet kwet
[f] Sin Sukchu SR kye CA.); MGZY gwya CA.) [kyc]; ONW kuet. LHan {jj:R: kuo
c
(or kioC)
-kuet 'a kind of hat', cf. Mongol kakiil (Pulleyblank 1983: 453)
1* quick xue xi wet huet hwet
c Jj(: jue ki wet kuet kwet
efg jue kiwet kuet kwet
226
20 oeM *-et, *-e(t)s .FJ (1) (GSR 268-348)

jue-tf kiwet-diei kuet-dei
jue kiwet [GY], kuet, kwet
yiwet [JY] guet gwet
[E] AA: Central Sakai gawel, giwet, Khasi khawoit ' beckon with hand'
d
fR
jue kiwet, kuet, kwH,
fR
mei, mjHii
c
4 mias me(t)s
h

que khiwet , khjwiit khuet, khyat khwet
qtc xue xi wet huet hwet
tk:
jue ?iwet ?uet ?wet
20-4 = K. 280 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
,L
ya ?iit ?et ?ret
b ;tL zha tsret
20-5 = K. 1256a Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

nie I]iet I]et I]et =20-7/285d
20-6 = K. 331 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
s
yl I]jiiii
c
4 I]ias I]ets OCB *l)lets
rtJ
= 20-13/330 ttlii\fl\
20-7 = K. 285 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

nie I]iet [GYJ, I]et I]et
I]jiit 3
[E] TB: KN-Lai I)iat 'to aim at', middle voice 'spy, watch'
d JJfB nie I]iet I]et I]et = 20-5/1256a
c M nie I]jiit 3, I]iet I]iat, I]et I]ret,l)et = 20-l3/330h
e yl I]jiii C 3 I]ias I)rets
20-8 = K. 290 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a she sjiit sat nhet < *I]het ? OCB *h(l)jet
[T] ONW sat <> [E] TB: Lushai I)het
L
/ I)he?L I)hets) 'be firm, establish' * l)heet
F
intr. 'to
settle or get firm (as earth, cooked rice)', Limbu m:ma < ncss- 'to lie (including of
geographical features, fields, etc.)'. * 20-13/3301
20-9 = K. 1256 Mand. Me LHan oeM
b tie thiet thet lhet [T] ONW thet
c .IX tie thiet, diet thet, det lhet , let
The OC rime could also have been *-it <> [E] TB: WT leags < *Ihjaks 'iron' . Tai: S. lekD1S <
*hl- 'iron' , KS *k
h
lit1; PVM *khiic ' iron'
20-10 = K. 288 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a 15 she dzjiit zat m-let (or m-lat?O OCB *mliit
[T] Sin Sukchu SR 7Je ( A ); ONW fat <> [D] PMin *Qziat < *m-l- <> [E] MY *nbret *mlet ?)
< TB-Magari milet (or me-let), let, Newari mee 'tongue' , JP Jil)31-let
31
227
20 oeM *-et, *-e(t)s ,Fj (I) (GSR 268-348)
20-11 = K. 309 Mand.
rJiJ insect xie
rJiJ NP xie
Me
sjat
sjat
name of a Yin dynasty ancestor
LHan
siat
siat
oeM
set
set
'some kind of insect' [SW]
= 20-1/279b
a qie tshiet tshet tshet < k-set
[N] For *k-s- > *tsh-, see EDOC 5.9.1
20-12 = K. 310 Mand.
a jie
Me
dziet
LHan
dzet
oeM
dzet
20-13 = K. 330 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a W-1. sow yi IJ.iiai
c
4 I)ias I)ets
shi sjai
C
sas nhets < hl)ets
e sow yi IJ.iiai
c
4 I)ias I)ets
f method yi IJ.iiai
c
4 I)ias I)ets = 20-6/331 M OCB *l)lets
[T] Sin Sukchu SR i MGZY yi [ji]; ONW I)iei
[E] Tai : S. kra
4
-net
4
'tactics, methods, strategy'
Il!\ yi IJ.iiai
c
4 I)ias I)ets
9 nie I)iet I)et I)et
h nie l)iet I)et I)et = 20-7/285c M
1 force shi sjai
C
sas nhets < hl)ets
[T] ONW sei <> [E] TB *I)eis > WT I)es-pa 'certain, true, firm', Lushai I)ei L < I)eih I)es)
'really, truly, verily', Tiddim I)d
F
< 1)E::ih < *I)e:is 'certainly, be sure'
j re nzjat nat net or I)et OCB *Iliet
[T] Sin Sukchu SR rje (A); MGZY Zhya ( A ) [rje]; ONW nat <> [D] PMin *niot - *jiat
k ruo nzjwat nuat niot
m m familiar xie sjat siat snet
n xie sjat siat snet
[E] TB: WT sfied 'about, near (after round sums)'
20-14 = K. 281 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a J\ ba pat pEt pret
[T] MTang par, ONW pat <> [D] PMin *pet, K-Meix pat <> [E] ST *priat - *pret: TB *b-r-yat
20-15 = K. 292 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a 53
I
J divide bie pjiit 3 piat pret OCB *prjet
[TJ Sin Sukchu SR pje, bje ( A ); MGZY bya ( A) [pjej; ONW pat
[EJ TB: LB *brat 'split, crack' > WB prat 'be cut in two'
53U differ. bie bjat 3 blat bret 'different' OCB *brjet
20-16 = K. 341 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a bi bjiai
C
4 bias bets or bes
[T] Sin Sukchu SR bi MGZY pi [hi]; ONW biei
[E) TB: Lushai phuaiH < phuai 'be worn, worn out, frayed ', 1P phje
31
'to ruin'. Also Lushai pai?L
< *pais 'to throwaway, discard, annul'
defg bi bjiai
C
4 bias bets [T] ONW biei
h bi pjiai
C
4 pias pets [TJ ONW piei
c
bi, bie pjiai
C
, pjiat pias, piat pet, pets
jk bie pjiat 4 piat pet
228
20 oeM *-et, *-e(t)s ,Fj (1) (GSR 268-348)
Pf1(
bie phjHit ? phiat phet

m

bie biet bet bet
20-17 = K. 328 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
ff
bai pai
c
pES preIS OCB *prots
20-18 = K. 311 Mand. Me LHan oeM
agb

mie miet met met [flONW met
m
mie miet met
f $! cover mie miet, miek met, mek met , mek
MC miek = 8-21/859 W/l.; on *-ek - *et. see Baxter 1992: 300; 484
ik mie miet met met
1m -

wa mjwBt muat mat
20-19 = K. 294 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

xue xjwat 3 byat bmet (or bmat ?) OCB *hmjet
[El ? TB *mit
be

mie mjiat 4 miat met OCB *mjet
[f) ONW miat
229
21 oeM rime *-at, *-ats, *-as Yue- n btl J=l (2)
GSR 267 - 348
Baxter 1992: 389 ff. (10.1.2)
Table 21-1: OCM rimes *-an, *-at, *-a(t)s, *-ai in QYS categories
Div. *-an R.24 *-at R.21 *-a(t)s R.21
I Tkan kon *kan
*'1 kat
kat *kat yai
C
gas *gats
5i! dan dan *dan dot *dat *- thai
C
thos *thas
* pwan
C
ponC *pans :& bwat bat *bil.t pwai
c
pas *pats
III gr J! kjnn
C
kion
c
*kans xjnt hiot *hat :it J]jni
c
l)ios *l)as
& pjwnn
B
puon
B
*pan? pjwet puot *pat Uj bjwniC buos *bas
WJ khjwen
C
khyon
C
*khwans wot *wat iii xjwniC hyos
:rnjwnn
R
wan
B
*wan? *hwats
3/3 kjiin
B
3 kianB *krian? gjiit3 giat *gat :ml khjiiiCJ khias
gr j# bjiinCJ manc *brans *khats
III ac !'/l\; tsjiin
C
tsanc *tans ttl!. sjiit siat *slat iit sjiiiC sas *Ihats
J! jiiin jan *Ian jiiii
C
jas *lats
III ac
II ( kan kan *kran mai
c
mas *mrats
U-J *sran l'& pai
c
pas *prats
Finals in *-wat/s are under rime 22 *-otls, rimes in *-etls under rime 20.
*-ai R.18
1iiJ ya goi *gai
11& pwa poiB*pai?
ta wi *tai
gje3 gioi *gai
& bje3 bioi *bai
j1jjE Ije lioi *rai
iJr8 dzja hi *m-lai
no ka kai *krai
rna mai *mrai
i:fr *srai
After acute initials in Div. III, OC *-at and *-et have merged into MC -jiit, these OC rimes
are therefore difficult to untangle; they are included in this rime group. See Table 20-1.
After gutturals in Div. III occur two MC finals, Kjut and ch6ngmiu 3/3 Kjiit. Baxter
reconstructs all MC Kjiit with OC medial *r. However, after 7, x and 1) only -jut occurs, and -
jat as a rare doublet. Tone C words tend to belong to Div. 3/3 (-jiiiC 3), but the closed
counterpart to belong to Div. III (-jEt) . Therefore Div. 3/3 Kjiit(s) and Div. III Kjut are nearly
in complementary distribution, both are the regular reflexes of OCM *kat (without medial *r).
See Intro. 5.2.3 for more about the removal of OCB medial *r in MC Div. 3/3 syllables.
21-1
a
= K. 313 Mand. MC LHan OCM



gai kai
c
, kat kas, kat kast, kat
ge kat kat kat
ge kat 2, kat 2 kat, ket krat or kret
[E] TB: Lepcha hrit 'to comb', LB *kret 'scrape' > WB khrac 'to scrape', Kachin khret 'rasp,
grate' <> Tai: S. k
h
raat
D2
< *g- 'to scrape, rake' :It kraat
DI
'metal scraper or grater'
def he yat got gat
230
21 oeM *-at, *-a(t)s f3 (2) (GSR 267-348)
g

he yat gat gat
h bird A he yat gat gat
bird B ke
khat khat khat
jz ke
khat khat khat 'thirst'
j dried jie gjat 3 giat gat
rn Sin Sukchu SR gje (A)
0 pole jie gjat 3 giat gat
mus. in. qifi
khat khat khrat 'musical instrument '
p robust jie gjat 3, kjBt giat, kiat gat, kat [T] Indic gatha, gadha
go away qie khjat 3 khiat khat =m
qr

jie gjat 3 giat gat
Jle kjat 3 kiat kat
[T] MTang kar, ONW kat <> [E] ? TB: Kanauri khas 'sheep'
ill

qie khjat 3, khjBt khiat khat
n lift jie, qi
khjaiC 3 khias khats 'lift one's clothes'
lift jie, jie, gjat, kjat 3, giat, kiat, gat, kat, 'lift on shoulder'
qie khjat khiat khat OCB *khrjats
The graph has additional MC readings, see GSR 313n.
s to rest qi,
khjaiC 3, khias, khats,
qie khjat khiat khat
desire kfii khai
c
khas khats

xie, xie xjBt hiat hat
u

xie xjBt hiat hat
k nPJb shout he xat hat hat
choke fii ?ai
C
?as fats
[N] It seems that after *7-, tone C counterparts to Diy. I *711t appear in QYS Diy. II

e ?at fat ?at = 1-28/270a 1M]
y
II
ye ?jBt fiat fat
x

ye ?jBt fiat fat
a'

ai ?ai
c
?as ?ats
y
m
yi , ?jaiC 3, ?ias, fats,
fii ?ai
C
, (at ?as, fat ?at(s)
21-2 = K. 314 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
t!i
hfii yai
C
gas gats OCB *fikat(s)
[T] ONW yaC
d

ge kat kat kat
[T] Sin Sukchu SR b ( A ); MGZY go (A) [k:>] <> [D)
[E] ST and area: TB *(s-)kat 'cut', WT 'gas-pa 'to split , break'
c
!t!
jie kai
c
kas krats
f
ft
xia yat gat grat =21-3/282 *
g
rG
hUQ xwat huot hwat
21-3 =K.282 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a $ xia yat gat grat =21-2/3l4fft
231
21 oeM *-at, *-a(t)s fj (2) (GSR 267-348)
21-4 = K. 283 Mand.
a :r jie
21-5 = K. 284 Mand.
Me
kjat 3
Me
LHan
kiat
LHan
OCM
kat
OCM
a hero Jle gjat 3 giat gat OCB *grjat
[El ? TB: WT gyad 'champion, athlete'; or Lushai hrat
F
< hraat 'brave, resolute'
lift jie kjat 3 kiat kat
b jie gjat 3 giat gat OCB *grjat
21-5A
g
Mand.
ji
MC
kjai
C
3
LHan
kias
OCM
kats
21-5B Mand. Me LHan OCM
ji kjai
C
3 kias kats
Il [Tl MHan Indic kath; kias-pin Kashmir
21-6 = K. 329 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a

qi khjai
C
3 khias khats OCB *khrjats
21-7 = K. 332 Mand. Me LHan OCM
a
m
yi ?jai
C
3 ?ias tats or tas
21-8 = K. 268 Mand. Me LHan OCM
a ffi. e I)at I)0t I)at
=21-9/269 -;Y, =24-17/252j 1liI:, 21-llf289j
21-9 = K. 269 Mand.
a "5 e
LHan
I)ot
21-10 = K. 347 Mand. Me LHan OCM
a X yi IJ.iBi
C
I)ios I)as
= see 21-8/268
cb )t l)(U yi IJ.iBi
C
I)ios I)as 'to mow'
[E) TB: WT rl)a-ba, brl)as ' to mow, cut, reap' , West Tib. col. rl)ab-pa
c )t2 artem. ai l)ai
C
I)os I)as 'artemisia'
[Tl Sin Sukchu SR 1)aj MGZY I)ay [lJajl
21-11 = K. 289 There is only one syllable of the type IJ.iBt in SSYP, hence lJ.iat 3 probably
represents OeM 1)at, not I)rat.
Mand. Me LHan OCM
a sjat
gf
xie siat sI)at
ed sjat d xue siat sl)at
f sat, siet
J!
sa, xie sat, set sat, set
g lJ.iat 3

nie I)iat I)at [Tl ONW I)at
h !I: nie lJ.iat 3 I)iat I)at
[El ST *1]ja(t) or *1]je(t): WT nes-pa 'evil, calamity, crime', Kachin nye 'punish, cause woe'
malt nie lJ.iat 3 I)iat I)at [Tl ONW 1)at
[El TB: Lushai lJaan
H
< 1)aan 'malt'
232
21 OCM *-at, *-a(t)s j=j (2) (GSR 267-348)
e, I)at,
nie Iliat 3
= 21-8/268a fff ; 24-17/252j.fln
I)at,
I)iat
I)at,
I)at
21-12 = K. 317 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a "* da, dai, dai
c
, dos, doh, das, OCB *liits
tai thai
c
thas thas
rn Sin Sukchu SR daj (*), PR, LR da; MGZY tay (*) [daj]; Sui-Tang da(i)C, ONW daC/
c
[D] Y -Guangzh tai
C2
, Taishan ai
c
; K-Meix tha
C
d "* tai thai
c
thas thas OCB *hliits
= 2J-J3/316a * <> [T] ONW thaC <> [E] ? TB *tay 'big' > WT mthe-bo 'thumb' , Nung thE:
' big, large, great', Mikir the, kethe ' id. '; WB tay 'very'; Abor-Miri ta 'large'
f9 1kawave dai da.i
C
das dats lats ?)
[E] TB: WT rlabs 'wave'
1* penetT. tai
thai
C
thas
thats 3li 21-14/27Ib Ji
1}:.. pass o. ta that that that
hI

dai, di diei
c
, dai
c
des, das des, das
[E] TB: WB thit ' stocks for confinement'
if*-
dl diei
c
des des
'1*
shi ijai
C
dias das or des
21-13 = K. 316 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
*
tai thai
c
thas
thils =21-121317a *-
21-14 = K. 271 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a ta that that that
The graph shows a sheep between the legs of a standing person.
b reach da dat dot dat 3li 21-12/317fd\
de
[T] Sin Sukchu SR da (A); ONW dat <> [E] TB: LB *dat 'alive, to be'; Lushai d:J:Jt
F
/ d:J?L
'to pierce, stick in, sprout up'
to a. frota that
ti ril ta that
that
that
'go to and fro '
21-15 = K. 315 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
tt(f
dai tai
C
tas tas R! OCB *tats
[T] Sin Sukchu SR taj ($:); MGZY day ($:) [taj]; ONW taC <> [EJ TB *ta:y, Lushai tai
R
'waist'
RI
dai taiC
tas
c

dl tiei
C
tes tes
1!
di tiei
C
tes [T] BTD Skt. dad-,drs
d screen di diei
c
des dets
hoard die diet det det
e awaydi diei
c
des des
sheath shi ijai
C
dies des
b ;
zhi
dres
f
rm
chi, zhl tshjajC, tsje
B
tshas, tse
B
? thes, te?
233
21 OCM *-at, *-a(t)s Jj (2) (GSR 267-348)
21-16 = K. 336 Maud. MC LHau OCM
ab 1lE:b shi zji:ii
c
dias dats
cd
UZftim
shi zji:ii
c
dzas dats
21-17 = K. 335 Maud. MC LHau OCM
ab zhi tsji:ii
c
tsas tats or kets ?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ti (*); MGZY ji (*) [ti]; ONW tsei
e III che tshji:ii
c
tshias that(s) or *e?
d zhi kji:ii
c
3 kias kats or krets ?
21-18 = K. 334 Maud. MC LHau OCM
a m zhi <;Iji:ii
c
<;lias drats < r-lats
[E] KT: KS *?dlaai B 'wild pig', PHlai *lat
21-19 = K. 287 Maud. MC LHau OCM
a tff break zhe tsji:it tsat tet (or tat)
OCB *tjats (1992: 393), *tjet (1998) <> [f] ONW tsat
tff beud she zji:it dzat det OCB *N-tjet
[f] ONW dzat <> [E] TB *tsyat , or rather *tyat: LB *tsat - C-tsat 'break in two, conclude' ;
WT 'chad-pa, chad 'to cut, explain'
tff slow ti diei de
h che, ti thiek thret, thek
cdg rg-rlttlI zhe tji:it trat [f] ONW tat
ij HfIYff zhe, zhi tsji:it , tsji:ii
c
km t=#1i shi zji:ii
C
n OilY zha
tsat, tsas
dzas
tat
tat, tats OCB *tjats
dats OCB *djats
tr3t
21-19A <t jf tsji:it tsat tat or tet SW 490
21-20 = K. 286 Maud. MC LHau OCM
a f& ?
be iWifl& che <;Iji:it, thret R! OCB *thrjet, *fithrjet
fI& [f] ONW that <> [E] ? TB: WB tat 'to know, be skilled in', Tani *tas 'to listen 1 hear', WT
thos-pa 'to hear'
d ehe <;Iji:it <;Iiat dret
ef l){lEta ch6 <;Ijiit <:liat dIet
[E] TB: WT rjes < rjes 'trace, track'
21-21 = K. 338 Maud. MC
a yi jii:ii
c
b leak xie sji:it
[E] TB: Mru yat 'to leak, ooze'
dispers. yi jiai
C
c xie sji:it
21-22 = K. 333 Maud.
a yi
MC
jii:ii
c
LHau
jas
siat
jas
siat
LHau
jas
234
OCM
lats
slat
lats
slat
OCM
lats
= 21-23/339h lilt
= 21-23/339
21 OCM *-at, *-a(t)s t=l (2) (GSR 267-348)
21-23 = K. 339 The OC vowel could have been either *a or *e. The PCH final consonant was
probably *-p in some of the words; 339a is only partially phonetic in 35-10/633 because of the
transparent semantic connection.
a
d
k
e
fg
h
ijl
m
t!:t

Mand. Me LHan oeM
shi sjaiC sas Ihats < *-ps
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ("*); MGZY shi ("*) ONW sei; BTD Skt. -satru
shi sjaiC, (d)zja
C
sas, (d)za
C
Ihas, m-Iah
lin toil yi jii:ii
c
jas lat, lats
[El TB: WT las, OTib. bias 'work, toil', TGTM *gjat < *gl-
yi jHiic, jiat jas, jat lat, lats
yi jiai
C
jas lats < laps
xie, yi sjat, jiai
C
siat, jas slat, lats
xie sjat siat slat
sjat siat slat
=21-21 /338b
=21-21/338c
21-24 = K. 272 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a *U la Hit lot rat
e
fg
h
[E] TB *(g-)ra-t *(g-)rya-t > WT dra-ba 'cut, clip, lop, prune, pare', Lepcha hra 'cut', Nung
rat 'sever', WB hra
c
'wound, slightly cut'
la lat
[D] Min: Amoy loah Doal'D2], lit. loat 'pungent' <> [El Tai: Saek thaat < d- 'peppers, spicy,
hot', Po-ai saat
D2L
< j-, 'hot, peppery', Dioi sat
l
*b-Iat
l
)
*j illi laic las rats
[Tl Indic ras, (Coblin 1983: 83). MHan to-las Talas
Mfi lai laic las rats
il [El AA: Wa-Lawa-Bulang *rah 'rapids, waterfall' OKhmer rat IrJtl 'to move swiftly,
run' <> Pfai *hlaai
BI
'rapids in a river'
Ji artem. lai,la laic, Hit las, lot


shade lai laic las
Ian
ta, chl'l
rats
rats
'artemisia'
[T] ONW lunB <> [D] PMin *diun
B
rhat
21-25 = K. 291 Some OC syllables in this series may have the vowel *e rather than *a.
a
bcd-
-ef
Mand. Me LHan OCM
37U lie Ijat liat
{JlJ1jIJ lie Ijat liat
lie ljat liat
[T) Sin Sukchu SR Ije (.1\); MGZY
rat
rat R!
rat or ret?
lya (.1\) [lje)
OCB *C-rjat
[E) TB: WT dres-ma, dred-ma 'grass for ropes and shoes', WB krit 'a kind of grass'
9 n, lie IjaiC, ljat lias, liat rats or rets ? OCB *C-rjets (?)
hi Ii IjaiC lias rats
21-26 = K. 326, 340, 267 Me LHan OCM
326a 1 >. chai rhats OCB *hrjats
267cd > mai mai
c
mas mrats OCB *mrats
267a f-it3 wan mjwun
C
muan
c
mans '10000'
[Tl Sin Sukchu SR vwan ("*), LR vwan; MGZY (khan wan (1i-) [van); ONW muan
235
21 OCM *-at, *-a(t)s fj (2) (GSR 267-348)
340a I hedge Ii IjaiC lias rats
[E] TB: Tiddim g:l:lIF < *r:l:lls 'fence' <> rua
C2
< *r- 'fence'
a drag Ii IjaiC lias rats OCB *C-rjats
ac Ii IjaiC lias rats 'cruel' OCB *C-rets
- 29-25/532a <>[E] TB: WT hrad-pa 'exert oneself, push violently, stem tide'
[f] BTD Skt . re (Coblin 1993: 912)
a ford Ii Ijai
C
lias rats
[E) TB: WT rab(s) 'ford'; JP rap55 'to ford, cross a river'
ab Ii IjaiC lias rats 'grind'
d Ii IjaiC lias rats
(Baxter 1992: 404) <> [E] KT: PTai *tr-: S. taai
A1
'to die', Saek praai
1
ef YlJm Ii IjaiC lias rats
[f] MGZY Ii ($:) [Ii] <> [E]-> PTai *nl/r-: S. (Iek-)nai
A2
, Po-ai lai
A2
'bee' s sting'
9 fJ.; Uli, la, B Hii
C
, 1at, IjaiC lot/s, lias rat, rats, rats
[E] Cf. TB: WT 'bras 'rice' 'bras-bu 'fruit', Lushai ra?L < *ra? or *rah *-s) 'fruit '
21-27 = K. 318 Mand. MC LHan OCM
ab * 1 nal nai
C
nos nas or nats
Cf. Japanese (kara)nashi <> [f] BTD Skt. [Vara]Q.asf
a *2 nal nai
C
nos nas
Starting with a few occurrences in Zuozhuang, *nas replaces ril *nah < *naas in the
Zhanguo period in the expression POfilJ ril he (Unger Hao-ku 22, 1983).
21-28 = K. 337 The MC finals are ambiguous; in some words, the OC rime could have been
*-at, in others *-et.
Mand. MC LHan OCM
a sacrif. ji tsjiii
C
tsias tsats or tsets
a state zhai tsrats or tsrets
e W ji tsjiii
C
tsias tsats
[E] WB chap 'millet'
f ji tsjiii
C
tsias tsats OCB *tsjats < *tsjaps
[f] Sin Sukchu SR tsjej ($:), PR, LR tsi; MGZY dzi ($:) [tsi] <> [E] TB: WT c"abs
'together'; Garo tsap-tsap 'adjacent'; WB cap 'to join, unite', Kachin tsyap ' adhere'
sacrif. di tshai
C
tshos, tshats < k-sats,
sos, sac sats OCB srats
= 21-29/319a *'. <> [f] Han BTD Pkt. sa-
a state zhai tsrets
h zhai tsrets OCB *tsr(j)ets
[E] AA: PVM *k-ce:t > Viet. chet 'to die'; PMonic kcgt 'to die' k-r-cet 'to kill'
ch<i tshret R! OCB tshrjet (1992: 412)
ff] Sin Sukchu SR ( A )
9
chi thrats
21-29 = K. 319 The MC finals are ambiguous; in some words, the OC rime could have been
either *-at or *-et.
Mand. MC
a di
LHan
tshas
236
OCM
tshats < k-sat =21-28/337i
21 oeM *-at, *-a(t)s B (2) (GSR 267-348)
de kill sha R! srat OCB *srjet < *srjat
[TJ Sin Sukchu SR CA.); ONW <> [E] TB *g-sat 'to kill' > WT gsod-pa, bsad, Chepang
sat-sa, WB sat, PL *C-sat, JP sat
31
ga
31
_sat
55
'attack'
reduce shai srats 'to diminish, reduce'
eha
[f) ONW BTD Skt. Skt. 'place, seat , sphere of activity'
9 m sa sat sat silt
f m: sha, she srat or sret
21-30 = K. 275 Mand. Me LHan OCM
ade bo pwat pat pat
b b6 bwat bat bat
GSR writes the lower element as gong "".
e shoot fa pjwBt puat pat
[f] Sin Sukchu SR fwa ( A ), PR, LR fa?; MTang pfar < pfuar, ONW puat <> [0] Min: Xiam
col. pU'j'Dl, lit. huat
D1
<> [E] Area word: TB-LB *C-pat ' vomit', WB phat, JP n31_phat31. <>
AA: Mon pnoh 'bow' poh 'to shoot with a pellet-bow'
splash bo pwat pat pat
f II neglect fei pjwBi
C
puas pats = 21-31/2760 iJi.t(
[E] Tai : S. bap4 'exhausted, worn out'
II great fa pjwBt puat pat
21-31 = K. 276 Mand.
ba
Me
bwat
bwat
LHan oeM
a
be
h
9
f
d
e
o
j
kIm
n
o
21-32
7X.

W
ba
bei bwai
c
= 30-18/50 If pei rrn
ba bwat
bat
bot
bas
bat
bat
bat
bats 'thinned' OCB *bots R!
bat ' rise'
ba bat bEt or bat brat? 'pull out'
[f] MTang bar, ONW bat <> [E] TB: Lushai P:Jt
L
/ p:J'j'L 'to pull, pull up, out '
Zt halt ba bwat bot bat
:3t roots ba pwat pot pat
[E] JP (n31-/niI)31-) pot
31
'root, origin'
b:i pwat pat
ba, fa bwat, bjwBt bat, buat
ba, bei bwat, bwai
c
bot, bas
fei pjwBi
C
puas
fa pjwBt puat
[E] ? TB: WT phud ' hair knot, tuft of hair'
j fa bjWBt buat
t.i!:ZtJ.;(:1i( fu pjwdt put
= 30-18/50Ic 'Ffj ; = 30-l7/500k
mtt wand fu phjwdt
tlX purify fu phjwdt
fei pjwBi
C
puas
pat
bat, bat
bat, bats
pats
pat
bat
Pdt
phdt
phdt
pats
Mand.
bo
Me
pwat
LHan OeM
liif
pat < SkI. patra
237
= 21-30/275f Jr1
OCB *pjot R!
[f] ONW pat
21 oeM *-at, *-a(t)s f3 (2) (GSR 267-348)
21-33 = K. 307 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a- fa bjwBt buat bat 3t 21-31/276d
{:)t [fJ MTang bvar < bvuar, ONW buat
f lush fa bjWBt buat bat
flutter
, . ,. I
pel, pel. bwili
c
bas bats = 30-\8 / 501 1ft!j
21-34 = K. 308 Mand. Me LUan OCM
a
ill
fa bjwBt buat bat = 2\-33/307a {:)t
[fJ MTang bvar < bvuar, ONW buat
21-35 = K. 320 Mand. Me LUan OCM
a ffil. bei pwai
c
pas pats
[fJ Sin Sukchu SR puj PR P;)j , LR P;)j; MGZY bay ($;) [paj); BTD Skt. pat[traJ. MHan
t;IJ J'! (*) kiap-pas( -sari)) Skt. karpasa
[EJ ST *pop (?): TB Chepang bop 'snail', JP lii
55
_pop55 ' snail '
ba paC <- Tai loan: S. paa
B1
< paB 'meadow'
f J& ruin bai pai
c
pas prats OCB *prats
[fJ Sin Sukchu SR pai, bai ( $;); MGZY bay, pay ($;) [paj - bajJ
J& be ru. bili
OJ! bili
21-36 = K. 348 Mand.
bai
C
bai
c
Me
bas
bas
LUan
brats
OCM
'be ruined' OCB *fiprats
[fJ BTD Skt.
a
Uj
fei bjWBi
C
buas bas < *bos OCB *bjots
[fJ ONW bei <> [EJ ST *baus: KN-Lushai bau? < *baus 'to bark'
21-37 = K. 277 Mand. Me LUan OCM
ac *1* mo mwat mat mat
[fJ ONW mat. MHan J..LiK tshiaB-mat = Calmadana
b 1* foam mo mwat mat mat
finish mei mwai
c
mas mats
5RfiJ
mo-Ii mwat-lji
C
'Jasmine or moly' < Skt . mallika
21-38 = K. 293 Mand. Me LHan OCM
a
xue xjwat 3 hyat hmat
238
22 oeM rime *-ot, *-wat, *-o(t)s,*-wa(t)s Yue- n bu Fl (3)
GSR 268 - 348
Baxter 1992: 389 ff. (10.1.2)
See Table 25-\ for OCM rimes *-on / *-wan, *-ot / *-wat, *-oi / *-wai in QYS categories. See
Table 28-1 for MC Div. 3/3 without OC medial *r; see also Intro. 5.2.3 for more about the removal
of OCB medial *r in MC Div. 3/3 syllables.
After grave initials in Div. III, the QYS distinguishes the finals -jwllt / -jwlliC and -jwat /
-jwai
C
Only the latter occur after acute initials, but also after grave initials in tone C (-jwai
C
),
while the final t counterparts have the final -jwllt. We assume a single LHan and OC source for
both rimes. In OCB system, MC -jwat / -jwai
C
would go back to a medial *r. This
distributional pattern is parallel to -at, rime 21.
22-1 = K. 302 The OC rime of some syllables is not certain.
Mand. MC LHan OCM
a $ jue kjwllt kyot kwat
ef @3 guo kwat kuo! kwat
h
13
kuo kwat kuo! kwat irs
OCB *kWat
[EJ TB: Lushai kua?L < kuas ' put arm(s) around (tree, neck, waist , etc.)'
fi5 kuo kwat kuot kwat
j

kuo kwat kuo! kwat
k

13-
kuo kwat kuot kwat
I
iE
huo ywat, kwat yuot, kuot gwat, kwat
m $ purl guo kwat kuot kwat OCB *kWat
'to purl (as running water),
$ alive huo ywat yuot gwat R! OCB *gWat
[fJ BTD Skt . vat
n J5!J gua kwat kuat kwrat or krot
[fJ Sin Sukchu SR kwa ( A ); MGZY gwa ( A ) [kwaJ <> [DJ PMin *kuot
o hua ywai
C
yuas gwrats or grots
[fJ Sin Sukchu SR ywa (1i: ); MGZY Xway (1i:) [ywajJ <> [DJ PMin *hua
c
p guo kwat kuot kwat
q far kuo khwat khuot khwat
OCB *khot (Baxter 1992: 409) <> [f] Sin Sukchu SR k' w:J ( A ) ; MGZY khwo ( A) [k' w:J]
qie-kuo khwat khuot khet-kh6t 'bound together'
See Baxter 1992: 409-410.
239
22 OCM *-ot, *-wat, *-o(t)s, *-wa(t)s ti (3) (GSR 268-348)
22-2 = K. 301 With some syllables the OC rime is not certain. The MC rime KjwBt has the
tone C counterpart KjwliiC 3 (KjwBiC is extremely rare), hence these syllables had no OC
medial r.
Mand. MC LHan
jue kjWBt kyat
jue kjwBt kyat
jue kjwBt kyat
22-3 = K. 321 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a WI unite hui ywai
C
yuos g6ts
J:f 22-1/302113 *kwiit <> [f] Sin Sukchu SR yuj (*); MGZY Xue <* ) [yue]; MTang guoi,
ONW yuoC; BTD Skt. vasa, bhas. OCB *gots < *gops; OCB rime *-ops is based on
etymological assumptions and is not borne out by actual rimes
def
gh
WI cal cuI. kuai kwai
C
kuos k6ts
kuai
kuai kwai
C
kwai
C
, kwat
kuos
kuos
kuos, kuot
k6ts
k6ts
k6t, k6ts
' calculation'
j
k
I1tft
ft
tWl
gui, guo
gui, hui
hui
kwiii
C
, ywiii
C
kuos, yuos k6ts, g6ts
at comf. kua.i
faded

m gui
n 'if hui
Mand.
ywai
C
khwai
c
kwfii
c
, kwfit
kwiii
c
, ywiit
?wiii
C
MC
yuos g6ts
khuas khr6ts
kuos, kuot k6t, kots
kuos, yuot k6ts, g6t
?uos ?6ts
LHan OCM 22-4 = K. 304
8
a yue jWBt wot wat
' comfortable'
OCB *?ops
[f] Sin Sukchu SR I)ye (A); MGZY xwya (A) [fiye]; MTang uar, ONW uat < wat
e
f
18 h6 YW;;)t YU;;)t
18 bubble h6 YW;;)t YU;;)t
regulate gu kw;;)t ku;;)t
flow yu kiwet, juet kuet, wit kwH, wit
240
= 29-11 /5070 1!fi
22 oeM *-ot, *-wat, *-o(t)s, *-wa(t)s fj (3) (GSR 268-348)
22-5 = K. 303, 346 Me LHan oeM
ad yue jWBt wat wat
e transgr. yue jWBt wat wat oeB *wjat
[f] ONW wat; Han BTD *wat: Skt. -pati, -vatr, vat a
plait huo ywat yuat wilt
f
1
xue XjWBt hyat hwat
346a

SUI sjwaiC syas swats
[f] Sin Sukchu SR suj (*); MGZY sue (*) [sue]; ONW suei <> [0] PMin *hue
c
f

hUI xjwBiC hyas hwats =25-28/1710
[f] ONW huei
c
<> [E] KT: S. nuat
D1L
< *hn- 'beard'
g

hUI xwai
c
huos hwats
h

huo xwat huat hwat

hUI ?jwBi
C
?yas ?wats
vomit yue ?jwBt , ?jwat ?yot ?wat
[E] TB: LB *ut (not ?ut) 'to belch'
tinkle hui xwai
c
huas hwats oeB *hwats
k gUI kjwai
C
kyas kwats Of kots
22-6 = K. 305 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
-
yue jWBt wat wat
22-7 =K. 273 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a X wo ?wat ?uot ?wat
b

wan ?wan
C
?uan
C
?wans = 25-l7/260m Jl7il
22-8 = K. 306,322 Me LHan oeM
ag fj m yue IliwBt I)yot, S I)iot I)wat OeB *IJWjat
[f] Sin Sukchu SR IJye (A); MGZY xwya (A) [fiye] ; MTang IJuar, ONW IJuat
hj Jjum=3 yue IliwBt, l)wat I)yat, I)uat I)wat, I)fwat
322a :7'!- wal I)wai
C
I)uos I)wats
[f] Sin Sukchu SR IJwaj (*), PR IJwaj, waj; LR waj; MGZY xue (*) [fiue]; ONW IJuae. The
OB graph is identical with bu f- , but here a stroke marks the outside of something
symbolized by a vertical line; 'moon' was later added as phonetic.
22-9 = K. 274 Mand.
a :w rob duo
$ narrow dUI
22-10 = K. 295 Mand.
a

zhuo
de

chuo
bf

zhuo, zhul
j point zhua, zhuo
tallies zhul
c gulp zhuo
chuo,
shul
Me
dwat
dwai
c
Me
tjwat
tjwiit
tjwiit, tjwiii
C
twat
tjwai
C
tjwiit
tshjwiit,
zjwiii
C
LHan
duot
duos
LHan



tuat


tshuat,
dzuas
241
oeM
Wt
lots
oeM
trot
trot
= 22-13/324j
19-16/lld
trot, trots
trot 'sharp point at end of whip'
trots
trot
thot,
dots
22 oeM *-ot, *-wat, *-o(t)s, *-wa(t)s }'j (3) (GSR 268-348)
chub tshjwat tshuat thot
[D] Ke-Meix tsh;,t! !, Min-Fuzh ts
h
U;,?43, Jian'ou ts
h
ye
34
, Xiamen ts
h
e?32 'drink'
9 zhuo, tjwiit , trot,
h
k
22-11 = K. 343
duo, duo twat tuat tot
duo, zhuo twat, tjwat
di-dong tieiC-tul)
Mand. Me
tuat ,
tes-tol)
LHan
tot, trot
tes-tOI)
oeM
cf. 22-14/29ge
a

zhui tsjwai
C
tsuas tots
[E] TB: WT: gtod-pa, btod-pa ' to tether, tie up, stake' rtod-pa 'to tether, a stake or peg'
22-12 = K. 344 Mand.
a rui
22-13 = K. 324 Mand.
a open dui
Me
jiwai
C
Me
LHan
juas
LHan
dwai
c
, thwai
c
duas, thuas
oeM
los or lots
oeM
lots, lhOts
[E] Tai : S. hltD2L < *dl- 'to slip through a hole or tunnel'
glad dui dwai
c
duas lots
t51 take tuo, duo thwat , dwat thuat, duat Ihot, lot 'take away'
[T] ONW thuat, duat <> [D] M-Amoy col. te?D2, lit. toat
D2
, Jieyang to?D2 'take away
forcibly'; Amoy col. thua?D!, lit. thuat
D
! 'escape'
wipe shui sjwai
C
suai
c
Ihots
m 1m peel o. tuo, duo thwat, dwat thuat , duat Ihot , lot [T] ONW thuat, duat
easy tui thwai
c
thuas
Ihots 19-16/l IL
d tui, dui dwai
c
, thwai
c
duas, thuas lots, Ihots
[E] TB *g-lwat 'loose, relax'
e

tui, thwai
c
, thuas, Ihots,
tub, thwa
C
, thuai
c
, Ihoih,
shui, sjwaiC, suai
c
, Ihots,
yue jiwat juat lot
f sharp rui jiwiii
C
juas lots
lance dui dwai
c
duos lots
gh

shui , sjwaiC, suas, Ihots,
cui tshjwai
C
tshyas tshots < s-lhots

duo dwat duat lot = 22-9/274
op

yue jiwat juat lot [T] ONW iuat
n

zhuo tsjwat tsuat tot
[E] TB: WT rtod-pa 'a post '
1% tax shu! sjwa.iC suas Ihots [T] ONW suei
mourn. tui thwai
c
thuas
Ihots
dress tuan thwan
C
! thuan
C
Ihons
q m speak shuo sjwat suat Ihot
[T] Sin Sukchu SR C\); MGZY shwye (/\) ONW suat
exhort shu! sjwaiC suas Ihots
[E) shui 'rest over night': KS: *s-lwa
B
' to rest '
242
22 oeM *-ot, *-wat, *-o(t)s, *-wa(t)s FI (3) (GSR 268-348)
22-14 = K. 299 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ac
d
e
22-15
%
lue ljwat lyat rot
lie ljwat lyat rot
lu6 lwat luat rot
[E] PTai ruut
D2
'to scrape off (mud from limbs), strip off (grains from stalk),
lei lwai
c
luas rots < g-rots
[E] Tai: S. kruat
DI
'to make a libation' S. rot
D2
' to sprinkle (water), to water (plants)'
Mand. Me LHan oeM
lie Ijwat lyat rot (rjot ?)
[f] ONW luat <> [E] TB *ryut > JP yut
31
'become worse (illness)', WB yut < rut 'inferior,
mean' hrut 'put down'
22-16 = K. 296 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a #.t@ jue dzjwat dzyat dzot
b

jue, tsjwat, tsyat, tsot,
zui tsjwai
C
tsyas tsots
cd

cui
tshjwajC tshyas tshots 22-17/34Sc
22-17 = K. 345 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

cui tshjwai
C
, tshyas, tshots k-sots?),
tshrots
c

cui, que tshjwat tshyat tshot 22-16!296cd IW;
b
Ii
cui tshjwai
C
tshyas tshots OCB *tshjots < *-ops?
Ii
chui, tshjwai
C
, tshuas, thots (or k-hlots?),
tshjwan
C
tshuan
C
thons
22-18 = K. 297 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a xue sjwat syat sot
[f] ONW suat <> [E] KT: Tai-Po'ai nwai
AI
< *hn- 'snow' ; KS *?nu:i 'snow'
22-19 = K. 298 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a ijU shull srot
[f1 Sin Sukchu SR ( A ); MGZY (zhwa shwa ( A ) It;wa]
[E] TB: Mru chartit 'comb'; Lushai hru I hruuk 'to rub (off), wipe (off)', JP brut
2
'a
brush' (shuazi) la
55
_rut
55
'a brush (shuiizi)' , WT sud-pa, bsud < *rhjut 'to rub, get
scratched'
243
23 oeM rime *-en Yuan bu (1)
GSR 139 - 266
Baxter 1992: 370 if. (10.1.1)
See Table 20-1 for OCM rimes *-en, *et in QYS categories.
For LHan, chongniu Div. 3/4 items (QYS -jilin 3/4) could be written -ien or -ian; I write-
ian because this agrees with the treatment of this final after acute initials, and it is parallel to
the breaking of *-on to LHan -uan.
There are no Div. 3/4 (i.e., MC medial yod) counterparts to Div. IV types like MC kien, i.e.,
no syllable reconstructable as *ken (except after aspiration and labiovelar kw- that block
palatalization, see 23-4, 23-17). Therefore velars appear to have palatalized (?) and
completely merged with initial dentals by the time phonetic series reached their traditional
composition. A velar survives only in 24-29c.
23-1 = K. 240 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

shoulder jian kien ken ken
[T] MTang kian < kian, ONW ken
thin xian, hen yien, y;:)n gen,g;:)n gen (and ?)
bc jian kien ken ken = 23-3/239b
e
m
qian khien, khen, khen,
khan khan or khen khren
23-2 = K. 241 Mand. Me LHan OCM
a J! 1 see Jlan kien
C
ken
c
kens
ae
f
g
h
23-3
ab
c
[Tl Sin Sukchu SR kjen ($;); MGZY gyan ($;) [kjen]; MTang kian < kian, ONW ken
[El TB *m-kyen (STC no. 223) > WT mkhyen-pa 'to know', PTani *ken 'know', NN *C-khyel)
J! covering kanc ken
c
krens
fJi! xian yien
C
genC gens 'appear'
[Tl MTang yian < yian, ONW yen
qian,xian khienC,yienBkhenc, genB
xian yienB genB
khens,gen?
gen?
J[ a plant yanC genC
grens cf. 25-14
smile huan see 25-7
I)ien
c
I)en
c
I)ens OCB *I)ens
[D] PMin *I)hian
c
t: hail sien
c
senc sens OCB *s(k)ens
Alternative graph of Ik <> [T] TB: WT ser-ba 'hail', JP sin
33
= K. 239 Mand. MC LHan oeM

jian kien ken ken = 23-1/240bc
lffl
jilin kien
B
kenB ken?
244
d
f
gh
23-4
a
b
e
f
23 oeM *-en (1) (GSR 139-266)
m
qian
khien(C) khen(C)
khen, khens
m qian khien khen
khen
9
yan I]ien I]en I]en OCB *I)en
;flf jf kiei , kien ke, ken ke, ken
= K. 196 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a qHin khjian
B
4 khien
B
khen?
ii send qHin khjian
B
4 khien
B
khen?
[T) ONW khian; Han BTD khian <> [E) TB: WT skyel-ba 'send'
ii s. to graveqi llll khjian
C
4 khien
c
khens
t.I
qian khjian
B
4 khien
B
khen?

qian! khjHinC 4 khien
c
khens
23-5 = K. 191 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab Fa' Jlan kan ken kren OCB *kren ' interstice'
[T) Sin Sukchu SR kjan (); MGZY (gyan gyan ( ) [kjan); ONW kiin
Fa' kanc ken
c
krens 'separate'
[E) TB: Lushai inL-kaar
L
'the space, interval or distance between, difference' l:!: inL-kaarH-a?L
'to come between' ; LB *gra
2
> WB kra
B
'have space between, be apart '
xian Van gen gren OCB *fikren ' leisure'
f 00 jian kan ken kren OCB *kren
[E] Vietnamese sen ' lotus '
d fii jian kanB
9
h
ira'
:Wll'
23-6 = K. 192
xian
xian
jian
xian
Mand.
VanB
van
kanc
vanB
Me
kenB kren?
genB gren?
gen gren
kanc krans
ganB gran?
LHan OeM
a leisure xian Van gen gren OCB *fikren
23-7
a
e
hij
b
f
q
[T] Sin Sukchu SR yjan (:if); MGZV (Xyan Xyan ('f) [yjan] ; ONW van, n -f - 'lazy'
[E] Tai: PTai *gran
C2
' lazy'

train xian Van gen gran OCB *gran

refined xian van gen gren
= K. 185 Mand. Me LHan oeM
*
jHin kanB kEnB
kren?
t*
Jlan
kanB kenB kren?
[E] Tai : S. klan
B
! 'select ' (as jewels)
l*
!ian lien
c
len
c
rens
[E] Tai : S. krian
A
!

/1 I' liilll lien
e
len
c
rens
** [T] ONW len

jian kanc kanc
krans
III barrier Ian Ian Ian ran
[E) ? TB: WB ran
B
'make a barrier on one side'
f1I barrier Ia n Hin Ian ran
f1I a tree !ian lien
c
len
c
rens
11
hin Ian Ian ran
245
23 oeM *-en (1) (GSR 139-266)
n ilin Hin Ion ran oeB *g-ran
k
1m
o
[f] ONW Ion. MHan Krorayina
ilin Ian Ion
Ian lan(C) Ion (C)
lan
c
lonc
Hin(B) 10n(B)
23-8 = K. 1250f Mand. Me LHan
ran
ran, rans
rans
ran , ran?
f
.
JII1!IlJ Juan
kiwen kuen
oeM
kwen = 23-17/228h tn
Me LUan 23-9 = K. 248 Mand. oeM
ab xuan yiwen yuen gwen 'suspend'
[f] MTang yuian(?), ONW yuen <> [0] PMin *guen > Fuzh keil)A2 'high' * heil)A2 'hanging
down' <>Tai 'suspend' : S. khween
AI
< *xw-
a xHm yiwen
C
yuen
C
gwens 'district ' = 23-1112565
[f] Sin Sukchu SR yjen (*); MGZY Xwyan (*) [yyen]
23-10 = K. 227 Mand. Me LUan oeM
ac
= 1 I:m
ffi'!. >
yuan jwan 3 wan wen 'circle'
[f] Sin Sukchu SR yen ( :if); MGZY xwyan (:if) [f\yen]; ONW uan
a a part. yun jwgn wun wgn oeB *wj:m
f
2:0

yun jwen win wrgn
eghi yun jwen
B
3 winB wrgn? R! OCB *wrjgn(7)
d
j:j! xiin ! xjwBn hyan hwan

yun jwgn wun wgn = 34-14/460c IJI;,

yun jwgn
C
435a

sun swgn
B
sugn
B
sw;')n? [f] ONW son
23-11 = K. 829, 256h-c' The blocks GSR 256a-g and h-c' are graphically and phonologically
distinct and form separate phonetic series (23-11 and 25-15). GSR 829a was probably originally
intended for 'scared and alone ... ' because prominent eyes tend to be associated with the
meaning 'fear'. Since all other words written with this graph rime in *-wen, the series is
entered in this rime group.
Me ywan II occurs frequently (from OCM *wran and *wren), Me yiwen < *gwen is rare
and tends to be a doublet of Me ywan. I suspect that MC ywan goes back to simple OCM
*wen rather than *wren (or *wran), and that the rare MC ywan derives from oeM *gwren.
Mand. Me LUan oeM
829ab iiI = 1;1 qlOng gjiwal) 4 gyel) gwel)
256b' 1i
III
y
= 32-8/830a ,t, 9-9/843g
juan kiwen
c
GY kuen
c
kwens
yuan jwan 3 wan wen
[f] Sin Sukchu SR yen (3f); MGZY xwyan ( f- ) [fiyenJ; ONW uan
za' f:liffi xuan xjiwan 4 hyan hwen
q t.I huan yiwen
B
, yuen
B
, gwen?,
ywan
C
yuan
C
wens
256hk ii2 > huan ywan yuan wen
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ywan (3f); MGZY Xwan (:if) [ywan]; ONW yuan
246
= IJI
oeB *hwjen
23 oeM *-en (1) (GSR 139-266)
k
xmin zjwan zyan s-wen OCB *fiswjen
= 23-13/236a 1JJf
n $ huan ywan yuan wen OCB *wren
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ywan (:>JZ); MGZY Xwan (:>JZ) [ywan]; ONW yuan
r
m
huan ywan yuan wen
s r. domain huan ywan yuan wen
district yiwen
C
yuen
C
gwens = 23-9/248a \\%
x
'tJ
huan, ywan, yuan, gwen,
xuan xjwan, hyan hwen
kiwen
c
GY
uv

ywan
C
yuan
C
wen
c' OJ yuan ?iwen
C
?uen
C
?wens
23-12 = K. 167 GSR treats this group as part of 25-13/167 Although the graphic elements
and rimes are different, 167 (25-13) is perhaps partially phonetic.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
g

xuan, xiwen
c
, huen
c
, hwens
xiong xjwal)c hyel)C hwel)h
h

xuan xiwen
c
huen
c
hwens
i

qi6ng gjwal) gyel) gwel)
1256f M jue kiwet kuet kwet
23-13 = K. 1248c Mand. Me LHan oeM
c

huan ywan
C
yuen
C
gwrens or gwrfns
[f] ONW yuan. The old graph was said to be yu .:y inverted (SW 1684).
23-14 = K. 236 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
M
xuan zjwan zyan s-wen = 23-111256k
cde

xuan zjwan zyan s-wen
23-15 = K. 243 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a swallow yan ?ien
C
?en
C
lens 'a swallow (bird)'
[f] ONW len <> [D] X-Changsha ien
B
, W -Wenzh IB(tone!)
[E] Tai: Saek ?een
C2
- ?en
C2
'swallow', S. ?n
BI
rest yan ?ien
C
?en
C
lens = 24-12/253b 1i=
P1.N. yan lien len len
c gullet yan ?ien
C
?en
C
lens - 32-9/370h nft:j
de

yan ?ien
C
?en
C
lens
23-16 = K. 242 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ac

xien
B
henB hen?
[f] MTang hian < hian, ONW hen
23-17 = K. 228 Mand. Me LHan oeM
l=l
yuan ?iwen ?uen ?wen a
A
247
23 oeM *-en (1) (GSR 139-266)
b

yuan, ?iwen, ?uen, ?wen,
?ji wan(B) 4, ?yen(B) ?wen, ?wen?
juan gjiwan
B
4 gyen
B
gwen?
cd

yuan ?jiwan 4 ?yen ?wen
ef

juan kjiwan
C
4 kyen
C
kwens
h
m
juan kiwen kuen kwen = 23-8/1250f
juan kiwen(C) kuen(C) kwen, kwens
j
m
xuan yiwen
B
yuen
B
gwen?
k ,m xuan xiwen(C) huen(C) hwen, hwens
9
juan! jiwan 4 wen wen
MC Div. 3/4 initial ji- is perhaps a mistake for jwan 3, hence OCM *wen?
23-18 = K. 244
a M
Mand.
tian
23-19 = K. 1250e Mand. MC LHan
OCM
then?
oeM
e 85t nian nien
c
nen
c
nens
The MC alternate reading vien? has perhaps been transferred from 23-2/24Ig.
23-20 = K. 245 Mand. Me LHan oeM
->-L-
qian a f'llj dzien dzen dzen
[f] Sin Sukchu SR dzjen (-'\Z); MGZY tsen (-'\Z) [dzen]; ONW dzen
fg
iffir
jian tsjan tsian tsen
eij

jian tsjan
B
tsian
B
tsen?
h

jian tsjan
C
tsian
c
tsens [E] Toch.B tsain J'jIJ arrow
k hair tuft jian tsjan(C) tsian(C) tsen, tsens
fi cut hair jian tsjan
B
tsian
B
tsen?
23-21 = K. 209 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a frtf- fresh Xlan sjan sian sen or san = 23-22/211 a A
[f] Sin Sukchu SR sjen ( -'\Z); MGZY syan () [sjen]. LHan fftf..JI sian-pic *Sarbi
[E) TB *sar > WT gsar-ba 'new, fresh'; WB sac 'make anew' ; Lushai thar
H
'new'
frtf- rare Xlan sjan
B
sian
B
sen? OCB *sjen? (Baxter 1992: 385)
= 23-23/21 Oa Ji!2
d
iii
Xlan sjan
B
sian B, S tshion
B
sen? OCB *sjen?
[0] PMin *tshian
B
- sianB
e

xian sien sen sen = 24-42/206
23-22 = K. 211 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
A
Xlan sjan sian sen or san
= 23-21 /209a fftf. 'fresh'
23-23 = K. 210 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

Xlan sjan
B
sian
B
sen? OCB *sjen?
= 23-21 /209a fftf. 'rare'
248
23 oeM *-en (I) (GSR 139-266)
23-24 = K. 218 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a J:t partial pian phien
c
phenC
phens
J:t half pim
phwanC phonC
phans
= 24-47/181 df ]!iJ ?$
23-25 = K. 221 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a f! eloquent pian bjian 4 bian ben
f! comfort bilm bjian
C
4 bian
c
bens
[E] Sin Sukchu SR bjen (*); MGZY pen (*) [ben]; ONW bian


745f
b
e
pian bjian(C) 4 bian(C) ben, bens
bian pjian 4 pian pen
bing pjial)B 4? piel)B pel)? 'wheel rim'
[N] The readings brng MC pjiiilJB and ban MC pwan
B
may reflect the dialects of different
commentators (CobJin 1983: 153). Karlgren considers brng to belong to 3-\ II 745f.
23-26 = K. 224 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab
ef
mian mjian 4 mian men
$ mian mIen men men

mm: bian pien pen pen
li ff] Sin Sukchu SR pjen (:If); MGZY byan (:If) [pjenJ; ONW pen
[E] ST *pel: Lushai beel
H
'pot, utensil , vessel'
23-27 = K. 246 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a district bilin pienB pen
B
pen?
be
d
e
fg
[E] TB: Lushai bial
H
< bial 'a circle'
thin bilin pien
B
penB pen?
[E] ST *per: TB *pe:r > Lushai peerL I per7L; NNaga pwe:r 'thin'
biilll pienc pen
c
pens
[E] ? TB: Lushai phiar
R
< phiar? -7) 'all, completely'
!li9!M bian-fu pien-pjuk pen-puk
;t; pian bien ben ben
weave bian pien, pjian4 pen, pian pen, pen 23-28/219
[E] TB *pyar - byar > WT 'byor-ba - 'byar-ba ' stick to, adhere to'; Bahing phjer 'to sew';
Lushai phiar
H
< phiar 'to knit, plait'; LB *pan
2
'to braid, plait'
f,;!jji arrange biflll bienB benB ben?
1i\jjj otter bian pien pen pen
ffJ ONW pen <> [E] WB phyam 'otter'
ji an animal pian phjian
C
4 phian
c
bilin pjiiin
B
4 pian
B
[f] MGZY byan U::. ) [pjen]
phens
pen?
hjk i'1\jj m J.jffl pIan phjian 4 phian phen
iJj OCB *phin. <> ff] ONW phian
j& pian, phjian 4, phian,
bian pien(B) pen(B)
m pian bjiiin(B) 4 bian(B)
249
phen,
pen, pen?
ben, ben?
23 OeM *-en (1) (GSR 139-266)
23-28 = K. 219 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
be
e
f
:rtf

bil'lO pjan
B
3 pian
B
pren?
bjan
B
3, bian
B
, bren?,
[T) Sin Sukchu SR bjen (...t); MGZY pen (...t) [ben); ONW ban
ban banc benc brens
bjan
B
3 bian
B
bren?
ban banc benc brens
[T) Sin Sukchu SR ban (:t:); MGZY pan (:t:) [ban) <> [E) ST *brel: WT brel-ba 'be
employed'

ban
benc
benc
bens * 23-27/246e
23-29 = K. 225 Mand.
mian
mian
Me
mjian 4
mjian 4
LHan oeM
$ mian men
ab- #.IM*m
mian = 23-32/223d
23-30
,...L, roof
Mand.
mian
Me
mjian 4
LHan OeM
mian
23-31 = K. 223 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
bed
lID
mian mjian
C
4 mian
c
mens
[Tl Sin Sukchu SR mjen (:t:); MGZY men (:t:) [men); ONW mian <> [Dl M-Xiam bjC2, Y-
Guangzh minc, K-Meix mian
c
[El TB *s-mel >Lushai hmeel
H
'face' hmai
R
< hmai7, JP man
33
'face'
1OOmu#,oo mian mjian
B
4 mian
B
men? t.i = 23-30/225a
23-32 = K. 247 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
D3
mian mienB menB men?
mian mien
c
men
c
SW

mian

mian mien
c
menc
b
i
mian mienBJc men
B
/
C
men?, mens
mian mjian 4 mian SW
e

mian mjian
B
4 mian
B
men?
250
24 oeM rime *-an Yuan bu (2)
GSR 139 - 266
Baxter 1992: 370 ff. (10.1.1)
The rime *-wan is combined with *-on in rime 25. See Table 21-1 for OeM rimes *-an, *-at,
*-ai in QYS categories. After acute initials, Me Div. III -jan has resulted from a merger of OC
*-an and *-en, which are difficult to untangle.
See Table 34-2 for Me Div. 3/3 without OC medial *r.
24-1
ae
gkl
cd
m
j -
h
f
no
p
uv
qz
tb'
y
s
j'
h'i'
c'd'
e'
f'
g'
=K. 139
-=fff
Mand.
gan
MC
kiln
LHan
kan
OCM
kan
gan kan kon kan
-Pr:lif dan-gan tan-kan ton-kon tan-kan
t1fH jian ! kan kan kan
[T] ONW kon
Mand. jilin has been transferred from the syn. jilin unless Me kan is an *r-Iess variant.
IT gan, jian kan, kjBn kan, kian kan, kan
24-29c rf,r *kian(?) - 24-23m *tan(?) - 24-1 m ff *klin, *kan 'rice gruel'
Hf1f!. gan kanB kanB kan?
Wf
Sf
= 18-1/1 e t;lJ; 24-21140k
gan

kan
kanB
kanc
khan
kanB kan?
kane kans
khan khan
fU*
1fT
khan
C
khon
C
khans DCB *khans
:Iff jian kan,kjBn,khan
C
kan? name of a foreign country
han van gan gan
HM yanC ganC gans
[E] WT 'gal-ba ' to oppose'; WB ka 'a shield, to ward off'; Lushai inL-kal?L < -kal?/h 'to
withstand, oppose'
him yanC ganC
ff [D] PMin *gan
C2
<> [E] ? TB: PKiranti *ghal ' sweat '
ff cuff han yanC gonC
brisk gan kan kan
yanB ganB
IDj! ywan
B
guan
B
t!-:t!f! him yanC ganC
jfj!
gan
gans
gans
kan
gan?
gwdin?
gans

an I]an
c
I]an
c
l)ans
= 25-19 II7t
'pursue, overtake'
an l)anc l)anc l)anS See also 24-15.
[T] Sin Sukchu SR Ipn ($;); PR ?an; LR ?an; MGZY ngan (:t:) [lJan]; ONW lJon
han xan
B
hanB hl)an?
xuan! xjBn hian hlpn = 24-17/252
251
24 oeM *-an JCf:fB (2) (GSR 139-266)
Jf han xan
[E] WT hal-ba 'to pant, wheeze, snort'
300a 'H jie kjut, kjiit 3,
kjaiC
kiat,
kias
kat,
kats
The element T is also semantic.
24-2 = K. 140 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a t\ kanc kanc kans
c stem gan kan kan kan
[T] Sin Sukchu SR k:m (-'1'), PR, LR kan; MGZY gan (-'I') [kanJ; ONW kun.
[E] ST *kar: TB *kan > WB khanB 'dry up'; JP kan
31
'solidify, dry up'; Atsi k?an ' dry up'
heaven qian gjan 3 gian gan
de gan kanc kane kans
[T] Sin Sukchu SR bn ($;;), PR, LR kan; MGZY gan ($;) [kan]
k gan kanB kanB kant
= 18-1/1 e 'lij; 24-1I139j
hij han van gon gan
f han yanC gonC ganA ! OCB *gans
m m huan ywan
B
guanB gwan?
24-3
a
d
24-4
a
= 25-19/2570 m; 'wash clothes'; 25-5/161 'wash the hands'
fj:axlecap guan kwanBjC kuanBjC kwan?,kwans =25-1/l57jtg
fj: turn around ?wat ?uat
The OC rime of these last words could be either *-wan or *-on, but an interchange in phonetic
series between *-an and *-wan is more likely than with *-on because of parallel instances *-al)
- *wal), while there is no interchange between *-al) and *-01).
= K. 141 Mand. MC LHan oeM

kan
khanBjC khanBjC
khan?, khans
11i'l
qian khjiin 3 khian khan
= K. 142 Mand. Me LUan oeM

kan khan
C
khan
C
khans
[T] Sin Sukchu SR k';)n (-;ti:), PR, LR k'an; MGZY khan ($;) [k'an]
[E] ? TB: WT mkhan-po 'professor, abbot'
24-5 = K. 143 Mand. Me LUan OCM
a han van gan gan [T] ONW yon
fi jian kjun
B
, kjan
B
3 kianB kant
e * jian kjan
B
3 kianB kant
d. qian ! kjan
B
3 kianB kran? or krian?
[E] ? TB: WT 'khyer-ba 'to take, bring, carry'
9 qian khjan 3 khian khran
h. qlan khjan 3 khian khran or krian
= 24-29/197b <> [E] ? TB: WT 'khyar-ba 'to err, go astray, deviate'
24-6 Mand. MC LHan OCM
rn Jlan kjun
B
, kjan
B
3 kianB kant
[D] PMin *kian
B
: Jian'ou kyel)BI, Fuzh kial)Bl, Xiam kiiiBI
[E] AA: PVM *b:n 'son' ; Mon kon 'child'
252
24-7 = K. 198
a
m
24-7A
24 oeM *-an (2) (GSR 139-266)
Mand. Me
qian gjan 3
Mand. Me
LHan
gian
LHan
oeM
gan
oeM
OCB *grjan
:r
qian khjan 3 khian khran or khrian = 24-291197 Jtt
24-8 = K. 249 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a lt kjun
C
kian
c
kans
[1'] Sin Sukchu SR kjen ($;); MGZY gen ($;) [kcn]
c- mt9! Jlan kjun kian kan
it [E) ? TB: WT rkyal-pa 'leather sack, bag'
d II jian, qian kjun, gjan 3 kian, gian kan, gan
f m sinew jian kjun, gjun
C
kian, gian
C
kan, gans
b Ht Jlan, Jlan kjun
B
, gjlm
B
kianB, gian
B
kan?, gan?
[1'] BTD Htm! muk-gianB-lian Skt. Maudgalyiiyana, Pkt. moggalliina
g it Jlan gjun
C
gian
C
gans
[E) TB: WT gar-ba 'strong', gar-bu 'solid'
h m lock JIan gjun
B
gian
B
gan? =.
[E) ? TB: Lushai kal?L ' to wrench, plait, lock' 3l kal?L-na
H
'a lock'
m weary jian kjun
B
kianB kan?
jilin gjan
B
3 gian
B
gan? = tit
24-9 = K. 184 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

jian kan kan kran
24-10 = K. 144 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

han
xanBjC hanBjC
han?, hans
[N) Ace. to GSR 144 the graph is a semantic composit of r1 'sun' and jiiin 33-5/480
'calamity' (contra SW that considers jiiin phonetic). Since in the early development of the
script elements were also chosen for their meaning, I follow Karlgren.
b burn han xan
B
hanB han?
respectful ran nzjanB nan
B
nan? OCB *njan?
This is a loan application of the graph through confusion with 24-351152.
c rJ hlin xan
c
hanc hans
[N] The old type graph (guwen) consisted of 71<+!ilG +*, the element that looks like a
phonetic today (as in han (!iii) appears in the seal script (Shuowen) <> [1'] BTD Skt. (ar)hant
24-11 = K. 146 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a !Ji': an ?an ?an ?an
de
9
1
f
h
[1'] Sin S. SR ?:m (.If-); PR ?an; LR ?an; MGZY ' an (.If-) [?an]; ONW ?an. MHan Arsak;
?an-tu::ln Antonius
'*
an ?an ?an ?an
an ?an
c
7an
c
?ans
yan ?an
C
?an
C
?rans
[E) TB: KN-Lushai ?aar
H
'fowl', Tiddim ?aak
M
'fowl' < *?aar
late yan nnc, ?anc ?anC, ?an
C
?ans or ?rans
bright yan ?an
C
?an
C
?rans
rest yan
e
?ien
C
, ?anC
?at
?en
C
, ?anC
?at
253
lens, ?rans
'lat
= 24-l2/253b
24 oeM *-an :nJm (2) (GSR 139-266)
24-12 = K. 253 Mand. Me LHan
a tranquil yan ?an
C
?an
C
b * rest yan ?ien
C
?en
C
= 24-111146f <> [f) ONW ien
oeM
?dins
?ens
d yan ?jtm
B
/
C
?ion
B
/
C
?an?, ?ans
= 24-11I146f
[E) ? TB: Lushai zaal
H
< jaal 'to lie down, recline' za1i
L
< jali/h 'lay on the back'
gj
h
yan ?jBnB ?ion
B
?an?
yan ?jBn
C
?ion
C
?ans
.II yan ?ien
B
?en
B
?en?
m 11 ya ?at ?at ?rat
24-13 = K. 254
a OA
Mand.
yan
Me
?jBnB
LHan
?ion
B
24-14 = K. 200 Mand. Me LHan
a suffix yan jan 3 ! ian
how yan ?jan 3 ?ian
[f) Sin Sukchu SR ijen, jen (lj!.); ONW tan
If; yan ?jan 3 ?ian
b ,oan xjan 3 hian
oeM
?an?
oeM
?an > an
?an
?an
han
24-15 = K. 145,186 MC LHan OCM
145a r han xan
c
honc hI]ans
[f) ONW ian, -an
13 ge' W an I)ane I)onc I)ans See also 24-\.
[f) Sin Sukchu SR Ipn (*); PR tan; LR tan; MGZY ngan (*) [IJan]; ONW IJon
186a Hi yan I)anc I)anc I)rans
[f) ONW IJan <> [E) TB: WT IJaIJ-pa 'goose', WB l)an
B
<> PTai *han
BI
< *hl)- 'goose'
24-16 = K. 251 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a speak yan IJjBn I)ion I)an
[f) Sin Sukchu SR jen (lj!.); MGZY ngen (lj!.) [I)cn); ONW I)an; Han BTD IJan
-"--
yin I content IJjdn I)idn I)dn
e
n yan IJjan
c
3 I)ianc I)ans or I)ran s
f

yin IJjen 3 I)in I)rdn
9
J" yin IJjdn, IJjen 3 I)in I)dn
24-17 = K. 252 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

yan IJjBn
C
I)ionc I)ans
d IN, yan,yan IJjBn I)ion l)an,l)an?,l)ans
IJjanB/C I)ian B/C
e
ik
,oan xjBn
C
hion
c
hl)ans OCB *hqjans
=24-18/250a J&:
h
fill
yan IJjBn
B
, IJjan
B
3 l)ion
B
I)an? 'hilltop'

yan (!) IJjat 3 I)iat I)at
W
e I)ilt I)ot I)at
= 2 1-111289 j; seeGSR 268
254
24 oeM *-an (2) (GSR 139-266)
24-18 = K. 250 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
)J
xjun
C
hian
c
hI]ans OCB *hjans
= 24-17/252e
c
11
xjun
C
hian
C
hI]ans
24-19 = K. 199 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab

Y;1ll J]jan
c
3 I]ian
c
I]ans or I]rans OCB *I)rjans
c 00 //,
yan I]an I]an I]riin
d Y11ll I]an
c
I]an
c
I]anS
24-20 = K. 150 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
ft
dan tan tan tan OCB *tan
[E) KT: KS *h-Ianc 'red' (Edmondson/Yang)
c
1M
zhan tsjan tsan tan [f) ONW tsan
24-21 = K. 147 Mand. Me LHan oeM
az > chan ijan dian dan ' cicada'
a simple dan tan tan tan
[f) Sin Sukchu SR tan (5jL); MGZY dan (5jL) [tan) ; ONW tan; BTD Skt. tar
Y
-h'iJi
'''t'- chan ijan dian dan
a
, .1-\1,;' B B
J."t'- sh;1ll ijan dian dan?
b' t!! cede shan ijan
C
dianc dans
Zen shan ijan
C
dianc [f) BTD Skt. dhyana
r zhan tsjan
C
tsan
c
tans = 24-23/148s Ii'!
[f) Sin Sukchu SR MGZY jyan ONW tsan; Han BTD tsan
[E) TB: WT 'dar-ba 'tremble, shudder, shiver with fear or cold' sdar-ma ' trembling'
s a tree zhan tsjan
B
tsan
B
tan?
coffin shan ijan
C
dianc dans
1ff chan, zhan ts(h)jan
B
ts(h)an
B
tan?, than?
m Off slow chan tshjan
B
tshan
B
than?
Pff exhaust. tan than than than
uvx chan than? tshjan
B
tshan
B
9 7.&1 dan tan tan tan
tbij dan tan tan tan
e 1'- dan tan?
tanB tanB
dan, duo tanB !, ta
C
tanB, tai
C
tan?, taih
n sff shoot tan dan dan dan
[T) ONW dan <> [D) PMin *90n - *dan
c
' to pluck ( a lute),
pellet dan danc danc dans
[E] TB *m-dan or rather *tal > JP n
31
-dan
33
'crossbow', Tiddim thal
R
< thaI? 'a bow' ; Lushai
thal
R
< thaI? 'arrow, dart '
o 'If!! fear dan danc danc dans
exhausted duo ta
C
tai
C
taih = 18-8/3d
e'h' tua, tan da, dan dai, dan dai, dan
d' ,W tua, tan da, dan, dai, dan, dai, dan,
tien ten ten
df tiei te te
255
24 oeM *-an (2) (GSR 139-266)
c'
AA'i
zhf tsje(C) tsai(C) tai, taih
p

chan thren

tan, chan dan, zjan don, dian dan, dan
24-22 = K. 149 Mand. Me LUan oeM
ac dfm tan
C
tonC tans
B [E] TB: Chepang dar?-do (place) 'of sunrise, in east'
e {. dan danB donB dan?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR dan (..1); MGZY tan (..1*) [dan]; ONW dan
[E] ST *twar?: TB *t(w)ar > WT thor-bu 'single, separate'
f
fEi.
tan! danB danB dan?
d :J:B tan
thanB thon
B
than?
9
'111.
da tat tot tat
24-23 = K. 148 Mand. Me LUan oeM
ab
Iff. dan tanB tonB tan?
c {I tan
thanB thon
B
than?
{I chan zjan dzan dan
d :1:1 tan dan dan dan
e 11 a tree tan dan don dan

zhan-tan tsjan-dan tsan-don dan
f dan danc donc dans
9
r.1 bare tan danB danB dan?
f! single zhan tjan
B
tran?
f! bare zhan tjiin
e
trans
#l
dan tanB, danB tonC, donB tans, dan?
[E] TB: WT star-ba 'tie, fasten' dar 'silk, piece of cloth, scarf'
h IN zhan tjan
B
, tsjiin
B
tsan
B
tran?, tan?
g
difficult
turn
zhan
zhan
zhan
0an
tjan
9jan
B
tran
tran
dran?
kln zhan tsjan tsan tan
= 24-231148g
[T] BTD Skt. dana
< Indic candana
[T] ONW dan
m" zhan tsjan(B) tsan(B) tan(?) or tian(?) < kian(?) ?
24-2 9c *kian(?) - 24-23m fiI *tan(?) - 24-1 m n *kiln, *kan 'rice gruel'
o tl shan ijiin
C
dianc dans
shan zjan
B
dianB dan?
qrs fflllll shan sjan san Ihan ?
24-24 = K. 151 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a

tan thanC thanC thans
[E] WT thal-ba 'dust, ashes', Lushai taal
R
< taal? 'wood ashes, dust'
24-25 = K. 205 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a shan zjan
B
dianB dan?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR CC), LR Lc); MGZY zhen (1:.) ONW dz.an
[E] ? TB: Chepang dyanh- 'be good'
256
24 oeM *-an (2) (GSR 139-266)
df shim zjanC dianc dans
[T] Sin Sukchu SR (*); ONW dzan
shan ijan
C
dianc dans
[Tl MHan dzanc-dzan
B
Cherchen (*Jarjan)
24-26 = K. 201 Mand. MC LHan oeM
a Ii unfold zhan tjan
B
tren? or tran? OCB *trjen?
Ii robe zhan tjan
C
trens or trans
[Tl Han BTD tan <> [El WT rdal-ba, brdal 'to spread, unfold, extend over', WB tanB 'extend
in a line, stretch out straight' )f ;;J-tan
B
'line, row, duration, length'
b!li zhan tjan
B
tren? ! (Baxter 1992: 386)
c m nian Ifjan
B
lfian
B
nren? or nran?
24-27 = K. 202
a mt
24-28 = K. 204
J!I
a
Mand.
chan
Mand. Me LHan
chan <;Ijan <;Iian
oeM
thran?
oeM
dran
[E) Tai: S. rian
A2
< *rian
A
'house'; KS *hra:n'
b chan <;Ijan <;Iian
'house'; PHlai *r?uun' 'house'
dran
c chan <;Ijan(C) dran, drans
24-29 = K. 197 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a yan, yim jian
B
/
C
jan
B
/
C
jan?, jans - 33-19/450k iJil
[Tl ONW ian; Han BTD jan <> [E] TB: WT yar-ba 'to disperse, ramble, stray'
b qian khjan 3 khian khrian OCB khrjan
= 24-5/143hg
bI.'-
c !HiT zhan tsjan(B) tsan(B) kian, kian? [Xun]
24-2 9c *kian(?) - 24-23m *tan(?) - 24-1 m H *kan, *kan 'rice gruel'
24-30 = K. 203 Mand. Me LHan oeM
abc yan Jlan jan Ian
[T] ONW ian, BTD Skt. jina <> [E] Old Sino-Viet. Ian <> Tai: S. lian
B2
'delay, extend'
ef shan sjan san Ihan
9 dan danB danB Ian?
saliva xian zjan, zian, s-Ian,
jian
C
jane, S lanB lans, Ian?
[Tl Sin Sukchu SR zjen (.:>jZ); MGZY zen (.:>jZ) [zen] <> [D] Old South *lon
B
: PMin *lan
B
,
Meix. lan
A2
, Yue: Zhongshan hl'mB-nan
B
<> [El ? TB: WT zlan 'moisture'
d chan rhan
24-31 = K. 207 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a desire xian zjan
C
, dzjan
C
zian
c
s-Ians
oblong yan jian jan Ian
24-32 = K. 213 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a carriage Jian Ijan
B
lian
B
ran? or ren? ? = 24-341215a
257
24 oeM *-an (2) (GSR 139-266)
connect lian Ijan lian ran or ren ? = 24-33/214a
[T] Sin Sukchu SR Ijen (:sf); MGZY len (:sf) [len]; ONW !ian; Han BTD muk-gian
B
-
!ian Skt. Maudgalyayana, Pkt. moggallana
c:li Win Ijan
B
lian
B
ran? or ren? ?
b lian Ijan Ii an ran or ren ?
d lilin lien ! [GYj len ren OCB *g-ren
[T] ONW len
11 lian, liim Ijan
A2
lianCC) 'young female chicken'
[D) PMin *lhon
c1
: Jieyang nua
C1
, ]Hingle suai
C1
; Kejia kaiAI-Ion
cl
(kai
l
'chicken')
24-33 = K. 214

a
Mand. Me LHan oeM
lian Ijan lian ran or ren ? = 24-32/213a
[T] Sin Sukchu SR Ijen (:sf); MGZY len (:sf) [len); ONW !ian
[E) TB *ren: *m-ren 'line up, be equal': JP ren
31
'place in a long, even row'; WB ran-tu 'be
equal' , hran 'put together, side by side'; Mikir ren 'line, range, row'
24-34 = K. 215 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a. nian Ijan
R
lian
B
ran? or ren?? = 24-321213a
[T] Sin Sukchu SR Ijen (1::); MGZY len (J:.) [len]; ONW (l)ian
24-35 = K. 152 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ac lIliX tan than(C) thon(C) nhan, nhans
[N] Following GSR 152, I consider the graph III a semantic compos it of k5u 'mouth' and
jilin 33-5/480 'distress' (contra SW that considers min JilE an abbreviated phonetic in iX, and
iX the abbreviated phonetic in Ol), since in the early development of the script, elements
were also chosen for their meaning. Thus the element jilin spawned a phonetic series *nan.
dg JitI diff. nan nan nan nan 'difficult'
[T) Sin Sukchu SR nan (:<]I); MGZY nan (:sf) [nan); ONW non. BTD nan-dai JilEf!f Skt. nanda
B difficulty nan nan
c
non
c
nfms [T] BTD Skt. nan[da]
h nan, ran l).an
B
, nzjan
B
l).an
B
, nanB nran?, nan?
ran nzjan nan nan = 24-36/217a ?!.i
k IE expel nuo na noi nai
[E] TB *na - *nat 'ill', WB na 'be ill, be in pain' nat 'demon, spirit' < *LB *nat
IE rich nuo na(B) noiC
B
) nai, nail
nf, nuo niei, na nei, noi ngi (?), nai
m tan than than
'To dry up (of a river), [SW], later ' beach'. The graph suggests an OC initial *nh-. However,
tan could be compared to TB *tan > WT than-pa 'dry weather, heat, drought', WB thane
thanC 'nearly dry', if we assume that the word was written with this phonetic only during the
Han period (note its first attestation in SW) when OC *nh- had merged with *th-.
24-36 = K. 217 Mand. Me LHan oeM
dog meat ran nZJan nan nan
[N] This is the phonetic to the following (Baxter 1992: 380; SW 4454).
ab ran nZJan nan nan
[T) Sin Suk. SR rjen MGZY Zhen [ren]; ONW nan <> [D] Min: Dongan na
A2
'to
take fire accidentally' Amoy na
c1
/c2 'to singe or burn slightly' (Douglas), hiCiA2 'to burn'
258
24-37 = K. 216
a IX
24 OCM *-an (2) (GSR 139-266)
Mand. Me LHan oeM
nian l,1ian
B
l,1ian
B
nran?
[E] WT mfiel-ba, gfiel-ba 'to tan or dress hide' , fier-ba ' to tan, dress, soften'
b nan l,1an
B
l,1an
B
nran? [f] ONW I,lan < nan
24-38 = K. 212 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

shan sjan
C
sanc nhans
[f] Sin Sukchu SR (:*); MGZY (zhyan shyan (:*) [f] ONW san
b shan sjanC sanc nhans
c shan sjan
C
sanc nhans (*nh- !) 24-36/217a ?t-
[E] TB: JP fa
33
-nan
33
'torch' (CYST 2: 24). An allofam might possibly be .... re 'hot'.
24-39 = K. 153 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab zan tsan
c
tson
C
tsans
c

zan tsan
C
tsan
c
tsans
de lie zan dzan
B
dzan
s
dzan?
fg zuan tswan
s
tsuan
R
tson?
hi @i zuan tswan tsuan tson
jk flk cuan dzwan dzuan dzon
I
tI
cuan! dzwan
c
dzuan
c
dzons
24-40 = K. 154 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a '17,. can dzan dzon dzan
c

can tshan tshon tshan
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ts ' an ( :>fl ); MGZY tshan (:>fl) [ts'an]
b -

can tshan
C
tshan
C
tshans
[E] ? TB *dza 'to eat' > WT bzan ' food ' , gzan-pa 'to eat'
24-41 = K. 155 Most words may have had OC *e rather than the default Div. III *a.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a damage can dzan dzon dzan
accumul. qian dzien dzen dzen
c

can dzan dzon dzan
d

zhan ?, dzran?, dzrans or
dzren?
[E] ? Tai: S. raan
C2
'machan, booth, stall, shop'
ef zhan tsan
B
tsen
s
tsren?
h B zhan tsren?
chan tshren?
hoe jian tsjan
B
tsian
B
tsan?
coin qlan dzjan dzian dzan
[f] Sin Sukchu SR dzjen (:>fl ); MGZY tsen (:>fl) [dzcn]; ONW dzian
k shallow qian tshjanB tshian
B
tshen?
[f] Han BTD tsh(i)an <> [D] PMin *tshiem
B
flow jian tsien tsen tsen 'flow rapidly'
jian dzjan
B
dzian
B
dzan?
o ji ilO dzjan
B
dzian
B
dzan? OCB *dzjan?
259
24 OCM *-an (2) (GSR 139-266)
p

ji1ln dzjanB/C dzian
B
/
c
dzan?, dzans
q
jian, jian dzjanB, tsjan dzian B, tsian dzan?, tsan
m

dzjan
B
/
C
dzian
B
/
C
dzan?, dzans [f] ONW dzian
n

dzjan
C
dzian
c
dzans [T] ONW dzian
s

jian tsjan
C
, tsien tsian
c
, tsen tsens, tsen
r

sjan
C
sian
c
sans = 25-40/237e tJll
24-42 = K. 206 Mand. MC LHan oeM
a a qian tshjan tshian tshan
c
I
qian tshjan tshian tshan < k-san or tshen < k-
b

xian sjan sIan san or sen = 24-45/193f {W
M
xian sien, sjan sen, sian sen, sen = 23-21120ge
24-43 = K. 208 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
m
chan dzren or dzran
b

chan dzran
cd

zhan, dzran?, or dzren?,
zhuan dzrons
e

zhan dzran?
24-44 = K. 156 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a scatter san SanB sanB san?
d
c
[TlONW son <> [E] TB: LB *san 'sow, scatter seeds' > WB swanB ' pour upon, cast out by
pouring' swan 'pour out, spill, shed'
disperse san sanc sanc sans
[T] MHan <;Iak-son
e
Alexandria
1'1& sa, sa sat sat sat
[E] TB: LB *sat ' pour, spill', BY-Limbu SES- 'scatter, be split'
xian sien
c
senc sens OCB *s(k)ens
Alternative graph 'J! <> [T] TB: WT ser-ba 'hail', JP sin
33
shan sran, sran?
24-44A Mand. Me LHan
san-go
oeM
s(h)an-hu san-yuo
[T] MHan: Iranian sanga 'stone'
shan san
1M san san , san,
24-45 = K. 193 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
W
d
e
f
shan sran OCB *srjan
[Tl Sin Sukchu SR ( :l:jZ); MGZY (zhan shan ( :l:jZ) MHan
Alexandria
shan
shan
xian sjan
X1an sjan
[E] PTai *s- : S. saan
AI
'husked rice'

sian
sian
260
srans
sran, srans
san or sen
san
OCB *s(C)rU)ans
= 24-42/206
24 oeM *-an (2) (GSR 139-266)
24-46 = K. 194 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
gg
chrm or sran? or sren? (?)
[T] Sin Sukchu SR Cl::.); MGZY shan <-.I::.) [?an]; ONW BTD Skt. OCB
*sl)rjan? <> [E] WT srel-ba 'to bring up, rear '
ill sa sat sat
[T]:g:rnI bo-sat Bodhisattva
24-47 = K. 181 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab - - bim pwan
c
panc pans
e
c
[T] Sin Sukchu SR pw:m (:t-), PR p:Jn, LR p:m; MGZY bon (:t-) [p:Jn]; ONW pan
-I:l.I!
1, pan, pim
1* relaxed pim
comrade bim
ph
wan
phwanC
bwan
B
phan
phans
ban?
dfgi MffJ[ pim phwanC phonC phans = 23-24/218a ft
k aF pan bwan
c
bonc bans
[E] ST *par: WT bar 'intermediate space', NNaga phar 'divide'; JP ban 'division, part'
pan bwan
c
bonc bans
h g* big, fat pan, pang bwan ban ban
[E] TB *bwam > WT sbom 'thick, stout'; LB *C-pwam
g* meat pan phwanC phonC phans
f*, pan bwan ban ban
m 1* fan bjwcn buan ban
24-48 = K. 182 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ade 1 pan bwan ban ban
M [T] Sin Sukchu SR bW:Jn (1jZ), PR, LR b:Jn; MGZY pon (1jZ) [b:Jn]
[E] ? TB: Perh. cognate to WB pran 'return, repeat', Mru plan 'turn'
a - :f%i ban pwan pan pan
$: [T] MGZY bon (1jZ) [p:Jn]; BTD Skt. -pana <> [T] Sin S. SR pw:m ( 5]L ), PR p:Jn, LR p:Jn
ghi pan bwan ban ban
24-49 = K. 262 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ae ran pjwcn
B
puon
B
pan?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR fwan ( .1::.), PR fan; MGZY h(w)an c.t) [fan]
fan pjwcn
C
puon
c
pans
ran, brm pjwcn
B
, ban
B
puon
B
, banB pan?, bran?
rice fan bjwcn
C
buon
c
bans
[T] Sin Sukchu SR vwan (:t-), PR, LR van; MGZY H(w)an (:t-) [van]; ONW buan
j& eat fan bjwcn
B
buon
B
ban?
[E] AA: PMonic *pOOI) 'cooked rice' , SBahn. pial) - piel)
jk1 ban pan
B
panB pran?
[E] ST *par: WT 'phar ' small plank'
m f'& pan p(h)an p(h)an pran, phran
n B.& ban panB, banB panB, banB pran?, bran?
[E] WT 'phar-ba 'raised, elevated'
24-50 = K. 263
ab
Mand.
fan
Me
bjwcn
LHan
buon
oeM
ban
[E] TB: Lepcha tuk-pol 'hedge, fence' pol 'magic circle', Lushai pal
H
' hedge, fence '
261
24 oeM *-an (2)
(GSR 139-266)
b belt pan bwan bon ban = 24-55/265b
d

pan
ph an phan phran
24-51 = K. 264 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab fan bjwBn buon ban = 24-51/195\
24-52 = K. 265 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab a belt pan bwan bon ban = 24-53/263b

abundant fan bjwBn buon ban = 24-511195m
d

fan bjwBn buon ban
24-53 = K. 190 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ac ban pan pan pran
:filE [T] Sin Sukchu SR pan (-'jL); MGZY ban en [pan] <> WT 'phral-ba 'to separate, part'
24-54 = K. 195 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a * bim, biim banc, bjlin
C
3 benc brens, brens
b 11 a turn fan phjwBn phuon phan
:i= [E] TB: WT phar 'interest (on money)', 'exchange', Lepcha far 'price' par 'buy'
11 martial b6 pua poi pai
de rjJI1Jl fan phjwBn phuon phan
gs gnf fan pjwBll puon pan
h i.I fan ph/bjwBn phuon, buon phan, ban
ijk
m
n
o
p
pq
r
:lJfl Mi fan bjwBn buon ban
[E] TB *bar - *par > WT 'bar-ba 'to burn, to bloom' sbar-ba - sbor-ba 'light, kindle'
JiI fan bjwBn buon ban = 24-54/264b
[E] TB: WT sbal 'soft muscles or parts of inner hand or paw'

",-It! fan bjwBn buon
luxur. fan bjwBn buon ban
[E] ? ST *pom<> PTai *b- : S. phuunA2 'increase, flourishing'
hedge fan pjwBn puon pan
fi fan phjwBn phuon phan
SW
= 24-55/265d
= 24-52/220 #* <> [E] TB: WB phranC 'spread out, spread wings' pran
c
'expanded,
spread out'; JP phyan55 'spread the wings'
pan phwan phon phan [D] PEMin *phonAI
pan bwan bon ban
[E] TB *boy > WB bhwe 'curl in hair of animal'; Kachin boi 'have a cowlick'
fi winnow bi) pwa
c
poi
c
paih
= 18-16/25n bo <> [T] ONW po
fiml bi) pwa
c
poi
c
paih 'spread, sow'
[E] TB *bwar > WT 'bor-ba 'to throw, cast', Chepang wa:r 'sow'
S; po bwa, pwa boi bai [E] TB *pwa:r, *poj 'white'
24-55 = K. 220 Mand. MC LHan oeM
abc
#-ttt
bian bjlin
C
3 blanC brans OCB *brjons
d
m=tt
bian bjlin
C
3 blanC brans
m to fly fan phjwBn
ph
uon phan 'fly up' = 24-51/195 III
m to dust fen pjw;;)n
c
punc p;;)ns
262
24 oeM *-an (2) (GSR 139-266)
e fan phjwen phuan phan
f fan, bjwen, bjanC 3 buan, Non
c
ban
24-56 = K. 266 Mand. Me LHan oeM
mans a 1 man mwan
C
manc [f] ONW man
a Xiongnu ruler tou-man dgu-mwan! do-man
ad wan mjwen
C
muan
c
mans
mrans egh man manc manc
[f] Sin Sukchu SR man (-:E: ); MGZY man (-:E:) [man]
man mwan
jkln 1.'1 man mwan
C
rrJ BTD Skt. mai[tra ... ]
o excessive man mwan
c
deceive man, mwan,
man, mwan
c
, manc,
mian mjan 3
reckless man
24-57 = K. 183 Mand.
man
man
man,
men
men
men,
wan
wan,
man
Me
mwan
mwan
B
mwan
B
,

mwgn
ad
c
9
f
e



Jt1"t

tNli elm
tNli resin
mwgn,
mjwen
mjwen,
mwan(C)
24-58 = K. 222 Mand. Me
a mian mjan
B
3
ak
bcd
9
hij
e
f
[f] ONW man; Han BTD man

2
wen mjwgn
C
mian mjan
B
3
wan, milin
wan
mjwen
B
, mjan
B
3
mjwen
B


man, men

man

mei
man man
manc mans
manC mans
man, man,
manc, manc, mans, mrans,
mian mran
LHan
man
manB
manB,
mgn
B
/
C
mgn
mgn,
muon
muon,
mon(C)
LHan
mian
B
mun
C
mian
B
mans
oeM
man
man?
man?,

m:;,n
m:;,n,
man
man,
man, mans
oeM
mran?
mgns
mran?
muonB, mian
B
man?, mran?
muanB man?
man, m:;,n?
263
25 oeM rime *-on, *-wan Yuan bu (3)
GSR 157 - 266
Baxter 1992: 370 ff. (10.1.1)
The MC rimes with guttural initials can derive either from oe *-on or *-wan; they are difficult
if not impossible to distinguish. Baxter 1992: 381-389 tries to determine the final of some
words through Shijing rimes and loan graphs. By default, we tentatively assume *Kon in large
XS without initial *w-, but *Kwan in XS that include initial *w-. Accordingly, MC Div. III
syllables of the type KjwBn seem to derive from oe *Kwan, syllables Kjwan from oe *Kon.
After? and 1] occurs only -jwBn. The situation is somewhat parallel to rimes in *-un / *-w;Jn,
see rime 28.
See Intro. 5.2.3 for more about the removal of OCB medial *r in MC Div. 3/3 syllables.
Table 25-1: oeM rimes *-on / *-wan, *-ot / *-wat, *-oi / *-wai in QYS categories
Div. *-on / *-wan R.25 *-ot / *-wat R.22 *-o(t)s / *-wa(t)s R.22 *-oi / *-wai R.19
I Ja kwan kuan *kon dwat duat *lot fl kwai
c
kuas *kots
* kwa
B
kuai
B
IltIT twan
c
tuan
c
*tons dwai
c
duas *lOts *koi?
dzwa
B
dzuai
B
*dzoi?
I gr '6 kwan kuan *kwan 13 kwat kuat *kwat xwai
c
huas *hwats :9': ywa yuai *wai
III gr WJ khjwm
C
khyan
C
jWBt wat *wat xjwui
C
hyas *hwats If] khjwe3 khyai
*khwans *khwai
jwun
B
wanB *wan? jwe wai *wai
III gr jG I]j wm lJyan *lJon ,F3 I]jwut lJyat *lJot
?jwun
C
?yan
C
or *lJwat
*?ons
III gr - kjwut kyat *kot -
3/3 kjwan
B
3 kyan
B
- kjwaiC3 kyas *kots Ji1; I]jwe3 lJyai *lJoi
*kon?
III ac 1$ 9jwan 9yan *dron )i, sjwat suat *Ihot m sjuaiC suas *Ihots 'iIi: zjwe dzye <dzuai
l"d jiwan4 juan *Ion *doi
II kwan kuan *kron 150 kwat kuat *kwrat B3 ywai
C
guas 9q\\\ kwa kuai *kroi
man *mron or *krot *gwrats or *grots *tsroi
II ywan ywan *wran
264
25 oeM *-on, *-wan (3) (GSR 157-266)
25-1 = K. 157 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a '' guan kwan kuon kwan OCB kWan ?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR kw:m MGZY gon (k:m] ; ONW kuon
{'' servant guan, kwan, kuon, kon,
guim kwan
c
kuan
c
krons
3t 25-101188 w: *grons 'servant' <> [E] WT khol-po 'servant, vassal'
m huim ywan
C
yuon
C
gons
e t coffin guan kwan kuon kon
f
k
hi
9
j
n
put in c. guim kwan
c
kuon
c
m guim kwan
c
kuon
c
[E] ST *kol > WT 'khol-ba, khol ' to boil ' 3t skol-ba
guan ! kwan
c
! kuon
c
flute guan
= 25-19/257r
fEr exhausted guan
axle cap guan
rg jian
kwan
B
kwan
B
kwanBjC
kan
kuon
B
kuon
B
kuonBjC
kan
kons
kons
'to cause to boil'
kons
kon? !
kwan? !
kwan?j s?
kran
Me LHan 25-2 = K. 158 Mand. oeM
kwan
c
kuon
c
ae me guan kwans
gh ');iJi guan kwan
C
kuon
c
kwans
OCB *kons
OCB *kon?
OCB *kWan?
= 24-211401 ft
f 11 guim kwan
c
kuon
c
kwans =19-2/35Imtf
[E] TB: Chepang khur, Boro kur 'to scrape', Mikir hor 'to ladle out '
U look guan kwan kuan kwan
[T] Sin Sukchu SR kw:m MGZY gon (k:m]; ONW kuon
U show guan kwan
C
kuon
C
kwans OCB kwans
opq qmin gjwan 3 gyan gon
See comment under 25-111226.
s It; qulin khjwun
C
khyan
C
khwans
n tfi. huan, xuan xwan,xjwun huon, hyon hwan, hwan
jkl ll\'llfi huan xwan huon hwan
[T] MHan dtfEl huon-nei kuhani or khvani
m 01 huan ! xwan
c
huan
c
hwans
25-3
a
acde
f
25-4
The last three rows could also have been OCM *hon, but *hwan is a more common syllable.
= K. 159 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ffJ:
guan kwan kuan SW
1f perfoL guim kwan(C) kuan(C) kons ! OCB *kons
1ftMtff$
guan kwan
c
kuan
c
krons ' familiar, custom'
huim ywan
C
yuan
C
grons
= K. 160 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a Jnf cap guan kwan kuon kon OCB *kon
%t vb. guim kwan
c
kuan
c
kons OCB *kons
[N] Acc. to SW 3357, 25-19 yuan 7G *I)wan ' head' is "also phonetic" <> [T] ONW kuon
[E] TB *gwa - *kwa:n > WT bgo-ba, bgos ' cl othes, put on clothes' 3t gon-pa ' to put on,
dress'
265
25 OCM *-on, *-wan (3) (GSR 157-266)
25-5 = K. 161 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
m
guan kwanBjC kuan
B
, kuan
C
kwan?, kwans
3t 24-21140m 'wash'; 3t 25-19/2570 m 'wash clothes'
25-6 = K. 162
a
b
Mand.
kuan
kuan
Me
khwan
B
khwan
B
LHan
khuan
B
khuan
B
OCM
khwan?
khwan?
[El TB *kwar > Lushai khurH 'a hole, pit, cavity' 3t khuarH id., Tangkhul Naga khur 'hole'
25-7 = K. 165 Mand. Me LHan oeM
165a sheep huan ywan yuan gwan cr. 23-2
241h Jt smile huan ywan
B
yuan
B
gwran?
23-2/241 h; - 25-19/257q
165b j[ kuan khwan khuan khwan OCB *kWhan
25-8 = K. 166 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
m
huan ywan yuan gwan?
25-9 = K. 187 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a guan kwan kuan
c
krons OCB *krons
b

bar guan kwan kuan kron OCB *kron
[Tl Sin Sukchu SR kwan (3jZ), LR kw:m; MGZY gwan (3jZ) [kwanJ; ONW kuiin
[El -> PTai *kl:m
A1
'rafter, latch on door'

bend wan ?wan ?uan
25-10 = K. 188 Mand. MC LHan
a w: huan ywan
C
yuan
C
[El TB: LB *gywan
1
> WB kywan 'slave, servant'
?ron
oeM
grons 3t 25-11571 1'8
25-11 = K. 226 The rime MC -jwan 3 occurs also after acute initials, therefore I tentatively
consider Me Kjwan to derive from *Kon, Kjwtm from *Kwan.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a ;ff roll Juan kjwan
B
3 kyan
B
kon? OCB *krjon? 'a rol\'
[Tl Sin Sukchu SR kyen (1:); MGZY gyon (1:) [ky:ml
[E] TB: Lushai hrual
H
'roll up in the hand, twist'
;ff bend quan gjwan 3 gyan gon
;ff = e quan gjwan 3 gyan gwren OCB *gWrjen 'handsome'
e quan, khjwan 3, khyan, khon,
quan gjwan 3 gyan gon OCB *gWrjen 'handsome'
bc juan kjwan
C
3 kyan
C
kons
d m crooked quan khjwan 3 khyan khon
ring juan kjwan
C
3 kyan
C
kons
fgh quan gjwan 3 gyan gon
[El Tai: Wu-ming klian
C1
'roll, scroll' , Mun gluan
C2
'roll up'
ij Juan gjwan
C
3 gyan
C
gons
[Tl Sin Sukchu SR gyen C$;); MGZY kwyan [gyen]
op huan ywan
C
yuan
C
grons
266
25 oeM *-on, *-wan 7CifG (3) (GSR 157-266)
k Elf! pig sty juan gjwlmB, gyon
B
, gwan?,
gjwan
B
3, gyan
B
, gon?, (SSYP 307)
gjiwan
B
4 gyen
B
gwen? (GYSX 409)
Elf! turn ar. quan k(h)jwun
B
k(h)yonB kwan?, khwan?
m

quan
khjwunBfC
kyon
B
khwan? R! OCB *khjon?
n
ffl quan khjwun
B
, kyon
B
, khwan?,
yuan ?jwun
A
! ?yon ?wan
= 25-18/ 261 *

quan khjwun
C
kyon
C
khwans
25-11A Mand. MC LHan OCM
r&-
juan kjwan
C
3 kyan
C
kons SW
25-11B Mand. MC LHan OCM
f'f
juan kjwan
C
3 kyan
C
kons SW
25-12 = K. 164 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a B xuan sjwan syan swan [Tl BTD Skt. svara
fgjk hUlin ywan yuon wan tfi = 25-19/257n t'G
rQ [Tl ONW yuon; BTD Skt. (nir)val)a; -varl)a; -panna; ;j:l:[ Skt. vana; ,%tH ?a-yuan *Awar
huan xiywan, huon, yuon, hwan, wan,
xjwun hyon hwan
mn :f:13Jrn yuan jwun won wan
qr
ogHg
xuan xjwun
B
hyon
B
hwan?
xy
rr'['
xuan! xjwun
B
hyon
B
hwan?
s
;rg
xuan, xuan xjwun(B) hyon(B) hwan, hwan?
[Nl hUI is a ghost reading.

xuan xjwun hyon hwan z @
27
xuan sjwan
.EL
syan swan
[El TB: LB *swan
2
> Lahu se 'sow, broadcast', WB swan B 'pour upon, cast by pouring'
25-13 = K. 167
are distinct.
GSR 167 includes 23-12 in this group, even though the graphs and rimes
Mand. MC LHan OCM
abc

huan xwan
C
huan
c
hwans OCB *hwans
f

huan ywan
C
yuon
C
wans = 25-19/257p $'G
[Tl Sin Sukchu SR yw;)n (*); MGZY Xon (*) [y;)nl; ONW yuan
d

huan ywan yuon wan 'encircling wall'
25-121164m ;l:J[
25-14 = K. 255 Mand. MC LHan OCM
ad

yuan jwun won wan
1

huan ywan
B
yuon
B
wan?
81
1
xuan xjwun(B) hyon(B) hwan, hwan?
[El ? TB: WT hoi-hoI 'soft, loose, light'
ik
iii
l

xuan xjwun hyon hwan
h

yuan jwan wan wen
267
25 oeM *-on, *-wan (3) (GSR 157-266)
f ;EJ ring yuan jwan
C
, wanc, wens,
jwun
C
wonc wans
= 25-19/257u Ilft; 23-11 /256u m
g 9J beauty yuan jwan
C
wanc wens
embarr. yuan jwun wan wan
e :tl pull yuan jwun wan wan
succour yuan jwun
C
wonc wans
m

huan ywan yuan wen or gwran
ij
1:J2 B,i2
nuan nwan
B
nuon
B
non? [fl ONW nuon
25-15 = K. 256 GSR 829 and items starting with 256h belong to phonetic series 23-12.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
abde

yuan jwun wan wan
c
*
yuan jwun won wan
[El TB *woy - (b)woy, JP woi
33
f
ffi
far yuan jwun
B
won
B
wan?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR yen U : ); MGZY xwyan ct) [fiyen]; ONW uan
ffi
25-15A
DO
leave
25-16 = K. 163
ad AYe
c
b rn:
e M bent
yuan
Mand.
xuiin
Mand.
wan
huan
huan
wei
jwun
C
wonc wans
Me LHan oeM
xjwun hyon hwan
Me LHan oeM
ywan yuon wan
ywan yuan wan
ywan
C
yuon
C
wans
?jwe 3 lye < ?yai ?oi-
OCB *wjan
OCB *wjan?
SW
= 19-10/357a
25-17 = K. 260 Provisionally I assume OC *?on because this syllable is probably more
common than *twan.
a
d
c
ek
f
Mand. Me LHan oeM
57!:!. yuan ?jwun
B
?yon
B
ton?
wan ?jwun
B
?yon
B
ton?
m rich fol. yuan ?jwun
B
?yon
B
ton?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ?yen (1:); MGZY 'wyan (1:) [?yen]
m obstruct yun jw;:)n
B
wun
B
m pent up yu ?jw;:)t ?ut
= 31-4/495. [f] ONW ?ut
w;:)n?
?ut
;9tH; resent yuan ?j w1mC ?yon
C
tons
;9tH; enemy yuan ?jwun(C) ?yon(C) lon, tons
yuan ?jwun lyon ton
wan ?wan ?uon ?on
OCB *?jon
OCB *?jons
bgj wan ?jwun
B
?yon
B
ton? OCB *?jon?
[fl MHan :f;::m doC-lyon or -lion perhaps Great Yavana = (Ferghana)
h yuan! ?jwun
B
?yon
B
ton?
yuan ?yon
B
ton?
[D] PMin *?yon
B
: Fu'an un
B1
, Fuzh UOI)Bl, Xiamen I)B, lianyang yel)Bl
268
25 oeM *-on, *-wan (3) (GSR 157-266)
lg yuan, ?jwun
B
, ?yan
B
, ?on?,
wan ?wan
C
?uan
C
?ons
mn
#g)JE wan ?wan
C
?uan
C
?ons = 22-7/273b
0
1'78
wan ?wan
B
?uan
B
?on?

wan ?wan
B
?uan
B
?on?
p
,m
yuan, ?jwun, ?yan, lon,
yun ?jw;m fun fun
q

yuan, ?jwun
B
, ?yanB, ?on?,
yu ?jW;)t ?ut ?ut
r

yue, ?jwut, ?yat, lot,
yu ?jW;)t ?ut ?ut
25-18 = K. 261 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

yuan ?jwun ?yan ?on
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ?yen (3jZ); MGZY 'wyan (3jZ) [?yen]
25-19 = K. 257 After initials? and l) the Me rime -jwan does not occur, therefore IJJwrm
can derive from oe *-on or *-wan. It is not clear which syllables represent oe *l)on, which
l)wan. The OeM origin of the many Me ywan could be *wan, *gwan or *gon.
a
d
ef
9
hi
j
kl
m
r
n
o
Mand. Me LHan oeM
yuan IJjwun l)yan l)on OCB *Nkjon
[f] Sin Sukchu SR I)yen (3jZ); MGZY xwyan (3jZ) [fiyen]; ONW I)uan
This is probably the same word as 25-20/258 *I)wan}w, 'source', hence the OCM reading.
-:b
7G

jJ!
ltUIm
tlG

yuan IJjwun l)yan l)wan
yuan IJjwun, l)wan l)yan l)wan
wan
wan
wan
wan!
l)wan, l)wiin l)uan
l)wan
l)wan(C)
l)wan
c
l)uan
l)uan(C)
l)uanc
wan ! ywan yuan
l)ron
l)wan
l)wan, l)wans
l)wans
gon
Possibly phonetic in 10-4/111 a Ja *kh6h
guan kwan
B
kuan
B
kon? !
huan ywan yuan gwan !
25-1211 64fff[ huan! [f] ONW yuan, QY also I)wanB/c
m wash clo. huan ywan
B
yuan
B
gwan?
= 24-21140m If 'wash'; 25-51161 m 'wash the hands'
[E] TB: KN-Lai kho?1 'to clean (with water),
1O-11I124g *1)0
OCB *fikon
=25-1I157h tg
p huan, ywan
C
, yuan
C
, gwans, !
[f] Sin Sukchu SR yw::m (:*); MGZY Xon (:*) [y::m]; ONW yuan
wan l)wanB/c l)uanBjC l)wan?, l)wans
q % Cyperus hUlin, guan ywan, kwan yuan, kuan gwan, kwan
smile wan! ywan
B
yuan
B
gwan?
C C
u I:"u yuan jwan wan wens
s
= 23-12/256u J&
kuan
huan
269
khwan?
gwran? ? = 24-1/139j' IJlj!
25 oeM *-on, *-wan (3) (OSR 157-266)
25-20 = K. 258 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ac JJj{ > yuan I]jwBn I)yan I)wan 'source'
JJj{ a plain yuan I]jwBn I)yan I)wan ! OCB *IJWjan
This is a later substitution for 25-21/259 JI 'high plain', g.Y. <> [T] ONW IJuan
e
WJ
yuan I]jWBn I)yan I)wan
9
yuan I]jwBn I)yan I)wan
df

yuan I]jwBn
c
I)yanc I)ons OCB *IJjons
h- huan ywan yuan gwan
25-21 = K. 259 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

yuan I]jWBn I)yan I)wan
This is the original graph for 25-20/258 : 'high plain' (Duan SW 5152).
25-22 = K. 170 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
IT
duan twan
B
/
C
, tuan
B
/
C
, ton?, tons, OCB *ton?ls
dwan
B
duanB don? OCB *fiton?
25-23 = K. 172 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a Bt hammer duan twan
c
tuan
c
tons
torn duan dwan
c
duanc dons
cd

duan twan
c
tuan
c
tOns
[E] TB *tow (STC no. 317) > WT tho-ba - mtho-ba 'hammer (large)'
25-24 = K. 168 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ad
-1m ftfM
duan twan tuan ton [T] ONW tuan
[E] TB: WT rdol-ba, brtol 'to come out, break out, sprout'
e
fMU
duan twan, tsjwan
B
tuan, tsuan
B
tOn, ton? = 25-25/231c $J
fg

friJ]"rm
duan twan tuan ton
frffi
tuan thwan thuan thOn
pig EY tuan thwan(C) thuan(C)
thOn(s) - 25-28/171 W
j II#ij to pant chuan tshjwan
B
tshuan
B
thon?
k fM chuan, zjwan, dzuan, don,
chuan tshjwan
C
tshuan
C
thons
1m

chuan zjwan dzuan don
0
'l'fM
wriggle chuan tshjwan
B
tshuan
B
thon?
anxious zhui tsjwe
C
tsuai
c
toih
p l#ij rui ! zjwe
C
dzuai
c
doih
q
fffi
chuan, tshjwan
B
, tshuan
B
, thon?,
chuai, , tshroi? ,
duo twaB
tuai
B
toil
[lffif
chuf zjwe, dzuai, doi,
zjwan dzuan don
Ifilri
zhuan tsjwan tsuan ton
25-25 = K. 231 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a W locust? yuan jiwan 4 juan Ion = 25-28/171c
270
25 oeM *-on, *-wan (3) (GSR 157-266)
Walone zhuan tsjwan tsuan ton
[El MK: Khmer -tola /-taaol/ 'be alone, single'
c
flU
zhuan, tsjwan
B
, tsuan
B
, ton?, = 25-24/168e
tmin dwan duon don
turning m. chmi n
femur chiln,
zhun
If, a fish A shuan
If, a fish B shuan
m

duan,
zhuan
25-26 = K. 232 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

chuan tshjwan tshuan than
ffl Sin Sukchu SR (:lJZ); MGZY chwyan (:lJZ) ONW tshuan
[El TB: WT rtol-ba 'to bore, pierce, perforate'
25-27 = K. 233
a 74
Mand.
chuan
oeM
than?
25-28 = K. 171 The initials of some words are not certain.
a
b
e
fg
h
c
d
Mand. Me LHan oeM
pig SW tuan thwan
C
thuons
tuan thwan
C
thuons lhons
f%< rafter chmin <:\jwan <:\yan dron
carved zhuan <:\jwan
B
<:\yan
B
dron?
M< carved zhuan, <:\jwan
B
, <:\yanB, dron?,
chuan thron?
n%< to pant chui tshjwai
C
tshuas thos
n%< snout hui xjwui
C
hyos hwats
ffl ONW huei
c
<> [E] ? TB: WB hnut 'mouth, womb'
Mt locust yuan jiwan 4 juan Ion
hem yuan jiwan
C
4 juan
C
Ions
ffl Sin Sukchu SR, LR yen ( :lJZ); MGZY ywyan C'f) [jyenl
follow yuan jiwan 4 juan Ion
271
- 25-24/168 luan %':M
lO-l9/ \2ge *tr07
lit 1O-291123m *r6h
lit 25-24/ \68 Dffi)
:: 22-5/346 i\m
::25-25/231 a
25-29/229b 'rf
::2S-29/c
25-29 = K. 229
a
25 oeM *-on, *-wan (3) (GSR 157-266)
Maud. Me
yuan jiwan
B
4
LHau
juan
B
oeM
Ion?
[E) Tai: S. leen
A2
'marsh, mire'
b yan jiwan 4 juan Ion
c qlan j j jiwan 4 juan Ion
l:f25-28/ 171
LTJ Sin Sukchu SR jen MGZY ywyan DYEn] <> [D] M-Xiamen ien
35
d yan jiwan
B
juan
B
Ion?
e chuan dijwan iuan m-Ion
LTJ Sin Sukchu SR dzyen ('f); MGZY cwyan [dzyen] <> [D) PMin *s.lziun - *s.lzion
[E] TB *(m-)loIJ > WB 10l)B 'canoe, long boat'; Lushai bl)L 'boat', S. Khami mlaul)
25-30 = K. 230 Maud. Me LHau oeM
a

yuan jiwan juan jon?
[E] TB: PL *(k-)dzwan
l
'hawk'
25-31 = K. 178 Mand. Me LHan oeM
af > luan lwan luan ron OCB *b-ron
[E] Tai: S. phruanA2 < *br- 'neck bells (for domestic animals),
cdeh luan lwan luan ron OCB *b-ron
emaciatedluan lwan luan ron
[E] TB: WB prunB 'worn away, exhausted, spent (as property)' l:f phrunB 'wear away, exhaust'
cut meat Hian Ijwan
B
lyan
B
ron? cf. 25-25/231k
k luan IjwanBjC lyanBjC ron? OCB *b-rjon?
m Wm ! Ijwan
C
lyan
C
rons
n luan ! ljwan lyan ron
o bian pjan
C
3 pian
c
prons OCB *prjons
[T] Sin Sukchu SR pjen (*); MGZY byan (*) [pjEn]; ONW pan
p m
man man man mron
[T] MHan ?a-man Armenia
zg5<.
Hian, srons

q
shui'm
[E) TB: JP ma
31
-run
55
'twin'
'Eli"
,.
wan ?wan ?uan ?ron
25-32 = K. 179 Mand. Me LHau oeM
a

luan Iwan
B
luan
B
ron? OCB *C-ron?
[T] ONW luan <> [D) Min: lianou se
C2
[E) TB *(s-)rwa 'nit' > WT sro-ma 'eggs of louse, nit' , lP tsi7-ru 'louse eggs'
25-33 = K. 180 Maud. Me LHau oeM
ac a luan lwan
c
luon
c
rons OCB *C-rons
[T] Sin Sukchu SR lw:m (*); MGZY Ion (*) [bn); ONW luon.
25-34 = K. 189 oeM
a 7J:9:
Maud.
nuan
Me
nwan(C)
LHau
nuan(C) mon, mons l:f 16-28/1244 nao
272
25 oeM *-on, *-wan 7G:gG (3) (GSR 157-266)
25-35 = K. 238
other.
The elements and 10-31/ 134 are occasionally substituted for each
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a-

ruan nzjwan
B
nuan
B
non?
[f) Sin Sukchu SR ryen (J:.); MGZY Zhwyan (J:.) [ryen]
[E) TB: WB nwai 'stretch along' * nwai
c
'bend flexibly'
cd

ruan nzjwan
B
nuan
B
non?
ef
ruan nzjwan(B) nuan(B) non, non?
9

nUllll nwan
c
nuan
c
nons
h

nuan
nwanBjC nuanBjC
non?, nons

nuan nwan
B
nuan
B
non?
jk

rmin ! nzjwat nuat not
25-36 = K. 176 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
it
cUllll tshwan
C
tshuan
C
tshons
25-37 = K. 177 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
II
CUllll tshwan
C
tshuan
C
tshons
25-38 = K. 234 Mand. Me LHan oeM
qUlin dzjwan dzyan dzon
[f) Sin Sukchu SR dzyen (3f); MGZY tswyan (3f) [dzyen]
defg qmin tshjwan tshyan tshon
h J!ii measure quan tshjwan tshyan tshon
J!ii a car chmln zjwan dzuan
25-39 = K. 235 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
juan dzjwan
B
dzyan
B
dzon?
b
Jff1iJ
Juan tsjwan
B
tsyan
B
tson?
[E) TB *tsow > WT tsho-ba 'fat, greasy', WB chu 'be fat, obese'
c juan tsjwan tsyan tson
[E) TB *tsow 'thorn' > Chepang cu?, Boro su?, WT mtshon 'any pointed or cutting
instrument'
d jun tsjwen
C
tsuin
c
tsuns
25-40 = K. 237
a *
Mand. Me LHan oeM
quan dzjwan dzyan dzwan R! OCB *SgWjan
e
[f] Sin Sukchu SR dzyen (3f); MGZY tswyan C'f) [dzyn]
[E] The word rimes in *-an, not the expected *-on. TB *tso 'bubble, boil': WT 'tsho-ba, 'tshod-
pa 'cook in boiling water'; WB tshu 'to boil, bubble'
xian sjanC sian
c
sans = 24-4l1155r
f,\,'ll is a late [Zhouli] loan graph for perh. due to confusion with some other graph (SW
5877) <> [D) PMin *sian
c
25-41 = K. 1249a Mand. Me LHan oeM
a f,I quan tshjwan
C
tshyan
C
tshons
Ace. to SW (5845) JJll: is phonetic, meant as perhaps just the rime; or rather the phonetic
seems to be 25-40/237 qmin *.
273
25-42 = K. 173
a #
25-43 = K. 174
a

25 OeM *-on, *-wan (3) (GSR 157-266)
Mand.

Mand.
Me
swan
c
Me
LHan
suanc
LHan
oeM
sons
oeM
suan swanBJc suanBJc son?, sons
[f] Sin Sukchu SR sw:m (*); MGZY son (*) [s::m]; ONW suan
be
d
e


25-44 = K. 175
suan
zuan
euftn
Mand.
swanB
tswan
B
Me
suan
B
tsuan
B
LHan
son?
tson?
tshrons
ab suan swan
c
suanc
oeM
sons
[E] TB: PL *swan
l
J2 'onion', WB krak-swan
274
26 oeM rime *-i, *-ai Zhfbu
GSR 547 - 605
Baxter 1992: 446 ff. (10.1.8)
See Table 7-1 for a comparison of OC *-i, *-e and *-ai in QYS categories. See Table 32-1 for
OC rimes *-in, *-it, *-(t)s, *-i.
Table 26-1: OCM rimes *-i, *-gi, *-ui and *-g in QYS categories
Div.
*.
-1 R.26 *-gi R.27 *-ui R.28
*-g R.4
I gr I#l khgi *khgi i!)l: b
B
*kg?
@] yugi *wgi ?ugi *?fii 'I'!JC khug *khwg
i'lz: mgi *mgi 4ij mg
B
*mg?
I ac :i1E tugi *tfii :tE dzg
B
*dzg?
IV gr J'lP: khiei
B
khei
B
*khf?
* miei
B
mei
B
*mf?
khiwei khuei *khwf
IVac .ES; tiei B tei B *tf? tshiei tshei *tshgi
III kjeiB kiiB *bi? III *-g merged with *-u
gr M kjwei kui *kwgi after labial and
IIitI jwei wui *wgi labiovelar initials
m pjwei pui *pgi
3/3 gji3 gi *gri kjiC) ki
c
*krgih gjwi 3 gui *gui kjwi3 kukkwig *kwrg
gjwi3 gwi *gwri mji
B
3 mi
B
*mrgi? jl.jjl pji
B
3 piB< pigB *prg?
3/4 {1t?i4 ?i *?i
.tt pi
B
4
piB *pi?
kwi
B
4 kwiB*kwi?
illjiwi4 wi *wi
III ac 7E siB siB *si? (*tgi merged w. *ti) i$ zwi dzui *dui
II r&klii kei *krf (*-rgi merged w. *rf) ywlii guei *grfii fiX klii
c
ke
c
*krgh
t't kwlii
c
kue
c
*kwrgh
The Table shows the MC mergers of OC finals (MC homophones in boxes). After acute
initials, the later reflexes of OC rimes *-i and *-gi have merged so that it is difficult or
impossible to untangle them. Most XS with acute initials are listed here, written with the OCM
default rime *-i. Baxter has tried to identify the rimes of individual words with the Shijing,
with the result that the traditional phonetic series at our disposal appear to mix the two OC
rimes. This approach presumes that the rimes in poetry keep *-i and *-gi strictly separate. On
the other hand, frequently riming words like di 'younger brother' rime with both *-i and *-g
i, thereby calling a reliable distinction into question. But OCM follows Baxter for the most
part.
275
26 OCM *-i, *-gi (GSR 547-605)
26-1 = K. 586 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
H
jf kiei kei kf
26-2 = K. 587 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a jf kiei(B) kei(B) kf, kit
26-3 = K. 1241a Mand. Me LHan oeM
a calculate ji kiei
c
kei
c
kfh 26-6/5520 jf
[f] ONW kei; OCB *keps (1992: 546), but see Intro. 9.2.9.
26-4 = K. 588 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ac qr khiei
B
khei
B
khf? [f] ONW khei
h

qr, khiei
B
khei
B
khf? 'joint (in the body)'
qrng - khieI]B - kheI]B
- khel]? 26-6i,0

qr khiei
B
khei
B
khf?
26-5 = K. 1241 OCM is based on the assumption that is phonetic in and that the MC
affrication in dii
c
is irregular as in the homophone shi ;;J\ 26-7/553a.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
d

xf yiei yei g\
h
H1J
xi yiei
C
, yeiC, gih,
I]iei
C
l]ei
c
l]fh
If5
xf xjet 3, xjgt hit
= Wi'
12371 ti shi dii
c
ii
c
< gi
C
? gih
26-6 = K. 552 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
f
9
p
h
mn
o
k
q
zhr tsi
B
tsi
B
< kiB ki? OCB *kjij?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR (1:), PR, LR tn; MGZY ji c-t) ONW tsi
zhr tsi
B
tsi
B
< kiB ki?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR (1:.), PR, LR tn; MGZY ji (1:.) ONW tsi <> [D] M-Amoy kiB
zhf tsi tsi < ki ki OCB *kjij
shi ii
c
dii
c
b< gi
C
gih OCB *gjijs
[f] ONW dfi
c
<> [E] WT dgyes-pa 'rejoice' dge-ba 'happiness, virtue'
qf gji 3 gi gn
-'I jr kji B 3 kiB kri? = 26-8/602
old qf gji 3 g4 gri
[f] ONW gi; BTD SkI. 9h Pkt. gi (Coblin 1982: 129) <> [E] WT bgre-ba 'to grow old'
settle zhr tsi
B
tsi
B
< kiB ki?
qf gji 3 g4 gn
qr khiei
B
khei
B
khf? = 0; 26-4h
qr khiei
B
khei
B
khf? = i; 26-4h
'to bow down (the head) to the ground'
;fi calculate jf kiei kei kf
26-3/1241 a H <> [f] ONW khei

yi l]iei
c
I]ei
C
l]fh
i'iS

shf si si hji OCB xjij
276
26 oeM *-i, *-gi (GSR 547-605)
26-7 = K. 553 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a 7]\ shi dzi
c
dzi
c
< gi
C
! gih
[f] Sin Sukchu SR (*), PR MGZY ci (*) ONW dzi (transcriptional material
indicates that ;if; had the same initial as tJD
h shi zi
B
, zi
c
giB, gi
C
gi? R! = 26-l4/590q
[f] Sin Sukchu SR (* ), PR MGZY zhi <-1. * ) MTang dzi > zi. ONW dzi
qf gji 3 gi gri OCB grj;)j
[E] ? TB: WB kriB 'great, big'
26-8 = K. 602 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ac JL :tJL ji kji B 3 kiB kri? OCB *krj;)j
f
de
26-9
ad
b
c
e
9
f
h
[E] TB *kriy > PL *kre
l
> WB khre 'foot, leg' 3t ;)-khre 'foundation, foot', WT khri 'seat,
chair', Lepcha hri 'chair'
jf kji 3 ki kri
[f] ONW ki
ML'ML
jf kji 3 ki kri
ji kji
B
3 kiB kri? = 26-6/552
[E] TB *d-kiy: PL *kye' ' barking deer'; WB khye. gyiA 'barking deer', JP tJ1P3_k
h
jj33
'muntjac', khyi l-ma?1 'a kind of muntjac', Lushai saH-khi
L
< -khi?/h ' barking deer'
= K. 599 Mand. Me LHan oeM
Jle kiii kei kri OCB *krij
[fJ ONW kei
xie kiii kei kri? ! OCB *krij(?)
jie kiii kei kri OCB *kr;)j
f&
klii khiii
B
khei
B
khn'?
jie kiii kei kri


xie yiii gei grf [f] ONW yei

'13 xie, jie Viii, kiii gei, kei gr1 OCB *gr;)j

jia kiit ket or krit = 30-5/504a
'Musical box'; Me kat can derive from and *krft.
26-10 = K. 605 Here the main vowel is i, therefore LHan -wi in Div. 3/4 and 3/3; this
contrasts with the rime 28 (e.g., 28-1/569 1Jl) where i is part of the diphthong -ui (i.e., -uj).
a
e
9
f
h
k
Mand. Me LHan oeM

gui kwi
B
4 kwi
B
kwi?

kui gwiB 4 gwiB gwi?

kuf gwi 4 gwi gwi R! OCB *gWjij

kuf gjwi 3 gwi gwri
sturdy kuf gjwi 3 gwi gwrgi R! OCB *gWrj;)j

rm
a horse que khiwet khuet khwft 'kind of horse'
kuf khiwei khuei khwf
que khiwet khuet khwft
[N] Li writes syllables like a to 9 as Me kwi, gwi; I write kjiwi 4, gjiwi 4 in order to make
them parallel with rimes *-it and *-in. Li does not provide an example for kjwi 3; he may
have considered the 3/3 - 3/4 distinction spurious.
277
26 oeM *-i, *-;;)i (GSR 547-605)
26-11 = K. 1241i Mand. MC LHan OCM

xf Xlwel hue(i) hwf / hwe?
26-12 = K. 589 Mand. MC LHan OCM
ab yi ?iei
C
?ei
C
?i'h
f

yi ?iei(C) ?ein ?i',?i'h
eg

yf ?iei lei ?i'
26-13 = K. 604 Mand. MC LHan OCM
ad {jtUf1l yf ?i 4 ?i ?i
{ [T] Sin Sukchu SR ?i ('f); MGZY Yi ('f) [7ji]; STCA ?i, ONW ?ii; BTD Skt. f-. MHan fft
11 ?i-zuin < -s-jun *s-Iun) 'lcrcrIl86v<; (Issedones)
[E] TB: Lushai ?iL 'this, that', Chepang ?i? 'he', WB i 'this'
26-14 = K. 590 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a 13; base dr tiei
B
teiB tf? OCB *tij?
[D] PMin *tie
B
<> [E) WT mthil, OTib. thild < *m-tild 'bottom, floor', Tamang 3ti: 'below'
13; a tribe df tiei tei tf
c bottom dr tiei
B
teiB tf?
come to zhr
tsiB tsiB til
d

dr
tiei(B/C) teiCB/C) tf, tl?, tfh
fgi dr tiei
B
teiB
tf?
eh df tiei tei tf
[T) Sin Sukchu SR tjej ('f), PR ti; MGZY di (ljI) [til; ONW tei
tf, dr diei, tiei
B
dei, teiB df, tl?
no

zhr tsi
B
tsi
B
til OCB *tjij?
P

zhf tsi tsi ti OCB
s

chf tshi tshi thi OCB *thjij
qr q shi zi
B
/
C
dzi
B
/
C
(gi?/h) = 26-7/553h
k

zhf

tri
chf

dri = 26-16/596c J:)jj!
m

chf

dri
867h illness dr tiei
B
teiB tf
[N) There is some confusion with 7-6/GSR 867.
26-15 = K. 591 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a 5fj y. bro. di diei
B
deiB dl? OCB / *dij? < *duj??
[T] Sin Sukchu SR djej Cr.), PR, LR di; MGZY ti U:) [di]; ONW dei <> [D) PMin *die
B
[E] ST *dwi: TB *doy ' younger brother' > WB thwe
B
'be youngest', JP 'last born child'
5fj fraternal di diei
c
dei
c
dfh
d 93$ di diei
B
/
C
dei
B
/
C
dl?, dfh
f ti diei
C
dei
C
dfh
e

9
sprout
a grain
hj
di diei
C
dei
C
dfh
tf diei dei df = 26-17/55 Ik
tf
tf
diei
diei
dei
dei
278
df
df
=26-17/551k
26 oeM *-i, (GSR 547-605)
k di diei
c
, thiei dei
c
, thei dih, thl
[E] TB: Chepang dhdy- 'concentrate, look at (esp. when aiming), be watchful, alert' dhes-
'see clearly, sight clearly (when aiming)'
m ti thieiBjC thei
B
, thei
C
thf?, thih OCB *thij?
= (late graph) <> [E] TB *ti / *tui 'water ' > Chepang ti? 'water', WT mchi-ma
'a tear', Chepang ma-ti? 'river', Kanauri *ti 'water'; Dhimal hna-thi 'snot'
1513 tl thiei thei thl
[0] PMin *thdi - *thudi <> [E] WB hle-ka
B
'stairs, ladder', TGTM *Ahli, Chepang hldy?
tl thiei
c
See 8-12/850hr
[fJ ONW thei <> [OJ PMin *thie
C
= tf (thiei
C
)
n zhi <;ljet <;lit drit
26-16 = K. 595, 596 See comment under 26-33.
Mand. MC LHan OCM
595g tf, 596e zhi
dic dic
drih OCB *drjdjs
595h sewBI zhi <;lic <;lic or <;lis drih or = 29-15/413 #3&
29-17/402 *drit
596d 595d chf <;li <;li dri 'tarry' OCB *drjdj
[fJ ONW di

zhl <;lic <;lic drih 'wait'
596c chi <;li di dri =26-14/5901
26-17 = K. 55t
final.
In some graphs seems to have been confused with *-i is the default
Mand. MC LHan OCM
ade

yi ji ji OCB Ijdj
= 26-18/1237c !$
gh

yf ji ji Ii
j a tree yf ji ji Ii OCB Ij;}j
f

ti, yi
thieiBjC, ji theiBjC
thu, thlh ! OCB *thij?
= 26-15/591 m 1511
k sprout tf diei dei df = 26-15/591 g
a grain ti diei dei df = 26-15/591 i
mow yf ji ji Ii
26-18 = K. 1237c Mand. MC LHan OCM
c

yi ji ji OCB Ij;}j =26-17/55Ia
[fJ ONW i <ji
26-18A Mand. MC LHan OCM

di, yi diei
c
, ji
C
dei
c
, ji
C
Ifh, lih ?
SW: 'a long-haired animal' . The OC final could also have been I;}ih, or 11(t)s, li(t)s. The
OB form of this graph is thought to write 21-29K. 319d (K. Takashima).
26-19 = K. 560 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
*-
shl SiB SiB Ihi? ! OCB *hljij? [TJ ONW si
[E] ? TB *d-liy ' bow' > Bahing Ii, Lim bu Ii 'bow', Lepcha sa-If, Nung th;}li, WB le
B
279
e
26 oeM *-i, *-;}i (GSR 547-605)
zhl
<;liB dri? !
[E] WB rac 'pheasant', WT sreg-pa 'partridge', Lushai vaL-hrit
L
, SChin-Areng tari', Mru rik,
Garo grit 'pheasant'
m m n, thiei
C
, thei
C
, Ihfh,
zhl, sl <;liB, zi
B
<;liB, zi
B
dri? < r-Ii?, s-li?
ij more shen sjen
B
sinB Ihin? 'how much the more'
gums shen sjen
B
sinB hin? or nhin? * 26-32/594i 1IjJ
[E] WT rfiil - sfiil 'gums' <> [N] The original phonetic is probably 32-20.
k blink shun sjwen
C
suin
c
hwins
= 33-19/450[m]
26-20 = K. 561
F
a
Mand. MC
shf si
LUan OCM
si Ihi OCB *hljij
[T] ONW si; BTD Skt. SiIa
ce shf si si Ihi
d "* excrem. shr SiB SiB Ihi? !
[T] Sin Sukchu SR (J:.); PR H <> [E] ST *kli?
"* groan xf xi 4 hi h;}i !
[N] An OCM hi would have yielded MC si.
26-21 = K. 556 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a (SW) sl zi
B
zi
B
s-j;}i? OCB *zjij?
'Wild water buffalo' (not 'rhinoceros') <> [E] ST *s-j;}l: TB-Lushai sial
H
< sial 'domestic
buffalo'
26-22 = K. 562 Mand. Me LUan
liB
oeM
ri? a }fj HI liB OCB *C-rjij?
This graph transcribes Indie syllables ri, 9i, mi, me, vi (Pulleyblank 1983: 100)
26-23 = K. 597 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a .':. Ii liei
B
leiB nf
dh tlf!I [T] ONW lei Ii liei
B
leiB nf
e 11 OCB *C-rij? Ii liei
B
leiB nf
R tl thiei
B
theiB rhI? OCB *hrij?
[T] ONW thei <> [E] ST *sri 'to exist' > TB *sri( -t) > WT srid-pa 'existence, life, things
existing, the world, a single being', WB hri
c
'to be (in some place)'. WT gsis < *g-rhjis (?)
'person, body, natural disposition'
26-24 = K. 519 Mand. Me LUan oeM
ab flj
hi
Ii lic lic rih ! OCB *C-rjij/ts
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ljej ($;), PR, LR Ii; MGZY Ii ($;) [Ii]; ONW Ii; Han BTD Indic -rr, -riya,
-Ii, e.g., JE!*fU hyai-sah-lih Skt. Vaisalr; this shows that Ii was an open syllable, it did not
end in -ts <> [E] TB *ri:t 'reap, cut' > LB *ri:t > WB rit 'to reap, mow, shave'; Lushai riit
F
I
ri?L 'cut, dig or scrape with a hoe'; Mikir re- 'be sharp'
Ii li
c
See 21-37.
Ii Ii Ii ri
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ljej PR, LR Ii; MGZY Ii [Ii]; ONW Ii
[0] PMin *Ii - *I;}i <>MY: *rail
If Ii Ii ri
280
26 oeM *-i, *-gi (OSR 547-605)
9 Ii liei, Ii lei, Ii rf, ri [f]
[f] ONW lei. xfn-lf LH sin-Ii Turk. Syr (Pulleyblank 1983: 455) <> ID] PMin *1e
[E] KT: PTai *thlgi
A
! 'to plow', Kam khaj 'plow' <> PMY *I2aj3A
jkrn Ii liei lei rf
26-25 = K. 563 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a .It:, near nf I).i I).i nri
b
c
e
d
f
[f] Sin Sukchu SR njej PR ni; MGZY iii [T).i]; ONW ni; Han BTD Skt. nir-, I).i
.It:, stop ni niei
c
nei
c
nih

nf I).i I).i nri
[E] TB *(r-)ni : JR kgwurni < *g-rni 'red', tgrni 'gold', Qiang uhi 'red'; WB ni 'red', Lahu nl
- ni 'red, bare, naked'
nl l).iBjC
nl
nri?, nrih
nre?
mud nf mel nei ni
[f] Sin Sukchu SR njej PR ni; MGZY ni [ni]; ONW nei. MHan giffi huan-nei
kuhani or khvani <> ID] In many dialects, the word means 'earth' til , e.g., K-Meix nEi!!
'soil, earth'.
1JB moisten nl niei
B
nei
B
nl? OCB *ngj?
1JB obstruct. ni niei
c
nei
c
nih
B,it nf I).jet, niei
B
I).it, nei
B
nrit, nl? = 29-26/40418118 glue
[N] For MC nieiB, see Coblin 1983: 239. <> [E] Prob. MK: Khmu klJ1a? 'resin', the prefix kl-
derives from kgl 'tree'.
26-26 = K. 592 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a wife qf tshiei tshei tshgi ! OCB *tshgj
ef
gi
j
1
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ts'jej PR ts'i; MGZY tshi [ts'i]; ONW tshei
[E] MK: Khmer *-sai: khsai /ksaj/ 'be female' * Mid. Khmer kansai Ikgnsay/ 'wife'
give wife qi tshiei
c
tshei
c
tshgih
tJi:f qf tshiei tshei tshi < *k-si OCB *tshgj
j!: [E] ? TB-WT bsil-ba 'cool', JP ga
3
!_tsj33 'cold'. Or ? WT (b)ser, gser-bu 'a fresh cold
breeze, feeling cold', WB chi B *-e) 'frost, hoarfrost'
jUt qf tshiei tshei tshi OCB *tshgj
= 26-27/593 [)J jf tsiei(C) tseiCC) tsi, tsih

Xl siei sei sl OCB *Sgj = 26-32/594f fg
[f] Sin Sukchu SR sjej PR, LR si; 'Phags-pa: MGZY si lsi]; ONW sei
26-27 = K. 593 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a 7f!!f equal qf dziei dzei dzi OCB *fits(h)gj
f
9
h
[f] Sin Sukchu SR dzjej PR dzi; MGZY tsi [dziJ; ONW dZel <> [DJ PMlll *gze
7f!!f edge zf tsi tsi tsi
qf dziei dzei dzi

qf dziei dzei dzi
ID] PMin *dzgi - *dzhgi <> [E] ? TB *lay, *s-tay > JP daj3!, Ja
3
!-daj33 'navel'

cut
bond

qf dziei dzei dzi
ji dziei
c
dzei
c
dzih
jf
ji
tsje
dziei
c
tsie
dzei
c
281
tse or tsai
dzih
26 oeM *-i, *-gi (GSR 547-605)
dzi?
k
j
ji
ji
ji
dziei
B
dziei(BJC)
dziei(C)
dzei
B
dzei(BJC)
dzei(C)
dzf, dzi?, dzfh
dZlh
OCB *dzgjs, but all rimes in Shijing 254.5 are *-i.
m ;ffl ji dziei
c
, dzei
c
, dzfh, OCB *dzgjs
tsiei
C
tsei
c
tsfh
B jf = 26-29J554j; 26-30J555k tsiei tsei tSI
u If jf, zf tsiei, tsi tsei, tsi tSI, tsi
r jf OCB *tS;;Jj tsiei(C) tsei(C) tSI, tSlh
s" ji
tsiei
c
tsei
C
tsfh
p m jf tsiei tsei tsf OCB *tSgj
n ji tsiei(BJC) tsei(BJC) tSI, tsi?, tSlh
[E] TB: WT 'tshir-ba 'to press, press out'
o ford ji tsiei
c
tsei
c
tsfh OCB *tS;;Jjs
[E] MK: Mon inscr. cnis [cnps] > cnih 'a ghat, place of access to river. .. , landing place'
beautiful ji tsiei
B
tsei
B
tsf? OCB *tsij?
v if zf tsi tsi tsi
y Jfif zhai tsr1
z 1'f!if chai dzei dzrf
[E] Tai: S. raai
A2
'set, category, list'
26-28 = K. 554 Mand. MC LHan OCM
abc zi tsi
B
tsi
B
tsi?
[E] TB *dzar > JP d3an
33
, Lushai farR-nu
L
, Tangkhul gzar-va 'sister (man speaking)'
d f$ zi tsi
B
tsi
B
tsi? OCB *tsjij?
f9 :SgJj$
hi f$trfj

5$
zi
shi
jf
ji


tsiei
tsiei
B
tsi
B
tsri?
dzi
C
dzrih
tsei tSI
tsei
B
tsi?
26-29 = K. 555 Mand. MC LHan OCM
See 26-28/593t.
acd ci tshi
c
tshi
c
tshih < *s-nhis? OCB *tshjijs
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ts'1 C*); MGZY tshhi [ts'1]; ONW tshi
ij >5i.. cf dzi dzi dzi OCB *dzjij
e -B zf tsi tsi tsi
I -\S zf tsi tsi tsi
h zf tsi tsi tsi
mn zf! dzi dzi dzi
fi zf dzi dzi dzi
f
>7(

zi tsi
C
tsi
C
tsih
9
grain zf tsi tsi tsi
liquor ji dziei
c
dzei
c
dZlh
k jf tsiei tsei tSI See 26-28/593t.

cl dzi dzi
282
26 oeM *-i, *-gi (GSR 547-605)
26-30 = K. 1237m Mand. Me LHan oeM
m
Zl dzi
c
dzi
c
dzih
[f] Sin Sukchu SR dZ1 ($:); MGZY tshi ($:) (dZ1]; ONW dzi
This is the original OB graph for 'nose' 29-39 > bi .. 29-38/52Ic. See Intro. 6.2. 1.
26-31 = K. 594 Mand. Me LHan oeM
af iffi 199 xf Slel sei sf snf ?) OCB *Sgj = 26-26/5921 t1l'
[T] Sin Sukchu SR sjej (.If), PR, LR si; 'Phags-pa: MGZY si (.If) (si] ; ONW sei
[N] xf is sometimes thought to be phonetic in *ng 4-39/946
9 sprinkle sa, shai B sri?
[T] ST *sri: Lushai hriL / hrikF < hriih / hriik 'to sift, screen'
wash xiiin, XI sieiB, sienB sei
B
, senB si?, sfn? = 33-25/478j 6t
[f] ONW sei <> [E] ST *sil: TB *(m-)sil- *(m-)syal > WT bsil-ba 'to wash', Lushai sil
R
, WB
tshe
B
'to wash', Mikir iI)thl(?), JP IggJsin 'wash'
Og9 shen sjen
B
sinB nhin? ! 26-l9/560i
26-32 = K. 595 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
J
xf Slel sei sl
Acc. to SW 3787, this graph means ' to wait ' and shows a person sitting F on the phonetic
xfn *sin; the word is a semantic extension of xf m *sgi 26-31/594f 'roost, keep still'.
Because of its meaning, the graph P-t was then borrowed for a synonym chi *dri 'to wait'.
P-t XI is therefore not phonetic in
J (SW 3787) and the homophone XI *sl 26-33/596a 'rhinoceros' (SW 540) look nearly
identical in the seal script, so that these two graphic elements are used almost
indiscriminately to write the words of GSR 595 and 596, which are here combined into 26-16.
26-33 = K. 596 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

XI Slel sei Sgl OCB *Sgj
See Intro. 9.2.2 <> [f] ONW sei <> [E] ST *Sgj: WT bse 'rhinoceros'
For the remaining items written with this element in GSR 596, see 26-16.
26-34 = K. 557 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab L. ft. sf si si si OCB *sjgj
[T] Sin Sukchu SR sl (:<jZ) ; MGZY shi (.If) (Sl); ONW si
[E] ? TB: Lushai teei
L
< teeis 'myself, thyself...'
26-35 = K. 558 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
%
Sl siB SiB sic !
[T] Sin Sukchu SR sl U::); MGZY shi U: ) [sl]; ONW si
[E] TB *siy 'to die' > WT 'chi-ba < *Nsi, si
26-36 = K. 559
gffi a
Mand. Me LHan oeM
shf sri OCB *srjij
[T] Sin S. SR (:lj7.), PR, LR a; MGZY shhi (.If) (a]; BTD gffi f lJ Skt . srI ; MHan J!tBm
Nesef
3Hmr
gf!j
Shl-Zl
shii, shf
[fJ Sin Sukchu SR (.If), PR a; MGZY
283
[E] Tocharian A sisiik, B ' lion'
fJ shhi ( 'Jl ) (a] <> [D] M-Amoy thai
AI
26 oeM *-i, *-;)i (GSR 547-605)
26-37 = K. 565 Mand. Me LUan oeM
ab bi piB 4 piB pi? 'spoon'
The old form of this graph is distinct from 26-38/566.
26-38 = K. 566 Mand. Me LUan oeM
an t: > y!t bi piBjC 4 piBjC pi?, pih OCB *pjij?
The old form of this graph is distinct from 26-37/565.
[E) ST *pi: TB *P;)Y or *piy > WT ?a-phyi, phyi-mo ' grandmother'
pin, bjien
B
4, binB, bin?, ONW biin
bi biB 4 biB bi?
[E) TB *pwi(y) 'female' > Lushai pUi
R
< pui? ' a grown female'
18 bi phji
B
3, pji
B
3 phiB, p(h)ri??,
phje
B
3 phie
B
phai? or phre? ?
[E) ? TB: WB ;)_phe
B
'scab over (head)'
k Jt pi phiB 4, phiB, phi?, [E) TB: Lushai pei?L 'to finish '
phjie
B
4 phie
B
phe?
9 it compare bi piB 4 piB pi?
[f) Sin S. SR pi C1:.), PR LR pi; MGZY bi (...t) [pi]; MTang pi, ONW pii; BTD Skt. bhi
it combine bi piC 4, bi
c
4 piC, bi
c
pih, bih
[E) ? ST *prel : WT 'brel-ba 'to come together, join, hang together'
it tiger skin pi bi 4 bi bi
qr t!t 1 *tt grain bi piB 4 piB pi?
[E) ? ST *pi(?): Lushai pi
H
< pii 'short and small for one' s age, stunted growth'
q t!t2 comb bi bi
c
4
[E) ? ST: WB phriB - phiB 'to comb, brush'
m ;fJ:t spoon bi piB 4 piB
p
J:fE bi piC 4 piC
#Jt silk pi phiB 4 phiB
error pf, phi 4, phjie, phi, phie,
bf piei pel
braid pi bjie, bi
c
4 bie, bi
c
v pi bi 4 bi
pi?
pih
phi?
phi, phe,
pI
bih R!
bi
z :bE herb pi bi 4 bi bi
= 26-37/565ab
cover bi pi(C) 4? pi(C) pi, pih OCB *bjijs
a' jo!t slap pf phiei phei phI
knock ag o pie biet bet bIt
d' ott pi phjie
B
4 phie
B
phe?
1lt pi phic 4 phic phih
[E) TB *pwe ?: Limbu phe-ma, Mikir kephe, Naga *b-woy3, Chin *woy-s4, Lushai voi?
pf-fu bj 4-bj;)u bi-bu bi-bu ' large ant'
s {It separated pi phiB, biB 3 phiB, biB bri?
ugly pi bi 4 bi bi
u mlt pi bi 4 bi bi OCB *bjij
[E) WT 'phel-ba, phel (OTib pheld) 'to increase, augment, enlarge, improve, develop'
y bi bi
c
4 bi
c
bih
b'c' bi biei
B
bei
B
bi?
284
26 oeM *-i, *-;)i ~ ~ { ~ (GSR 547-605)
e' m navel pi bi 4 bi bi < bJi ?
[n BTD Skt. -mi, -pita. <> [El KT: PKS * lwa
l
' navel' , Mak ?daai
6
, PT *?bl/r-: S. sa-dii
AI
f'g' g ~ g' stom. pi bi 4 bi bi < bli? 'stomach' [TlONW bei
g ~ navel pi biei bei bf < bli ?
h' ~ g g pi bi 4 bi bi [El TB: WT dbyi 'lynx'
26-39 = K. 598 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
d
e
f
m
hi
kl
*
~
m! miei
B
mei
B
mil OCB *mij?
[fl Sin Sukchu SR mjej (1::.); MGZY mi <-1::.) [mil
[Dl PMin *lJli
B2
'husked rice' < ? TB *ma-y
m! miei
B
mei
B
ml?
mi mlel mei mf OCB *mij
[El TB: Lushai hmai?L < hmaih 'to overlook, miss, forget ' < TB *maay, WB me
c
'forget'
[fl ONW mei
mi miei
C
mfh [flONW mei
mi mji 3 mi mri OCB *mrjij
[El? TB: Chepal) mail 'meat' , Bora myi? 'deer', Liangmei ka-mf 'meat'; NNaga *me:y
'meat, flesh'
mi mji 3 mi mri
&1*
m! mjie
B
4 mie
B
me? = 7-31/360a m
[fl MTang mi, ONW me [i.e., QYS Div. 3])
***
m! mjie 4 mie me = 7-20/359m sm
285
27 oeM rime *-ai Wei bu (1)
GSR 541- 605
Baxter 1992: 446 ff. ( 1 0.1.8)
See Table 30-1 for OeM rimes *-gn, *-gt, *-g(t)s, *-gi in QYS categories. See Table 26-1 for a
comparison of OC rimes *-i, *-gi, *-ui and *-g.
OC rimes *-gi and *-i are distinguished in MC only after grave initials, they have merged
after acute initials, they are inlcuded in Rime 26 by default. OC *-gi and *-ui have merged
after labial initials, they are included in this Rime 27. The OCM coda *-i in diphthongs
behaves like a final dental consonant, hence a strictly phonemic transcription would write it as
*-j, as in OCB (*-aj, *-gj, *-uj).
27-1 = K. 541 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
1m
kai
khgi kh(}i = 27-2/548f 00
[f] Sin Sukchu SR k'aj (ljT.); MGZY khay (ljT.) [k'aj]; ONW kho <> [E] MY: Yao khai
l

*kh-) ' to open' tr. gail *lJkh-) 'to open' intr.: 'be happy, to blossom' <> Tai: S. khai
Al
'to
open'
27-2 = K. 548 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
'-'-'
R happy klii
khgi
B
kh(}i7
how qi
khjei
B
khii
B
khgi7
bcd
1m 'li:lJli
klii khgi
B

f
00
klii khgi(B) kh(}i, kh(}i7 = 27-1I541a I*l
e

klii
khgiBjC
kh(}ih
g
ill
hai
ggi

ji kji
C
3 ki
c
krgih = 27-3/603

yi IJ.iei
B
l)ii
B
I)gi7 TB: KN-Lai hlJe?r-tee 'ant'
27-3 = K. 603 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ac
JUi
ji kji
C
3 ki
c
krgih
27-4 = K. 547 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a m few ji kjeiB kiiB bi7
[f] Sin Sukchu SR kjej (1:.), PR, LR ki; MGZY gi (1:.) [kiJ; ONW ki
[E]-> PTai *kii
c
' several, how many' > S. kiiBl, Saek kiP
m small jf kjei kii bi
m hem qf gjei gii ggi
cde jf kjei kii bi
f auspic. jf kjei kii bi
a drink ji kjeiC kii
c
bih
g ji kjeiB kiiB kgi7
286
= 27-2/548j :lIJ\!
27 oeM *-;}i (1) (GSR 541-605)
h !ltm louse ji kjeiB kiiB bi? [E] ? TB-KN *m-kei 'to bite'
leech qf gjei gii
[D] PMin *ghi > Fuzh maA2_khiA2, Xiamen g:)A2_khiA2; Yue Guangzh k
h
ei
A2
-na
B
ij jf kjei kii bi
k jf kjei kii k;}i
[E] TB: WT bkres 'be hungry', 1P kyet
31
' hungry', Chepang kray- vb. ' hunger' , Mru krai
jf ! gjei gii g;}i
27-5 = K. 550 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
f
9
j
h
';{s( clothes yf ?jei ?ii ?;}i
rrJ Sin Sukchu SR ?i (1Z); MGZY ?i (1Z) [?i] ; ONW ?i
';(s( wear yi ?jeiC ?ii C ?;}ih
11X lean on yf ?jei ?ii ?;}i
metaphor yi ?jei B ?ii B ?;}i?
yi ?jei
B
?iiB ?::li?
if[ yi ?jeiB ?iiB ?::li?
R iii bi
27-6 = K. 549 Mand. Me LHan
ag *rm xf xJel hii
[T] Sin Sukchu SR xi ( 1Z); MGZY hi (1Z) [xi]
be d affi rwz xf
ef Xl, Xl
1237k f.;ffi fine cloth chf
27-7 = K. 1237i Mand.
xjei
xjei(B)
Me LHan
h::li
h;}i , h;}i?
thr;}i
oeM
Wl embroid. zhl tri?(ortr::li??)
? 27-611 237k f.$ ; 26-16/595h 29-15/413 t.l&
27-8 = K. 579 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ad

fei pjwei pui p::li
[T) Sin Sukchu SR fi (1Z), LR fi ; MGZY h(w)i (1Z) [fi] ; ONW pui
9

rei pjwei(C) pui(C) p::li , p;;>ih
[E] ? TB: WT phyar_kha ' blame, affront, insult'
e

rei pjwei
B
pUiB p::li?
cf

rei pjwei
B
pUiB p;}i?
hi

rei phjwei
B
phui
B
ph;}i?
j $ fei phjwei phui ph;}i
k run fei phjwei phui ph;}i
horse fei pjwei pui p;}i
a plant rei phjwei
B
phui
B
ph;}i?
fragrant fei phjwei phui ph;;>i
sandal fei bjwei
C
bui
c
b;}ih
mno
fei bjweiC bui
c
b::lih
p

rei ! bjwei
C
bui
c

q
mr
fei bjwei bui b;}i
287
OCB

r
s
u
vx
27 OCM *-;:)i (1) (GSR 541-605)
fei, bjweiC, bui
c
, b;:)ih,
lei pjwei
B
puiB p;:)i'i'
lei bjweiB/C bui
B
/
C
b;:)i'i' , b;:)ih
bei pji 3 pi pr;:)i
[T] Sin Sukchu SR pi ( :if); PR Pdj; MGZY bue (:y) [pue]
pai b;:)i
pai biii bei
27-9 = K. 580 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
m
fei pjwei pui p;:)i
[T] Area word: TB *pur - *pir > WT 'phur-ba 'to fly'
27-10 = K. 581 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a wife fei phjw;:)i phui ph;:)i
match pei phu;:)i
c
or
[N] Pei ' match' is transferred from a partial syn. pei me 30-12/514
27-11 = K. 582

a
Mand. Me LHan oeM
fei, bjwei, bui, b;:)i,
[T] Sin Sukchu SR vi (:>jZ), LR vi ; MGZY H(w)i ( :>jZ ) [vi] ; ONW bui
[D] PMin *byi. <> ? Tai *bii
A
' fat' (CH loan?)
27-12 = K. 353 Mand. Me LHan oeM
OCB *prjdj
OCB *pjdj
a *-
hUQ xuil
B
huai
B
R ! OCB hmdj?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR XW:l ct); MGZY hwo <-.1) [XW:l]; ONW hUG <> [D] PMin *hoi
B
[E] TB *mey > WT me, OTib. smye; Chepang hme?; LB *?mey2 [Matisoff], WB miB, Lushai
mei
R
< mei? See Intro. 4. I .
27-13 = K. 546 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab ;j)(fj( mei mWi.ll m;:)i m::l! OCB *mdj
& [T] MK: OKhmer mek [meek] 'branch, bow, limb, twig '
27-14 = K. 567 See Intro. 5.2.3 and Rime 28 for the Div. 3/ 3 OC u for aCB medial *r.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a J eyebrow mei mji 3 mt mu! OCB *mrjdj [T] ONW mi
J vigorous mel mjwei
B
mui? m::li? OCB *mjdj?
=27-15/585a
gf- mei mji 3 mt mui OCB *mrjdj
d

mei mji
C
3 mf
c
muih
27-15 = K. 585 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a If vigorous weI mjwei
B
mui B m::li? = 27-14/567a J
See Intro. 5.2.3 and Rime 28 for the Div. 3/ 3 OC u for OCB medial *r.
j!f a gorge men mU::ln m::ln OCB *mdn
27-16 = K. 568 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

mel mji
B
3 mt
B
mui'i' OCB *mrjdj?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR muj <-.1), PR, LR mdj; MGZY mue (..i ) [mue]; ONW mi
[E] TB *moy > Lushai m:l iH, Kachin moi
288
27 oeM *-gi (I) (GSR 541-605)
Mand. Me LHan oeM 27-17 = K. 583

a weI mjwei
B
mui
B
mgi? OCB *mj;:)j?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR vi U:.); MGZY wi (.1:) [vi); ONW muiB <> [D] PMin *mye
B
[E] TB *r-may 'tail' > PL *?-mri2, WB mriB; KN-Aimol r;:)mai; Lushai mei
R
< mei?
cd wei mjwei
B
mui
B
mgi?
e hur xjwei
B
hui
B
hm;:)i?
Mand. Me LHan oeM 27-18 = K. 584
!!il--r
a I vA. wei mjwei ! mUI mgl
dfg weI mjwei mui m::li
g
h
[T] Sin Sukchu SR vi (): MGZY wi (:'jZ) [vi!; ONW mui
mel mji
B
3 mi
B
mui?
See Intro. 5,2,3 and Rime 28 for the Div. 3/3 OC u for OCB medial *r.
5%,
I;r;x. rope hur xjwei hui hm::li
[E] Tai: S. mai
A
I < *hm- 'thead, silk'
signal hUI xjwei hui hm::li
OCB *mj;:)j

[E] TB: WB hmwe
c
'whirl about, twirl', Lushai hmui
R
< hmui? ' spinning wheel'
27-19 = K. 572
a mg snake
thunder
Mand.
hur
hur
MC
xjwei
B
xjwei
B
LHan
hui
B
hui
B
oeM
(hm::li?)
hW::li?
exhausted hur xwai hU::li, huei hnli
The graph was probably borrowed later for ER 'snake' and replaced it.
27-20 = K. 1009 Mand. MC LHan oeM
= 27-20/1009 $
OCB *huj
a R snake hur xjwei
B
hui
B
hm::li?
[E] TB *m/b-ru:l > WT sbrul < s-mru/?, LB *m-r-wiyI, KN *m-ruul, Lushai ruul
H
< ruul
289
28 oeM rime *-ui, *-wai Wei bu : g ~ (2)
GSR 541- 605
Baxter 1992: 446 ff. ( 1 0.1.8)
See Table 26-1 for OC rimes *-i, *-;}i, *-ui and *-;} in QYS categories. See Table 31-1 for a
comparison of OCM *-ut, *-W;}t, *-wit, *-ui, *-u(t)s, *-w;}i, *-W;}(t)s, *-wi(t)s. See Intro. 5.2.3
for more about the removal of OCB medial *r in MC Div. 3/3 syllables.
The OCM coda *-i in diphthongs behaves like a final dental consonant, hence a strictly
phonemic transcription would write it as *-j, as in OCB (*-aj, *-;}j, *-uj).
Table 28-1: OCM rimes *-un / -w;}n, *-ut and *-ui / -w;}i
MC *-un / *-w;}n R.34 *-ut R.31 *-ui, *-u(t)s / *-w;}i
R.28, 31
III gr
~ kjw;}n kun *kw;}n !W kjwei kui *kw;}i
~ jw;}n wun *w;}n :I: kjwei
C
kus *kw;}s
-
\IJ jwei
C
wus *W;}s
III gr
- fti khjw;}t khut *khut -
3/3 gr
m gjwen
B
3 guin
B
*gun?
-
~ gjwi3 gui *gui
II gjwi
C
3 guis *gus
III ac
:'f thjwen thuin *thun tfj thjwet thuit *k-hlut mE zwi dzui *dui
ft jiwen
B
juin
B
*jun?
Note to Table: (I) Ace. to Gao You, the reading of jiin 1f gjuen
B
was similar to lun tliflljuen (see Coblin
1983: 232). This can confirm either Baxter's medial *r hypothesis (jiin < *grun?); or it could mean that
the final of jiin was similar to lun (MC -juen, not -ju;}n). All else being equal, the second interpretation is
less complex (i.e., adds no phoneme in OC) and is therefore preferable for OCM for the time being.
Incidentally, this comment by Gao You illustrates the frequent ambiguities of such glosses and their
doubtful value for a firm basis for reconstruction.
(2) Wei ill. jwi 3 derives from OCB *(w)r::lps as Baxter explains the MC ch6ngniil Div. 3/3 by loss of
an OC medial *r. However, if, according to my interpretation (see main text), gui II MC gjwiC 3, LH
guis derives from OCM *gus, then wei ill. MC jwi 3 should derive from LH wis < wuis, < OCM *wus.
Similarly, as kuffl gjwi 3 derives from LH gui, < OCM *gui, so wei rIt jwi 3 should derive from LH wi
< wui, < OCM *wui, in contrast to wei ,It MC jiwi 4 < OCM *wi; and wei ~ jwei, LH wui < OCM *w::li.
In some syllables with initial velars and the assumed OC rimes -ui, -ut/s, -un, Div. 3/3
abounds, it is almost exclusive. According to Baxter, these had all medial *r. Thus he has
seven syllables of the type *kruts, but only one *kuts. This is rather odd. As Div. 3/3 also can
derive from OC vowels (-je 3/3 < *ai, jau 3/3 < *au), I suggest that this is the case in these
rimes as well:
290
Div. III
MCjw;m
MC kjw;)n
MC kjweiC
MC kjwei
28 OCM *-ui, *-w;)i (2) (OSR 541-605)
< oeM *w;)n
< oeM *kw;)n
< OCM *kw;)(t)s
< oeM *kw;)i
Div. 3/3
MC kjwen 3
MC kjwi
C
3
MC kjwi 3
< oeM *kun
< oeM *ku(t)s
< oeM *kui
Thus MC kjwen 3 behaves in a way that is parallel to MC kjwan < *kon (Rime 25). Also, the
syllables *w;)n tend to occur with MC final -ju;)n *-w;)n), not with MC -jwen 3 *-un). In a
short-stopped syllable with final *-t, and in syllables with initial ?-, there is no III 3/3
contrast, only Div. III. Therefore I assume OC *-ut rather than *-W;)t:
MC kjw;)t < OCM *kut
cf. MC tsjwet < oeM *tut
MC ?jW;)t < OCM *?ut
MC ?jw;)n < oeM *?un
MC?jwei < oeM *?ui
28-1 = K. 569 See Intro. 5.2.3 and comment above for the Div. 3/3 OCM u for oeB medial *r.
a
9
de
f
h
q
In
r
j
k
s
Mand. Me LHan oeM
gUI kjwei
B
kui
B
kw;)i?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR kuj (..1::.); MGZY gue (1::) [\eue]; ONW kui <> [D] PMin *kyiB
kui, khu;)i
c
, khwgih, 31-3/5IOa
kuai khwiii
c
khuci
c
khrwgih
[f] Sin Sukchu SR k'waj, k'uj (*), LR k'waj; MGZY khue (*) [k'ue]
gUl ku;)i kGi = 28-6/600e
It kuf khu;)i khGi
Bi

hui
gUl,
hui
hmii
kui
kui
= 31-2/5401 t; [Shu]

kjwi(C) 3,

ywiii
kjwi
C
3
gjwiC 3
yu;)i
C
yu;)i, yuci
kui
c
gui
C
gGi?
kui, kuih
gGih
grGi
kuih
guih [Meng]
wei I)U;)j(B) I)ui OCB *l]uj
wei IJ.iwei(C) l)ui(C) I)w;)i, I)w;)ih or I)W;)S
[f] MHan ?a-l]ui
c
< ?ai-l]w;}is (?) Tocharian B 'asafoetida'
wei, wei IJ.iwei I)ui I)wgi
wei IJ.iwi 3 I)ui 28-3112375 !If
'Buffalo' [Erya] <> [E] ? TB: *Iwaay 'buffalo', JP ?u
33
-loj33, l]a
33
-loi
33
(l]a
33
'bovine')
28-2 = K. 570 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a 1m gUl kjwei kui kw;)i
[f] ONW kui. Guf generally rimes with *-w;}i in Shijing.
9
kUl khjwi(B) 3 khui(B) khui, khui?
291
28 oeM *-ui, *-w;:)i (2) (OSR 541-605)
28-3 = K. 1237s See Intro. 5.2.3 and the comment above on the Div. 3/3 OCM u for OCB *-r-.
Mand. MC LHan OCM
s kUI gjwi 3 gui gui
!tf kUI gjwi 3 gui * 28-1/569 m
[E] Area word: PTai *ywai
A
'buffalo'; Sui kwi
A2
< *gwi
A
'buffalo'
28-4
abed
ef
= K. 542

1@1 !I!@J
Mand.
hui
hUI
Me


28-5 = K. 571,342 Me LHan oeM
OCB *W;)j [T] ONW yuai
ag * III wei jwei wui w;:)i OCB *wj;)j
[T] BTD Skt. ve- (Coblin 1993: 907) <> [E] TB: Lushai veel
F
'go around, surround'; Siyin vii
'watch' <> AA. MK *wI;)I: Khmer viala /wfi;)l/ 'to turn, move around'
d wei jwei wui w;:)i OCB *wj;)j
[T] ONW ui; BTD Indic ve-
ho.1I] wei jwei wui w;:)i
fjkp wei jwei
B
wui
B
w;:)i?
q. weI jwei
B
wui
B
w;:)i? OCB *wj;)j?
[E] TB *hwa-t > WT 'od
n
wei jwei
B
wui
B
w;:)i? OCB *wj;)j?
m bind wei jwei
B
wui
B
w;:)i?
weave wei jwei
C
wui
c
w;:)ih
tt
yl ?je 3 ?iai ?ai
r:fl hUI XJwel hui hw;:)i
"-Do.
s hui xjwei
C
hui
c
hw;:)ih
[E] TB: Lushai ui
H
< lui 'to regret, dissuade, forbid' <> MK: Khmer vel) /w6h/ 'to quit,
leave, avoid, shun ... '
342a WI wei jwi:ii
c
was wes OCB *wrjats
f
9
28-6
a
d
C
e
28-7
h
The element # is partially semantic. <> [T] ONW uei; BTD Skt. -vas(ti), -vas[tu], -vasa, -pa
s(yin), vatara

wei jwi:ii
c
was wes
Ii
wei ywai
C
ywas wes
= K. 600 Mand. Me LHan oeM

huai ywai yuei gnli

huai, ywai
C
, yuei
C
, gnlih, OCB *fikrujs [T] ONW yuei
guai, kwai
c
, kuei
c
, krfiih, OCB *krujs
huai yu;:)i
B
gfii?
'I'
huai ywai yuei grfii OCB *gruj
gUI
ku;:)i kfii = 28-l/569de 171;:Et
= K. 1240h Mand. Me LHan oeM
*
guai kwai kuei krfii
292
28 oeM *-ui, (2) (GSR 541-605)
28-8 = K. 1239a Mand. Me
a -ff hui xjweiBjC
The OC initial could al so be *hm-.
28-9 = K. 573 Mand. Me
LHan
huiBjC
LHan
oeM
hwai?, ?
oeM
a

wei ?jwei
C
?ui
C
?uih OCB *?juj(s) [Tl ONW ?ui

wei ?jwei
C
?ui
C
?uih * \9- 10/357f
d
28-10 = K. 574
wei
wei
wei
?jwei
B
,



Me
?ui
B
, ?ui?,
?uai
B
?Gi?
?uai ?ui
?Gi?
LHan oeM
a &X:
Mand.
wei
wei
?jwei ?ui lui OCB **?juj [Tl ONW ?ui
d
?wiii ?uei hGi
28-11 = K. 575 Mand. oeM Me LHan
aef 11 > zhUI tswi tsui tui
[El ST *twil ( ?): WT mchil-ba 'a little bird' . See Intro. 9. 2.6.
gh-
mE
mtij
u
rs
y
z
1t
:It
ZhUI
ShUI, shei
chul
zhi
tswi
zwi


tsui
dzui
diC
tui
dui
drui
drih
dUI tuai Wi
[El PTai *?dllr:)jA: S. d:):)i
AI
'mountain', Saek r:):)yAI
*
dUI tuih
See Intro. 9.2.6.
= 28-12/543a 1;1
[El PY *tui 'pestle'
a'i' mfi tUI, chul tshwi tshui thui, thui OCB *thuj
b'
an
o
g'
v
h'
q
m
dui duai
B
dui? OCB *duj?
12 'HE wei jiwi 4 wi wi OCB *wjij
See Intro. 9.2.6. [Tl Sin Sukchu SR vi (3]L); MGZY ywi (3]L) [yiJ; ONW iui; Han BTD Skt vi
[El TB *w::JY > LB *w::JY 'to be'
#-1
wei jiwi 4 wi wi [Tl BTD Skt. vi, pi
IlfE only wei jiwi 4 wi wi OCB *wjij
yes wei
out and in cUI
wei (yao)
jiwiB
tshwi
B
jiwiB 4
wi
B
wi?
tshui
B
tshui?
wi
B
wi?
SUI swi SUI swi
wei jiwiC 4 wi
c
wih
=e'
[El AA: PAA *ruwaj > PVM *m-r:):j 'a fly', PMon *ruuy 'housefly', Khmer Irujl 'a fly ' * /
roj/ ' dart here and there .. ,'
!1!fE monkey wei, wei, jiwiC 4, wih < r-wih ? OCB *Iiijs
rui?, juh < wuh = \3-3711246c lei, you IjwiB, jiau
C
rm
wei jwi 3 wi wri or wui ?
601a $ huai
hUI
ywiii yuei wi'
d III
1237u ft1ltll
575e'iIl
hUI
cUI

xjiwi 4
tshwi
B
yuai
B
gwi"?
hui hwi
tshui
B
tshui? =1
293
28 oeM *-ui, *-w:::>i (2) (GSR 541-605)
d'l'
*11
cuf dzu:::>i dzGi OCB *dzuj *Sduj?)
j'
11
cuf tshu:::>i tshGi OCB *tshu j *Sthu j ?)
k'
11
cUI tshu:::>i
B
tshGi?
28-12 = K. 543 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
11
duf tu:::>i Wi = 28-11 /575z 1ft
d pursue zhuf trui
[E] ? TB-Lushai chui
H
< chui 'to track, follow a trail', Chepang dyul- ' follow a trail...'
carve duf tu:::>i tui
00
chul <;lwi dui drui 'pestle' [SW]
hi

zhui <;ljwe
C
<;luaic droih
28-13 = K. 544 Mand. Me LHan oeM
abc tUI du:::>i dui
31-2/540 may be partially phonetic. Cf. 11-111l205a
28-14 = K. 576 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
7.1<
shul swi
B
suiB,Stsui
B
Ihui?? OCBh[lljuj7?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR Ct.), PR LR MGZY shue ct) ONW sui
[D] PMin *tsui
B
<> [E] TB *Iwi(y) > Lushai lui
L
< luih, Tiddim luuiF < luuih 'stream, river'
28-15 = K. 577 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a lei, lei Ijwi
B
, luiB,lu:::>i rui?, rui
d lei IjwiB luiB rui?
eg lei IjwiB luiB rui?
[E] TB *(s-)rwey 'cane, creeper', Lushai hrui
R
'a creeper, cane, rope, cord, string'; OKuki
*hrui (Kom) 'rope', WB rui
B
- 'kind of creeper, tree', Mru rui 'rope'
hik lei IjwiB luiB rui?
1iJ
11
-I:
lei


rui?
rui, rui?
lu:::>i rui
= 28-J6/545a
no ltm lei lu:::>i rUl OCB *C-ruj
[T] Sin Sukchu SR b (3jI); MGZY lwo () [Iw:)]) <> [D] Mand. Jinan luei
32
; Y-Guangzhou
Il'ly21; K-Meix lui", PMin *lh(u);}i : Jianou SOCI
p it: lei ! Ijwi I u:::>i
c
, lui rGih, rui
[E) TB-Lushai r:Ji?L < *r:Jis 'be weak, worn out, fade, diminish'
sf lei Ijwi lui rui
[E) MTang lui, ONW lue
r bind lei Ijwi lui rUl
accumul. lei
implicate H:i
naked lub
q-

lua
lua

lua
Ijwe
B
Ijwe
C
Iwa
B
lwa
lwa
lwa
lyaiB
lyai
C
luai
B
luai
luai
luai / S loi
294
roil
roih
roil
roi
roi
roi [D) PMin *lhoi
28 oeM *-ui, *-w;}i mtfB (2) (GSR 541-605)
28-16 = K. 545 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

lei lu;}i
B
rili? = 28-15/577- liJf:
28-17 = K. 578 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
*
lei IjwiB, luiB,lu;}i
c
rui?, rilih
b

lei Ijwi
B
luiB rui?
28-18 = K. 1237v Mand. Me LHan oeM
v

rUI fizwi fiui nui =
28-19 = K. 1237x Mand. Me LHan oeM
x
)<.
SUI swi sui snui = 19-19/354g
28-20 = K. 513 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab

zui dzu;}i
B
dzili?
[N] fei is not phonetic, see Intro. 9.2.3 <> rf] ONW dzuai <> [E] ? TB: Lushai suaJR
'bad, wicked, evil, wrong, to misbehave, sin' sual
H
'to rape'
295
29 oeM rime *-it, *-its, *-is Zhi btl
GSR 393 - 415
Baxter 1992: 434 ff. ( 10.1.6)
Shijing rimes *(-)wit and *-ut tended to mix (Baxter 1992: 444ff). By Han time both had
become> *-uit. The Div. 3/3 items could also have been OCM *g;;)t instead of *grit.
See Table 33-1 for a comparison of OC rimes *-in, *-;;)n, *-it, *-;;)t. See Table 32- 1 for OC
rimes *-in, *-it, *-(t)s, *-i in QYS categories.
29-1 = K. 393 With one exception MC gjet 3 syllables are doublets of Div. 3/4.
Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
-::::
jf kjiet 4 kit kit
I=l
[fl ONW kiit <> [El WT skyid-pa ' happy'
IJ

I=! PI=!
.. , 1
Jle . khjiet 4 khit khit
n
ffi
jf kjiet 4, kit, kit,
jie kiet ket kit
k

jf gjiet 4, git git
jf gjet 3
frtj
jf gjet 3 git grit
15
jf kjiet 4, kit kit
jf gjet 3
t
ji, jie k(h)jiet 4 k(h)it k(h)it
5
jf kjiet 4 kit kit
ftf6
jf gjiet 4, git git
gjet 3
05
jie gjiet 4 git git
ryz J!f][fltm xie viet get gft
p

jie kiet ket kit
[fl MTang kiar < kfar, ONW ket <> [El TB *kik > WT ' khyig-pa, bkyigs ' to bind' , JP gyit
31
'to tie, bind'; Kuki *d-khik
0
t5
jie kiet ket kit
q
15
jie kiet ket kit
jii kat ket krit
hair knot ji kiei
c
kes kits
a god jie kiet ket kit
x
51J
jie khat khet
khrit
u
f5
jie kat ket krit = 29-2/278a Iff
v
lJ
",,1=1
xii yat get grit
296
29 oeM *-it, *i(t)s (GSR 393-415)
29-2 = K. 278 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a i
jie kat ket krit = 29-1/393u ffi
29-3 = K. 535 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
3lt
qi
khi
c
4 khis khis or khits
29-4 = K. SlOb Mand. Me LHan oeM
b
@
jie kai
c
kes kris R! OCB *krets
- 20-2/327e W *krets. Unambiguous Shijing rimes indicate *-its. 31-3/ 51 Oa It! is thought to
be phonetic.
29-5 = K. 538 For the LHan medial w (rather than u), see comment under 26-10/605.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
* jl kwi
c
4
kuis kwis
[DJ PMin *kie
c
- *kyi
C
e '1* jl gwi
C
4 guis gwis
29-6 =K. 409 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
1\
xue yiwet yuet wit OCB *wit
c 1;\ xue xi wet huet hwit
d yu jiwet wit wit 'awry' = 29-11 /S07b 1ii
29-7 = K. 410 GSR 930 (5-7) may have I1n as phonetic.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a.r:trr xue xi wet huet hwit OCB *hwit
[TJ ONW huet <> [D] PMin *huet: Xiam hui?DI; K-Meix siret
B
; Y -Guangzh hytC\; G-
Nanchang K-Ruijin ciot
[E] ST *s-wi? - *swi7: TB *s-hyw;)y or *s( -)wi? > Kanauri sui, PL *swiy2, WB swe
B
; Chepang
W;)y? - huy 'blood', Magari hyu < hwi
d Jfn xu huit hwit OCB *hwjit
' water channel' > 'moat', perh. * *wit 'to flow'; same graph used for the syn. 5-7/930a
e 'I'rfIl care abt. xu sjwet suit swit OCB *swjit
f JfnP care abt. xu sjwet suit swit
JfnP rub xu SU;)t SU;)t sut
[E] TB: LB *sut 'wipe, sweep' > WB sut 'wipe' , Lahu 51? < *sit
29-8 = K. 533 Mand. Me LHan oeM
-e !!( > yiwei
C
yues wis
afg hul yiwei
C
yues wis R! OCB *wets
h ll! sUI zwi
c
zuis s-wi s OCB *fiswjits (?)
= Rimes *-uts in Shi 65.2, -its in 212.3 <> [E] TB: Lushai vui
L
/vui?L < vuis
'to ear (as grain, grass), come into ear', Kuki-Chin *vui
sUI sjwai
C
sues swes
29-9 = K. 526 The rime could be either *-jus or *-wis. 526k was certainly *s-wis, whereas
526fg can only have been *-us. Although this looks like a pure *-s series, the finals could in
some or all items have been *-ts.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a a sui zuis s-wis
297
29 oeM *-it, *i(t)s (GSR 393-415)
d sui zwi
c
zuis s-wis - s-jus OCB *zjuts
Rimes in Shi 60.1, 2 -its; 194.4 -uts <> [f] ONW zue <> [E] LB *s-yuy; Kamarupan *s-yuy
- *m-yuy 'to follow', Kuki-Naga *jwi 'follow' > Lushai ZUiF, Siyin jui
k sui zwi
c
zuis s-wis ! acB *zjuts
= 29-8/533h t'! - No rime in Shi 245.4. <> [E] TB: Lushai vui
L
Ivui7L < vuis 'to ear (as
grain, grass), come into ear', Kuki-Chin *vui
h
ti
sui zwi
c
ZUIS s-jus acB *zjuts
ijin
sui zwi
c
zuis s-jus
0

sui swi
c
suis swis
m

sui zwi
c
zuis s-jus acB *zjuts
Rimes -uts in Shi 132.3
f troops dui dUds dus
fall down zhui dwi
c
<;lus drus
9
fall zhui
<;lwic dus drus
[E] AA: Khmer OKhmer rul) Iruhl 'to fall, drop' * jrul) Icruhl 'to fall, drop, come off ... ' ;
PYM *ruh 'to fall'
29-10 = K. 527 Mand. Me LHan OCM
ab-

sui zwi
c
, zuis, s-wis, 'broom'
zjwai
C
zyas s-wes
c

hui xiwei
c
hues hwi's R! acB *hwets
de

hui yiwei
C
yues wi's
29-11 = K. 507 None of these graphs rime in Shijing.
Mand. Me LHan OCM
a yu jiwet wit wit
b yu jiwet wit wit
rHl-};;z
1-'=-1 J.@ hUI - yu YUdi-wit wui-wit
ef yu jiwet wit wit
ij ju gjwet 3,4 guit gwit
h #,JaJ JU, yu kjiwet, jiwet kuit, wit kwit, wit or kjut, jut
Relatively late word [Liji] <> [E] TB: WT: rgyud < *r-jut ' string, cord'
g lifj ju kjiwet 4 kuit kwit OCB *kWjit
k
Imn
o
p
[f] ONW kuit <> [E] MK-Khmer kwic 'tangerine'
gua
jue
kwat
kiwet
jue, yu ki wet , ji wet
[E] ? Old Sino-Viet. lut
hui, xjiwiC 4,
xue xi wet
kuet
kuet
kuet, wit
huis,
huet
kwrft
kwi't
kwH - wit
hwits,
hwi't
29-12 = K. 394 Mand. Me LHan oeM
= 22-4/304f 18
a Yl ?jiet 4 ?it ?it = 29-13/395a
[f] Sin Sukchu SR 7i Ci\.); MGZY Yi Ci\.) [?ji]; MTang 7ir, ONW 7iit
[E] TB *7it : Chepang yat 'one' , Kanauri 7it 'one' , WB ac
298
29 oeM *-it, *i(t)s (GSR 393-415)
29-13 = K. 395 Mand. Me LHan oeM

yf ?jiet 4 ?it ?it = 29-12/394a - a
E
b
Of
ye ?iet ?et ?ft [T) ONW let
cdh

CH: yi ?i
C
?is ?its
ijk
BJJfm
yi ?iei
C
?es ?Its
29-14 = K. 1241j Mand. Me LHan oeM
j
W
ti thiei
C
thes thfts ot thfh OCB *thij/ts
[T] BTD na-thes Skt. nadr; ?u-pa-thes Skt.
29-15 = K. 413
.
a
Mand. MC LHan oeM See EDOe Indro. 8.1.5
zhi tsi
C
tsis tits OCB *tjits
[T) Sin Sukchu SR t?i (*), PR, LR tn; MGZY ji (*) [t?i); ONW tsi
[E) TB: WT mchi-ba, mchis 'come, go, exist', WB ce
c
'to complete'
d zhi C tri ts
[T) Sin Sukchu SR t?i (*), PR, LR tn; MGZY ji (*) [t?i]; ONW ti
zhi <;Iic <;lis (drits)
= 26-16/595h <> [f] ONW di <> [E] ST *C-rwi: Lushai 'to sew', JP ri
31
'thread'
zhi tsjet, tjet, tet ? tsit ? tiL.. OCB *tjit, tit
tiet, tjai
C
? PCH *m-lhit ?
[E) TB *m-liit 'water leech', KN *m-hliit > Lushai hliit < *hl-< *C-lit
e!j1f zhi trits OCB *trjits
[T] ONW ti <> [E) TB *s-liy > KN *rit > Lushai ritL 1 rilL < rit 1 rih 'be heavy'; TB *s-ldY
'heavy' > WT Ici -ba < *lhji, lJi-ba < *Iji; Kanauri Ii-ko 'heavy' , Lepcha If, Ifm, PL *C-li
2
>
WB le
B
, JP 1i
33
f ti zhi tjet trit OCB *trjit
9 zhi tjet trit
[E) ? TB: WT gri 'knife', WB kre
B
'copper', JP ma
31
-grj33 'brass', Lushai hrei
L
< hreih 'axe,
hatchet'
h stop up zhi tjet , tiet tet trit, tIt OCB *trjit
[f) ONW tit <> WT 'dig-pa 'to stop up'
threshold die diet det dft
i- zhi tsjet tsit tit [f) ONW tsit
o Pi zhf diet , <;Ijet det, <;lie dft, drit or 1ft, r-1it OCB *dil
[f] ONW det <> TB *b-IdY ' nephew, grandchild', OBurm. mliy, WT mre
B
'grandchild'
zhi tjet, tiet
[yupian, 6th cent. AD) (the reading may si mply be the one of the phonetic)
[E) ST *tey: TB *teyB, PKaren *?te
B
n:l:i die diet det dft or 1ft OCB *dit
m
qr
j
[E) TB: KN *m-hlil), Sabeu P!!-iait 'ant '
die diet det dft or 1ft
die diet det dft or 1ft
shi sjet sit 1hit OCB *stjit
[f] Sin Sukchu SR (7-); MGZY shi ( 7-) [?i); ONW sit
[E) ST *k-li(s) > WT gzi 'ground, foundation, cause; residence, abode' gzis ' native place',
yui-gzis 'house, estate, property'; Lepcha If 'house'; WB mre 'earth, ground ', Nung mdli
'ground, mountain', Dulong m;)ll 'place'
299
29 oeM *-it, *i(t)s (GSR 393-415)
29-16 = K. 415 Mand . MC LHan OCM
a stem di tiei
C
tes tfts
to slip zhi tis trits - 30-10/493c JIi!l
d tl angry zhi
tsi
C
thi
C
, .
tsis, tits, thrits - 30-1 0/493d
e

til tiei
c
tes tfts
29-17 = K. 402 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a

shf sjet sit lhit [T] ONW sit
b yi jiet jit lit = 29-19/396a
[T] ONW it <> [E] Note Tai: S. let
D2
-h:lt
D2
'escape artfully or adroitly'
cd

yi, die jiet, diet jit, det li t, 1ft

die diet det 1ft OCB *lit 29-16/415a
J?&(
die diet det 1ft
[T] ONW det <> [E] TB *ble or *blai 'to slip', Mikir -iI)llt < *m-llt 'be slippery'; WT 'byid-
pa 'to slip' < *mlit?
k

die diet det 1ft
[T] MTang diar < diar, ONW det
#I}(
zhi qjet GY qit FY - (drit) 29-15/413 ttl&
fgh zhi qjet qit drit < r-lit OCB *Irjit
e

chi rhit < r-lhit ?
die, chi diet, det, 1ft, rhit < r-lhit ?
29-18 = K. 398 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a W fruit shf dzjet zit (dzit?) m-lit OCB *Ljit
[T] Sin Sukchu SR CA.); MGZY ci CA.) ONW zit <> [E] TB: Lepcha If, If-m 'be ripe',
If, a-If 'seed'; Mikir Ilk 'pick, pluck'
W real shf - 7 -14/866s
29-19 = K. 396 Mand. MC LHan
'dn,
a yi jiet jit
= 29-17/402b {)I( <> [T] ONW it
OCM
lit
29-20 = K. 1257ab MC LHan OCM
ab yi jiet jit lit 29-17/402d)l(
[E) Lepcha Iyit / 1ft 'to overflow'. The graph 849a *7ek has been chosen in part for its
meaning.
29-21 = K. 397 Mand. MC LHan
a {# yi jiet jit
1256d reckless yi jiet jit
pure xie sjet sit
29-22 = K. 1257c Mand. MC LHan
c 8f.: yi jiet jit
29-23 = K. 403 Mand. MC LHan
a

Ii ljet lit
[T] ONW lit <> [E] KS-Ten lik
31
'chestnut'
300
OCM
lit
lit
slit
OCM
jit or lit
OCM
rit
= 29-17/402c
OCB *C-rjit
29 oeM *-it, *i(t)s (GSR 393-415)
d Ii Ijet lit rit
[E] TB: WT zed-pa < *rjet < *ret 'to fear, be afraid', bred-pa < *b-ret 'be frightened'
e Ii Ijet lit rit
29-24 = K. 12410 Mand. Me LHan oeM
n Ii lieiC,liet les, let tits, tit
The OC form could also have been *ret(s); = 29-25
29-25 = K. 532 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a m evil Ii, lie liei
c
, liet les, let tits, r1t
come to Ii liei
c
les tits R!
Unambiguous Shijing rimes are with *-it, *-i (see Baxter 1992).
b

Ii liei
c
les tits
c

lei IjwiC Ius ruts = rjuts ?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR luj ("*); MGZY lue ("*) [luc]

Ii liei
c
les tits [SW]
29-26 = K. 404
B
a
Mand. Me LHan oeM
ri flijet flit nit
eg-
f
hj
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ri (A); MGZY Zhi (A) [ri]; ONW flit.
[E] TB *nyiy>OTib. gfii, WT fii-ma 'sun', fiin (-mo) 'day'
fB 9 tB ni I).jet I).it nrit
= 26-24/563f 33-20/456i *,J] <> [f] ONW nit
flijet flit nit
11 nie niet net nft
[f] MTang niar < niar, ONW net
[E] TB: WB ;;!-nafi - ;;!-nac < *nik., WT sfiigs-pa 'impure sediment'
29-27 = K. 414
a H
Mand.
ri
Me
flijet
LHan
flit
oeM
nit
29-28 = K. 564 Mand. Me LHan oeM
agi er flii
C
ms nis
= [f] Sin Sukchu SR ri <"*), PR, LR r1; MGZY Zhi <"*) [ri]; ONW fli
OCB *C-rets
= 29-24 m
it [f] Han BTD Skt. MHan item Nesef
[E] TB *g-nis > WT gfiis
j !IjI\
838a
ni
ning
l).i
C
niel)
nris
nel)h < nel)s
29-29 = K. 494 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
*
d
e
jf dzjet dzit dzit
[f] Sin Sukchu SR dzi (A); MGZY tsi (A) [dziJ; ONW dzit.
[E] ? TB: Chepang jik- 'be sick, injured, hurt'
jf dzjet dzit dzit
ji dzjet, dzi
c
dzit, dzi
c
dzit, dzits
301
= 29-29/923c 'detest'
29 oeM *-it, *i(t)s (GSR 393-415)
29-30 = K. 399, 923 The graph is also phonetic in 5-26/923.
Maud. MC LHan OCM
399a .5!P ji (?) tsjet tsit tsit R!
[T] Sin Sukchu SR tsi C\); MGZY dzi C\) [tsi] <> [E] MK: Khmer jita /cit/, OKhmer jit /jit/
'to be near to, to the point of, be close'
". ,....
e knots Jle tSlet tset tSlt
fi1J [T] Sin Sukchu SR tsje (A); MGZY dzya (A) [tsje]; MTang tsiar < tsiar, ONW tset
[E] ST *tsik: TB *tsik: WT 'tshigs 'joint, knot, knee'; LB *?dzik > WB chac 'a joint'
crest-like jie tsiet, tset, tsft,
dziet dzet dzft
dg- zhi tsrit OCB *tsrjit
923c detest ji dzjet dzit dzit = 29-28/494a *
[T] Sin Sukchu SR dzi (A); MGZY tsi (A) [dzi]; ONW dzit.
[E] TB: WT tshig-pa 'anger, indignation'.
masonry ji tsjet tsit tsit OCB *tsjit < *tsjik
'Masonry' <> [E] WT rtsig-pa 'a wall, masonry'
coaled ji tsjet tsit tsit OCB *tsjit < *tsjik
'Coaled part' <> [E] WT 'tshig-pa 'to burn'
29-31 = K. 400
-t a
Maud. MC LHau OCM
qf tshjet tshit tshit < snhit ?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ts'i (A); MGZY tshi (A) [ts'i]; ONW tshit <> [D] PMin *tshit
[E] TB *snis > Himalayan 19s. *snis; Jiarong kesnes; LB *snit; JP slPl-nit
31
; Trung snit
f tJ] to cut qie tshiet tshet tshft * 29-29/39ge !'iff
close to qie tshiet tshet tshft * 29-29/399a !lP
[T] MTang tshiar < tshiar, ONW tshet
e ot chi tshjet tshi t thit
29-32 = K. 401 Maud. MC LHau OCM
ab *1* qf tshjet tshit tshit OCB *tshjit
[E] TB *tsiy > WT tshi-ba 'tough, sticky matter'; LB *dziy2 'sap, juice' > WB ce
B
'sticky,
adhesive'
c 1Jt knee xf sjet sit sit
[T] MTang sir, ONW sit
29-33 = K. 1257 Maud. Me LHau oeM
e xf sjet sit sit
[T] MTang sir, ONW sit <> [E] TB *syey 'know' > WT ses-pa, Vayu ses; Lushai thei
L
/ thei?L
*sei/s) 'can, be able', PL*si
2
f xf-shuo srit-srut
OCM *it (not *-gt) because Xl in xf-shub must have been -it to contrast with -ut
29-34 = K. 518 Maud. Me LHau
ae [g si siC sis
[T] Sin Sukchu SR sl ($:); MGZY shi ($:) [Sl];
[E] ? TB *b-lgy 'four' > WT bzi < *bli
fg fEY 1EY si sic sis
302
oeM
sis or slis OCB *spllts = 30-111S09h nt
Sui-Tang sic, sit?, ONW sic
sis
29 oeM *-it, *i(t)s (GSR 393-415)
29-35 = K. 506
!lR
a
Mand. MC LHan OCM
shr srit < srik
[D] PMin *8;)t <> [E] TB *s-rik > WT sig < *hrjik 'louse', Bunan srig, Chepang sr;)yk 'head
louse', Lushai hrik
L
29-36 = K. 411 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
[l
se sit srit OCB *sprjit
29-37 = K. 412 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
M
bi piei
c
, piet pes, pet pit(s) [T] ONW pei
29-38 = K. 408
lZIJE ad
Mand. MC LHan OCM
pi phjiet 4 phit phit OCB *phjit
1lY
pi phjiet 4 phit phit
[E] Area word: Tai: S. and Tai Igs in general pet
DI
'duck'; MK: Viet. vit, NBahn. pet'; TB:
Lolo-Zaiwa et al. 'duck', Geman Deng kmi
35
-pit
55
29-39 = K. 521 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a W bi piC 4 pis pis OCB *pjits
[T] Sui-Tang pi, ONW pii <> [D] Y-Guitngzh peiBI, ZhOngsh piBI, iBI < *pi
B
, Tengxian
?bi
BI
(MC pi B) <> [E] ST *pi(s): TB *P;)Y: Lepcha byi byi-n 'to give'; LB: WB peB phit
'invite, offer to give'
c .. nose bi bjiet 4 bit bit
[T] Tang period: col. Shiizhou *bir, *bit. See Intro. 6.2.1 .
.. nose bi bi
c
4 bis bits
[T] Sin Sukchu SR bi (*); MGZY pi (*) [hi]
[D] Min *bhi
c
: Jian'ou phic2, Fuzh pheic, Xiam phlc2; Kejia: Meix phi
cI
d 1:W float pi phieic, phes, phits,
phjai
C
phias phets
1:W in crowds pi phiei
c
phes phits OCB *phits
29-40 = K. (1237m) MC LHan
bis
OCM
EI nose bi bits
This is the original OB graph for 'nose' > .. 29-38/52Ic; the reading bi survives in the next
graph for 'first-born'. This graph also writes a different word zl 26-3111237m 'self'. See
Intro.6.2.1.
EI > JUI bi bis bits 'the first-born' [SW 109]
29-41 = K. 405 Most graphs ending in -it are in Div. 3/4, but all tone C counterparts fall
into ch6ngniu Div. 3/3 so that these may include original OC rimes in *-its (rather than only
*-rits). In fact, except for words in 29-39/521 above, all MC -i
c
3/4 words in tone C derive
from OC open syllables *-ih (Rime 26), and all MC -i
c
3/3 derive from OC closed syllables
*-ts (see SSYP).
Mand. MC LHan OCM
a bi pjiet 4 pit pit
[T] Sin Sukchu SR pi (A); MGZY bi (A) [pi]
c
p]
bi pjiet 4 pit pit OCB *pjit
def bi bjiet 4 bit bit
gh bi bjiet 4, biet bit, bet bit, bit OCB *bjit
303
29 oeM *-it, *i(t)s (GSR 393-415)
j M bi pj(i)et 3,4 pit!, prit !, = 29-43/406a LJLJ
pji
C
3 pis prits
[T] ? TB: Chepang pit- 'grip (as with pincers), hold between knees or under the arm'
\Yl bie biet, miet bet, met bIt, mIt
k bi pji
C
3 pis pits OCB *prjits
bi bjiet 4, bit, bit, OCB *bjit
pji
C
3 pis pits!
m :fl::, mi ! pji
C
3 pis pits
n bi pji
C
3 pis pits
[T] TB-PL *pi
2
'to close', Mru pit 'shut, close'
O!0 mi mjet 3 mit mrit
p silence mi mjet 3 mit mrit [E] Tai: Saek mit 'quiet'
near mi mjet 3 mit mrit OCB *mrjit
[T] ONW mit. MHan ta-mit (*ta-mrit) Tarmita, Termes
r mi mjiet 4 mit mit
[T] MTang mir < mfr, ONW miit; BTD Skt. -mita <> [D] PMin *mit
s mi mjiet 4 mit mit OCB *Npjit
mi mjiet 4 mit mit
29-42 = K. 407 Mand. MC LHan OCM
ade bi pjiet 4 pit pit
[T] Sin Sukchu SR pi (A.); MGZY bi (A.) [pi]; MTang pir < Ptf, ONW piit 'finish'
[E] TB: Lushai pei?L < peih < *-s 'to complete'; WT dpyis phyin-pa 'to come to the last'
ijkl 5'... bi pjiet 4 pit pit
m t, bi pjiet 4 pit pit
[E] TB: PTib *pis-mo; Nung phaIJ-phit 'knee'
29-43 = K. 1257g Mand. MC LHan OCM
9

bi pjiet 4 pit pit
29-44 = K. 406 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
ijij
bi pjet 3 pit prit = 29-40/405j tx,
e
565
bi bjet 3 bit brit
304
30 oeM rime *-at, *-ats, *-as WU bu (1)
GSR 486 - 540
Baxter 1992: 437 ff. (10.1.7)
Table 30-1: OCM rimes *-;m, in QYS categories
Div. *-;m R.33 *-;}t R.30 *-;}(t)s R.30
I gr tN k;}n bn *k;;m :tIJ bw;}t b;}t *rot 7;}s
:L$: pw;}n
B
p;}n
B
Jlie ph;}S
IVac tienB tenB
III gr ill: gj;}n B gi;}n B *g;}n 7 Z; khj;}t khi;}t *kh;}t khjeiC khi;}s *kh;}s
:5t pjw;}n pun *p;}n !jo/.] mjw;}t mut *m;}t jwei
C
wus *W;}s
III ac nzjenC nin
c
*n;}ns jf tsjet tsit *t;}t
3/3 rtJ kjen 3 kin *kr;}n Z 7jet3 7it *7r;}t ? k
h
ji
C
3 khis *khr;}s
bjen3 bin *br;}n
See Table 33-1 for a comparison of OC rimes *-in, *-it,
30-1 =K.517 Some or all OC finals *-s could have been *-ts.
ac
ce
d
Mand. MC LHan OCM
9:*" 1 air qi khjeiC khi;:)s kh;:)s
[f] Sin Sukchu SR k'jej (:li;), PR k'i; MGZY khi (:li;) [k'i]; ONW khi
c
*"
2
ii*t gift xi xjei
C
h;:)s
'1'$\ angry kai kh;:)S
*-;}i R.27
mJ kh;}i
@] yu;}i
;tt m;}i
tshiei tshei
m kjeiB kiiB *bi7
llili kjwei kui *kw;}i
III jwei wui *w;}i
m pjwei pui *p;}i
Jt kjiq ki
c
*kr;}ih
mji
B
3 miB *mr;}i7
[f] ONW khai
c
<> [E] AA: Kharia khis 'anger', Sora kissa 'move with great effort', Khm khes
f
g
h
jk
mn
o
p
'strive after' <> TB-JR khus 'anger'
'1'$\ sigh kai,
xi xjeiC
L pray qi khj;:)t
oz: stutter ji, jf kj;:)t
oz: to eat chi
kh;:)s,
hi;:)s
kh.j;:)t


h;:)s
kh;:)t
bt
[f] Sin Sukchu SR k'i CA.), LR MGZY khi ( A) [k'i]
qi kj;:)t ki;:)t
qi ! xj;:)t hi;:)t h;:)t or hl];:)t ?
xi xj;:)t hi;:)t h;:)t or hl];:)t ?
yi, xi IJj;:)t, xj;:)t l]i;:)t, hi;:)t l];:)t, hl];:)t
he, xie yw;:)t, yiet gu;:)t, get gut, gft
ji kjei kii k;:)i
305
= 30-2/515m
[f] ONW khit
[f] ONW kit
30 OCM *-;)t, *-;)(t)s (1) (GSR 486-540)
30-2 = K. 515 Some or all OC finals *-s could have been *-ts.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
ac

ji kjeiC kigs k;)s
[T] Sin Sukchu SR kjej (*), PR, LR ki; MGZY gi (*) [ki]; ONW ki
9
R vegetat. ji
kjeiC ki;)s bs
to come ji gji
C
3 gis
g;)S
0 ji gji
C
3 gis gr;)ts
= 30-411237a <> [T] MGZY ki (*) [gil
jkl j gfli bs
kgs
mn o@itl!!t kfli
kh;)S khgs
h

xi, xjei
C
, xjiC, his
h;)s
ji gji
C
:fJ;lt xi, xjei
C
, hi;)s, h;)s,
gfli bs
kgs
30-3 = K. 536 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

qi khji
C
3 khis khrgs or khr;)ts
30-4 = K.1237a Mand. Me LHan oeM
a 113 pour out ji kjiC, gji
C
3 kis, gis kr;)ts, grgts
113 together ji gji
C
3 gis gr;)ts
ji gji
C
3 gis gr;)ts ?
ElG
Xl yiei gei
30-5 = K. 504 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

jia kat ket krgt or krit
30-6 = K. 508 Some or all OC finals in *-s could have been *-ts.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a '!f aJ ?;)S ?gS
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ?aj (*); MGZY 'ay (*) [?aj]; ONW ?ai
C
[D] PMin *?ugi
C
<> [E] TB-PKaren *?ai
bc Sf'll fli ?;)S ?gS
OCB *grjgts < *grjgps
OCB *bts
=30-1/517d
OCB *xjgts
= 30-2/5150
= 26-9/599h
d if indist. fli ?;)s, ?gS, 'indistinct'
?jei
B
?iiB ?;)?
to pant fli ?iii
C
?;)S ?gS
30-7 = K. 505 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
Z
yi ?jet 3 ?it ?r;)t ?
30-8 = K. 537 Mand . Me LHan oeM
a U yi Ilii
c
3 I)is I)r;)ts
30-9 = K. 516 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ac yi Iliei
c
I)i;)s or I)iih I)gS or I)gih *lpls)?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR i (*); MGZY ngi (*) [I)i] <> [E] TB: Lushai (saL-)l)hiUL < I)halh < I)hals
'wild pig' I)halR < I)ha1? 'ill-behaved, unruly. over-bold'; Paang. mal)ill - ral)ill 'wild boar'
d yi Iliei
c
I)i;)s or I)iih I);)S or I);)ih
306
30-10 = K. 493
a fi solid
hostage
b
Ii
c

30 OCM *-;}t, *-;}(t)s (1) (GSR 486-540)
Mand.
zhi
zhi
zhl
zhi
Me
tsjet
tsi
C
tsjet

LUan
tsit
tsis
tsit

t;}ts
t;}t
trdts
[E] TB: WT 'dred-pa 'to slip, slide, glide'; Kanauri *bret
d zhi tsi
C
tiC
, .
tsis, tdtS, thrdts
30-11 = K. 509 Some or all OC finals could have been -ts.
Mand. Me LUan oeM
a come to dai, Ii
dh'C 'C
, 1 ddS, jis
C come to dai, di, Ii
dh ' C 'C
, 1 ddS, jis
peaceful di diei
c
des lIs
e
Hj!
dai thdS
f
** cherry
di diei
c
des Ifs
perfect di, dai diei
c
diii
c
, .
des, d?s lIs,
9
yi i
C
jis lis
h

si
sic
sis sis < slis
- 29-16/415a
- 29-16/4ISd tl!f
OCB *(g-)I;}ps
= 29-33/SISa IZ!l
[T] Sin Sukchu SR sl (:t:); MGZY shi (:t:) [s1]; Sui-Tang sic, sit?, OI\TW sic OCB sljdPs
n
if
si
sic sis sis < slis ?
m

si
sic
SIS sis < slis ?
op
7!
si, yi sic, ji
C
sis, jis slis, lis
l241rn Ii liei
c
les tis or lIS
30-12 = K. 514 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a
Me
pei ph?S or = 27-\ 0
30-13 = K. 491 Mand. Me LUan OCM
a
b
*

bu, bei bWdt, bdt, oos
bo bw?t bdt
'Powdery' [E] ST *put: WB phut 'dust', Lushai phut
L
'flowery, powdery'
'Sudden' [E] TB: Lushai phuut
H
'suddenly'
ij:f bo bw;}t bdt
c 1- po bw?t b?t OCB *buts
[E] ? TB: WT 'bu-ba, 'bus 'to open, unfold (flower)" 'be lighted, kindled'
d discord bo, bei bw?t, b;}t, oos bgt,
abundant po bw?t b?t bgt
e po bw?t, bdt, bgt,
f ftl
30-14 = K. 500 Mand, Me LUan
a 9t not ftl pjW?t put
[T] MTang pfur, ONW put; BTD Skt. putra
9t gust fu pjW?t put
[E] TB: WT 'bud-pa, bus 'to blow' intr.
307
oeM
Pdt
OCB *pjut
de
fij
h
k
q
mn
o
p
rs
30-15
30 oeM *-gt, *-g(t)s (1) (OSR 486-540)
fu pjVVdt
fu phjVVgt
fu phjVVgt
[El PYao *phwot 'sweep, clear away'
dense fu phjVVgt phut phgt
elimin. fu pjVVgt put pgt OCB *pjut
gush fu pjVVgt put pgt
[TlONW put <> [El TB *brup *prup 'to gush forth': WT 'brup-pa 'gush, spout forth', JP
'phrup3l 'to squirt' (as water from mouth).
bubble fei pjvvei
C
pus P;;lts
[Dl *pyi
c
. <> [El MY *npwei
lc
. TB: JP prut
3l
'to boil'
resist fu bjvv;;lt but bdt
Buddha f6 bjvv;;lt but
[Tl Sin Sukchu SR vu ( J\); MGZY hwu (J\) [vul; BTD Skr. buddha
fu bjvv;;lt but b;;lt
'Il}t fU, fei bjvvgt, bjvvei
C
but, bus b;;lt, bdts
b6, fU bvv;;lt, phjvv;;lt b;;lt, phut ph;;lt
fei phjvvei
C
phus phgts
Jr [Tl Sin Sukchu SR fi (:t:) ; LR fi; MGZY h(w)i (:t:) [fil
fei pjvvei
C
pus
[TlONW pui
c
<> [El WT 'bos 'boil, bump, tumor' * 'bo-ba, bos 'to swell, rise, sprout'. <>
Tai: S. phot
Ol
'prickly heat'.
Mand.
fu
oeM
SW5660
30-16 = K. 501 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a m fu pjvv;;lt put P;;lt
c ffi knee coy. fu pjVV;;lt put P;;lt < put OCB *pjut
d
e
f
9
= 21-31/2761 ttt <> [El TB *put > WT pus-mo 'knee', PTib *pus-mo, *puks-mo; Nung ur-phut
'elbow'; JP phut
3l
'to kneel', lii3l_phut3l 'knee'
ffi covering fei, pjvveiC, pus,
bei pvviljC pas
:MI1
pei ! bvvilj C bas

bats
'I'm pei phvvai
c
phas phats
1$ abundant pei phvvai
C
phas phats
1$ uprooted bei pvvai
c
pas pats
1$ marshy bei pvvai
c
pas pats
lung fei phjvvui
C
phuas phats
=21-31/276h 1ft
[TlONW phei > phuei <> [El AA-PVM *p-so:s > p-ho:c > po:c I pho:c 'lungs', Tai: S. p:l:lt
OlL
< *pi:Jt 'lung' * S. ph:l:lt
Ol
'breathe, inhale'
dense pei phvvaiC, phas, phats,
bvvai
c
bas bats
30-17 = K. 530 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a
Eili
rei phjvveiB, phvv;;lt phuiB, ph;;lt ph;;li?, phgt < phui?, phut
The element chii tl:l 'come out' is partially semantic. Cf. 31-16/496t
308
30 OCM *-:}t, *-:}(t)s (1) (GSR 486-540)
30-18 = K. 492 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a mo mw:}t m:}t
b dive mo mw:}t mgt prob. mut R OCB *mut
[f] Sin Sukchu SR mu (.A.); MGZY mu (.A.) [mu]; ONW mot <> [E] Tai: S. mut
D2
' to dive'
covet mo mwgt m:}t
[E] TB: WT mod-pa, mos-pa 'be pleased, wish', smon-pa 'to wish, desire'
not have mei < wu you ;$,Ji1:f
c 7j/;1 mo mw:}t m:}t = 30-20/ 503k
d mo mw:}t mgt
30-19 = K. 503 In the OB the graph for this word ' don't' is different from 30-20.
Mand. Me LHan OCM
a !:JJ don't! wu mjwgt mut
30-20 = K. 503 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ah !:JJ > wu mjw:}t mut mgt, probably mut
k
p
m
no
qr
[f] Sin Sukchu SR vu (.A. ), PR, LR vu?; MGZY wu ( A. ) [vu); MTang mvur,ONW mut
[E] TB *mruw: WT ' bru < *Nbru 'grain, seed' ; WB myui
B
' seed, seed grain ' ::>-myui
B
' race,
lineage, kind, class, sort'
5 a plant wu mjw:}t mut
hu:}t
m:}t
5 confused hu XWgt
lj'lJ)
8'lJ)
mo
wu
mwgt mgt
mjwgt, XWgt mut, hgt

mgt, hm(}t
'lJ) mei mwat, mai
c
mat, mas mat, mrats < mot
= 30-\ 8/ 492c
m. careless hu XWgt hugt hm(}t OCB *hmut
The Shijing rimes are ambiguous <> [f] Sin Sukchu SR xu ( A. ); MGZY hu ( A. ) [xu)
hu XWgt hu:}t hm(}t
hu, hu XWgt hu:}t hm(}t ' writing tablet'
wen mjwgn
B
mun
B
mgn?
wen, mjwgn
B
, mun
B
, mgn? or mun?,
min mjien
B
4 min
B
min?
30-21 = K. 531 Some or all OC finals could have been -ts.
a
g
k
n
Mand. Me LHan OCM
* wei mjwei
C
mus m:}s
[f] Sin Sukchu SR vi (:t:); MGZY wi (:t:) [vi]; ONW mui
c
[D] Wu-Wenzh, Gufmgzh mei
c
, Fuzh mui
c
, Xiam bec
'* wei mjwei
C
mus mgs
tit mei mgs
[f) Sin Sukchu SR muj (:t: ), PR, LR m;)j ; MGZY mue (:t:) [mue)
[D] PMin *mhyaiC (or *mhye
C
)
mei mgs
[f) ONW mai ; BTD SkI. -madhi
OCB *m::>t s
mei mi
c
4 mis mis OCB *mjits
[f] MTang mi, ONW mii
[E) TB *r-mwiy > WT rmi-ba 'to dream', WB mwe
c
'to sleep', Magar mis-ke
309
30 OCM *-gt, *-g(t)s
(1) (GSR 486-540)
h
Jtt
mei mji
C
3 mfS mrgs or mns = 30-22/522a
p
r*
mei mgs m;}s
q lilt leather mei mgs m;}s
music mai mwai
c
mes mr;}s
30-22 = K. 522 Mand. MC LHan oeM
a

mei mji
C
3 mts mrgs or mns = 30-21/531 h Wili
310
31 oeM rime *-ut, *uts, *-us Wu bu (2)
GSR 486 - 540
Baxter 1992: 437 ff. (10.1.7)
See Table 28-1 for OCM rimes *-un / -w;)n, *-ut and *-ui / -W;)i. See Intro. 5.2.3 about the
removal of OCB medial *r in MC Div. 3/3 syllables.
Table 31-1: OCM rimes *-ut, *-W;)t, *-wit, *-ui, *-u(t)s, *-w;)i, *-W;)(t)s, *-wi(t)s
Div. I *-ut *-w;:Jt, *-wit *-ui , *-u(t)s I *-w;:Ji . *-W::l(t)s,
R.31 R.31,29 R.28, 31 I *-wil(t)s R.28, 29
I kW;:Jt kU;:Jt *kOt YB kW;:Jt kU;:Jt *kw;}t l iW ?u;:Ji *?Oi
! 00. k
h
wlli
c
khu;:Ji
c
g;g thw;:Jt thu;:Jt *thOt
i
I :tt tU;:Ji *to i I *khw;}ih
I f.t tU;:JS *tOts
i
III FtB khjW;:Jt khut *khut
!
I kjwei kui *kw;:Ji
gr . j!t kjwei
C
kus *kw;:JS
I i jwei
C
wus *W;:JS
i
3/3
i -
gjwi3 gui *gui
!
!
II.' gjwi
C
3 guis *gus
!
III ac ! Il tshjwet tshuit *k-hlut ME zwi dzui *dui
I
I
II m ywiit guet *grilt kwiit kuet *kwrft ywiii gud *grOi !
11 khwiiiC khues I I
!
*khril(t)s
IV 'J\. yiwet yuet *wft 1!91! khiwei khuei *khwf
gr Ifil xiwet huet *hwft ;ti: yiwei
C
yues *wfs
3/4 w :.ffill kjiwet4 kuit *kwit kwi
B
4 kwi
B
*kwi?
jiwet wit *wit * kwiq kuis *kwis
1lfII sjwet suit *swit *1E jiwi4 wi *wi
I
t! zwi
c
zuis *s-wis
Shijing rimes *( -)wit and *-ut tended to mingle (Baxter 1992: 444ff); by LHan *-ut became>
*-uit, it seems that this process had already started in Western Zhou times. This is parallel to
*-in, *-un.
31-1 = K. 486 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a 1't gu kw;)t ku;)t kOt
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ku (A.); MGZY gu ( A. ) [ku]; ONW kot <> [0] PMin *kot
b JtI gu, hli, kw;)t, YW;)t, ku;)t, gU;)t, kOt, gOt
hull. ywat yuet grOt
Me kW;:Jt is probably just the reading of the phonetic guo
c m dig hli YW;)t YU;)t gOt
m force kil khw;)t khu;)t khOt
311
31 oeM *-ut, *-u(t)s (2) (GSR 486-540)
d hmi ywat yuet grfit
e m slipp. hua ywat yuet grfit
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ywa CA.); MGZY Xwa C,,-) [ywa]
[E] TB: JP gum
31
_rut
31
< gu-mrut 'slippery'
m disturb gu kw;)t ku;)t kfit [T] BTD Skt. kiit.a
31-2 = K. 540 Mand. Me LHan oeM
aJ <. > Jf1 (gUI kUI gjwiC 3 gUlS gus 'basket'
jf basket kUI gjwiC 3, gUlS, gus,
khwai
c
khus khrfis
g I1E kUI gjwiC 3 gUls gus OCB *grjuts R!
3:f 4-7/986. [T] MHan:k:iJt ?iol)-guis Tocharian B 'asafoetida'
hi tIIJ(2 kUI gjwiC 3 gUls gus
k ,. gUI gjwiC 3 gUls gus
1 kUI gjwiC 3 gUls gus - 28-1I569r
b .. gUI kjwei
C
kus kw;)s OCB *kjuts
[TJ Sin Sukchu SR kuj (:t<:); MGZY gue (:t<:) [kuc]; ONW kui. MHan .;ffi
[OJ PMin *kyi
C
<> [E] WT *gus-po 'costly, expensive' 3:f gus-pa 'respect' dkon 'valuable'
c '/1 kUI kw?i
c
ku;)s kfis or kw;}s
d :?:l kUI yw?i
c
(g)W;}S R! OCB guts
e kUI gfis or (g)W;}S
m m: reject Yl jiwi 4 wi wi
[T] Sin Sukchu SR i (.IfL); MGZY ywi (.IfL) [yiJ; BTD SkI. vi- (Coblin 1993: 907)
m: present YI jiwiC 4 wi
c
wih
q 131 wei, wei jiwi(B) 4 Wi(B) wi, wi?
f iiil hUI hw;}s [Li] = 4-9/988b Wi
o 11 huai, tUI xwai
c
hues hrfis
p 111 kUl ! l)wiiic l)us l)rfis
Iri!i;t,<m*;s tUI See 28-13/544.

31-3 = K. 510a Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
It] kuai khw;}s - 28-1/569g
This graph is said to be phonetic in 29-4/51 Ob 100. Possibly LH *khuih
31-4 = K. 534 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab
fllilJiU
kuai khwiii
C
khus khrfi(t)s
31-5 =K.523 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

wei jwei
C
wus
d

wei jwei
C
wus OCB *wj;)ts
[T] ONW ui; BTD wuC: SkI.
c
m
wei
jwejC wus
f porcu. wei jwei
C
wus 'porcupine' = 31-6/ 524
g

kUI, kuai
khjwiC, khwiijC khulS, khues
khus, khrfis
m
wei
jwejC
wus OCB
312
31 oeM *-ut, *-u(t)s (2) (GSR 486-540)
31-6 =K.524 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a

hui jwei
C
wus
WgS =31-5/523f
31-7 = K. 539 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
fir
wei jwiC 3 wis wus or wrgts OCB *(w)rj:lps
[f] Sin Sukchu SR uj ($:); MGZY xue ($:) [fiue]; ONW ui; Han BTD wiC
See Intro. 9.2.4 and 5.2.3.
31-8 =K. 495 Mand. MC LHan OCM
ab

yu ?jWgt ?ut ?ut
= 25-17 /260d <> [f) ONW ?ut
31-9 =K.525 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab am wei ?jwei
C
?us ?uts
c
!M
wei , ?jwei
C
?us, ?uts,
yu ?jWgt ?ut ?ut
de
n:J18- J " , , ,' wei ?jwei
C
?us ?uts
m:t [f) Sin Sukchu SR ?uj ($:); MGZY 'ue ($:) [?ue]
f :EM artem. wei ?jweiC, ?jwet ?us, ?ut ?ut, ?uts
9

wei ?jwei
C
?us ?uts
31-10 = K. 487 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ac lCtJ[ wu I]Wgt I]Ugt I]ut
bde tA Jfffi
wu I]W:lt I]Ugt I]ut
f $)[ yue, wu IJjWBt, I)Wgt I]yat, I)Ugt I]ot, I]ut
31-11 = K. 488 Mand. MC LHan oeM
a
f;,
til
thWgt thUgt thut
31-12 = K. 489 Mand. Me LHan OCM
a

tu
thWgt, dwgt thUgt, dugt thut, dut
[f) ONW dot <> [E) TB *tu, *du > PL *m-du
2
, WB tuB dig; Lushai thut
H
' suddenly'
31-13 8 til, ttl dwgt, diet - 'protrude. convex' , a later graph for 31-8/489a
31-14 = K. 511 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
!t
dui tUgS tilts
l:l 37-6/676a. <> [f) Sin Sukchu SR tuj ($:); MGZY due ($:) [tue]; ONW tuai
[E] Tai: S. t::>p4 'to reply, answer'
31-15 = K. 512
a
W
1M
dui, zhui twai
C
twi
C
. '.
dui gwiC
Mand. Me
tui
tUI
tUgS, tuis
guis
LHan
thUgS
Thigh', also 'lower leg' [fang: Han Yu; GY]
31-16 = K. 496 Mand.
a W come chil
Me
tshjwet
LHan
tshuit
313
tuts, truts
druts
oeM
thus OCB *hnuts < *hnups
OCM
k-h1ut 'come out'
31 oeM *-ut, *-u(t)s (2) (GSR 486-540)
[f] Sin Sukchu SR (A); MGZY chyu (A) MTang tshur < tshuir, ONW tshuit
[D] PMin *tshuit > Xiam tshut
D1
<> [E] TB: JP lot
31
-lam
33
'outlet', Trung kl5t 'come out';
KC-Chinbok hbt 'come out'
IJj bring chui tshwi
C
tshuis k-hluts 'bring out'
'nephew' [E] TB *tu - *du 'nephew'
f iWllli chu thrut < k-hrut
[D] M-Xiam lit. tut
D1
, col. lut
D1
ku khw;)t khu;)t khilt
[E]? WT rkub 'buttocks', WB lan-kup. Cf. 30-17/530a
o iMl gu kw;)t, YW;)t ku;)t, gU;)t kilt, gilt
k Ftti bend gu khjw;)t khut khut
[f] Sin Sukchu SR k'y (A); MGZY khyu (A) [k'y]
Ftti Pl.N. gu kjw;)t kut kut
Ftti short jue gjW;)t gut gut
pg :f:JHl JfB ku khw;)t khu;)t khilt
[E] Tai: S. khutD1S, Saek k
h
ut
6
< *khuut 'to dig'
f {Iili jue gjW;)t gut
tlra! jue
sn tMlilli jue, ju
[D] PMin *guit
1m gu
g
h
j
chu
duo
zhuo
zhua,zhuo
gjW;)t gut
gjW;)t, gjwBt gut, guat
khjw;)t khut
tjwet
tW;)t tU;)t
tsjwat tsuat

gut
gut, got
khut
trut
tilt
tot
tsrilt, tsrot
MC LHan 31-17 = K. 497 Mand. OCM
ac ;ft;fJlt shu dzjwet zuit m-Iut
[f] BTD Skt.
[f] ONW zuit. BTD J1!t1-1(; Skt. suddha <> [D] PEMin *tsut
D2
, PWMin tshut
D2
(PMin
*tJhut?) 'glutinous (rice)' <> [E] MY *nblut 'glutinous, sticky', AN pulut 'sticky substance'
deg shu dzjwet zuit m-1ut
V\'& [f] Sin Sukchu SR zy (A); MGZY cyu (A) [dzy]; ONW zuit. BTD Vltfl\, zuit-za Skt.
vidhya, Pali vijja; j3llVltf na-zuit Skt. nayuta; to-zuit-da Skt.
Wit xu sjwet suit slut
h 'I7It chu rhut or t-hlut ?
31-18 = K. 502 Acc. to SW 1271 yf- *?it is phonetic.
Mand. MC LHan OCM
a :$ yu jiwet juit lut
c Iii 1jwet luit fUt
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ly (A); MGZY lyu (A) fly]; ONW luit; BTD kio-luit-da Skt.
kolita; ?a-nan-luit Skt. aniruddha
d bi pjet 3 pit prut OCB *prjut
[f] Sin Sukchu SR pi (A); MGZY bue (A) [pue]; ONW pit
31-19 = K. 529 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a lei IjwiC luis rus
[f] ONW lui; BTD Skt. -rodh- (?). MHan BUJ1 ba-luis Bars (*barus) <> [E] TB: WT rus
'clan, lineage' (also 'bone'), Tamang 3rui 'clan', WB rui
B
'lineage' (also 'bone')
314
31 oeM *-ut, *-u(t)s (2) (GSR 486-540)
b
m
lugs filS
31-20 = K. 490 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a "- soldier zu tSWgt tSUgt tsut OCB *Stut
[Tl MTang tsur < tsuir, ONW tsuit
::= finish zu tsjwet tsuit tsut OCB *Stjut
::= brusq. cu
tshWgt tshUgt
tshut
b 1$ zu dzwgt dzugt dzut
c

zu dzjwet, dzuit, dzut,
tsjwet tsuit tsut
h
M
zui tswi
c
tsuis tsuts [TlONW tsui
def {$r$1 cui tshUgS
tshuts
9 W
cui tshUgS
tshuts

cui tshwi
c
tshuis tshuts
jld cui! dzwi
c
dzuis dzuts
m

cui dzwi
c
dzuis dzuts OCB *dzjuts < *dzjups ?
0 sui swi
c
SUIS suts
P
*$
cui! swi
c
suis suts
n
W
sui SUgS suts
q
W
sui swic, suai
c
, suis, SUgS, suts,
dzjwet dzuit dzut
31-21 = K. 528 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a-

sui swi
c
suis suts or sus
31-22 = K. 1257hm MC LHan OCM
h[n] xii sjwet suit sut or swit
m

xu xjwet 3 huH hwit 'reckless'
31-23 = K. 498 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a $ follow shuai srut(s)
= 31-l9/499a grjJ <> [Tl ONW
a-
$*
"
III Ijwet luit rut 'leather band'
[E] TB: WT rgyud < *r-jut 'string, cord'
h Ii$ III Ijwet luit rut [TlONW luit-
e

shuai srut
9

xf- shuai srit-srut
31-24 = K.499 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a riJ lead shuai srut, sruts = 31-IS/49Sa $
[Tl ONW
riJ leader shuai
sruts
[Tl Sin Sukchu SR ($:), PR, LR MGZY (zhway shway ($:) rt;wajl
315
32 oeM rime *-in Zhen bu
GSR 361- 392
Baxter 1992: 422 ff. (10.1.4)
Table 32-1: oeM rimes *-in, *-it, *-(t)s, *-i in QYS categories
Div. *-in R.32 *-it R.29 *-i(t)s R.29
IV 'R yien gen *gfn #-i5 kiet ket *k\t I :W phieic phes *phfts
I 7( thien then *thfn I lI{#( diet det *Ift
I
I
J
IV ! "* khiwen
B
khuen
B
1\ yiwet yuet *wft
I
w *khwfn? ill xiwet huet *hwft
/! yiwen
B
yuen
B
*wfn?
3/4 kjien
B
4 kinB *kin? I 15 kjiet 4 kit *kit
khi
c
4 khis *khis
.(\ mjien 4 min *min , i.E' pjiet 4 pit *pit j!jL pic 4 pis *pis
i *-i R.26
I $( khiei
B
khei
B
*khf?
I "* miei
B
mei
B
*mf?
I fS tiei B tei B *tf?
I khiwei khuei *khwf
I
I
11ft ?i4 ?i *?i
Itt piB4
piB *pi?
3/4 kjiwen4 kuin *kwin :ffill kjiwet4 kuit *kwit kwi
c
4 kuis *kwis i kwi
B
4 kwi
B
*kwi?
I Is] jiwen win *win w 1% jiwet wit *wit f:Ifr zwi
c
zuis *s-wis
I tiIT sjwen suin *swin tIfn sjwet suit *swit
III tsjen tsin *tin ': sjet sit *Ihit tsi
C
tsis *tits 7E siB siB *si?
ac
A nzjen nin *nin
it jiwi4 wi *wi
3/3 mjen
B
3 minB *mrin? \lf; mjet 3 mit *mrit gji3 gi *gri
gr I i gjwi3 gwi *gwri
II n kwan kuen *kwrfn fa kat ket *krft
ooU kwat kuet *kwrft
100 kai
c
kes *krfs I kai kei *krf
Rimes in oeM *-in, *-;;m, *-un are kept distinct in Shijing, but they interrime in Chuci where
we find xii in :7'C *sfn or *s;}n riming with men *m;}n and ylin *w;m, tiiin 7::. *tfn with wen
IiJ *w;)n, *phit with hU f&, *hm;}t.
See Table 33-1 for a comparison of OCM rimes *-in, *-;)n, *-it, *-;)t; Table 31-1 for OCM *-
ut, *-W;)t, *-wit, *-ui, *-u(t)s, *-w;)i, *-W;)(t)s, *-wi(t)s; Table 34-1 for oeM rimes *-un, *-w;)n,
*-win, *-ut, *-W;)t, *-wit.
32-1 =K. 368, 377 MC LUan OCM
377a

chen zJen dzin < gin gin OCB *gjin
[f] Sin Sukchu SR (:>jZ); MGZY zhin (:>jZ) ONW dzin
g
tb!
zhen tsjen
C
tsin
C
< kinc kins
368a

qin, qian khjienq, khan khin
C
, khen khins, khrfn
h

shen zjen
B
dzin
B
< ginB gin?
d

qian khien, khan khen, khen
khfn, khrfn
316
32 OCM *-in (GSR 361-392)
c JIan kien ken kIn
[T) Sin Sukchu SR kjen (3f); MGZY gyan (3f) [kjen); ONW ken. LH jilin-kiln LH
ken-ku;)n < kfn-kiln Qyrqyz < qyrqyf (Pulleyblank 1983: 455)
qin khien
B
e 'if wise xian yien gen gfn
nave xillll yien
C
genC gfns
g jin kjien
B
4 kinB kin?
[T) Sin Sukchu SR kin (J::); MGZY gyin (J::) [kjin); ONW kiin. MC unpalatalized initial k- is
irregular <> [E) ? TB: Lushai khir?L < *khirh 'to tie 1 bind', NNaga *C-khyin 'to tie'
1252a keng khI) khI) khreI)
32-2 = K. 1250ab
ab jHtn
Me
kien
B
LUan
kenB
oeM
kIn? or ken?
32-3 = K. 369 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a f5T shaft qin gjen 3 gin grin 33-5/480 t! *gr;)n
f5T pity Jill kj;;)I) gin grin R! OCB *kjiIJ
3t 32-36/3871 *rfn
f5T widow. guan kwan kun kwrfn OCB *kwrin
34-4/48Ia. This graph consistently rimes with *-in in Shfjfng.
32-4 = K. 479 MC k(h)iwen can only derive from *kwfn or *kwen; OC *kw;;)n would result
in MC kw;;)n; OC *kwi;;)n, *kiw;;)n or *kiun do not exist.
Mand. MC LHan OCM
a fi:. quan khiwen
B
khuen
B
khwfn?
[T) Sin Sukchu SR k'yen (J::); MGZY khwyan (J::) [k'yEn) <> [E) ST *kwi?: TB *kwi?
e IIl:k quan kiwen
B
kuen
B
kwfn? = 34-6/422b IHJII
32-5 = K. 366 Throughout this series, the OC forms could be either *gwfn or *wfn.
Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
x:
xuan yiwen yuen gwfn
c
11
XUllll yiwen
B
yuen
B
gwfn?
e
iz
XUllll yiwen
B
yuen
B
gwfn?
d

XUllll yiwen(C) yuen(C) gwfn, gwfns
hj
1Z1XJ
XUilll yien
C
gene gins
fgm !ff!mi xian yien gen gfn [TlONW yen

xian yien gen gfn
k

qian khien khen khfn
[D) Xiang-Shuangfeng k
h
[55, Ke-Meix k
h
ian
55
, Yue-Guangzh hin
53
, Min-Xiamen k
h
an
55
gun
32-6 = K. 1250g
g 'III
kw;;)n
B
MC
yiwenBJc
ku;;)n
B
LHan
yuenBJc
32-7 = K. 391 OB distinguish between 391 and 392.
= 34-l/417i; 34-3/419a
OCM
(g)wfn?Js or (g)wen?Js
Mand. Me LUan oeM
391a Is] yun jiwen 4 win WIn
317
392j
HI>J
391fg
1252b
32 oeM *-in

(GSR 361-392)
yun, jiwen 4, win, win,
xun zjwen, zuin, s-win,
sjwen SUIll swin
xuan yiwen yuen wfn
hong xw1) hU1) hwrel)
Ace. to SW 1047, 1.5] is phonetic; it also has an alternate 'reading like' xmin 2: *(g)wfn.

391e
d
PJ
c
j$J
j
t5j
h h
qi6ng gjwang gyel) gwel)
Jun kjiwen 4 kuin kwin
[E] TB: WB khyin 'weigh, a balance'
jun kjiwen 4
jun
yun
kjiwen 4
jwen 3
kuin
kuin
win
kwin
kwin
win
32-8 = K. 392 OB distinguish between 32-7/391 and 32-8/392.
Mand. MC LHan OCM
392a B] xun zjwen zuin s-win
[T] Sin Sukchu SR zyn (:>jZ); MGZY zyun (:>jZ) [zyn]
ef fi3]g'Bj all xun zjwen
C
zuinc s-wins [E] ? ST *wir
cause xun zjwen(C) zuin(C) s-win, s-wins
gh )iaJiif] xun zjwen
C
zuin
c
s-wins
1 fflJ far xuan xi wen huen hwfn OCB *hwin
fflJ drip xun sjwen suin swin
[E] ST *(r)we: Mikir arwe - ruwe < r-we
L
'rain'
k 'i'@ sincere xun sjwen suin SWIll
'i'@ fear xun sjwen
C
suin
c
swins
[N] Xun may be partially phonetic / semantic in 830 qi6ng *gwel) ('fear') below
m !fflJ scared xi wen
c
, huen
c
, hwfns,
shun sjwen
C
suin
c
hwins
!fflJ delud. xun sjwen suin swin
nst sun sjwen
B
suin
B
swin?
830a 'If qIOng gjwal) gyel) gwel)
= 23-111256b !zi, 9-9/843g <> [N] xiin 'I'll] *swin may be partially phonetic / semantic
('fear'); *-win and *-weIJ do occasionally mix in phonetic series
392u
1'm
sun sjwen suin swin
The reading chiin LH OCM thrun belongs to a synonym 34-17-\.
0
m
xun sjwen suin swin
p

xun sjwen suin swin OCB swjin
q

xun, sjwen
C
, suin
c
, swins,
xun zjwen zuin s-win
r xiwen
c
, huen
c
, hwfns,
xun sjwen suin swin
32-9 = K. 370 Mand. MC LHan OCM
ade

yin ?jien 4 lin lin
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ?in (:>jZ); MGZY Yin (0/) [?jin]; ONW ?iin
fg yin ?jien 4 lin lin OCB *?jin
318
*lEI
yan
h OItS/ gullet yan
swallow yim
drum yin, yuan
en
32-10 = K. 483 Maud.
a
![
yin
cde

yin
fg

yin

yin
h
11
yan
32-11 = K. 125lf
f p yin
32-12 = K. 367 Maud.
a
1NM
yuan
d

yin
32-13 = K. 1251a
a

yin
32 oeM *-in (GSR 361-392)
?ien
?ien
?ien
C
?jien, ?iwen

Me
?jien 4
?jien 4
?jien 4
?jien 4
?ien
Me
?jien
C
4
Me
?iwen
?jien 4
Me
IJ.ien 3
?en
?en
?en
C
?in, ?wen

LHau
?in
?in
?in
?in
?en
LHau
?in
C
LHau
?uen
?in
LHau
lJin
?l'n
?in
?ins
?in, ?wfn

oeM
?in
?in
?in
?in
?l'n
oeM
?ins
oeM
?wfn
?in
oeM
lJrin or
32-1I377a b:! may be phonetic
32-14 = K. 1251b Me LHau oeM
-bc

yin IJ.ien
c
3 lJinc lJrins or
32-15 = K. 361 The phonetic seems to be ding T *H!lJ 9-111833a.
Maud. Me LHau oeM
a 7( tian thien then thin
= 32-1 O/483h
- 23-15/243c DJR\
= 32-9/370i *tJiI
= 32-9/37001!J
[f] Sin Sukchu SR t'jen (:>JZ); MGZY then (:>JZ) [t'en]; MTang thian < thian, ONW then; BTD
Old Iranian hin- (Coblin 1994: 156), <> [D] Yue-Guangzhou 53thinAl 'sky', Taishan 33hen
A1
,
PMin *thien, Xiamen thIAI, Some Han period dialects have xi an xen
B
, others tan :til thanB
for 'heaven' (Coblin ibid,), <> [E] TB: Kachin pUl)dil) 'zenith, top'; Zemi (Nag a) til) 'sky'
d if tun thien thgn or Ihgn ?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR t'un (:>JZ), PR MGZY thhin (:>JZ)
[E] KT: PT *kl-: S, kliin
A1
'to swallow'
32-16 = K. 375 Maud. Me LHau oeM
a
b
c
de
g
h

zhen tsjen tsin tin
[f] Sin Sukchu SR (:>JZ); MGZY jin (:>JZ) <> [E] WT bden-pa 'true'
zhen, zhen, tsjen(8), tsin(8), tin, tin?, (Lu Deming's reading)
dien
c
denc dins (Zheng Zhong's reading)
[N] On the different readings, see Coblin 1983: I 53
zhen, zhen tsjen(8) tsin(8)
zhen
chen
zhen, tian
tsjen
8
tshjen
tsjen, dien
tsin
8
tshin
tsin, den
319
tin, tin?
tin?
thin
tin, din
= 33-15/453a
32 oeM *-in

(GSR 361-392)
tJi
shen
zjenC dzin
c
dins = 32-17/376a
f precio. zhen,zhen tjen(B) trin, trin?
press zhen tjen
C
trins
jkl dian tien ten tIn
m full tian dien den dIn
top dian tien ten tIn 3t 9-11I833e
[N] MTang tian < tian, ONW ten <> [E) Miao glil) 'to fall'
n Gtop dian tien ten tIn
p pend. zhen tjen
C
trins 'jade pendant'
;F$ ti!lll thien
C
then
C
thIns
zhen tjen
C
trins
0

dian tien ten tIn
uv bl. tian dien den dIn 'block, fill up'
u exhaust dian dien
B
denB din?
chen <;ljen <;lin drin
t. subdue zhen, tian tjenC, dien den trins, din
qrs

tian dien den dIn
[T] MHan T-1Wl wa-den Hvatiina (Khotan)

di!lll dien
c
denc dins
x

zhi tsje
C
tses tes

Yu-tian -dien wa-den [T) Hwatiina (Khotan)
32-17 = K. 376 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
g
shen zjen
C
dzinc dins = 32-1613 75i tJ1t
32-18 = K. 373 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ad d arran. chen <;ljen <;lin drin R! OCB *drjin [T] ONW din
array
zhen <;ljenC <;linc drins
f Ii$ array zhen gjen
C
<;line drins
g

chen <;ljen <;lin drin
32-19 = K. 362 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ade
g
ffllIBa&
tian dien den lin 'field, hunt'
[T] MTang dian < di.an, ONW den <> [DJ Y-Guangzh t
h
in
A2
'wet field'
[E] TB: Bumthang Zha Liel), Lep. Iyal) 'field, land'; Cuona Monpa 13Jel); NNaga *lji:1)
'grow(th)', JP ma
31
_li1)33 'forest'
cultivate di!lll dien
c
denc lins
.fE] domain dian dien
c
lins
.fE] = * sheng (ZjdI]C), dzjdI]c m-IdI]h 'carriage'
32-20 = K. 371 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
c
b
d
51
yIn jien
B
jin
B
lin?
[T) Sin Sukchu SR in U:); MGZY yin (J:.) [jin]; ONW in
yin jien
B
jin B lin?
[D] Min *un
B
= 33-19/450j
yin jien
C
lins
zhen <;ljen
B
drin? < r-lin? = 32-2113 72 #J
320
32 OCM *-in

(GSR 361-392)

shen sjen
B
sinB hin? < nhin?
[N] The graph is late
32-21 = K. 372 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a zhen <,ljen
B
<,linB drin? < r-lin?
-7-161l238b *dre? is perhaps phonetic
32-22 = K. 385
afg $f$p$
Mand.
shen
Me
sjen
LUan
sin
oeM
lhin
h Ml
m
*$
'*

shen sjen sin lhin
shen dijen iin m-lin
[f] Sin Sukchu SR MGZY cin
yin jien
C
jin
C
lins
dian dien
c
denc Iins
[E) PYao *(?)lil) 'lightning'; < TB-Chepang pJil)h-?o 'lightning'
32-23 = K. 386 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a

shen sjen sin Ihin
= 26-19/560i
[T) Sin Sukchu SR ?in MGZY shin [?in); ONW sin. MHan sin-douk Hinduka
d tian dien den lin
32-24 = K. 469 The MC rime is ambiguous, it could derive from OCM *-win or *-un.
Mand. Me LUan oeM
ab shun sjwen
C
suin
c
hwins (or hjuns ?)
[T) Sin Sukchu SR ?yn MGZY shyun (*) [?yn)
c shun sjwen
C
suin
c
hwins
= 33-19/450 1Iji ; 26-19/560k
32-25 = K. 12511 The Me rime is ambiguous, it could derive from OCM *-win or *-un.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
jl' yin jiwen
B
[T) MTang iun < iuin, ONW iuin
32-26 = K. 387
ab
cd


gij
k
Mand. Me
lfn Ijen(C)
lfn ljen
Ifn ljen
Ifn Ijen
[E) Kam-Sui *krin
5
'scales'
winB or juinB win? or j/lun?
LUan
lin(C)
lin
lin
lin
oeM
rin, rins
rin
rin
rin
efh
1
lin Ijen
C
linc rins
lian lien len rin
[T) ONW len <> [E) ST *rin: WT 'drin 'kindness, favor, grace'; WB ran
B
- 'love'
32-27 = K. 1251 ij
ij JiOO lin
Me
Ijen
C
LHan
linc
oeM
32-28 = K. 388,364,365 Me LHan oeM
388a .A ren nijen nin nin
[T) Sin Sukchu SR rin MGZY Zhin [rin); ONW hin
321
f i-
364a if
32 oeM *-in (GSR 361-392)
ren nzjen nin nin
man nien nen nfn
[T] Sin Sukchu SR njen (3f); MGZY nen [nen]; MTang nian < nian, ONW nen
[E] TB *s-niI) 'year'
365a -=f qlan tshien tshen tshfn < *s-nhin OCB *snin
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ts'jen (3f); MGZY tshyan [ts'jen]
ef qian tshien tshen tshin
32-29 = K. 378 Mand.
afg
S I=l II'S
jin
Me
tsjen
C
LHan
tsin
c
oeM
tsins
h
ix
jin, tsjen
B
, tsin
B
tsin? =32-32/38Ia i'I
jian
32-30 = K. 379 Mand.
a

jin
tsjan
B
Me
tsjen
C
LHan
tsin
C
oeM
tsins
[T] Sin Sukchu SR tsin (:1;;); MGZY dzin [tsin]
32-31 = K. 380
ae *_
fg
hi
32-32 = K. 381
W
a
Mand.
qfn
zhen
zhen
Mand.
jin
Me
dzjen


Me
LHan
dzin


LHan
oeM
dzin
tsrin
tsrin
oeM
dzjenB, dzin
B
, dzin?,
tsjen
B
tsin
B
tsin?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR dzin MGZY tsin (...I:.) [dzinJ; ONW dzin
c jin dzjen
C
dzin
c
dzins
[T] ONW dzin
OCB *tsrjin
[T] Sin Sukchu SR zin (:1;;); MGZY zin [zin] <> [E] TB: WT zin-pa 'be finished, be at an
end', Lushai seeI]H 1 seen
L
'use up, consume, completely'
def
9
f jin dzjen
C
dzin
c
dzins
:W jfn tsjen tsin tsin
32-33 = K. 382 Mand. Me
sjen
LHan oeM
sin a
k
*
fJT
xfn sm
xfn sjen sin sin
[T] Sin Sukchu SR sin MGZY sin (1jZ) [sin]; ONW sin < *sil) ?
n iT xfn sjen sin sin
[E] TB *m-sin 'liver'
[T] xfn-li LH sin-Ii Syr (Pulleyblank 1983: 455) <> [E] TB *siI) > WT siI) 'tree, wood'
oq qfn tshjen tshin tshin
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ts'in MGZY tshin (0/) [ts'in]; ONW tshin
h $ shen
srin
- 32-37/484 11:; 33-25/478n
9
shen
snn

zhen tsin tsrin OCB *tsrjin
= 32-31/380f
s I[ chen tshrins
322
32-34 = K.12411 Mand.
xin
32 OCM *-in (GSR 361-392)
Me
sjenC
LHan
sinc
oeM
sins or s;:ms ?
12411 ME xi siei
c
sei
c
sih ?
'head'
[N] was originally phonetic acc. to GY (GYSX: 664) <> rf] ONW sei
c
[E] TB *ziy > West Tib. zi ' very small'; Limbu ci 'little, few' ; WB seB 'small, fine'
32-35 = K. 383 Mand. MC LUan OCM
a
R
xin sjenC sine sins
b
ill
xun sjenC, sjwen
C
sinc, suin
c
swins
cd
m:t++
fi +t..
xun sjenC sinc sms
32-36 = K. 384 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a ffi stay xin sjenC sinc sins
1'8 true xin sjenC sinc sins
[f] Sin Sukchu SR sin ( ::t: ); MGZY sin ( ::t: ) [sin]; ONW sin
ffi extend shen sjen sin lhin
= 32-32/385a $ {$ p$
32-37 = K. 484 Mand. Me LHan

oeM
srin a
it
shen
- 32-33/382h 33-25/478n
32-38 = K. 389 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

bin pjien 4 pin pin
OCB *snins ' sincere'
[f] MGZY bin ( 3jZ) [pin]; Sin Sukchu SR pin (3jZ); ONW *piin; BTD Skt. -bhijfi-; MHan ffiW.
kias-pin Kashmir <> [E] TB: WT sbyin-pa ' to give, bestow; gift' . Lepcha byf, byf-n 'to give'
ghi
k
mo
qr
p
1J bIn pjien 4 pin pin
bin pjien
C
4 pinc pins
W bin pjien
C
4 pinc pins
bin ! phjien 4 phin phin
! pIn bjien 4 bin bin
IUl bin bjien
B
4 binB bin?
[E] TB: WT byin-pa ' calf of the leg', Lushai pheiL ' foot , leg, lower leg'
pIn, pian bjien 4, bien bin, ben bin, bin
32-39 = K. 390 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a pIn bjien 4 bin bin
[E] ? TB: Lepcha bf 'edge, border'; WT phyi 'outside, behind, after' phyin 'outside, later' <>
? AN: PMal.-Pol. *te(m)bil) 'bank, shore'
-cd pIn bjien 4 bin bin
32-40 = K. 457 According to Baxter, MC mjen 3 derives from an OC medial *r syllable. But
a simpler explanation may be OCM *mun, see Intra. 5.2. 3 and rime 28.
Mand. Me LHan oeM GYSX: 524ff
a R min mjien 4 min min
[f] Sin Sukchu SR min ( 3jZ); MGZY min ( 3jZ) [min]; MTang min < min, ONW miin
[E] ST *mi : TB *r-mi(y) > WT mi 'man, human being', Rgyarung tdrmi (i.e., td-rmi)
c min mjien(B) 4 min(B) min, min?
323
32 oeM *-in (GSR 361-392)
e sleep mJan mien men min - 9-30/841b [l Si;
[f] MTang mian < mian, ONW men <> [E] TB *myel >Chepang mel- ' close, shut eyes',
Bahing mjel 'sleepy' , WB myafi
B
'be sleepy, sleep'; JP mjen
31
-mjen
31
'to sleep soundly'
befool mirln mienB menB min?
f milin, mienB, menB, min?,
men,
hun

hU;;ln
m5n,
hm5n
d min mjen 3 min < muin mun
jk hun XW;;ln hU;;ln hm5n
[f] ONW hon <> [E] TB: WT mun-pa ' dark' * dmun-pa 'darkened' * rmun-po 'dull, heavy,
stupid'; WB hmun
A
'dim, dusky, blurred'
mno 0 hun XW;;ln hU;;ln hm5n
pq- hun XW;;ln hU;;ln hm5n
x cord min mjen 3 min mun OCB *mrjun
cumul. mIn mjen
B
3 minB mun?
rs m s min, mjen 3, min, mun,
hun hm5n =hmun
tuv il\j uv min mjen 3 min mun * 32-35/44Ie
9 min mjen
B
3 minB mun?
[N] Karlgren writes MC mjwen 3 because of the ranqie speller (with w).
y violent min mjen
B
3 minB mun?
sorry min, mjen(B) 3, min(B), mun, mun?
hun XW;;ln hU;;ln hm5n = hmun
z mIn mjen
B
3 minB mun? OCB *mrj;m (1992: 433)
= 32-35/441 tM
324
33 oeM rime *-"" Wen bu (1)
GSR 416 - 485
Baxter 1992: 425 ff. (10.1.5)
Table 33-1: oeM rimes *-in, *-gn, *-it, *-gt
Div. *-in R.32 *-::m R.33 *-it R.29
I gr 1'.& k::1n bn *k;}n
;zt;: pu;m
B
p;m
B
*p;}n?
IV gr ii yien gen *gfn #;S kiet ket *kft
IV 7:. thien then *thfn :lIIi- tien B ten B *t;}n? diet det *lft
ac
III gr ill: gjgn B gign B *ggn?
7t pjugn pun *pgn
III tsjen tsin *tin
'JJ nzjenC ninc *ngns
sjet sit *lhit
ac
.A. nzjen nin *nin
3/4 kjien
B
4 kinB *kin? E kjiet 4 kit *kit
mjien 4 min *min , pjiet 4 pit *pit
3/3 mjen
B
3 minB *mrin? rtJ kjen3 kin *krgn
W mjet 3 mit *mrit
bjen3 bin *brgn
See Table 30-1 for OCM rimes *-:m, *-gt, *-g(t)s, *-gi in QYS categories.
*-::1t R.3O
:ttl bugt bgt *b;}t
Z khjgt khigt *khgt
mjugt mut *mgt
tsjet tsit *t::1t
Z ?jet3 ?it *?rgt ?
After labial initials ST / PCH -un and -gn had merged at the latest by Han times and sorted
themselves out according to QYS divisions: Div. I > -gn (men LHan mgn) , Div. III> -un
(wen LHan mun). Baxter (1992: 431) tried to identify the vowel of some words with the
help of Shijing rimes. The OC rimes *-in and *-gn have merged in MC after acute initials and
in Div. II. The oe rime is therefore often difficult or impossible to determine.
There is no distinction between QYS kjgn and kjen 3 type syllables in dialects, not even in
Min (both PMin *kyn or *ktun); nor do Han and Wei-Jin rimes make a distinction. However,
QYS syllables of the type kjen (LHan kin) are used in Han Buddhist transcriptions, while QYS
type kjgn syllables are completely absent. Therefore these two syllable types have also been
distinct in LHan, and I suggest to write LH kin for QYS kjen 3, and LH kign for QYS kjgn.
oe finals as in A. i1zjen LHan i1in *nin and iJJ i1ijen
C
LHan ninc *ngns have merged in Me after
acute initials, but Min dialects keep the finals separate (-in vs. -in) and confirm the oe
categories.
After palatal and retroflex initials, one could write either LH -in or -gn (MC < LH
or MC i1zjen < LH hin or i1gn, etc.).
325
33-1 = K. 416
a
b
.N.
fN
33 oeM *-;)n (1) (GSR416-485)
Mand. Me LHan oeM
gen bn
e
bn
c
k;:,ns
gen bn bn k;:,n
[T] Sin Sukchu SR k;)n ( 3j!); MGZY ghin ( 3j!) [k;)n]; ONW k;)n
[E] AA: PVM *bl 'tree (trunk)" PMon *t[l]g:)1 'stump (of tree, etc.)" Khmer gal 'tree trunk'
ken kh;)nB kh;)nB kh;:,n?
[E] ? TB: Lushai khel
F
'eat the outside of a thing, gnaw off'
cm- ken kh;)nB kh;)nB kh;:,n?
9 m hen y;)n g;)n g;:,n
de {IH& hen y;)n
B
g;)n
B
g;:,n?
xian yanB gen
B
gr;:m?
f '1:& hen y;)n
c
g;)n
c
g;:,ns
h:l:.& yfn !)j;)n I]1;)n [pn
k yfn !)jen 3 I]ln l)r;)n
[T] Sin Sukchu SR I)in (5JL), PR, LR in; MGZY ngin ( 3j!) [I)in] ; ONW I)in
[E] WT dl)ul 'silver', WB I)we, PL *C-I)we
l
N eye Y!ln I]an
B
l)n
B
l)r;:,n?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR lJ.ian (1:), PR jan, LR jen; MGZY yan (1:) [jan]; ONW I)an
N knob en I];)n
B
l);)n
B
l);:,n?
33-2 =K. 443 Mand. Me LHan OCM
ad JTl > axejfn kj;)n ki;)n bn
[T] ONW kin <> [E) ? TB: PLB *gyan
2
'pick-axe'
a JT2 perspic. jin kj;)n
c
ki;)n
c
k;)ns
e
Wi
jin kj;)n
c
ki;)n
c
bns
f
Jf
gfn gj;)n gi;)n g;)n
9
ill
jin gj;)n
B
gi;)n
B
g;)n?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR gin U:$:); MGZY kin (1:$:) [gin]; ONW gin
ill
jin gj;)n
c
gl;)n
c
g;)ns [E] PVM *t-kiJl 'near'
hjk
BfT'i:fTm
xfn xj;)n hi;)n h;)n
J1X
xfn xj;)n hi;)n h;)n
x

xfn! xj;)n
c
hi;)n
c
h;)ns
y
tIiX
xian xjnn xion han
m tall qf gjei gii
g;)1
extreme ken
kh;)nB kh;)nB
kh;:,n?
iff fief qf gjei gii g;)i
border yfn !)j;)n I)i;)n l);)n
no
i1JTtJT
gf gjei gii g;)i [T] ONW gi
pt
DJriiT
qf gjei gii g;)1 OCB *gj;:>j
1JT
yf mel
I]i;)n !
[N] Name of a river (LuG and ZhOu 1958: 199)
33-3 =K.445 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
%15 Jill
kj;)n ki;)n bn
[T] ONW kin <> [E] PTai *?ien
AI
- A2 ' tendon, sinew'
33-4 = K. 444 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
ZB.
jin kj;)n
B
ki;)n
B
bn?
"i'3
326
33 oeM *-:m (I) (GSR 416-485)
33-5 =K.480 The phonetic element was also used to write tim ill (24-351152) and him
(24-10/144) because of its meaning, not necessarily because of its sound.
Mand. MC LHan OCM
aecj a j[liNj jian kiln ken OCB *kr:ln
'Distress' <> [Tl ONW kan
e
ii[2 clay
qfn gjen 3 gin gr:m
ff
qfn gjen 3 gin gr:m = 32-3/369a
mp
fill
jin ! gjen
C
3 gin
C

noqr

jin gjen
C
3 gin
C

JIfI
jin gjen
C
3 gin
C

vxyz qfn
t m violet jIn
aconite jin
u

jln bn?
!i qin khjien
C
4 ! khin
c
khins
33-6 =K.482 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
rtJ
jIn kjen 3 kin OCB *krj:ln
33-7 = K. 446 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

xin xjen 3 hin
c
= 33-8/447a Jfuf
33-8 =K.447 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a Jfuf xin xjen 3 hin
c
= 33-7/446a
33-9 = K. 448 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a great yIn
thunder yIn
red yan ?iln ?en
e M; yIn
33-10 = K. 449 Mand. MC LHan OCM

yin ?:ms

yin
it
yin
a conceal yIn
lean on yin [GY] ?:ms
b

yIn ?j;}n
B
?i;}n
B
?;}n?
33-11 = K. 476 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a W norm dian tienB tenB
[Tl MTang tian < tlan, ONW ten
W solid tHin
thienB then
B

d
M
tian
thienB then
B

33-12 = K. 429 Mand. MC LHan OCM
abc

tun dun [El TB *tun
327
d rear
palace
dian
dian
33 oeM *-;;m (1) (GSR 416-485)
tien
C
dien
C
tenC
denc
t;ms
33-13 = K. 455 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

chen zJen dzin ?
fTl Sin Sukchu SR (0/-), LR MGZY zhin (3]7.) ONW dzin
k

hi Ii: i
chen
chen
ijen
zjen, dijen
ditn
(d)itn
1m
shen zjen
B
dztn
B

nqrs
tI1& q
zhen tsjen
C
tstn
C
t;;ms
zhen tsjen
C
tstn
C

The reading MC sjen has been borrowed from shen :!it 32-23/386.
p 1=1& shake zhen tsjen
C
tstn
C

[El Perh. TB: Chepang dhar- 'to shake, vibrate ... '
1=1& numer. zhen tsjen tstn
=33-141125Ih M
f1& zhen tsjen tstn t;m
chen, chf
uv 1Jf1ffif chun dijwen ZUIn m-dun
fTl Sin Sukchu SR (3jZ), CPR MGZY cyun un
33-14 =K.1251h Mand. Me LHan oeM
h-
if!
zhen tsjen
A
! tsin
33-15 = K. 453 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

::::-
zhen tsjen
B
tstn
B

= 32-16/3 75de 'liM: *tin?
c

zhen tsjen
B
tstn
B

d zhen tsjen(B) tsin
B

offer zhen tsjen
C
tsin
C

fT10NW dzin
= 33-13/455p
OCB *tj;m?
e i.:t twist zhen,zhan tsjen
B
, tjan
B
tsin
B
, tren? or tran?
twisted ijan
B
, dianB donB
, .
dan?, dran? (or *-e-)
fg

zhen tsjen
B
tsin
B

ft
zhen tjen

zhen, zhen tsjen
B
tsin
B
dr;}ns, t;}n?
j

chen thr;}ns = 33-l6/452a fj(
k
ZJt
tian dien
B
denB OCB
1241s
1t ::::-
Ii liei
c
lei
c

453m tao-tie thau-thiet ? thai ou-thet ?
n

di flll , dienB, denB,
nian nienB, I,ljan
B
nenB nonB
, .
nren? or nran??
33-16 = K. 452 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
fk
chen thr;}ns = 33-15/453j J2;
33-17 = K. 374 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

chen c;tjen dr;m OCB (1992: 433)
fT10NW din <> [El TB: WT rdul 'dust'
328
33 oeM

(I) (GSR 416-485)
33-18 = K. 451 Mand. MC LHan OCM
ac

yin jien
C
jin
C

33-19 = K. 450 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a

yin, yf jien, ji jin, ji
h

yin jien jin
j

yin jien
B
jin
B

[D] Min *un
B
= 32-20/37Ic
k

yan jian
B
jan
B
? jan?
= 24-29/197a :m [T] ONW ian
IIji shun sjwen
C
suin
c
= 32-24/469c
33-20 = K. 456 Mand. MC LHan OCM
ab
mm
ren nzjenC ninc
defg

ren nzjenC ninc
h 2:JJ
"
ren, nfn I,ljen, nzjen I,lin, nin

glue ni I,ljet I,lit nr::lt
29-26/404 m, 8,1t; *nrit
c
77J
JC!'
ren nzjenB ninB
[T] ONW hin <> [D) PMin *niunB - nin
B
<> [E) TB: WT gfian-pa 'to be able, (not) be able'


fi,e"
33-21

nian, ren nzjenB ninB
ren nzjen
C
ninc n::lns
[T] Sin Sukchu SR rin eli); MGZY Zhin ($:) [rin] <> [D] PMin *ninc
[E] TB: JP non
55
'to think, consider' , WT gfian-pa 'to listen'
Mand. MC LHan OCM
nen, nun
33-22 = K. 432
ff
a
Mand. MC LHan
cun !
OCM

[T] ONW dzon. Acc. to SW, cai ::t *dz;} is phonetic.
b W. grass jilln, zun dzien
c
,
repeat jilin dzien dzen
c
cd ;fff11 jilin dzien
c
dzen
c
33-23 = K. 477 Mand. MC LHau
tsen
c
a II grass Jlan tsien
c
[D) PMin *tsan
c
'straw mattress'
II repeat jilin dzien
c
dzen
c



OCM


33-24 = K. 454
jt
Maud. MC LHau OCM
a chen tshr::lns
GSR has the wrong MC initial category (Coblin 1983: 240).
33-25 = K. 478 Mand. MC LHau OCM
a 7t before Xlan sien sen
[T] ONW don (!)
OCB *dz;;m
- 33-23/477a Ii
- 33-22/432b i1fff
[T] Sin Sukchu SR sjen ( 2jL ); MGZY syan en [sjen]; MTang sian < sian, ONW sen
[E] TB: WT bsel( -ba) 'safeguard, guide' (as escorting a convoy); Chepang syal?- 'to lead,
go, do first, open way'
329
33 oeM (1) (GSR 416-485)
7t lead xHm sien
c
senc OCB *sans
f

xian sienB senB
[E] TB: WT zil 'brightness, splendor'
gh
WcWJt
xian
sienB senB

xian, xi sien B, siei B senB, sei
B

1Jt
xian, xi sienB, sieiB senB, sei
B

[E] WT bsil 'wash'; = 26-32/594g Wi
k:l f7\jjlc shen

n

shen

- 32-33/382 32-37/484 fl
0 shen!
33-26 = K. 439 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
M
ben pwan
B
panB
33-27 = K. 440 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
*
ben pwan
B

[f] Sin Sukchu SR pun (1:); PR pan; LR pan; MGZY bun (1:) [pun); ONW pon, -> Tai-Wu-
ming pln
Cl
'volume'
[E] TB *bul - *pul > Lushai bul
R
< *buul? 'beginning, base, stump', NNaga pul 'tree' , Garo
bol 'root, stump'; JP phun55 'tree, wood', ? WT sbun - spun 'stalk of a plant'
33-28 = K. 438 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ad ben pw;m pan OCB pun
[f] BTD Skt. pal-. <> [E] TB *plol): JP phrol)33 'flee, run away', Mikir arplol) < *r-plol) 'run'
3f il)plol) < *m-plol) 'run, gallop', Lahu ph::> 'flee', ? WB hrol) 'flee'
e fen pjwan pun pan
f 'l& fen bjwan bun ban
33-29 = K. 437 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a jt brave ben pan
[E] TB: Lushai phuurR < phuur? 'eager'
great fen bjwan bun ban
ornate bi pje
C
pioi
c
paih
ef pen phan(C) phan(C) pMns
[E] TB-Lushai phU?L 'to blowout of the mouth (water, smoke), squirt'; WT phu-ba, spun-pa
9
j
h
o
p
qr
m
'puff of breath'

ben
See 33-28/438e.

fl
it
fen pjwan pun
fen pjwan
C
punc
fen bjwan bun
[E] TB: Lepcha bun-rf 'an edging, frame, border'
fJ
fen bjwan bun
fen bjwan bun
bun :fjt tumulus fen bjwan
[f] MTang bvun, ONW bun
:fjt swell up fen bjwan
B
bunB
330
ron?
pan
pans
ban
ban
ban
ban
ban?
= 33-30/471 15}
33 oeM *-;;m (I) (GSR416-485)
n

fen bjw;}n
B
bunB ron?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR vun (J: ), PR v::m; MGZY H(w)un <-1) [vun]
s

fen bjw;}n(B) bun(B) ron, b:m?

fen, fen bjw;}n, phjw;}n bun, phun ron, ph;}n
33-30 = K. 471 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
ef
d
h
jn
9
m
n
r
k
o
s
p
q
u
v
x
33-31
7t
fen pjw;}n pun p;}n
[T] Sin S. SR fun (.>jZ), PR f:;ln; MGZY H(w)un (.>jZ) [fun ?]; ONW pun, BTD Skt. pil)[c;la], pUl)
[c;la], pUrt,la
fen bjw;}n
c
bun
c
rons
[T] ONW bun <> [E] ST *pun: JP phun55 'part' (unit of weight) * phun33 'part' (monetary
unit), Lushai bUl)H 1 bunL 'to cut, break or divide into two or more pieces for'; WB puil)B
' divide' * :;l-puil)B 'division, part'
fen pjw;}n pun p:m
B B
'1'JJ len pjw:;ln pun p;}n?
[E] ? ST *pul : TB-PKiranti phill 'flour', WB phun 'dust ' <> PVM *bu:l? ' dust'
m
fen phjw:m phun ph;}n
fen phjw:;ln phun ph;}n
fen phjw:;ln phun ph;}n
fen phjw:;lnBJc phunBJC ph;}n?Js
OCB *phj:;ln 'mist, vapors'
OCB *phj:;ln
[E] Area etymon: Lushai tiL-puun
H
'to increase (as water, wound)' <> OKhmer vva(n)i,
Khmer bUna Ipuunl 'to amass, accumulate, to heap, stack, pile'
fen bjw;}n bun ron
fen bjw:;ln
ghemp
disorder
fen
fen
bjw:;ln
phjw;}n
bun
bun
ph
un
ron
ron
ph:;ln
ron?

m
fen
fen
bjw;}n
B
bjw;}n(B)
ffi fen bjw;}n
c
bunB
bun(B)
bun
c
ron, b;}n?
rons
[E] ? TB: Lushai p:>:>IH 'straw'
pen
fen
ban
bw;}n
bjw;}n
pan
b;}n
bun
pan
oon
ron
pdin
ban pan pan pran
bin pjen 3 pin pr;}n
pfn bjen 3 bin br;}n
[T] ONW bin <> [E] TB: WT dbul 'poor'
bin pjen 3 pin pr;}n
phanC phenC phri'ns
OCB *phrins R! (Baxter 1992: 433) 'black and white in contrast '
Mand.
bin
Me
pjen 3
LHan
pin
oeM
pr;}n
= 33-34/ 474c
OCB *brj;}n
= 33-31 f!I!l ?
= 33-30/471 ltll
33-32 = K. 472 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

fen pjw;}n
c
punc p;}ns
[T] Sin Sukchu SR vun ($;), PR, LR v;}n; MGZY H(w)un ($;) [vun ?] <> [D] PMin *piun
c
[E] WT brun 'dung', Mru priin 'manure, filth '
331
33 oeM *-:m (1) (GSR 416-485)
33-33 = K. 473
a f!f
Mand.
fen
Me
pjw;)n
c
LHan
punC
oeM
p;)ns
33-34 = K. 474 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a:vt fen bjw;)n bun OCB bjun
[E] TB *plol) > Kachin prol)33 'to be burnt (as a house)', M ikir phlol) 'burn the dead,
cremation' ; Lhota lrul) 'burn', Mishmi Hiul)
c W bin pjen 3 pin pr;)n = 33-30/471u
33-35 = K. 441 Mand. Me LHan oeM GYSX: 420
a

e
men mw;)n m;)n OCB m;)n
[T] Sin Sukchu SR mun (3jI); PR, LR m;)n; MGZY mun (3JL ) [mun]; ONW mon < m;)n; BTD
Skt. mal).a, mana. MHan sOI)-m;)n sramaJ.1a <> [E] TB *mu:r > WT mur 'gills'; Limbu
mura 'mouth, beak'
men 32-40/457t
d unconsc. men mw;)n m;)n
sad men mw;)n
c
m;)n
c

f Iifl hear wen mjw;)n mun m;)n OCB mjun R!
[T] Sin S. SR vun ( 3JL ), PR v;)n; MGZY wun (3jI) [vun] ; MTang mvun < mun, ONW mun
fame wen mjw;)n
c
mun
c
m;)ns
9 Ft:l9 wen mjw;)n
C
mun
c
m;)ns
[T] MHan mr", (*sra-m;)ns) Skt. sramaJ.1a
[E] TB *m-ngm: WT mnam-pa 'to smell of'; WB nam 'stink' namB/c ' smell', JP
m1i
31
_nam
55
'to hear, smell' <> MY *nhoMB ' to hear, smell'
rMl min, mfn mjen 3! [GY] min mr:m
33-36 = K. 475 Mand. Me LHan oeM GYSX: 525; 527
a
::z
wen mjw;)n mun m;)n
[T] Sin Sukchu SR vun (3JL), PR, LR v;)n; MGZY wun (3JL ) [vunl; MTang mvun, ONW mun;
BTD sak-kU)a-mun SkI. sakyamuni; manUusrf] , man-
kl !l&l
wen mjw;)n mun m::ln
[0] PMin *mhun
h
:&
wen
mjw::lnBjC
mun
B
/
C
m::ln?, m::lns
*
wen mjw::ln
C
! mun
c
m::lns
1) a river wen mjw;)n
C
mun
e
m::lns
dirty men mw;)n [N] m::ln mem
qs
ootfiJ
min mjen
B
3 minB mr::ln? OCB *mrjgn(?)
(p. 434, tone A!)
mno mfn mjen 3 min mr::ln (or mun?) = 6-2411 252d
1=
lin Ijen
C
linc
r::lns
332
34 oeM rime *-un, *-wan Wen bu (2)
GSR 416 - 485
Baxter 1992: 425 ff. ( 10.1.5)
See Table 28-1 for OeM rimes *-un / -w:m, *-ut and *-ui / -w;}i in QYS categories. See Intro.
5.2.3 about the removal of OeB medial *r in some Me Div. 3/3 syllables.
Table 34-1: OCM rimes *-un, *-w;}n, *-win, *-ut, *-W;}t, *-wit
Div. *-un *-w:m, *-win *-ut
R.34 R.34,32 R.31
I 12! khw;}n
C
khu;}n
C
khw;)n
B
khu:m
B
kw;)t ku;)t *kO t
*khuns *khwan? thW;)t thU;}t *thGt
'x. tw;}n tu;)n *tun
III ;g kjw;}n kun *kw;)n
-
gr j w;)n wun *w;)n
III
Ftll khjw;}t khut *khut
gr
3/3 gjwen
B
3 guin
B
-
-
*gun?
III tshjwen tshuin *thun Il tshjwet tshuit
ac ft jiwen
B
juinB *jun? *k-hlut
II kwlin kurn *kwran m yWlit gurt *grOt
IV gr '* khiwen
B
khuen
B
*khwfn?
i1 yiwen
B
yuen
B
*wi'n?
3/4 kjiwen4 kuin *kwin
w I.>] jiwen win *win
'l'ii] sjwen suin *swin
@EI *khrun rimes with *run, $i *m-dun, *run, *dun, *sOn (Shi 112,3)
II *kun rimes with *thun (Shi 23.1)
34-1 = K. 417 Mand. MC LHan OCM
*-W;}t, *-wit
R.3 1,29
1B kw;)t ku;)t *kwat
kwlit kurt *kwrft
'A yiwet yuet *wi't
ill xiwet huet
*hwi't
m kjiwet4 kuit
*kwit
1m jiwet wit *wit
too sjwet suit *swit
a elder bro kun! kw;}n ku;}n kfin OCB *kun
c-d
hij
efg
[fJ ONW kon. MHan ge-kun LH krk-ku:m < krek-kOn, and jiiln-kun LH ken-
ku:m < ken-kGn Qyrqyz < qyrqyf (Pulleyblank 1983: 455)
kun ! kw;}n ku;}n
gun kw;}n ku;}n
til=&*EUm gun kw;}n
B
ku;}n
B
333
kfin
kfin
kfin?
34 oeM *-un, (2) (GSR 416-485)
k ylB chaos hun gun? ! = 34-13/458b llfl
a tribe gun kun
;tIt hun, kun gun?, kun
34-2 = K. 418 Mand. Me LHan oeM
abe
gun kun?
34-3 = K. 419 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

gun ! = 32-5/3661
34-4 = K. 481 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

guan kwan kuen aCB *kwr;;Jn
- *kwrfn 32-3/369a
e

guan kwan kuen
34-5 = K. 421 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a t$ kun = 34-6/422a <
34-6 =K. 422 OCM because it explains *kwfn better than *-un would.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
\
kun = 34-5/42Ia J!1l
be IIIJI[ quan kiwen
B
kuen
B
kwfn? = 32-4/47ge
d
wil
xun hun
C
OCB *xjuns
34-7 = K. 423 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

7G
kun khun
34-8 = K. 424 Mand. Me LHan oeM
-=b"
kun
khu;;Jn
B
a !i'[ OCB *kWh;;Jn?
34-9 =K.420 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a- kun
khu:'ln
C
khuns
[1'] Sin Sukchu SR k'un ($:); MGZY khun ($:) [k'un]; ONW khon
cde 'l'1fI00@ kun
khw:'lnB khu:'lnB
khun?
f

kun
khu:'lnB
khun? = 34-11/485h 1m
34-10 = K. 425 Mand. Me LHan oeM
acd

hun guns
34-11 = K. 485 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a m granary qun khjwen 3 khuin
khun OCB *khrjun
d -m deer Jun kjwen 3 kuin kun OCB *krjun
= 34-12/459i
e _deer jun kjwen 3 kuin kun
_bind qun khjwen
B
3 khuin
B
khun?
b -m bamboo jun gjwen
B
3 guin
B
gun?
Cassia qun khjwen 3 khuin khun
c

jun ! gjwen
B
3 guin
B
gun?
334
fg
h
34 oeM *-un, (2) (GSR 416-485)
jun
kun

khiin? = 34-9/420f
[N] GSR writes this type syllable MC kjwen, but phonemically this final is the same as -juet
after acute initials (see below); therefore I write kjwen.
34-12 = K. 459
;g
a
Mand. Me LUan oeM
Jun kun OCB kjun
9
-d
f
j
h
[f] Sin Sukchu SR kyn (Jf); MGZY gyun (Jf) [kyn] ; ONW kun

jun gjw:m
C
gun
C
gw:ms
[E] TB: WT khul 'district, province'
m. qun gun OCB gjun
m
If
mi


[f] Sin Sukchu m SR gyn C'fI); MGZY m kyun (3f-) [gyn]; ONW gun, BTD gUI:J
[E] ? TB *m-kul '20' - *kun 'all' > WT kun
qun gjw:m gun gw:m
jun kjwen 3 kuin kun = 34- 11 /485d
qun, khjwen 3, khuin, khun,
yun ?jwen 3 ?uin ?run!
jiong gjwen
B
3 guin
B
gun? OCB *grjun?
xun hun hw:m
= 461 ONW hun
m vomit tun sw
[N] The initial MC th_ has perhaps resulted through paronomastic attraction from familiar
words for 'spit' and the like, like tub and tli o; a similar case is 4-61/999tu. Mundane
possibilities must be ruled out before one assumes unusual initial clusters for late OC'
34-13 = K. 458 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a
*
jiin kun [f] ONW kun
cde

yun jw:m
c
wun
c
w;)ns
[f] Sin Sukchu SR yn (* ); MGZY xwin (*) [fiwin]; ONW un
f9 .U
yun, jw;)n
c
, wun
c
, w;)ns,
xuan xjwun
C
hyon
C
hwans

yun jw;)n
c
wun
c
w;)ns OCB
b i' run. wat. hun
yw;)n yu;)n gun
i' confused hun yw;)n
B
yu;)n
B
gun? !
h
!t
hun! hun
ij wB$ hUI xjwei hui
Imn hUI xjwei hui
k :1$ flame hUI xjwei hui OCB *hwj:;Jj
brightness yun jw;)n
c
wun
c

34-14 = K. 460 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a -:c. yun wun OCB *wj:;Jn
b yun wun OCB *wj:;Jn
c
e
[f] Sin Sukchu SR yn (Jf); MGZY xwin (Jf) [fiwin] ; ONW un; BTD Skt. -hula
[D) PMin *hiun, W-Wenzh fiyOl)A2, Guangzh wan
A2
yun wun
yun wun
[E) TB: WT yur-ma 'the act of weeding'
335
w;)n
w;)n
= 23-10/277j
OCB *wj:;Jn
34 oeM *-un, *-W;ln )( (2) (GSR 416-485)
d :j:i yun jW;ln
B
wun
B
w;ln?
f a plant yun jW;ln wun W;ln [f] BTD Skt. -vajil-
yun jW;ln(C) wun(C) W;ln, W;lns
9 it
hun YW;ln YU;ln w;}n
34-15 = K. 461 Mand . Me LHan oeM
ad 11 xun xjw;ln hun hW;ln OCB *xjun
[f] ONW hun
efg
lUtfJlI
xun xjw;ln hun hW;ln oeB *xjun
hi
t.!1lI
xun xjw;ln hun hW;ln = 34-l2/459h
:l:j xun! xjwun hyan hwan
34-16 = K. 426 Mand. Me LHan oeM
acd wen ?w;ln ?u;ln ?un
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ?un MGZY 'un (:lJZ) [?un]; ONW ?on <> [E] ST *ur: TB-Lushai
uur
H
'to smoke, to heat, distill; to warm'
h m a plant wen ?w;ln ?u;ln ?un
accumul. yun ?jw;lnB/C ?un
B
/
C
?un?, ?uns
g accumul. yun ?jw;ln
B
/
C
?un
B
/
C
?un?, ?uns
f #1 floss yun ?jw;ln
B
/
C
?un
B
/
C
?un?, ?uns
?un
e tmi
9
1244e 9.&
influence yun ?jw;ln ?un
brown wen ?W;ln ?U;ln ?un
yun ?jw;ln
C
?un
C
?uns
yun ?jw;ln
B
?un
B
?un?
ao ?auB ?6u
B
? ?u? ?
rrJ ONW ?un
OCB ?juns
[N] The OC vowel *u, LH -ou, is suggested by the phonetic, but it could also be *liu
34-17 = K. 427 Mand. Me LHan
af 4:i: 1 > m tun dW;ln dU;ln
'To come out, emerge' (seedling) [SW, Fayan]
4:i:
2
hill tun dW;ln dU;ln
4:i:
3
difficult zhun tjwen
deg tun dW;ln dU;ln
h 1iB chaos dun dW;ln
B
dU;ln
B
confused tun, dun dWdn, dW;ln
B
dU;ln(B)
dun dW;ln
c
dU;ln
c
WT rtul-po 'dull, blunt'
oeM
dun
dun
trun
dun
dun?
dun(?)
duns
i[ dun tW;ln
c
tU;ln
c
tuns
[f] ONW don
[f] Sin Sukchu SR tun (*); MGZY dun <*) [tun]; ONW ton <> [E] PVM *dol
A
'hill'
du tW;lt tU;lt
Alternate reading in the name Mao-dun then read Mo-du LH mdk-tu;lt
n envelop tun dW;ln(B) dU;ln(B) dun, dun?
[E] TB: WT thul-pa 'to roll or wind up'; Nung rddul 'roll, wrap, enwrap'
silken chun zjwen dzuin dun
border zhun tsjwen
B
/
C
tsuin
B
/
C
tun?, tuns
;f4: chun thrun = m ?
336
34 oeM *-un, *-w;:m (2) (GSR 416-485)
k zhun, tun tjwen, dwan du;}n trun, dun
'Thick (as darkness in a grave)' [Zuo] (also zhiin I LHan or
m slice zhun tsjwen, zjwen tsuin, dzuin tun, dun
sincere zhun tsjwen tsuin tun
[E) TB: Chepang dunh- ' be dense, closely spaced' ; TB *tow 'thick' (STC no. 319) > PL *tu
l
,
WB tu
C
' thickness' thu 'thick, dense'
34-18 = K. 464 Mand. MC LHan oeM
af
aM
chun zjwen dzuin dun
e 1f. flow chlln zjwen dzuin dun
moisten zhun tsjwen tsuin tun
measure zhiln t sjwen
8
tsuin
8
tun?
gh bell chun zjwen dzuin dun
cap dui du;}i
8
/
c
dui?, duih OCB duj s, dun
5 quail chun zjwen dzuin dun
eagle tucin dwan duan don

zhun tsjwen tsuin tun
r
bright
tun
thw;}n thuan thUn
tun, tUI thw;}n, thuan, thu;}i thun, thui
U$ tiin, tun thw;}n, dwan thu;}n, du;}n thun, dun
0

dun tw;}n tu;}n tun
s

tUn
thw;}n thu;}n thun
WT' thon-pa, thon 'to come out, go out', WB p:)-thon
B
' come out (e.g., the sun)'
n

dun,zhun tw;}n, tsjwen tu;}n, tsuin tun, tun
p :5& thick dun tw;}n tu;}n tun
[T] ONW ton. MHan ?on- Antonius; -yuol) Sogd. *oruwan, 6poav()( (Dunhuang)
chaos dun dw;}n
8
du;}n
8
dun?
numer. tuan dwan duon don
vessel dui tuai
c
tuih
carve dUI tuai tui
uv

dui
du;}jC
duih
m

run fl zjwen fluin nun
34-19 = K. 463 Originally, the phonetic was m 34-17/427 (Qiu X. 2000: 20).
Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
:;;e$
-S E3 chun tshjwen tshuin thun OCB thjun
[T] MTang tshun, ONW tshuin <> [D) PMin *tshuin
cd chiln ts
h
jwen
8
tshuin8 thun?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR Ct.); MGZY ( I\;) chyun Ct.) ONW tshuin
e chun thrun = 34-l7/427e ;fili ?
f shun sjwen
C
suin
c
Ihuns
34-20 = K. 462
J II a
Mand. Me LHan oeM
chuan tshjwan tshuan k-hlun ! OCB *KHju/ on
(rime *-un) <> [E) Area word: TB *klu:1) > WT klul) ' ri ver ' ; Kachin krUI) 'valley, dale',
OBurm. khJOI), WB khyuil)B 'stream'
337
34 oeM *-un, *-w:m (2) (GSR 416-485)
c shun dzjwen
C
zuin
c
m-luns
[f] Sin Sukchu SR z,yn <*); MGZY cyun <*) [dz,yn] ; ONW zuin
e xun zjwen zuin s-lun
f xun ! zjwen zum s-lun
[E] TB: WT ',hm-pa 'be tamed, subdued' 'jun-pa, beun, gzun ' subdue, punish, soften'
d f.:JII xun, chun zjwen, dzjwen zuin, zuin s-lun, m-lun
b fJII chun thrun
34-21 = K. 465 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a J dun, shun dw;}n
B
, du;}n
B
, lUn?,
dzjwen
B
zuin
B
m-lun?
b tJill
shun dzjwen
B
zuin
B
m-lun?
e -m dun
dw;}nB/c du;}n
B
/
C
lUn?, lUns = 34-22/428d lll1'
f xun zjwen zuin s-lun 34-20/462e iili
[T) MHan fitil ?i-zuin < -s-jun *s-Iun) 'IcrcrI']86vE<; (lssedones)
c tJ shun, shun, dzjwen
B
/
C
, zuin
B
/
C
, m-Iun?, m-Iuns,
d
9

II: fat
34-22 = K. 428
a )j'g{ pig
drag feet
d
xun
chun
du
Mand.
tun
dun
dun
zjwen zuin s-lun
thrun
dw;}t du;}t lUt
Me LHan oeM
dw;}n du;}n lUn
dw;}nB/c du;;)n
B
/
C
lfin?, luns
dw;}n
B
/
C
du;}n
B
/
C
lUn?, lUns = 34-211465e
34-23 = K. 468 MC initial ji- and ts- in a phonetic series indicate OC *j- rather than *1-.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a ft yun jiwen
B
juin
B
jun?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR yn eh MGZY yYun Cl.) [jyn]
dgh d 1fc h yun jiwen
B
juin
B
jun?
jk k yun jiwen
B
juinB jun?
n 1ft yan jiwan
B
jyan
B
jon?
m gft shun dzjwen
B
zuin
B
m-Ijun?
[DJ PMin *Qzion
B
<> [E] ST *mlyu-n: TB *m-Iyun > Kanauri *myun 'to swallow'
jun tsjwen
C
tsuin
c
tsjuns
u jun, tsjwen
C
, tsuin
c
, tsuns,
zun tsw;}n
c
tsu;}n
c
tsfins
vxy jun tsjwen
C
tsuin
c
tsjuns
p qun tshjwen tshuin tshjun
q!i&: jun ! tshjwen tshuin tshjun
s qun, tshjwen, tshuin, tshjun,
jun tsjwen
C
tsuin
c
tsjuns
[El TB *yu(w) - yun > Lushai saL-zu
F
'rat', saL-zuL-pui
R
'hare' = 'big rat'; JP yu
SS
- yun
33
'rat, mouse', WB yun 'rabbit'. <> [N] The graphs in this series could be reconciled if we
assume OCM *tshjun with fc *jun as phonetic.
r draw back qun tshjwen tshuin tshjun
rapid xun sjwen
C
suine sjuns
338
34 oeM *-un, ::Zim (2) (GSR 416-485)
za'

jim! sjwen
C
suin
c
sjuns 1& = 34-32/466a M
b' b' cun dzw;}n dzu;)n dzun
d'

suan swan suan son
e'

suan swan suon

son, swan.
[El TB *su:r - *swa:r 'sour' > Kan. sur-k, Lushai thuur
R
< thuur?, Mikir thor 'sour'
c'

quan tshjwan tshyan tshon
f'

zui, zun tsu;}i
C
tsuih
g'h' g' JJ3t zuf tsuai tsui
34-24 = K. 470 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a 1fij lun ljwen luin run
cdf 1Rllmaifl lun ljwen luin run OCB rjun
{lfH [fl Sin Sukchu SR lun ( :lJL-ft); MGZY lun (:lJL -ft) [lun]; ONW Ion
e *lfH cord lun ljwen luin run
*W cord guan kwan kuan krun OCB krun
b lun ljwen, Iw;}n(C) luin, lu;}n(C) run, run, runs
[E] TB: Lushai r::>:mH 'to ask advice, consult' ro:m
L
< roonh roons) 'to suggest, advise'
g lun, lun ljwen, Iw;}n
B
luin, lu;}n
B
run, run?
hij Wi :f1l'fi lun lw;}n luan run
34-25 = K. 12510p *m;}n 'door' is not necessarily phonetic, it simply may have been
intended to suggest the notion 'in between something' (cf. jian Fa9 ).
Mand. MC LHan OCM
op run nijwen
C
nuin
c
nuns
34-26 = K. 430 Mand. Me LHan oeM
aim zUn tsw;}n tsu;}n tsun
jkl
n
o
p
q
[f] Sin Sukchu SR tsun (:lJL); MGZY dzun (:lJL ) [tsun]; ONW tson
[E] TB: WT btsun-pa 'noble, honorable'
1tU.ttt zun tswan
B
tsu;}n
B
tsun?
J'.t# [E] TB: WT tshul 'way of acting, conduct , right way, orderly'
!II squat dUn / / dzw;}n dzuan dzun
!II posture qUn tshjwen tshuin tshun
j,
..
m
zun
zUn
zUn tsjwen tsuin
dzuns
dzun?, dzuns
tsun
34-27 = K. 431 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
-t
cun tshwan
C
tshu;}n
C
tshuns
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ts'un (-ft); MGZY tshun <-ft) [ts'un]; ONW tshon
cd 10'1'1 elm tshwan
B
tshuan
B
tshun?
34-28 = K. 434 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ad
i*fffi
sUn swan suan sun
[flONW son <> [E] ? TB *su(w)
ef mi@ sun, xun sw;}n
c
su;}n
c
suns
339
= 34-30/433a l1-11
34 oeM *-un, (2) (OSR 416-485)
34-29 = K. 436 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

sun sun
34-30 = K. 433 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

sun, xun suns = 34-28/434e
b

sun sjwen
B
suin
B
sun?
cd

zun tsjwen tsuin tsun
e
1m
xuan sjwan
C
syan
C
sons
f select xuan sjwan
B
syan
B
son?
promote sjwan
C
syan
C
sons
count suan, swanB, suon
B
, son?,
xuan sjwan
B
syan
B
son? OCB sjon?
g m
zhuan dzron?
h

zhuan dzrons

zhuan, dzron?(/s ?),
quan tshjwan tshyan tshon
34-31 = K. 467 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a falcon sun sjwen
B
suin
B
snun? ?
c
{!
rbng nzjwen
B
nuin
B
nun?
a quail chun zJwen dzuin dun
Loan for 34-l8/464j 'quail'; a graph may write similar sounding items with similar
meaning, thus also writes tUlin 'eagle'
d

zhun tsjwen
B
tsuin
B
tun?
34-32 = K. 466 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab xun sjwen
C
suin
c
sjuns = 34-23/468a'
c
:Et
xun, xuan zjwen zuin s-jun ?
340
35 oeM rime *-ap, *-ep He bu
GSR 628 - 642
Baxter 1992: 543 ff. (10.3.2)
Table 35-1: oeM rimes *-am, *-ap, *-em, *-ep in QYS categories
Div. *-am *-ap *-em
I
1:t kam kam *kam ia yap gap *gap
E lam lam *ram
IV
* kiem kern kern
liem lem *rem
tt!i niem nem *nem
III
I)jBm IJiam *IJam nt khjBP khiap *khap
gr
fL bjwBm buam *bam
it pjwep puap *pap
III
1$ zjap dzap *dap fti
ac
jHip jap *lap *threm
3/3
pjam
C
3 piam
c
*prams
m gjam 3 giam *gam !
II
kam kam *kram Efl kap kap *krap
II
Wi kham B khem B
*khrem?
*-ep
kiep kep *kep
mfi diep dep *lep
yap gep *grep
'ill *tshrep
The relationship between MC and OC finals in *-p is parallel to finals in -m, see the table.
After acute initials MC -jap can derive from OCM *-ap and *-ep; MC -iep can reflect oeM
*-fp and *-ep. oeM *-ap can reflect PCH, ST and foreign *-ap or *-op; OCM *-ap (Me -jap)
can reflect PCH, ST and foreign *-ap, *-ep, and *-op.
35-1 = K. 642 For qu $; *khah and the graphs GSR 642a-g, see 1-8; for fa 1t, see 35-21.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
g qQ, qie khjBP khiop khap
The reading Me khjwo has been borrowed from the meaning 'enclose'
hi MiD jie kjBP ktop kap
[f] BTD Skt. kalpa. MHan kiap-pas(-sa) karpasa
qie khjBP khiop khap
no M:13i he yap gop gap
p Oii shut
laugh
he
xia
yap
xap
gop
hap
341
gap
hap (probably not *hrap)
35 oeM *-ap, *-ep (OSR 628-642)
qr thatch he yap gop gap
conceal gal kai
C
kas kats < kaps OCB *kats < **kaps
[f] Sin Sukchu SR kai ($:) ; MGZY gay ($:) [kaj]
[E] WT 'gebs-pa, bkab ... 'to cover' , JP miJ.3l-kap31 ' lid'
s IjJ shut he yap gop gap OCB *fikap
1'1 ge khap khap khap
u iii ke, ke khap, kh;;)p khap, kh;;)p khap,
v m ke, khap, khap, khap,
kai khajC, khat khas, khat khats, khat
x ye jap 3 wop wap
[D] PMin *jiap (or *jiat ?) 'to eat'
35-2 = K. 629
Ej3
a
Mand. Me LHan oeM
JIa kap kap krap
[f] Sin Sukchu SR kja CA); MGZY gya (A) [kja]; ONW kap <> [D] PMin *kop - kap
[E] WT khrab 'shield, fish scales'
efg [l!!;f!5lf1 xia yap gap grap
Olfl Xla xap hap hrap (or hap ?)
[E] WT hab 'mouthful', WB hap 'bite at', Lushai hapH 'bite, snap'
h yii ?ap ?ap ?rap
35-3 = K. 630 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
d
e
f
ghi
jno
k
I
m
sides
handle


jiii kap h:p krep OCB *krep; ONW kap
jie kiep kep kep ' sword handle'
jia kap ke:p krep
Xla yap ge:p grep OCB *fikrep
[f] ONW yap <> [D] PMin *bap <> [E] MY *nGep, PTai *g-: S. k
h
eepD2 <> TB-JP lliss_kapsS
' tweezers'

jie, jiii kiep, kap kep,kap

jia kiep kep
qie khiep khep
xia yiep gep
xie yiep gep
Jle tsiep tsep
MC tsiep may belong to a synonym 'hold'
all aroundjia tsiep tsep

qie khiep khep

yl ?iep ?ep
kep, krep
kep
khep = 36-7/627d 1!
gep
gep = 35-4/639b w.,
tsep 'hold. all around'
35-4 = K. 639 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a tf6 xie yiep gep gep
be Of xie y iep gep gep = 35-3/6301
For [It , see also 37-3/686.
d break xie xjup hiap hap
1254a m break Iii I;;)p
The reading Iii. MC has been transferred from a syn. Hi ill 'break' (GSR 1254a).
63ge Xle xjup hiap hap (from hrap ?)
[f] ONW hap <> [E] JP giPI-rep31 'rib', Kanauri *hrip, Chepang rip, WT rtsib < rhjip
342
f
35-5
a
35-6
a
35-7
a-
b
35-8
35-9
a
b
c
35 oeM *-ap, *-ep (GSR 628-642)
iii
xie xjup
=K.640 Mand. Me
*
ye lJjup
[T] Sin Sukchu SR 'lie ( A. ); ONW IJap
=K. 634 Mand. Me

she ijap
=K. 628 Mand. Me

ta
thap
133'
ta tap

ta dap
Mand. Me

dll tap
[E] Tai *tu:p 'hanging ears (of dog)'
= K. 632 Mand. Me
tfL
zhe tjap
side zhe tjap
paralysed die tiep
ID[ nie I)jap
hiap
LHan
I)iap
LHan
diap
LHan
thap
tap
dap
LHan
tap
LHan


tep
I)ap
hap
oeM
I)ap
oeM
dap [T] ONW dzap
oeM
thap
dap
oeM
oeM
trep
trep 'side of carriage box'
tep
nrep
35-10 = K. 633 The phonetic is actually 21-23/339 itt *lhats < lhaps.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
ade ye jiap jap lap or lep
[T] ONW iap <> [E] TB *lap 'leaf'
h !I!* in hu-die yuo-diep ga-dep ga-lep
[E] TB:Lepcha ha-klj6p, WT phje-ma-leb < *pem-a-lep
9 die diep dep lep
= - 37-l2/690g m <> [T] ONW dep
[E] TB *lyap > WT ldeb 'leaf, sheet', JP giPI_lep31 'flat', Lushai depF 'flat '
fijk die diep dep lep
die (xue) diep dep - (blood) flowing [Shiji]
ye jiap, siep jap, sep lep, slep
mn W n ye, xie jiap, xjap 3 jap, hiap lap, hap
o she sjap sap lhep
p nI xie siep sep slep
35-11 = K. 1255a Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab iffb die diep dep lep
= 35-10/633g - 37-12/690g m <> [T] ONW dep
35-12 = K. 637 Mand. Me LHan oeM
al

lie ljap liap rap
cdg ftttmtJjj lie ljap liap rap
343
35 OCM *-ap, *-ep (GSR 628-642)
f lie ljap liap rap
[E] TB *rap > KN-Lushai rapL I ra?L 'to tread (upon), trample upon'
e lie ljap liap rap
[E] TB *lip I *Iep 'turtle'
la Hip lap dip
[T] Sin Sukchu SR la (/\); ONW lap
la Hip
[E] TB: Maru rap 'lac insect', Nung k'::l-rap 'wax' <> Viet. sap 'wax'
35-13 = K. 638 The OCM vowel in some or all of these words could also be *e.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a Al nie I,ljap I,lop map
it nie I,ljap I,lop map [T] ONW nap
[E] ST *s-njap - *r-njap: WT rnab-rnab-pa 'to seize or snatch together'
b Hi nie I,ljap I,lop map
c re nijap nap nap
d Jill she sJap sap nhap
[E] MK: Khmer spap
e 1.1 she sjap sap nhep OCB *hnjep
[T] ONW sap
a A2 zhe tsjap tsap tap
d JI12 she tsjap tsap tap
3 7-12/690h 'tg'/; 37-8/685h It:L <> The words Me tsjap are first attested in the Liji; they are
therefore late applications of this phonetic
35-14 = K. 1255e Mand. Me LUan oeM
e

nie niep nep nep or nip 'exhausted'
35-15 = K. 635 Mand. Me LUan oeM
ad

qie tshjap tshiap tshap
ef

jie tsjap tsiap tsap [T] ONW tsiap
9

sha
srap
35-16 = K. 636 Mand. Me LUan oeM
ab

jie dzjap dziap dzap
[E] MK: Khmer, OKhmer ca'pa Icapl ' to yrasp ... , seize, catch'
c

jie, zl'm dzjap, B dziap dzap
d
llt
jie tsjap tsiap tsap
35-17 = K. 631 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab
m1ffi
chit tshrep OCB *tshrjop
= fbi: 1254b
c

sha srep, srep
[E] Tai: S. cap4 'to smear over, paint'
35-18 = K. 1254b Mand. Me LHan oeM
b t& cM tshrep = 35-17/631a
The element 7Jz. ' reach' is perh. partially semantic. See also 37-21681.
344
35 oeM *-ap, *-ep (GSR 628-642)
35-19 = K. 1255c Mand. Me
siep
LHan
sep
oeM
e xie sep or SIp 'harmonious; march'
35-20 = K. 641 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
Z
b
d
e
fa bjwup buap bap
[T] MTang bvuap, ONW buap < bap <> [E] WT 'bab-pa *Nbab), babs 'fall down' 'bebs-
pa *Nbebs), phab 'to throw down' =
Hm phjwum
C
phuamC phams
36-26/625fV'L <> [E] WT 'byam-pa < *Nbjam 'to flow over, be diffused'
bUin pjam
B
3, pjum
B
piam
B
pram?
[E] TB: OTib. 'pham-ba, ph am 'to be diminished'
bian, pjam
C
3, piam
c
,
beng Pdlf Pdl)C
prams

35-21 = K. 642 Mand. Me LHan oeM
lk fa pjwup puap pap
[T] Sin Sukchu SR fa (A); ONW pap> puap. 1* is a later simplification, hence qu $;: *khah
is not phonetic.
345
36 oeM rime *-am, *-em Tan bu
GSR 606 - 627
Baxter 1992: 537 ff. (10.3.1)
See Table 35-1 for OCM rimes *-am, *-ap, *-em, *-ep in QYS categories.
Words in MC -jam after acute initials (sjam, tsjam, etc.) can derive from OCM *-am and
*-em; MC -iem can reflect OCM *-fm and *-em.
OCM *-am can correspond to PCH, ST and foreign *-am or *-om; OCM *-am (MC -jam)
can reflect PCH, ST and foreign *-am, *-em, and *-om.
36-1 = K. 606 Mand. Me LHan oeM
acd tnijd gan kam kam kam
g
hi
jl
k
[f] Sin Sukchu SR kam (f), PR kan; MGZY gam (f) [kam]; ONW kum
[E] TB *klum 'sweet', OCM *k1im < *klam (prob. < **kluam < **klom)
han yam gam gam
qian gjam 3 giam gam [D] PMin *ghiam 'pincers'
qian gjam 3 giam gam
gim bm
c
< klgms
[E] PTai *klgm
B1
'dark red, purple, dark, black' <> AN *kelam 'dark'
36-2 = K. 607 36-1 was originally not part of the graph and therefore not phonetic.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a:ij)( gan kamB kamB kam?
[f] Sin Sukchu SR kam (1:), PR kan; MGZY gam (..t) [kam]; ONW kum
[E] ST *k-wam: TB *hwam 'dare'
d PI.N. kan kham
C
kham
C
khams
roar xian, han XamB, hamB ham?, hram? or
xamB, xamB
[E] Area word: MK-PMonic *gr;);)m > Nyah Kur 'to growl (of tiger or dog)' <> TB-Lai hraam
'to growl, groan'
e IlM kan kham
C
kham
C
khams
f kan, kham
B
, khamB, kham?,
tan,
yfn
tham? ? (or rham? ?),
I)gm
h!li yan IJjum I)iam I)am OCB *ng(r)jam
[f] Sin Sukchu SR jem (f), PR, LR jen; MGZY ngem (f) [I)em]; ONW I)am
,. yan I)am I)am I)ram - 36-6/6l3fg
[flONW I)am <> [E] TB: WT rl)ams-pa 'height'
111&
k 1Jjfj( yan IJjum
B
l)iam
B
I)am? OCB *ng(r)jom? (?)
m 51 xian xjam
B
hiam
B
ham? (or hl)am?)
346
36 oeM *-am, *-em (GSR 606-627)
36-3 = K. 608 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a xian yam gam gram
38-3/652a is probably partially phonetic
36-4 = K. 624
a 'X
Mand. Me LUan oeM
qi!m khjem
C
khiam
c
khams
[f] Sin S. SR k'jem (:t;), PR, LR k'jen; MGZY khem (:t;) [k'eml <> [El TB *kam 'to yawn'
c gjam
B
3 !, giam
C
gams
qian gjem
C
d kan = 38-5/672e
kan 'to chop' (wood, a tree)'
[D] PMin *kham
B
'chop' <> [El ST *bm: TB-Chepang khamh- 'fell tree'
36-5 = K. 609 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a
ac
d
e-f
g
k
oi
1 see jian kam(C) kam kram
m. Jlan kamc kamc krams 'mirror'
[f] Sin Sukchu SR kjam (*), PR (kjan), LR kjen; MGZY (gyam gyam (:t;) [kjamJ
basin han yam
C
gamC grams
11: jian kam kam kram
nn
"'t g!foi
"'- han! yam
B
gam
B
gram?
It jian, han yam
B
, yam
B
gam
B
, gamBgram?, gam?
[E] TB: WB khram ' fence, enclosure' 3f ;)-ram 'fence forming an enclosure'
Ian lam lam ram OCB *g-ram
[f] ONW lam <> [D] PMin *lam <> [E] Area word: AN *tayum 'indigo'; PTai *gram
A2
'indigo' <> WT rams 'indigo', WT ram(-pa) 'quick grass', Mru charam 'indigo'
11: hin lam lam ram OCB *g-ram
[D] Min *lam: Ji!mou salf! 'basket'
'I:
Ian lamB lamB ram?
[f] TB: JP mlj3!-ram
55
'to observe, view'
Ian lamB lamB raml
[D] Gan-Nanchang b n2I3, Ke-Meix nam
3
! m (tone B), Yue-Guangzh lam
23
(tone B), Min-
Xiamen lam
5
! (B) <> [E] Area: TB-Lushai < hr::>::>m? 'grip, grasp' <> Tai: S. r::>::>mA2 <
*r::>mA 'to collect, gather together' <> AA: OKhmer ram a irfi;)m/ 'to gather'
h Ian lamc lamc dims
overflow
join
Htn
Hin
lam
c
lamB
lomc dims
10m
B
raml
tub han yam
C
gamC
gams
m nt: han xam
B
hom
B
ham?
n II salt yan Jlam jam jam < r-jam
[f] Sin Sukchu SR jem C'JL), PR, LR jen; MGZY yem ('JL) [jem]; ONW iam. BTD Skt. yama,
-sam[-bi] <> [DJ PMin *ziem 'a white encrustation formed from saltwater or brine'
[EJ TB: WT rgyam-tshwa < *r-jam 'a kind of salt', WB yamB 'saltpeter'
g to salt (yan jiam
C
) jam
C
jams [D] PMin *ziem
c2
36-6 = K. 613 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a qlan tshjam tshiam tsham < k-sam
[N] Three XS point to a very early cluster *k-s ... > *tsh ... and *s-k ... > *kh ... : 36-6/613;
20-1/279; 20-11/309; see EDOC 5.9. 1; see 5.S.1 for *s-k ... > *kh .. .
347
36 oeM *-am, *-em (GSR 606-627)
be qian, tshiam(B), tsham(?) < k-sam(?),
xian sjam siam sam
n.1J kjum
C
kiam
c
karns [f] ONW kam
d jHin kjam
B
, kjum
B
kiam
B
kam?
e 1J& JIan gjam
B
giam
B
gam?
[E] TB: Lushai kaam
H
'to decrease (as water, wages, etc,), kiam
R
'to lessen, to reduce'
lilin lamB [GY],
kjam
B
kiam
B
kram?
[E) Tai: S. keem
c1
'cheek', TB: WT 'gram-pa 'cheek', 'gram-rus 'cheekbone, jawbone'
fg xian xjam
B
3, hiam
B
, hl)ram? - 36-2/6071,@
xjum
B
hiam
B
Ylln I]jam
c
I)iam
c
IJrams
k 3ft lian Ijam(B/C) ham(B/C) ram, ram?, rams
1 accumul. Iian Ijam
B
/
c
ham
B
/
C
ram?, rams
enshroud Ijam
C
liam
c
rams
[E] AA: OKhmer rum [rum] ' to wind, roll, coil, surround, encircle, wrap (a corpse) '
m Win Ijam(B) liam(B) ram, ram?
36-7 = K. 627 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
b
d
c
e
f
j
k
g
mn
36-8
a
b
e
e
*
Jlan kiem(C) kem(C) kern, kerns
[T] ONW kern <> [E] MK: PMonic *cki;;lm, OMon ckem 'to grasp, pick up'
jian kiem kern kern
t9ft dissatisf. qian
'It satisfied qie
rjf qian
qilln
khiem
B
khiep
khiem
B
,
yiem
B
khiem
B
,
khem
B
khep
khem
B
,
gemB
khem
B
,
khem{
khep
khem?,
gem?
khem?,
= 35-3/630n

kham
B
/
C
qian
khiem
khem
B
/
C
khem
khrem?, khrems
khem
xian yiem gem gem
gem?
rem

WIll' yiem
B
gemB
it Ii an liem Iem
[N] GSR nian is a ghost reading (Coblin 1983: 151).
*l lian liem, Ijam lem, ham rem, rem
rem Jjt Jian Ijam ham
[T] ONW liam <> [E] Tai : S. liam
B
! (WSiam hli:am]
Iian Ijam ham rem
Mand.
yan
= 36-9/6ISab
an
an
yan
yan
yan,
an
Me LHan oeM
?jam
B
3 ?iam
B
?am?
[T] ONW ?am. MHan ?iamB-sa
C
Abzoae, A6pcrl0l
?;;lm
B
?gm? [f] ONW ?om
?::lm, ?::lP ?gm, ?gp
?jam
B
3, ?jum
B
?iam
B
?am?
?jam 3 ?tam ?am
?jam
B
3, ?iamB, ?am?,
{::lm
B
?gm?
348
36 oeM *-am, *-em (GSR 606-627)
d M yan, yan ?jam(B) 3, ?4am(B) lam?
?jBmB
iJIt ye ?jBP ?iap ?ap
[EJ TB: WT yab-pa - g-yab-pa *g-?jap) 'to lock, cover over', yab-yab-pa ' hide, conceal'
ft yan ?am
B
hm
B
?ram? = 38-4/671k
36-9 = K. 615 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
#
yan ?jam
B
3, k;)m
B
?4am
B
lam? =f#; 36-8 it
b
m:
yan ?jam
B
3 ?4am
B
?am?
= :R:; 36-8 it rrJ ONW ?am
c
Yfr.
yan ?jam
B
, ?jum
B
?4am
B
lam?
d

yan ?am
B
?;}m
B
?gm?
36-10 = K. 616 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ad

yan ?jiam(C) 4 ?iam(C) ?em, ?ems
[TJ ONW ?iam <> [EJ PTai *?im 61 'full, satiated'
c mK satiate yan ?jiam
C
4 ?iam
C
?ems
content yan ?jiam 4 ?iam ?em
cover yan ?am
B
?EmB ?rem?
press ye ?jap 4 ?iap ?ep
e

yan ?jiam 4 ?iam ?em
9
yan, ?jiam
B
4, ?iam
B
, ?em?,
ye ?jiip 4 ?iap ?ep
-f yan ?jiam
B
4 ?iam
B
?em?
h

ya lap lap ?rap
[TJ Sin Sukchu SR ?ja (7-) <> [DJ M-Xiam col. a?Dl, a?D2, lit. apDl
36-11 = K. 619 Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab zhan tsjam tsam tam [E] TB *C-Iam
c
III
zhan tsjam tsam tam OCB *tjam
- 2:136-12/618a
d cut out chan tshjam tsham tham
coat chan tshjam
C
tsham
C
thams
e
til
chan tshjam tsham tham
f
.l
/"<
shlm ijam
C
diam
c
dams
mn

dan
damBJc damBJc
dam?, dams (or dlam?/s ?)
III
dan tam
B
tomB tam? < tlam?
[TJ ONW tsam <> [E] AA: PNBahn. *klam ' liver', PVM *b:m, Katuic *Iuam; on the other
hand, there is the form PPa\. *k::lnt;,:m 'liver'
hi 1fiti dan tam tam tam < tlam
k :tJi carry dan tam tom tam < tlam
[TJ ONW tam <> [DJ PMin *tam 'to carry'
:tJi burden dan tamC tamC tams
[D] PMin tame 'a load' <> [E] Area word: Khmu? klam 'carryon the shoulder' , PWa *klum
<> Kam-Tai: PT *thr-: S. haam
AI
'two or more people carry' <> WB tham
E
'to carryon the
shoulder', JP t
h
am
55
'carry'
jj function shan ijam dZam dam
g:fJl yin jiam jam lam
349
36 oeM *-am, *-em (GSR 606-627)
36-12 = K. 618 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
d
zhan tsjam tsam tern OCB *tjem
[T] ONW tsam. BTD Skt. cam- -1lJlli 36-1II619c
cd zhan tjam trem
[T] MTang ONW tam <> [EJ AA: Khmer Itraml 'to soak, steep'
chan threm f
9
h


chan threm, threms
'l'ti discord.
submit
J 15
k :ttl
1m fti6iJ
n
zhan I
tie

shan

dilln
dil'ln
tshjam tsham them
thiep thep thep
tiem
C
, tem
C
, terns,
sjam(C) sam(C) lhem,lhems
tiem
C
tem
C
terns
tiemBjC temBjC
tern?, terns
tiem
B
temB tern?
e yan jiam jam lem
shan sjam B sam B Ihem? = 36-14/617i
75 zhan ! sjam(C) sam(C) Ihem, thems
pq Or!i tte thiep thep - (*nhep) 'to taste'
[Yupian: Guliang] <> [E) WT sfiab-pa 'to taste, savor'
tie thiep 'To stick to, glue to' [GYj
o:tti nian ! niem nem nem
nian I)jam I)em?
36-13 = K. 1247a Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab a Ii yan jHim
C
jam
C
jams < r-jams
[EJ Tai: S. riam
B2
'beautiful'
36-14 = K. 617 Mand. Me LHan OeM
a
c
def
k
1 blaze yan jiam 4 [JYj jam lam
[T] ONW iam <> [E) ST and area word: TB *(s-)lyam > Tamang me-Iahm ' fl ame' (me 'fire'),
Lepcha lim 'to flame up' 3l a-lim 'flame' ; JP lam
3l
'to flash'
brilliant tan dam dam lam
blaze yan jam 3 [GYl warn warn
[NJ Early Me wiam (Pulleyblank) <> [E) TB: Lushai vaam
L
I vam
F
'red-hot glowing' <> Tai :
S. weem
A2
in w:l:>m
A2
-weem
A2
'brilliant, glowing (of fire)' <> Sino-Vietn. viem
yan jiam
B
, jiam
C
jamB lam? or jam? ? =
yan jiam
B
jamB lam? or jam? ? =
[E) ST *r-jam 'sharp' = 38-16/646a 'J!.
tan dam dam lam
tan dam dam lam
[T] Sin Sukchu SR dam (), PR dan; MGZY tam ( f ) [dam]
o dan damBjC damBjC lam?, lams
p
m
n
[0] Yue-Guangzh tha:m
B
'insipid'
tan, yan dam, jiam
tan, dan dam (C)
dan damB
- 38-5/672k 38-16/646f ul'Ii
tan
dam, jam
dam (C)
damB
350
lam, lam
lam, lams
lam?
Iham?
\-
g
h
36-15
36 oeM *-am, *-em (GSR 606-627)
shan sjam
B
samB Iham? =36-15/),.'
[T] Sin Sukchu SR c.t); MGZY shem ONW sam
chan tshjam tsham k-hlam
Xlan zjam ziam s-Iam
= 38-5/672o:lllil <> [E] TB: WT slam-pa 'to parch'
tHin thiemBJc themBjC lhem?, lhems
Mand. Me LUan oeM
00
shan sjam
B
samB Iham? = 36-14/617i m
[T] Sin Sukchu SR U::); MGZY shem ONW sam
36-16 = K. 621
phonetic.
Tongue' 15 in this group is more semantic ('pointed, lick, sweet ' ) than
Mand. Me LUan oeM
a Xlan sjam siam sem
[E] TB *syam > WB sain, Rgyarung som 'iron', Nung sam 'iron, sword'
tian diem dem lem OCB *lfm sweet
[E] TB *lim 'sweet'
b tian diem dem lem
[E] TB: Lepcha glyam 'be calm, to calm' , Lushai thleem
R
'to comfort, pacify'
36-17 = K. 1247c Mand. Me LUan oeM
c
*
tian
thiemBjC themBjC
Ihem?, lhems
W
tian thiem
B
themB
lhem? OCB *hlfm?
[D] Yue: Guangzh li:m
B
! *lim?) ' lick'
[E] TB *(s-)Iyam ' tongue', Kanauri lem ' lick'. <>KS: Mulam *Ija:m
s
' lick'

tian thiem them
[D] PMin *diem
B
' full ' <>PTai *tl->S. tem
A
! ' full '
36-18 = K. 622 Mand. Me LUan oeM
ab afI} ran nzjamB namB nam?
e IJ.!IJ to chew ran nzjam nam nam
f ran , nzjamB, namB, nem?,
nian niemB nemB nem?
h

nin nzjam nam nam
jk ran nzjam(C) nam(C) nam, nams
1 ;ffIt nan

ngm
mn
I!fI:}
dan!, min tham, nam thorn, nom nham, nam
36-19 = K. 623 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a
36-20
ran nzjamBjC namBjC nam?, nams
[T] Sin Sukchu SR rjem (1:.*); MGZY 'em [> rem] [rem); ONW nam
[E] Tai : PTai *iluom
C2
'to dye'; Old Sino-Viet. nhuom
oeM
lick
Mand.
jian
Me
tsjam
LUan
tsiam tsam or tsem= 36-21 /620 m
351
36 OCM *-am, *-em (GSR 606-627)
36-21 = K. 620 The OC rime could be either *-am or *-em.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
af-

jian tsjam tsiam tsam = 36-20
g
mt
jian tsjam tsiam tsam
= 36-22/611 f m; 38-1116581 m.
e #1
1
prick jian tsjam tsiam tsam
#m
2
fine xian sjam siam sam
cd

xian sjam siam sam
h til
xian, shan
srem
36-22 = K. 611 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
m
zhan tsram? OCB *tsrjam?
c
!Il1T
can dzam dzam dzam
de
flf'm
! dzam
c
dzam
c
dzams
g !i
tshjam
C
tshiam
c
tshams
f m moisten Jlan tsjam tsiam tsam
= 36-21/620g 38-1116581 m
m gradual Jlan dzjam
B
dziam
B
dzam?
[E] AA: Khmer jar:n /co:!Jm/ 'wet, soaked, permeated, steeped'
m craggy chan dzram
h
if
Jlan dzjam
B
dziam
B
dzam?
[E] TB: WT sdom-pa, bsdams 'to bind, tie up'
b jJWT shan, sram = 36-25/61 Oa 1;f
[E] TB: Kuki-N. *(s-)rjam 'sharp'
36-23 = K. 612 Almost all graphs have Me double readings with /a/ and Iii!, the OC vowel
could therefore have been *a or *e, possibly also *;;). We write *a by default, supported by one
Shijing rime. It is not clear if 4-46 belongs to this series.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

chan dzdim
dpm
b
fl
chan dzram
e

chan, dzram, dzrams
d

chan dzram, OCB *dzjom
dzrams
c it uneven chan,zhiln dzram

it mixed chan, zhan tsham
C
. ,
tsham
C
. ,
tshrams

36-24 = K. 1154 Mand. Me LHan oeM
-a-- shan sram
[f] Sin Sukchu 13 SR (.If), PR MGZY 1'3 sham (:SP:)
[E] TB *(C-)sam 'beard' <> [N] The graph also writes a synonym biao 13-7111154
36-25 = K. 610
a 5t
Mand.
shan
Me

LHan

352
oeM
sram = 36-22/611 b Wi
36 oeM *-am, *-em (GSR 606-627)
36-26 = K. 625 }j\. and. rime in *-;:)m and *-im in Han poetry (Luo and Zhou p . 215).
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a fL fan bjw-em buom bam
d

e $JL

f
111
[T] Sin Sukchu SR vam ( ljL) PR van; MGZY Hwam (3JL ) [vam] ; MTang bvuam < buam,
ONW bam. <> [E] TB: Lushai pum
H
'whole, all, everywhere'; WB pum 'form, model,
pattern '
Hin bjw-em buom bam
Hm bjw-em
B
buom
B
bam? = 36-27 /626b
fan bjw-em
c
buom [T] BTD Skt. brahma
fan phjwum
C
, phuomC, phams,
bjul] bu;:)m b;:)m
= 35-20/641b 1Z; 36-27/626c 1[!,
9 Jt peng, feng bUI], bjul] bu;:)m rom, b;:)m [E] ST *pum
11. feng bjul]c bu;:)m
c
b;:)ms OCB *p(r)jd/ um
[0] Min: Xiam (lit.) hOlf2
hi ma 1 II wind feng pjul] pu;:)m p;:)m OCB *p(r)jd/um
ma [T] Sin Sukchu SR fUI) ( ljL); MGZY hwung (3JL) [fuI)]; MTang pfuI), ONW pUI)
tJj [T] BTD Skt . brahm(a)
)SI.2 criticize feng pjul]C pu;:)m
c
p;:)ms
n. feng pjul] pu;:)m p;:)m
[T] BTD pUdm-mo Skt. brahma
o teng ! pjul]C pu;:)m
c
p;:)ms OCB *p(r)j;:>/um
p V!t feng, feng bjul] bu;:)m bdm OCB *b(r)j;:>/um
It hin \;:)m SW 388
J.OO, Ian ONW lorn
<- Jndie vairambha, veramba. The element ma has been chosen for its meaning; it does not
prove a medial liquid in this phonetic series.
36-27 = K. 626 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a

fan bjwum
B
buom
B
bam?
b ,8 fan bjwum
B
buom
B
bam? = 36-26/ 625e
d
iff
fan bjwum
B
buom
B
bam?
.......
fan bjwum
B
buom
B
bam? e
'{Q,
c overflow fan phjw-em
C
phuomC phams or phjams ?
= 35-20/641b 12-
disperse fan bjwum
C
buom
c
barns
36-28 Mand. Me LHan oeM

man, mjwum
B
, muom
B
mian miem
B
353
37 oeM
* * . Q-b'
rIme -ap, -IP 1 U J,(Ej: pp
GSR 675 - 696
Baxter 1992: 555 ff. (10.3.4)
See Table 38-1 for OeM rimes *-;)p and *-;)m, *-im, etc. in QYS categories.
Me -j;)P after guttural initials (kj;)p type syllables) are here transcribed with the LHan vowel
i (kip), this syllable type has probably developed from OeM bp to ki;)p > kip > later kip.
Me -j;)P can derive from OCM *-;)P or *-ip; when a preceding velar consonant is palatalized
to Me tsj- etc., the rime was *-ip, when not, the rime was *-;)p. After acute initials, Me -j;)P
can go back to either OeM *-;)P (when in contact with Me or to *-ip (when in contact
with Me -iep). When there is no revealing xiesheng or rime association, the final remains
ambiguous. Me -iep IV can derive from oeM *-fp or *-ep (rime 35), depending on the
phonetic series. Me /j;)P can correspond to foreign *-;)P, *-ip, and *-up. This final is
parallel to no. 38 *-;)m, see the table there.
37-1 = K. 675, 687
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a-e he g;)P g?P OCB *gop
[T] Sin Sukchu SR ya (/\); PR, LR V':)?; MGZY Xo (/\) [V':)]; ONW yap
[E] MK *kup: Khmer gwpa /kuugp/ 'to join, bring together, unite', ga 'pa /kup/ 'to join,
unite, meet with, visit often', Mon inscr. sakuip /sgkpp/ 'lid'
hi!l!EiOO ge bp k?p
l jia, ge kap bp, kep k?p, kr?P
mn qia yap gep gr?p
p #,I jr, gei kj;)p kip bp
1 jia kap kep kr?P
k ffl jia, jie, kap, kjnp, kep, kiop, kr?P, kap,
jie gjnp giop gap
0

jie kjnp kiop, kap
687a fg- pick shf zjgp glp gip
= 37-3/686a + [E] PTai *kjgp
alternate jie gjnp giop gap
41- a-ft t!/f(
675qrs >J>3 )j3J Xl xj;)P hip h;)p
tu
mriJ
Xl xjgp hip hgp

he

h;)p h?p =2l-1I313k
37-2 = K. 681 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
&
jf gj;)P gip g;)P
[T] Sin Sukchu SR gi (/\); MGZY ki (/\) [gil; ONW gip
[E] WB khap 'arrive at', JP khapSI 'to carry, reach'
di
1IH&
ji kj;)p kip bp
354
37 oeM *-gp, *-ip (OSR 675-696)
h V}. Jl kjgp kip kgp
[E] TB *ka:p: LB *C-kap, WB khap 'dig up, draw water'
9 jf kjgp kip bp
rr] Sin Sukchu SR ki CA); MGZY gi CA) [ki]; ONW kip
mo 1'& '&: jf gjap 3 giap gap or grap
+11, i::
kl .>f)(IX- jf qjgp I)ip I)gp
j g& Xl xjgp hip hgp or hl)gp [D] Min: Xi am khipDl
1254b fEz (xi) xjgp 'to collect', see also 35-J8/1254b.
37-3 = K. 686 Mand. MC LHan OCM
ae +1+ shf zpp dzip < gip gip = 37-11687a til
rr] Sin Sukchu SR CA); MGZY zhi CA) ONW dzip <> [D] PMin *dzep
[E] TB *gip > WB kyip, Mikir kep < kip <> PMiao
f 1+ Zhl tsjgp tsip < kip kip
rrJ ONW tsip <> [D] PMin *tsep
Dt xii! yiep gep gfp
Old graph for xie 35-4/639c
37-4 = K. 682 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a
37-5
a
gfh
37-6
a
b
c
37-7
a
37-8
a
kmn

ye jap 3, jigp wap, jgp wap, 19p
[E] WT lhab-lhab-pa 'to flutter to and fro, to glimmer, glisten' <> KT: Siam. leepD2L - ma-
leep 'to flash (as lightning)'; PHlai ijip7 'lightning' <> Tai: S. weepD2_wapD2 'glittering,
flashing'
= K. 683 Mand. MC LHan OCM
l=l
yi ?jgp ?ip ?gp OCB *?(r)jup
e::.

yi ?jgp ?ip ?gp
OB yi ?jgp, ?ip, ?gp ('gp, ?gp
= K. 676 The element 37-1 '@t is probably semantic ('fit, agree').
Mand. MC LHan OCM
%::
l=l
dli
tgp tgp < tup 3t 31-9/511a tM

da
tgp tgp
rr] Sin Sukchu SR ta CA); ONW tap
[E] m= WB tap 'put in, fix' II WT thab-pa 'to fight, quarrel'
ff bean dli
tgp tgp OCB *k-lup
[E] MY *dgp 'bean'
rrfr
ta thap thgp, thop thgp, thap
ta thap thop 'pagoda'
= K. 684 Mand . MC LHan OCM
. =
zhf tjgp

trgp
= 37 -8/685f
= K. 685 The OC vowel could be *i or *g.
Mand. MC LHan OCM
A
zhf tsjgp tsip tgp rr] ONW tsip
zhi tsi
C
tsih tgts < tgpS
[E] ? TB: WT chab 'power, authority'
355
37 oeM *-gp, *-ip
" p
(GSR 675-696)
f

zhi tjgp

trgp
= 37-7/684a '$ [T] ONW tip
9
zhe! <;ljgp <;lip
drgp
h

zhi, zhe tsjgp, tsjap, tsip, tsap, tip, tep,
niep nep nip
J
:'I; zhi

trgts < trgps
0

tiem
c
tem
C
tims
in
ji tsjgp tsip tSgp
37-9 = K. 677 Mand. Me LUan oeM
ab

SPI=!
da

dgp
= 37-1 0/678e [T] ONW dap
37-10 = K. 678 Mand. Me LUan oeM
ae

da
dgp = 37-9/677a
f
OW
,
ta
thgp

37-11 = K. 689 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a

xi zjgp zip s-lgp = 37-12/690a 'l!T
37-12 = K. 690 Mand. Me LUan oeM
abed xi zjgp zip s-lgp = 37-11I689a!l
[T] Sin Sukchu SR zi CA); MGZY zi (A) [zi]; ONW zip
[E] WT slob-pa, slabs 'to learn, teach' slobs 'exercise, practice'
9
die diep dep lep (or lip ?)
= 35-1 0/633g 35-1111255a!f!l <> [E] WT Idab-pa < *Nlap 'to do again, repeat', Ideb-pa
'to bend round, double down' ltab-pa, bltabs < *Nl.ap 'to fold'

zhe tsjap tsap tep [T] ONW tsap
h 'l'illI to fear zhe tsjap tsap tep
f
1ill1
yi jigp, jgp jgp, Wgp Wgp = 37-4/682a
37-13 = K. 692 Aspiration and *1 in the initial are the common denominators.
Mand. Me LUan oeM
a to flap shI, chI sjgp, sip, Ihgp, tshrgp < k-srgp
dry qi
khjgp khip khgp
b wet xi zjgp zip s-lgp
37-14 = K. 693 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a wet shl sjgp sip Ihgp [T] ONW sip
37-15 = K. 694, 520 Me LUan oeM
aef Ii Ijgp lip rgp OCB *g-rj;lp
9
hi
j
1
[T] jz Sin Sukchu SR li (A); MGZY li (A) [Ii]; ONW lip <> [E] TB *g-ryap 'to stand' <>
[D] Min: Jii'my6u sc
C2
<> Tai: Wuming klopDlS < *kl- 'bamboo hat'
-:rr Ii, ji Ijgp, gjgp lip, gip rgp, grgp
llim qi khjgp khip khrgp
[T]lli. ONW khip <> [E] TB *krap 'to weep'
N la 19p
ill break Hi 19p cf. 35-4/639d thh
356
37 oeM *-gp, *-ip (GSR 675-696)
520
Ii Iji
C
lis fgtS < fgpS ?
37-16 = K. 695
A
a
Maud. Me LHau oeM
fU nzjgp mp ngp < nup
e
[T] Sin Sukchu SR fi C\), PR, LR ry?; MGZY Zhi C\) [ri]; ONW nip
[E] TB *nup > WT nub-pa 'to fall, sink, set'
pg inside nei nugs nuts < mlps
[T] Sin Sukchu SR nuj ($:), LR nuj; MGZY nue ($:) [nue]; ONW nuai
OCB njup
This graph already had a final dental in OC, hence it could be used for items with OC *-t.
pg bring in na ngp < nup
hi #.ii79'PJ na ngp < nup
[T] Sin Sukchu SR na (..A.); ONW nap
j ne nwgt nugt nut
kl 0i79 [i"fJ ne nwgt, nugt, nut,
nzjwat, nuat, not,
I).jwat, I).wat I,lUot, I).uat nrot
n ti79 rui nzjwaiC nuas nots
op
q
fS
[E] AA: Khmer tnota /tnaaot/ 'impaling pole, skewer, spit' < /daaot/ 'to impale, run
into ...
,
WJ!1!V9
1*1

rui
fui
rui
nzjwai
C
nzjwai
C
nzjwai
C
,
nzjwat
nuas nots
nuas nots
nuas, nuat not, nots
37-17 = K. 696 Maud. Me LHau oeM
a nie I).Jap I).op ? nrep
[E] MK: OKhmer fiyiip /pap/ 'to tremble, fear'
37-18 = K. 679
ab m@
37-19 = K. 688
Maud.
zii
Me

LHau
tSgp
The vowel could also be *i.
Maud. Me LHau oeM
a Et qf,jf ts(h)jgp ts(h)ip tSgp, tshgp
b hem qf tshjgp tship tshgp
babble qf,jf ts(h)jgp ts(h)ip tSgp, tshgp
c g qi tshjgp tship tshgp s-?ip ?)
[E] WT skyibs *s-?ips ?) 'a shelter from above (from rain, etc.)'
d t& collect ji dzjgp dzip dzgp OCB *dzjup [T] ONW dzip
gather up zhi tSfgp
ef ItlG1JtIG ji tSfgp
[E] ? AA: PMonic *cap, Nyah Kur '(bird) to settle on, perch', Mon *C;)p 'to adhere to, cleave
to'; OKhmer /jap/ 'touch, join, meet, cling, adhere'
9 t:f1: cluster ji, zhi tsjgp, tsip, tSgp, tSfgp
salute yf ?jgp lip ?gp
hi T:&fl ji tsjap tsiap tsap [E] JP sap < tsap 'oar'
357
37 oeM *-ip (GSR 675-696)
37-20 = K. 691 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a jf dzip OCB *dzjup
[f) ONW dzip <> [E) AA: Khmer cwpa /CUU;)p/ - jwpa /CUU;)p/ ' to join', intr. 'to meet , come
together'
d- mixed za [f] ONW dzop
37-21 = K. 680 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a
liJj
sa
S;)P sap
37-22 Mand. Me LHan oeM
r??E
se [f) ONW
358
38 oeM rime *-am, *-im Qfn btl
GSR 643 - 674
Baxter 1992: 548 ff. (10.3.3)
Me -j;}m after guttural initials (kj;}m type syllables) is here transcribed with the LHan vowel t
(kim); this syllable type has probably developed from OCM k;}m to ki;}m > kim> later kim.
Me -iem can derive from OeM *-lm (when associated with Me -j;}m), or from *-em (when
associated with Me -jam), but Me can only derive from oeM *-gm.
After acute initials, Me -j;}m can go back to either OeM *-;}m (when in contact with Me
or to *-im (when in contact with Me -iem). When there is no revealing xiesheng or rime
contact, the final remains ambiguous.
Table 38-1: OCM rimes *-;}m, *-;}p, *-im, *-ip in QYS finals
Div. *-;}m *-;}p *-im *-ip
I
g;}m *ggm g;}P *ggp
m n;}m *ngm

t;}P *tgp
t d;}m
B
*lgm?
IV
niem
c
nem
c
at yiep gep *glp
*nlms :rgw diep dep *lfp
III
ma pjul) pu;}m *p;}m
lab
.L>(:::;
*w;}m

w;}m
3/3
* pj;}m
B
pimB *pr;}m?
III
S, kj;}m kim *bm "& gj;}P gip *g;}P tsj;}m tsim < + zj;}P dzip < gip
kj;}m
c
kim
c
*k:r;}ms kim *kim *gip
III ac
{,' sj;}m sim *s;}m h tsj;}P tsip *t;}P
merged with *-;}m merged with
**
lim J1. lip
13: nim *n;;Jm A nip *n;}p
II
JgJ(; yam gem *grgm yap gep *grgp
359
38 oeM *-am, *-im (GSR 643-674)
38-1 Mand. Me LHan oeM
han gamB gam?
'God of the West' [OB: Sorui 481; SW 3037], in Shiijfng (Yao dian) erroneously written %
38-2 =K. 643 Mand. Me LUan oeM
ab a ffi cont. han gam 'contain
,
= 3S-3/6511' * rn ONW yam
PI.N. xian yam gem gram
g
?ffi
han gam gam
h
1?!i
han gamB gam?
38-3 = K. 651, 652 I suspect that the graph 4 was originally invented for him 2JP
*gam? 'jaw', see Indro. 9.2.7.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
651an' 6J-l > 2Jl! han gamB gam? 'jaw'
n'
I'
m'
a
f
g
h
v
r
jn
opq
s
u
652
ad
e
See Intro. 9.2.7. <> [E] TB *gam: Lepcha kam 'jaw' <> PMK *tga(a)m 'jaw'
2J[2 an l];:)m
B
'nod the head'
= 3S-3/652j i Ii

han gam gam ' hold in mouth'
= 3S-2/643a i!19. BTD Skt . -gama, -gamin
han gamC gams 'put in mouth'
= 38-4/67Ip <> ff] ONW yam <> [E] TB *gam > WT 'gam 'put into the mouth'
0;3 han gam gam
6J-2 now jln kjam kim bm OCB *k(r)j;:)m
ff] Sin Sukchu SR kim PR, LR kin; MGZY gim ( :ljl ) [kim]; ONW kim. BTD
ki;)-ja-kim-pa-Ia Skt. kesakambala <> [E] PTai *y;)m
A2
'gold' * S. ka:m
B
! 'bright, striking'
:l4- qIn, yIn khj;:)mB, !]jamB khim
B
, l]im
B
kham?,l]am?
ff] ? NTai dial. *kh_ or *k-: Po-ai kam
C
! < *k- ' cave', KS *ka:m! 'cave'
bank qin, qin, tshjam, tshim, tsham, * 38-3/652f
yIn !]jamB I]im B I];:)m? [E] TB *r-ka[:]m 'bank of river'
hill cen ! dzram
Ifn is only partially phonetic [rime] <> [n BTD Skt. sum
tIi jin gjam
C
gim
C
gams
lapel jin kjam kim k;:)m
string jin gjam
C
gim
C
ggms
qin khjgm khim kham
kan kham kham
qin, qian gj;:)m, gjlim 3 gim, giam ggm, gram?
qin gjam gim g;:)m
qin gjam gim ggm
yin !]jam l)im l]gm
chen thr;:)m
OC is uncertain; it could also be OCM rhgm or k-hr;)m.
(GSR 651 continues below)
JIn kjam kim k;:)m
=38-1S/6551
= 3S-11/65Sq W<
ff] ONW gim
= 38-ll /658g m
According to SW, *k;)m is phonetic <> [f] Sin Sukchu SR kim PR, LR kin; MGZY
gim (3jZ) [kim]; ONW kim
jln kjam
B
bm?
360
fk
I
9
j
h
651
xa'
y
yb'c'
d'
h'
i'
k'
38 oeM *-gm, *-im (GSR 643-674)
qfn
IfX xfn
0i shut jin
precipit. yin, qfn
if! an,
yIn
; yfn
yfn
[T] ONW ?im
yin
yan

!b'l8 an
yin
an
khjgm
xjgm
gjgm
B
I]jgm, khjgm

I]jgm
B
?jgm
?jgm
?jgm
C
?jiam
B
4

?jgm
B

khim khgm
him hgm
gim
B
ggm?
I)im, khim I)gm, khgm
Ipm
B

l)imB I)gm?
lim ?gm
lim ?gm
?imC ?gms
?iam
B
?em?
?gm
?imB ?gm?
I)gm
B

38-4 = K. 671 Mand.
xian
Me LHan oeM
ae
f


yam gEm
xian yam gEm
= 38-3/651
= 38-3/65 In' $I
OCB *?(r)jum
[E] MY *?i:m
A
'bitter'
= 38-8/654a
[T] ONW kam
[D] Min: Xiam kiam
A2
/ ham
A2
'salted, salty' <> [E] TB *r-gyum > Kiranti *rum 'salt' ;
Kachin d3um
31
'salt' Jum
33
'be salted'
9
kamB, yamB kEmB [T] ONW kam
jHin kam kErn
k

jHin, kam kErn
yan ?limB ?em
B

gan kgm
B

[T] Sin Sukchu SR kam <-1::.), PR kan; MGZY gam (.1.) [kam]; ONW kam
p
m
no
ggm
C

= 38-3/6511' <> [T] ONW yam

kan
B, khgm B,
hgm
C
zhen tsjgm tsim < kim
[T] ONW tsim <> [D] PMin *tsim - *tsem
[E] OC -> Viet. kim 'needle', -> Tai: Saek kimA

h;\ms
kim
38-5 = K. 672 Mand. Me LHan oeM
acd xian yam
C
gEm
C

[T] Sin Sukchu SR yjam ( 1jZ), PR yjan, LR yjen; MGZY Hyam (1jZ) [yjam]; ONW yam
[E] ST *grgm: WB gyamS < gramB 'a trap'
9 han ggm
B

ef :!:@@X kan khgm
B
= 36-4/624d:tjz
tan (!) dgm
B

j dan dgm
B

k O@ dan dgm
B
/
C

mn ImJl yan jiam jam, warn? lam
[T] MHan Vim(a)
o m bright yan jiam
C
jam
C
(a late word)
361
38 oeM *-;:)m, *-im 15t-gG (GSR 643-674)
11 boil XIan zjam zlam s-lam
= see 36-14/617 fiRm
11 sacr. xfn zj;:)m zim
38-28/660k <>[T] ONW zim
lp
","b=fl.'l
pSpltll chan rham? or k-hram? ?
38-6 = K. 674 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a xiong jUl) wim < w;:)m w;:)m
[T] Sin Sukchu SR yjuI] (:SP:); MGZY Hyung (:SP:) [yjUI]]; ONW yu;:)m?? > yUI] (7) > hUI], BTD
Skt . -hm- <> [0] Min: Amoy himA2, Fu'an hem
A2
, Ybng'an ham
A2
'bear' <> [E] TB *d-wam
38-7 = K. 653 Mand. Me LUan oeM
ac yin ?j;:)m lim ?;:)m
1- OCB *?(r)j;:)m; '!'if OCB *?jim
d dumb yin, an ?j;:)m, lim, ?;:)m ?;:)m,
pent up yin ?j;:)m
c
?imC ?;:)ms
[E] ST *?um: TB *um 'hold in the mouth'
ef m (r yin ?j;:)m lim ?;:)m
h Bf:f an ?;:)m
c

[T] Sin Sukchu SR lam ("*); PR ?an; MGZY 'am ("*) [lam], ONW ?amC
I'm an ?;:)m
B
/
C
?;:)ms
B an ?;:)m
B
[T] ONW lam
WZ xin xj;:)m him h;:)m
38-8 = K. 654 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a j.x drink yin ?j;:)m
B
limB ?;:)m? = 38-3/65Ji'
[0] PMin *;:)m
B1
'rice water'
j.x give dr. yin ?j;:)m
c
?imC ?;:)ms OCB *?(r)jum(?)s
38-9 = K. 644 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a

an ! l);:)m
c

38-10 = K. 673 Mand. Me LUan oeM
=
yan l)am, I]j;:)m l)Em, l)im l);:)m a
!f!i
=
yan I]am
f'tJ
I)Em
38-10A if A yfn
I]j;:)m
l)im - SW3659
38-11 = K. 658 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a

shen ij;:)m
B
/
C
diim
B
/
C
d;:)m?, d;:)ms OCB *Gjum?
[T] Sin Sukchu SR (1:* ), LR (1:); MGZY zhim (1:) ONW dzim
[E) ? ST: TB *tyam - *dyam 'full', KN-Tiddim dim 'be full'
be ;titWl chen ij;:)m diim d;:)m
e
tit
zhen tj;:)m
c
tr;:)ms
#
shen dij;:)m
B
, ijem
B
(d)iim
B
d;:)m?
h
i4
zhen tsj;:)m tsim t;:)m [T] ONW tsim
f
m
zhen tj;:)m

tr;:)m
362
38 oeM *-im (GSR 643-674)
m deep zhiln 'deep, soak'
[E] PYao *rjem 'to water, soak'
sunk in dan tgm
soak jian tsjam tsiam tsem Of tsam
n lim tan th;}mB, dgm?
[E] MK-Khmer 1 -daml 'be dark' , dal!l 1 -tuml 'be ripe, dark'
9 Jijt chen thj;}m B thim B thf;}m = 38-3/651 u
OC is uncertain; it could also be OCM rh;}m or k-hr;}m.
o *l san s;}m
B
sgm?
= 38-29/647f [f] ONW sam
j dan t;}m
p 1! kan kh;}m kMm OCB *khum
[f] Sin Sukchu SR k'am PR k'an; MGZY kham [k'am] <> [D] Xiam kham
A1
[E] ST *k;}m: WB khatn
A
'receive, endure' ;}_kham
B
'suitable appendage', JP k
h
am
31
'endure'
r kan, kh;}m,
q
qian, khiim, khem, krgm,
an
kan
[D] Xiam kham
A1
'to suppress (a rebellion), <> [E] ST *kum: Lushai khum
F
'upon, on top of,
inside, against, over ... ', vb. 'to put on, wear' khuum
F
vb. 'to surpass, excel, beat, over,
beyond'; WT'gum-pa, bkum 'to kill' 'gum-pa, gum, *Ngums 'to die'
m kan, kiln kh;}m
c
khgms [D] Amoy kham
C


kiln
kan

khgm?
[E] WT skom 'thirst', skom-pa 'to thirst', skarn-po 'dry', skem-pa. bskams ... 'to make dry'
kan h;}m
B
hgm?
[E] TB: WT ham-pa 'avarice, covetousness, greed'
38-12 = K. 659 Mand. Me LHan OCM
a chen or rh;}ms
The OC rime could be *-;}m or *-im.
38-13 = K. 665 Mand. Me
a :m: shen sj;}m
B
b 1t chen tshj;}m
B
LHan
simB
tshim
B
Mand. Me 38-14 = K. 656 LHan oeM
a 7c yfn jim
b tt sink chen <;lj;}m <;lim < f-l;}m
= 38-14/656b tt
[f] Sin Sukchu SR PR, LR MGZY chim en ONW dim
sacrif. chen, zhen<;lj;}m(C) <;lim(C) dwm, df;}mS < r-l;}m, r-l;}ms
juice chen tshj;}m
B
tshim
B
k-hl;}m? = 38-13/665b 11iI'
a state shen sj;}m
B
simB lh;}m?
ef m:m zhen <;limc dr;}ms < r-i;}ms
[E] AA-Khmer ralal!llrlQ;}ml 'be soaked, drenched, drowned'
h til: chen, shen zj;}m dzim d;}m
9 1/t zhen tsj;}m
B
/
C
tsim
B
< kim
B
kim? OCB *Kjum?
[fl ONW tsim <> [E] ST *kum - *kim: TB *Nkum > JP k
h
um
55
'headrest, pillow'
363
Jtt dan
= 38-1116581 m
tt dan
38 oeM *-;;lm, *-im (GSR 643-674)

[f] ONW tam

[E] Tai: PTai *t-: S. tarnAl 'to pound', esp. in a mortar
j tt dan t;;lm(B)
k tt dan t;;lm
B

n!t dan t;;lm
B

o m1 tan th;;lm
B

m dan d;;lm
B

38-15 = K. 657 The OC rime in this series could be *-;;lm and / or *-im.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
ab- yin ji;;lm jim l;;lm
r [f] Sin Sukchu SR im (1jZ), PR, LR in; MGZY yim (1jZ) [jim]
38-16 = K. 646 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a m spread tan

d;;lm
m sharp yan jiam
B
jamB
lem?
j
if
dian diemB dem
B
lem? Of lfm?
I dian diemB dem
B
lem?
b
l'
tan
d;;lm
=see 36-14
OCB *Iim?
[E] KS *thlam I (but many KS Igs. have initial d) < AN, cf. Malay kolam 'pond, well, pool'
c

tan
d;;lm
[E] TB: WT gtam < *g-Iham 'talk, discourse', Mikir -l1im 'word, speech, language', Lushai
lam
R
< lam? 'say, pronounce, ask for'
d
1:!
xian, zjam, ziam s-lem? = see 36-14 :!!ill
qian, tan dzjam,
e

tan,
d;;lm,
yin, xin ji;;lm, zj;;lm jim, zim l;;lm, s-l;;lm
f9 U!iII'l dan d;;lm
B

h :rt
tan
th;;lm


' , I
ym, xun . ji;;lm, zj;;lm jim, zim l;;lm, s-l;;lm
38-17 = K. 662 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a warm xin zj;;lm zim s-l;;lm
= 38-5/6720:!!ill; [f] ONW zim <> [E] TB *lum
A
'warm'
meas. xun zj;;lm zim s-l;;lm 'a measure'
[f] Sin Sukchu SR zim (Sf), PR, LR zin; MGZY zim (1jZ) [zim]; ONW zim
[E] TB: Lush hlam
H
< hlam 'measure with arms extended', WT 'dom 'fathom'
38-18 = K. 655 Mand. Me LHan oeM
a ** lin lj;;lm lim f;;lm OCB *C-rj;;lm
[f] Sin Sukchu SR lim (1jZ), PR, LR lin; MGZY lim (1jZ) [lim]; ONW lim <> [D] PMin *Iam
[E] TB-NNaga *C-ram 'forest, jungle', Lushai ram
H
'forest, jungle, country, land'
efu lin lj;;lm lim f;;lm
i1* [f] Sin Sukchu SR lim (1jZ), PR, LR lin; MGZY lim (:5JL) [lim]
[D] Min: Amoy lam
A2
'long rain'
0-1* Ian [D] Min: Amoy lit. lam
A2
'to drink'
364
38 oeM *-;}m, *-im (GSR 643-674)
ij hin lam
chen rh;}m SW 5823
k jin kj;}m
c
kim
c
kmms [f] ONW kim
[E] TB *krim > WT khrims 'rule, right, law' * 'khrims 'fear, terror, awe'. MC kjgm
C
can also
derive from OCM *bms or *krims (not *kims).
m jin kj;}m kim
m jin gj;}mBjC gim
B
/
C
* 38-3/6511'
38-19 = K. 668 The OC rime in this series could be *-;}m and j or *-im.
Mand. MC LHan oeM
ab m brat. lIn Ij;}m
B
limB r;}mt 'rations'
m receive bIng pj;}m
B
pimB pr;}mt
[f] Sin Sukchu SR pin (1::.); MGZY bim (1::.) [pim]
[E] WT 'brim-pa 'to distribute, hand out, deal out'
c
IlW
lIn Ij;}m
B
limB r;}mt
d
'I'
lIn Ij;}m
B
limB r;}mt
38-20 = K. 669 The OC rime in this series could be *-;}m and j or *-im.
Mand. Me LHan OCM
a db pIn phj;}mB phim
B
phr;}mt
[f] Sin Sukchu SR p'in (1::.); MGZY phim (1::.) [p'im]. MHan lim-fie Skt. Lumbini
[E] ? TB: WT rim-pa 'series, succession, order, method'
e gm; oversee lin Ij;}m lim r;}m OCB *b-rjum
gm; wail lin Ij;}m
c
limc r;}ms
[E] TB: Lushai rim
R
< rim? 'to court, inspect / make enquiries about (a girl)', WT rim-(')gro
'honor, homage, offerings'
38-21 = K. 645 Contra SW, 5;- *bm is not a phonetic, see Introd.
Mand. MC LHan OCM
a ffit tan th;}m rh:}m * 38-18/655j ''*
See Intro. 9.2.7. [f] Sin Sukchu SR t'am (:>jZ), PR t'an; MGZY tham (:>jZ) [t'am]; ONW thorn
b trm th;}m
B
rh:}mt
38-22 = K. 649

a
Mand. Me LHan oeM
min n;}m
[E] Area word: TB-PKiranti *nam 'man'; PTai *hn-: S. num
Bl
'young man, young'; etc.
38-23 = K. 650 Mand.
ren
LHan
nimB
oeM
n;}mt
a
-=F
!IT
SW (931)
min n;}m n:}m
[f] Sin Sukchu SR nam (3JT.); PR, LR nan; MGZY nam (:>jZ) [nam]; ONW nom. The graph, a
drawing of some kind of building (?), was perhaps intended for an obsolete AA-OC word for
'house': cf. Laven hng:m 'house'.
3m nan n;}m
B
n:}mt
38-24 = K. 670 Contra SW 4661,5;- *k;}m is not a phonetic, see Introd. 9.2.7.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
a nian niem
c
nem
c
nlms OCB *nims
See Intro. 9.2.7. [f] Sin Sukchu SR njem <-$;); MGZY nem t*) [m:m]; ONW nem
365
38 OCM *-gm, *-im (GSR 643-674)
[E] WT names) 'soul, mind, thought' snam-pa 'to think, mind'
de ren nzjgm
B
nimB nim?
[E] AA: PMonie *enaam 'year' , Mon hnam, Khmer enam, PVM *e-n-<lm 'year'
fg shen sjgm
B
simB nhim? OCB *hnjim?
me niep nep nip
[E) L8: *nip -?nip -?njit 'to squeeze, press'
h nie niep nep nip
[E] TB: WT snobs = snoms-pa, bsnoms 'make equal with ground, destroy'
38-25 = K. 667 The OC rime in this series could be *-gm and/or *-im.
a
Mand.
ren
LHan
nim
oeM
f 1f: earry ren nzjgm nim ngm
burden ren nzjgm
C
nim
c
ngms
ik ren nzjgm
C
nim
c
ngms
[f) Sin Sukehu SR rim (:t:), PR, LR rin; MGZY Zhim (:t:) [rim)
[E] WT snom-pa, bsnams ' to take, seize, hold, put on'

' , '
ren ., nm nzjgm, I)jgm nim, I)im ngm, nrgm
[E] AN anem, IN anam 'plait'
m
Mf
ren nzjgm
C
nim
c
ngms
no
tEtif
ren nzjgm
B
/
C
nimB/c ngm?, ngms
p

ren nzjgm
B
nimB ngm?
q
1
JD'
ren
nzjgmB nimB ngm?
r
1
ren, ren nzjgm
B
nimB ngm?
[E] WB nam 'leguminous plant'

lin ! nzjgm
C
nim
c
ngms
= 38-24/670e Jt&:
38-26 = K. 666 The initial consonant in this series is very uncertain; it could be n or I or
something more complex.
ab
c
e
f
Mand. Me LHan oeM
shen sj;;,m
A
sim, tshim nh;;,m
i* deep shen sjgm
A
sim, tshim nh;;,m
[f] ONW sim; BTD sim SkI. sIma <> [D] PMin *tshim, CYue *sim
depth shen sjgm
C
sim
c
nhgms
chen nhrgm
[f] Sin Sukehu SR (.!jZ), PR, LR MGZY ehim (!JL)
[E] Tai: S. ta-nim 'jewel'
tan thgm nh;')m
38-27 = K. 661 The OC rime in this series could be *-;;,m and/or *-im.
Mand. Me LHan oeM
ac qin tshjgm tshim tsh;}m < k-sgm
'deep'
OCB *hlj;}m
[f] Sin Sukehu SR ts'im (!JL), PR, LR ts'in; MGZY tshim (!JL) [ts'im]; ONW tshim
e qin tshj;;,m tshim tsh;;,m OCB *tshjgm
[E] ? TB: JP li
31
-tsam
31
'string', WT 'tshem-pa 'to sew'
also jin, tsj;;,m, tsim, ts;}m,
xian sjam siam sem or sam
366
38 oeM *-dm, *-im COSR 643-674)
f mt gIn tshjdm
B
tshim
B
tshdm? < k-Sdm? / k-sim?
OCB *tshjim <> [E] TB: WT gzim-pa 'fall asleep, sleep'
k gIn, tshjdm
B
, tshim
B
, tshdm?,
gian ts(h)jam ts(h)iam ts(h)em or ts(h)am
gin, chen tshjdm, tshim, tshdm,
tshrdm
n

jln tsjdm(C) tsim(C) tSdm, tSdms
mo

jin tsjdm
C
tsim
C
tSdms
[E] TB: WB cim 'steep, soak' <> Tai: cim
3
'to dip into, immerse'
38-28 = K. 660
a R
ce
Mand.
jln
can
MC
tsjdm

OCM
tSdm
tshgm?
OCB *tsrjim
OCB *tsjims
f 01 in mou. can tshdm
B
tshgm? < s?gm?? ONW tsham
o 01 suck za tSdP tSgp
[E] TB *dzo:p 'suck, milk'
9 pin zan, zhen tSdm, tsrdm
[E] Area word: AN-PCham *juriim, IN dayum 'needle'; AA-PNBahn. jariim, PSBahn. prum,
Srejurum

quick zhen tsrdm
h

pin zan tSdm tsgm
=g rJ
m
zen tsrdms
II
can dZdm dzgm
[f] Sin Sukchu SR dzam (:>jL), PR dzan; MGZY tsam (:>jL) [dzam]

jian tsiem
C
tsem
C
tsems
m
11
jian tsjam tsiam tsem
n Mwade glan dzjam dziam dzem
M to hide jian dzjam(C) dziam(C) dzem, dzems
k
=
xfn zjdm, dzjam zim, dziam s-Idm, dzem
= see 38-5/6720 [f] ONW zim
38-29 = K. 647 Mand. MC LHan OCM
a three can tshdm tshgm < *k-sgm
[f] Sin Sukchu SR ts'am (:>jL), PR ts'an; MGZY tsham (:>jL) [ts'am]
[E] TB *g-sum > WT gsum 'three', PL *C-sum
2
, WB sumB; Garo githam, Digaro bsaI)
stars shen srdm OCB *srjum
uneven cen tshrdm
c can tshdm tshgm < *k-sgm OCB *srum
e can tshdm
B
tshgm?
loan for 16-30/ \1341 cao
f srm = 38-11/6580 m
[f] ONW sam <> [E] ? TB: WT rtsam-pa < *r-tsam or *r-sam ? ' roast flour'
shen, srdm,
chen tshrdm < k-srdm
h grasp shan srgm?
tender shan srgm
367
38 oeM *-gm, *-im (GSR 643-674)
38-30 = K. 648 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a =: three san sam sam, sgm sgm OCB *sum
[f] Sin Sukchu SR sam ( lfL), PR san; MGZY sam (:r-) [sam] ; ONW sam; BTD Skt sam[adhi]
[E] TB *sum
..:::: thrice
38-31 = K. 663 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a Ie" xln sjgm sim sgm R! OCB *sj;}m
[f] Sin Sukchu SR sim (1jZ), PR, LR sin; MGZY sim ( :r-) [sim]; ONW sim
[E] TB *sam: Bahing sam 'breath, life'; Limbu sam ' soul', WT sem(s) ' soul , spirit , mind'
gin tshjgm
C
tshim
C
tshgms < k-sgms
38-32 = K. 664 Mand. Me LUan oeM
a sen srgm
[f] Sin Sukchu SR (1jZ); MGZY shhim (:r-) ONW BTS
[N]38-18/655a ** Ifn may be partially phonetic
368
GSR= GSC
I 18-1
2 18-5
3 18-8
4 18-9
5 18-13
6 18-10
7 19-1
8 19-7
9 19-11
10 19-14
Iia 19-16
lib 19-9
12 19-21
13 19-22
14 19-18
15 18-4
16 18-15
17 18-18
18 19-4
19 19-8
20 19-13
21 18-6
22 18-7
23 18-11
24 18-14
25 18-16
26 18-17
27 19-6
28 19-5
29 19-12
30 19-15
31 19-17
32 1-11
33 1-12
34 1-13
35 1-14
36 1-15
37 1-34
38 1-16
39 1-68
40 1-73
41 1-21
42 1-22
GSR NUMBER = GSC NUMBER
43 1-23
44 1-27
45 1-38
46 I-57
47 1-47
48 1-48
49 I-I
50 1-2
51 1-3
52 1-4
53 1-6
54 1-7
55 1-17
56 1-5
57 1-18
58 1-29
59 1-35
60 1-30
61 1-28
62 1-36
63 1-46
64 1-37
65 I-58
66 I-59
67 1-31
68 1-61
69 I-51
70 I-52
71 I-53
72 1-64
73 1-65
74 1-10
75 1-45
76 I-54
77 I-55
78 1-18
79 1-31
80 1-33
81 1-32
82 1-42
83 1-43
830 1-44
84 1-39
85 1-18
86 1-41
87 1-60
88 1-62
89 1-45
90 1-62
91 1-63
1-6
92 1-49
93 I-50
94 I-56
95 1-19
96 2-7
97 1-23
98 1-24
99 1-25
100 1-26
101 1-66
102 1-67
103 1-69
104 1-71
105 1-72
106 1-70
107 4-64
108 10-1
109 10-2
110 10-3
III 10-4
112 10-5
113 10-6
114 10-7
115 10-8
116 10-13
117 10-12
118 10-16
119 10-33
120 10-27
121 10-9
122 10-10
123 10-29
124 10-11
125 10-23
126 10-24
127 10-22
128 10-18
129 10-19
130 10-21
131 10-35
369
132 10-36
133 10-30
134 10-31
135 10-32
136 10-39
137 10-40
138 4-64
139 24-1
140 24-2
141 24-3
142 24-4
143 24-5
144 24-10
145 24-15
146 24-11
147 24-21
148 24-23
149 24-22
150 24-20
151 24-24
152 24-35
153 24-39
154 24-40
155 24-41
156 24-44
157 25-1
158 25-2
159 25-3
160 25-4
161 25-5
162 25-6
163 25-16
164 25-12
165 25-7
166 25-8
167 23-12
25-13
168 25-24
169 10-16
170 25-22
171 25-28
172 25-23
173 25-42
174 25-43
175 25-44
176 25-36
177 25-37
178 25-31
179 25-32
180 25-33
181 24-47
182 24-48
183 24-57
184 24-9
185 23-7
186 24-15
187 25-9
188 25-10
189 25-34
190 24-53
191 23-5
192 23-6
193 24-45
194 24-46
195 24-54
196 23-4
197 24-29
198 24-7
199 24-19
200 24-14
201 24-26
202 24-27
203 24-30
204 24-28
205 24-25
206 24-42
207 24-31
208 24-43
209 23-21
210 23-23
211 23-22
212 24-38
213 24-32
214 24-33
215 24-34
216 24-37
217 24-36
218 23-24
219 23-28
220 24-55
221 23-25
222 24-58
223 23-31
224 23-26
225 23-29
226 25-11
227 23-10
228 23-17
229 25-29
230 25-30
231 25-25
232 25-26
233 25-27
234 25-38
235 25-39
236 23-14
237 25-40
238 25-35
239 23-3
240 23-1
241 23-2
242 23-16
243 23-15
244 23-18
245 23-20
246 23-27
247 23-32
248 23-9
249 24-8
250 24-18
251 24-16
252 24-17
253 24-12
254 24-13
255 25-14
256a 25-15
256h 23-11
257 25-19
258 25-20
259 25-21
260 25-17
261 25-18
262 24-49
263 24-50
264 24-51
265 24-52
266 24-56
267 21-26
268 21-8
269 21-9
270 1-28
271 21-14
272 21-24
273 22-7
274 22-9
275 21-30
276 21-31
277 21-37
278 29-2
279 20-1
280 20-4
281 20-14
282 21-3
283 21-4
284 21-5
285 20-7
286 21-20
287 21-19
288 20-10
289 21-11
290 20-8
291 21-25
292 20-15
293 21-38
294 20-19
295 22-10
296 22-16
297 22-18
298 22-19
299 22-14
300 24-1
301 22-2
302 22-1
303 22-5
304 22-4
305 22-6
306 22-8
307 21-33
308 21-34
309 20-11
310 20-12
311 20-18
312 20-3
313 21-1
314 21-2
315 21-15
316 21-13
317 21-12
318 21-27
GSR NUMBER = GSC NUMBER
319 21-29
320 21-35
321 22-3
322 22-8
323 10-21
324 22-13
325 10-35
326 21-26
327 20-2
328 20-17
329 21-6
330 20-13
331 20-6
332 21-7
333 21-22
334 21-18
335 21-17
336 21-16
337 21-28
338 21-21
339 21-23
340 21-26
341 20-16
342 28-5
343 22-11
344 22-12
345 22-17
346 22-5
347 21-10
348 21-36
349 18-2
350 18-12
351 19-2
352 19-3
353 27-12
354 19-19
355 19-23
356 18-19
357 19-10
358 7-25
359 7-20
360 7-31
361 32-15
362 32-19
363 9-13
364 32-28
365 32-28
366 32-5
367 32-12
370
368 32-1
369 32-3
370 32-9
371 32-20
372 32-21
373 32-18
374 33-17
375 32-16
376 32-17
377 32-1
378 32-29
379 32-30
380 32-31
381 32-32
382 32-33
383 32-35
384 32-36
385 32-22
386 32-23
387 32-26
388 32-28
389 32-38
390 32-39
391 32-7
392 32-8
393 29-1
394 29-12
395 29-13
396 29-19
397 29-21
398 29-18
399 29-30
400 29-31
401 29-32
402 29-17
403 29-23
404 29-26
405 29-41
406 29-44
407 29-42
408 29-38
409 29-6
410 29-7
411 29-36
412 29-37
413 29-15
414 29-27
415 29-16
416 33-1
417 34-1
418 34-2
419 34-3
420 34-9
421 34-5
422 34-6
423 34-7
424 34-8
425 34-10
426 34-16
427 34-17
428 34-22
429 33-12
430 34-26
431 34-27
432 33-22
433 34-30
434 34-28
435 23-9
436 34-29
437 33-29
438 33-28
439 33-26
440 33-27
441 33-35
442 18-18
443 33-2
444 33-4
445 33-3
446 33-7
447 33-8
448 33-9
449 33-10
450 33-19
451 33-18
452 33-16
453 33-15
454 33-24
455 33-13
456 33-20
457 32-40
458 34-13
459 34-12
460 34-14
461 34-15
462 34-20
463 34-19
464 34-18
465 34-21
466 34-32
467 34-31
468 34-23
469 32-24
470 34-24
471 33-30
472 33-32
473 33-33
474 33-34
475 33-36
476 33-11
477 33-23
478 33-25
479 32-4
480 33-5
481 34-4
482 33-6
483 32-10
484 32-37
485 34-11
486 31-1
487 31-10
488 31-11
489 31-12
490 31-20
491 30-13
492 30-18
493 30-10
494 29-29
495 31-8
496 31-16
497 31-17
498 31-23
499 31-24
500 30-14
501 30-16
502 31-18
503 30-19
30-20
504 30-5
505 30-7
506 29-35
507 29-11
508 30-6
509 30-11
510a 31-3
510b 29-4
511 31-14
512 31-15
513 28-20
514 30-12
515 30-2
516 30-9
517 30-1
518 29-34
519 26-24
520 37-15
521 29-39
522 30-22
523 31-5
524 31-6
525 31-9
526 29-9
527 29-10
528 31-21
529 31-19
530 30-17
531 30-21
532 29-25
533 29-8
534 31-4
535 29-3
536 30-3
537 30-8
538 29-5
539 31-7
540 31-2
541 27-1
542 28-4
543 28-12
544 28-13
545 28-16
546 27-13
547 27-4
548 27-2
549 27-6
550 27-5
551 26-17
552 26-6
553 26-7
554 26-28
555 26-29
556 26-21
557 26-34
558 26-35
559 26-36
560 26-19
561 26-20
GSR NUMBER = GSC NUMBER
562 26-22
563 26-25
564 29-28
565 26-37
566 26-38
567 27-14
568 27-16
569 28-1
570 28-2
571 28-5
572 29-19
573 28-9
574 28-10
575 28-11
576 28-14
577 28-15
578 28-17
579 27-8
580 27-9
581 27-10
582 27-11
583 27-17
584 27-18
585 27-15
586 26-1
587 26-2
588 26-4
589 26-12
590 26-14
591 26-15
592 26-26
593 26-27
594 26-31
595 26-16
26-32
596 26-16
26-33
597 26-23
598 26-39
599 26-9
600 28-6
60 I 28-11
602 26-8
603 27-3
604 26-13
605 26-10
606 36-1
607 36-2
608 36-3
371
609 36-5
610 36-25
611 36-22
612 36-23
613 36-6
614 36-8
615 369
616 36-10
617 36-14
618 36-12
619 36-11
620 36-21
621 36-16
622 36-18
623 36-19
624 364
625 36-26
626 36-27
627 36-7
628 35-7
629 35-2
630 35-3
631 35-17
632 35-9
633 35-10
634 35-6
635 35-15
636 35-16
637 35-12
638 35-13
639 35-4
640 35-5
641 35-20
642 35-1
642a-g 1-8
642k1 35-21
643 38-2
644 38-9
645 38-21
646 38-16
647 38-29
13-63
648 38-30
649 3822
650 38-23
651 38-3
652 38-3
653 38-7
654 38-8
655 38-18
656 38-14
657 38-15
658 38-11
659 38-12
660 38-28
661 38-27
662 38-17
663 38-31
664 38-32
665 38-13
666 38-26
667 38-25
668 38-19
669 38-20
670 38-24
671 38-4
672 38-5
673 38-10
674 38-6
675 37-1
676 37-6
677 37-9
678 37-10
679 37-18
680 37-21
681 37-2
682 374
683 37-5
684 37-7
685 37-8
686 37-3
687 37-1
688 37-19
689 37-11
690 37-12
691 37-20
692 37-13
693 37-14
694 37-15
695 37-16
696 37-17
697 3-2
698 3-1
699 3-29
700 3-12
701 3-30
702 3-47
703 3-48
704 3-53
705 3-54
706 3-22
707 3-23
708 3-24
709 3-64
710 3-3
711 3-5
712 3-6
713 3-4
714 3-16
715 3-18
716 3-17
717 3-19
718 3-20
719 3-37
720 3-38
721 3-35
722 3-36
723 3-31
724 3-34
725 3-32
726 3-33
727 3-49
727m 3-50
727r 3-51
728 3-41
729 3-52
730 3-42
731 3-55
732 3-39
733 3-56
734 3-40
735 3-43
736 3-44
737 3-45
738 3-46
739 3-26
740 3-57
741 3-58
742 3-65
743 3-66
744 3-67
745 3-11
746 3-12
747 3-13
748 3-14
749 3-15
750 3-59
751 3-60
752 3-7
753 3-8
754 3-9
755 3-10
756 3-21
757 3-61
758 3-62
759 3-63
760 3-68
761 3-69
762 9-32
763 3-25
764 3-27
765 3-28
766 2-1
767 2-9
768 2-15
769 2-34
770 2-33
771 1-67
772 2-39
773 2-36
774 2-6
775 2-12
776 2-2
777 2-30
778 2-7
779 2-10
780 2-22
781 2-37
782 2-38
783 2-7A
784 2-8
785 2-3
786 2-4
787 2-5
788 2-14
789 2-11
790 2-25
791 2-19
792 2-23
793 2-24
794 2-20
795 2-17
796 2-28
797 2-29
798 2-32
799 2-35
GSR NUMBER = GSC NUMBER
800 2-27
801 2-16
802 2-40
803 1-9
804 2-18
805 2-13
806 2-31
807 2-26
808 9-4
809 9-6
810 9-5
811 9-23
812 9-25
813 9-3
814 9-10
815 9-15
816 9-16
817 9-27
818 9-14
819 9-22
820 9-21
821 9-24
822 9-2
823 9-19
824 9-29
825 9-26
826 9-31
827 9-33
828 9-7
829 23-11
830 32-8
831 9-1
832 9-2
833 9-11
834 9-12
835 9-17
836 9-18
837 9-20
838 26-26
839 9-27
840 9-28
841 9-30
842 9-8
843 9-9
844 8-4
845 8-15
846 8-16
847 8-9
848 8-24
372
849 8-5
850 8-12
851 8-8
852 8-17
853 8-19
854 8-1
855 8-2
856 8-10
857 8-18
858 8-13
859 8-21
860 8-6
861 7-7
862 7-4
863 7-13
864 7-3
865 7-5
866 7-14
867 7-6
868 8-14
869 7-26
870 7-27
871 7-28
872 7-24
873 7-11
874 7-29
875 7-10
876 7-1
877 7-12
878 7-21
879 7-8
880 7-9
881 6-1
882 6-2
883 6-9
884 6-19
885 6-18
886 6-20
887 6-5
888 6-3
889 6-6
890 6-8
891 6-11
892 6-24
893 6-13
894 6-12
895 6-15
896 6-10
897 6-16
898 6-17
899 6-21
900 6-22
901 6-4
902 6-23
903 5-1
904 5-38
905 5-11
906 5-24
907 5-23
908 5-28
909 5-32
910 5-4
911 5-5
912 5-18
913 5-20
914 5-8
915 5-9
916 5-14
917 5-15
918 5-16
919 5-12
920 5-13
921 5-19
922 5-25
923 5-26,
29-30
924 5-27
925 5-29
926 5-30
927 5-31
928 5-21
929 5-6
930 5-7
931 5-2
932 5-22
933 5-33
934 5-35
935 5-36
936 4-1
937 4-2
938 4-30
939 4-25
940 4-42
941 4-43
942 4-44
943 4-45
944 5-22
945 4-38
945j 6-14
946 4-39
947
948
949
950
951
952
953
954
955
956
957
958
959
960
4-64
4-65
4-66
4-20
4-56
4-4
4-5
5-17
4-21
4-23
5-10
4-22
4-40
4-34
961 4-26
9611 4-29
962 4-27
4-28
4-47
4-48
4-49
4-32
4-33
4-50
4-51
4-52
4-53
4-54
4-55
4-52
4-30
4-31
4-35
4-36
4-37
4-40
4-41
963
964
965
966
967
968
969
970
971
972
973
974
975
976
977
978
979
980
981
982
983
984
985
986
987
988
989
990
991
4-57
5-34
4-6
4-7
4-8
4-9
4-10
4-3
4-11
992 4-12
993
994
995
996
997
998
999
4-13
4-14
4-17
4-18
4-19
4-24
4-61
1000 4-62
1001 4-63
1002 15-3
1003 15-13
1004 15-12
1005
1006
1007
1008
15-9
15-1
15-6
15-8
1009 15-7
27-20
1010 15-4
lOll 15-5
1012 15-11
1013 15-10
1014 15-14
1015 15-2
1016 14-5
1017 14-2
1018 14-15
1019 14-8
1020 14-11
1021 14-12
1022 14-13
1023 14-14
1024 14-10
1025 14-6
1026
1027
1028
1029
1030
14-7
14-19
14-22
14-20
14-21
1031 14-18
1032 14-16
1033 14-17
1034 14-23
1035 14-25
1036 14-24
1037 5-39
1038 14-3
1039 14-1
1040 13-1
GSR NUMBER = GSC NUMBER
1041 13-3
1041p 16-8
1042 13-4
1043
1044
1045
1046
1047
1048
1049
1050
1051
1052
1053
1054
1055
1056
1057
1058
1059
1060
1061
1062
13-5
13-9
14-4
13-28
13-29
13-38
13-51
13-53
13-54
13-52
13-55
13-56
13-43
13-44
13-64
13-65
13-66
13-67
13-68
13-74
1062a 5-37
1063 13-75
1064 13-8
1065
1066
1067
1068
1069
1070
1070m
1071
1072
1073
1074
1075
1076
1077
1078
1079
1080
1081
1082
1083
1084
1085
1086
13-6
4-15
4-16
13-7
13-45
13-11
13-7A
13-14
13-15
13-23
13-24
14-9
13-50
13-32
13-27
13-30
13-33
13-34
13-31
13-26
13-19
13-19
13-20
373
1087
1088
1089
1090
1091
1092
1093
1094
1095
1096
1097
1098
1099
1100
1101
1102
1103
1104
1105
1106
1107
1108
1109
1110
Illl
1112
1113
1114
1115
1116
1117
1118
1119
1120
1121
1122
1123
1124
1125
1126
1127
1128
1129
1130
1131
1132
1133
1134
13-61
13-20A
13-12
13-13
13-22
13-21
13-57
13-58
13-35
13-39
13-36
10-37
13-62
13-40
13-41
13-42
13-38
13-8
13-46
13-48
13-71
13-69
13-70
13-76
13-77
13-59
13-60
13-72
13-47
13-16
13-25
\7-1
17-2
17-6
17-5
17-12
17-13
17-9
17-7
17-8
17-4
17-15
\7-11
16-1
16-13
16-15
16-15
16-16
16-30
1135
1136
1137
1138
1139
1140
1141
1142
1143
1144
1145
1146
1147
1148
1149a
114ge
II 50
1151
1152
1153
1154
1154a
1155
1156
1157
1158
1159
1160
1161
1162
1163
1164
1165
1166
1167
1168
1169
1170
1171
1172
1173
1174
1175
1176
1177
1178
1179
1180
1181
16-23
17-14
16-41
16-3
13-8
16-12
16-10
16-11
16-17
16-21
16-20
16-18
16-19
16-31
16-33
16-22
16-34
16-24
16-27
16-35
13-71
36-24
16-37
16-38
16-39
16-44
16-43
16-17
16-45
16-4
16-5
16-14
17-3
16-6
16-7
16-9
16-32
16-40
16-42
12-1
12-13
12-2
12-6
12-9
12-20
12-21
12-23
12-14
12-27
GSR NUMBER = GSC NUMBER
1182 12-3 1215 11-10 12375 28-3 1243c 10-26 1251q 4-64
1183 12-5 1216 11-9 1237u 28-11 1244ab 16-2 1252a 32-1
1184 12-4 1217 11-7 1237v 28-18 1244c 13-2 1252b 32-7
1185 12-10 1218 11-13 1237x 28-19 1244d 13-10 1252d 6-24
1186 12-IOA 1219 11-19 1237y 4-60 1244e 34-16 1253 15-15
1187 12-11 1220 11-14 1237a' 4-58 1244f 16-28 1254a 35-4
1188 12-8 1221 11-20 1238a 18-3 1244g 16-28A 1254b 35-18
1189 12-7 1222 11-21 1238b 7-16 I 244h 13-18 37-2
1190 12-13 1223 11-17 1238d 7-15 I 244ij 16-29 1255a 35-11
1191 12-22 1224 11-12 1238e 7-18 1244k 17-16 1255c 35-19
1192 12-12 1225 11-2 1238f 7-19 1245ab 13-17 1255e 35-14
1193 12-15 1226 11-3 1238jk 19-20 1245cd 16-26 1256a 20-5
1194 12-16 1227 11-8 1239a 28-8 1246a 10-14 1256bc 20-9
1195 12-17 1228 11-15 1240a 4-30 1246b 10-28 1256de 29-21
1196 12-18 1229 10-34 1240b 4-45A 1246c 13-37 1256f 23-11
1197 12-25 1230 10-38 I 240ce 7-33 1247a 36-13 1257ab 29-20
1198 10-2 1231 13-78 1240fg 7-7A 1247c 36-17 1257c 29-22
1199 12-19 1232 10-20 1240h 28-7 1248a 12-8 1257d 5-14
1200 12-24
1233 13-73 1241a 26-3 1248b 9-11 1257ef 29-33
1201 12-26
1234 10-17 1241b 7-2 1248c 23-13 1257g 29-43
1202 11-14
1235 10-15 1241dh 26-5 1249a 25-41 1257h 31-22
1203 11-1 1236a 7-25
1241i 26-11 1250ab 32-2 1257m 31-22
1204 11-6 1236b 19-18A
1241j 29-14 1250cd 9-25 1258a I-I
1205 II-II 1236c 1-15
12411 32-34 1250e 23-19 1258b 2-21
1206 11-18 1237a 30-4
1241m 30-14 1250f 23-8 1258e 16-4
1207 10-29 1237c 26-18
1241n 29-24 1250g 32-6 1259a 2-IOA
1208 11-15 1237i 27-7
12410q 7-22 1251a 32-13 1259b 7-3
1209 11-16 1237k 27-6
1241r 7-23 1251b 32-14 1260a 5-3
1210 11-22 12371 26-5
1241s 33-15 1251f 32-11 1260b 5-20A
1211 11-23 1237m 26-30
I 242a 16-10 1251h 33-14 1260c 8-11
1212 11-24 29-40
1242b 1-40 1251 ij 32-27 1260d 8-3
1213 11-4 1237q 4-36
1243a 12-5 12511 32-25 1260e 8-22
1214 11-5 1237r 4-59
1243b 10-25 12510p 34-25 1260f 8-7
374
PINYIN INDEX
T GSC number / GSR number
il Bfof 38-7/653 34-16/ 1244 bai bao
IluJ
18-1/1 !II 38-7 / 653
ao
ff 20-17/328 Jlli 13-72 / 1 113
ili
1M 38-7 / 653

14-4 / 1045
7-29/874
'E2
13-72 / 1113
4-30/938
38-9/644

14-4 / 1045
7-29 / 874
Wi
13-72 / 1113
4-30/976
24-1 / 139

ruz: 21-35 / 320

13-64 / 1057
24-1 / 139
14-4 / 1045
ffl 4-22A

16-13 / 1130 ban bao
4-30/976
1$ 24-1 / 139
Elf 24-53 / 190 m 13-72 / 1113
R 27-5/550
24-15/139
bil
IJl 24-53 / 190
J\ 20-14 / 281 bao
ai
ang

1-68/39
24-48/182
tiP2 13-72 / 1113
4-30/976
{!k: 3-20/718
[g
24-48 / 182
13-66 / 1059
3-20/718
1-68/39
$[ 33-30/471
21-1/313

13-67 / 1060 1-68/39
JfJi 33-30 / 471
ang
-++-
1-68/39
1*
13-64 / 1057
ai
E.
)t 21-10 / 347
.cn 3-29/699

1-68/39 ban

13-64 / 1057
4-2 / 937
1:$ 3-29 / 699
24-49 / 262
11*
13-64 / 1057
ba
;J:R 24-49/262
4-2/937 ang
1X 21-31 / 276 bao
iii 4-23 / 956 3-20/718
t.b( 21-31 / 276
It& 24-49/262
17-1611244
M 5-10/957
:tt 21-31 / 276
ft& 24-49/262
m
13-72 / 1113
ao
24-49 / 262
iii 5-10 /957
13-16 / 1115
mt 21-31/276
tm
13-72 / 1113
8-4 / 844
[l:!J
13-16A
w: 21-31 / 276 ban

13-72 / 1113
8-5 / 849
21-31 / 276 -* 24-471181

13-72 / 1113
30-6 / 508
ao
1>( 21-31 / 276 t= 24-47 / 181
Jltm
13-68 / 1061
B2t 30-6 / 508

13-1 / 1040
ttt 21-31 / 276
f.f.
13-65 / 1058 J" 24-47 / 181
30-6 / 508
K
16-12 / 1140
y* 24-47 / 181
11
17-14 / 1136
30-6 / 508
jjJ.
16-13 / 1130
ba
* 24-54 / 195

16-13 / 1130
1-68 / 39
YF 23-28 / 219
bei
an

4-61 / 999
'.!i: 24-11 / 146
16-13 / 1130
ba
Jf{: 23-28 / 219
fie 24-11 / 146

16-13 / 1130
1-68 / 39
23-28 / 219
tlf 4-61 / 999
Off 38-7/653

16-13/1130
1-68 / 39
.!If. 7-29 / 874
38-3/652
?
16-13 / 1130
21-35 / 320
bang
7-29 / 874

16-13 / 1130
S 2-39 / 772
12-25 / 1197 7-29 / 874
an

16-13 / 1130
iili 18- 1 7 / 26 bang
18-16 / 25
Ilt 36-8 / 614
R
16-13 / 1130
3-57 / 740
;JJ. 27-8 / 579
36-8 / 614
Ii
16-13 / 1130
bai
M1 3-57 / 740
Ii) 36-8/614
V
E3 2-38 / 782
bei
16-13 / 1130
fm 3-57 / 740 :ft 5-32 / 909
lM 38-3/652
bai
m 3-57 / 740 {J4! 7-29 / 874
38-3 / 652 ao
B 2-37 / 781
12-25 / 1197 7-29 / 874
*
16-10/ 1141
an
m
16-10 / 1141
18 2-38 / 782
* 12-25 / 1197
:Jg( 24-11 / 146 :J:.$ 7-29 / 874
375
PINYIN INDEX
bei bi 20-16/341 bilin 29-41/405
1.g: 4-61 I 999 ... 29-39 / 521 20-16/341 JlZ 35-20 / 641
bIn
'W 5-32 1933
bi
20-16 / 341 35-20 / 641
32-38 / 389
5-321933
26-38 / 565
20-16 / 341
23-27/246
11 32-38 / 389
ii 5-341984
C 26-38/566
26-38 / 566 '1:1 23-27/246
i\l 32-38 / 389
m 5-34 1984
26-37 1565
fit 26-38 I 566 1j 23-27 I 246
33-34 / 474
:rOO 5-34 1984
26-38 / 566
J.fE 26-38 I 566
** 23-28 / 219
III 33-31
m 5-34 1984
18 26-38/566
26-38/566
biim 7Jj) 33-30/471
f! 5-341984
.tt 26-38 1 566
26-38/566
--F 24-55 1220 151 33-30 / 471
*Bt 18-16 I 25
fft 26-38 I 566
t* 26-38 / 566
#- 24-55/220
21-35 / 320
*It 26-38 I 566
'" 29-42 / 407
tt 24-55 / 220
bin
ben tit 26-38 I 566
29-42 / 407
tfr 24-55 1220
1l 32-38/389
'X 29-42 / 407
iJli 32-38/389
33-28 / 438 fEz. 18-16 / 25
5' 29-42 I 407
23-25 / 221
71 32-38 / 389
# 33-28/438 4-57 / 983 f,ljjj 23-27 / 246
.. 33-29/437 1-' 7-29 / 874
29-42/407
23-27 / 246
If 32-38 / 389
a 29-42 / 407
-G 32-38 / 389
ben
7-29 1874
lEt 29-42 I 407
fJ 23-28/219
32-38 / 389
* 33-27 / 440
31-18/502
t, 29-42 / 407
m 23-28/219
N 33-26 / 439 bi
29-43 I 1257
m 23-28 / 219
bIng
25-31 / 178
Y' 6-211899
ben
2-38 / 782
29-44 I 406
OJ< 6-21 1899
=
5B5 29-44 / 406
1. 33-29/437
4-59 / 1237r biao
3-63 / 759
M* 5-36 1935 W 29-39 / 521
i0 13-71/1154
6-20 1886
beng
tit 5-361935 M 29-40 13-71/1106
M 9-29 / 824
f 9-26 / 825
1M 5-33/933 29-41 / 405 13-71 / 1106
tfj 3-57 / 740
7-29 / 874 311:, 29-41 I 405
16-37 / 1155 bing
3-571740 }]j! 7-29 / 874
29-41 I 405
,G 16-38 / 1156
"j7] 3-61 / 757

'" 7-29 / 874
t\ 29-41 / 405
16-40111 70 'l'fi 3-61 1757 >T" 3-59/750
M 6-20/886
fJli! 7-29 1874
29-41 1405
i@,
16-40/1170 :/:fi 3-611757
#M 6-20 / 886
8-19/853
dZ 29-41 / 405 m
16-40 / 1170
3-61 1757
*1t 9-29/824
m 8-19/853
29-41 / 405 M
16-40 1 11 70
3-61 / 757
8-19/853
t:t, 29-41 / 405
16-39 / 1157
* 3-62 / 758
beng "
4-61 /999
tg$ 8-19/853
29-41/405
16-39 / 1157
23-25/745
*it 12-25 / 1197
8-19 / 853
1&::\ 29-41 I 405
biao
" 7-29 1874
Of 12-25 / 1197
8-19/853
t-l\ 29-41 / 405
* 16-35/1153
38-19/668
:E$ 12-25 / 1197
8-19/853 29-41 / 405
1i 13-72 I 1113
bing
$ 12-25 / 1197
8-19/853
M 29-37 / 412
m 3-611757
JiW 8-19/853 biilo
m 3-611757
beng
8-19 / 853
bian
16-39 / 1157
tM 6-20/886

23-25/221
f* 3-62 / 758
14-23 / 1034
23-26 / 224
bie .s'!ft 9-28 / 840
9-291824
18-16/25
23-26 / 224
Ii 20-16/341 ff 9-29 / 824
Ii 7-29 / 874

18-16/25
!kffii 23-27 / 246
20-16/341
1* 9-29 1824
bI
18-16 / 25
#1 23-27/246
20-16/341 M 9-291824
7-30
PM5l 20-16 I 341
23-27/246
1m 9-291824
5-33/933
20-16 / 341
bie
;jJj 3-57 / 740
5-33/933
20-16 / 341
53U 20-15 I 292
20-16/341
376
PINYIN INDEX
bli 11 24-54 I 195 can OOJ 5-24/906 chan
7'X 21-30 / 275 lfI 24-54 1 195 II 38-28 / 660 8-161846 fiR. 36-14 / 617
ti 21-30 / 275
bOu
36-22 / 611 fffi 8-15 / 845 1ti 36-12 / 618
:fi 21-30 / 275
m 4-61/999
I}x 24-40 / 154 8-15 I 845 36-12/618
rBl 18-16 / 25 24-41 / 155 8jf 8-14 I 868 36-11/619
ffi$ 21-32
bo
24-41/155 $i 8-14/868 ft 36-11 I 619
11-15 / 1228

1-67 / 102
m 8-14/868 l' 24-21 / 147
din
tl 24-30 / 203
b6
btl
38-28 / 660 cen
t8 2-38 / 782

11-2311211
'1'1 38-28 / 660 38-29/647 chan
2-38 / 782

11-23 / 1211
rJ! 38-28/660 36-23/612
18 2-38 / 782
fl
17-14 / 1136
38-29/647
cen
36-23/612
38-3/651
5-32A btl
can
m: 36-23 / 612
18 2-38/782

11-22 / 1210
24-40 / 154
ceng
36-23 / 612
t, 1-67 / 771
fffl
1-67/102
24-40 / 154
6-19/884
11 36-23 / 612
tW
1-671771
I1ff.I
1-67/102
6-19/884
IT 36-22 / 611

1-67 / 771
fi
1-67 / 102
cang
cM
24-211147

1-67/771
btl
3-48/703
X 18-14
Y'Ii- 24-21 / 147
JJW
1-67/771
l' 4-61 / 999
<.t 3-48 / 703
j:.& 35-18/ 1254
24-28 / 204
JJ
1-67/771
:& 1-65 / 73
1it 3-48 / 703
ill 35-17/631
24-28/204
It 3-48 / 703
#1 24-28 / 204
-t"
1-67 / 771
;ffi' 1-67/ 102 fEB 35-17 / 631
ii
1-67 / 771
M 1-67/102
3-48 / 703
i1 18-13 / 5
m 24-43/208
t
1-671771
M" 4-61 / 999
cang
1m 24-43 I 208
tiit 1-67/771
ffff, 4-61 / 999 3-49/727
cha
* 1-42 / 82
chan
1-67/771
24-46 / 194
4-61 I 999
cai cao ff; 2-22/780
fl
17-14 / 1136
jfl!f 4-45A/1240 ti 16-30 / 1134 :m 18-13/5
24-41 1155
01
17-14 / 1136
4-54 / 973 21-28 / 337
rn 38-5 / 672
cao
mil, 38-5/672
17-15 / 1127
cai
If 13-55/ 1053 cM
24-211147
17-15/1127
7J 4-45 / 943
!II 13-55/1053 jl 21-24 / 272
O!j! 24-21 / 147
21-30/275
if,J 4-45 / 943
iff 13-55 / 1053
24-21 / 147
* 30-13 / 491
M 4-45 / 943
cha
f.{'fJ'I 24-21 / 147
30-13 / 491
4-45/943
cao 13Z 18-14
IJ: 30-13 / 491
13-52 / 1052 2-22/780
ril 24-21 / 147
30-13/491
f.I 4-46
13-51/1049 ft 2-22 / 780
JM 24-27/202
30-14/500
cai
'l:i
13-60/ 1112 *IJ 21-29/319
chan
2-36/773
* 4-44 / 942
'/*
16-30 / 1134
JjJi 36-11 / 619
t* 4-44 / 942
chai
bO
cao 4-45/943
chang

18-16 / 25
cai
13-54 / 1051 7-25 /358
1:& 3-35 / 721

18-16 / 25
4-44 / 942
ti 16-30 / 1134 !J'}:; 7-25 / 358
3-34/724
ff; 21-29/319
7-25 / 358
3-34/724
bO
21-281337
ce
*' 7-29/874
m 2-32/798
{ftf 26-27 / 593
3-341724
Sf 8-19/853
can
-mU 5-24 / 906 chai
til 3-34 / 724
8-19/853
38-29/647
5-24 / 906 II 21-26/326
chang
8-191853
38-29/647
mu 5-24 / 906
3-35/721
24-401154
377
PINYIN INDEX
* 3-35 / 721
che m 9-11 / 833 4-26/961 5-19 / 921
3-38 /720 m 2-23/792 9-17/835 m 7-27/870 5-25/922
3-38 /720 21-19 / 287
cheng
7-27 / 870 7-3/864
3-32 / 725 mx 21-20 / 286
3-35/721
7-14 / 866 m 7-12 /877
'ffi' 3-32/725 21-20 / 286
1jt 3-32 /725
Jml 7- 13 /863 f* 21-28 / 337
'i' 3-32 /725 fij!z 21-20/286
* 6-10 / 896
JfI.ij 7-13/863 f! 21-15 / 315
If 3-32 / 725 21-17/335
6-10 / 896
itn
18-9/4 at 29-31 /400
11 3-32/725
chen
'*
tff
18-9 / 4 29-17/402
Ll.J 6-10/896

chiing 38-26/666 7R 6-10/896
18-9 / 4
chOng
{f6j 3-32 / 725 m 38-18 / 655 6-9/883
18-8 / 3
1E 15-5 / 1011
'11% 3-32/725 38-18/655 6-11 /891
26-14/590
W
12-12 / 1192
[6tt 3-32 / 725 32-16/375 6-11 / 891
!l!li; 26-14/590
if} 12-12 / 1192
3-32/725 JfE 6-13 / 893
26-16/596
;g
12-12 / 1192
3-32/725
chen
"* 6-15/895
26-16 / 595
11
E2 32-1 / 377
26-16 / 596
12-10 / 11 85
chang tt 32-1 / 377
RlG 9-14 / 81 8
jlj
12-8/ 1188
3-34/724 tX 38-14/656
:fnX: 9-14 / 818 chI
tl
12-8 / 1188
3-34 / 724 1E 38-11/658
9-14/818 R 2-20/794
Ii
12-8 / 1188
3-38 / 720 38-11/658
9-14/818 m 4-34/960

12-8 / 1188
3-38 /720 32-16 /375
liEl. 9-17 / 835 4-29/961 jlJ 12-8/1188
3-35/721 32-18 /373
fM 9-17 /835 If,G 4-40 / 959
'1'$
15-6/ 1007
3-35/721 32-18 / 373
9-17/835 fi 7-27/870
-*
15-6 /1007
3-371719 IJZ 33-13/455
9-17/835
Riff
18-9 / 4 15-6 / 1007
33-13/455
M 9-17 / 835

18-8/3
ch6ng
chao
Uij- 9-23 / 811

18-8/3
'11j 16-15 / 113 1
33-13/455

.EE, 15-7 / 1009
J1 33-17/374 cheng
18-8/3
fi
15-7/1009
jtj
16-15 / 1131

9-17/835
18-8 / 3
g;.
15-13 / 1003
;rn
16-15/ 1131 chen

:>:r'
9-27/817
18-8 / 3
:m
WU
16-32/ 1169 if 38-13 /665

12-8 / 1188
18-8 /3
fI
j}]
16-32 / 1169 m 38-11/658 cheng
12-8 / 1188
38-3/651 {:R 3-35 /72 1
chi
chOng
chao
7ffi 2-24/793
Btl 16-1 5 / 113 1
,-/R 33-13 / 455 f.JlJ 6-12 / 894
1$ 2-23 / 792
ft 12-15 / 1193

16-32/1169 chen chI
ff: 2-23 / 792
chong

16-17 / 1143 38-12 / 659 ut 30-1 / 517
Ff 2-23/ 792 12-12 / 1192
--
1;1 32-33 / 382 1Y 4-30 / 976
4-34/960
Q 16-19 / 1147
chOU
chao
:g 33-15/453 m- 4-27 1962
4-35/978
pm
13-30 / 1079
13<. 33-16/452

++
1.0/ 16-22 / 1149
18-11 / 23
4-35/978
tm
13-30/ 1079
itt 33-24 /454
Jm
18-11 / 23
113 4-30 / 976

13-21 / 1091
chi!

18-11 /23
El 4-30 /976
lilfl
-* 1-10174
cheng
18-8/3
m 4-21/955

13-21 / 1091
3-32 / 725
26-14 1 590
tt 4-21/955

13-45 / 1069
che
N 6-12 / 894
Wi 21-20 /286
Wi 6-12/894
27-6 / 1237
M 5-13/920
cMu
m 21-20 / 286
f.JlJ 6-12 / 894 chi
5-15/917
@' HI 13-20/ 1086
9-1 /831 4-26/961
1:rt 5-16 / 918 tit
13-21/1091
che
1m 5-17 / 954
13-21 / 1091
18-8/3
m 9-12 / 834 4-36/ 1237q

13-22 / 1090
378
PINYIN INDEX

13-22/1090
mI
1-57 / 46 [ 12-19/1199 11 34-19 / 463 *- 26-29 / 555

13-22 / 1090 ;ff 1-41 / 86

12-19 / 1199 lWI! 34-20/462 26-29 / 555
{I 13-22 / 1090

1-38/45 '$ 12-19/1199 34-21/465 26-29 / 555
!HI
13-22 / 1090
i'1!i
1-38/45

12-19 / 1199 :m 32-8 / 392 JIlt 7-25 / 358
--
13-22 / 1090

12-19 / 1199 7-25/358

chiI chun
]If 13-22/1090
1-56 / 94

12-19/1199
:& 34-18 / 464 ci
13-22/1090

11-13 / 1218 chuang m 34-18 / 464 IIt 7-25 / 358
U.
13-22 / 1090

11-12/1224
M* 3-49 / 727 1 34-18/ 464 fu:t 7-25 / 358

13-22 / 1090
M
11-12/ 1224 W 3-49, 34-18/464 1Ut 7-25 / 358

13-26 t 1083
;X 11-12 / 1224 51 / 727 m: 34-18 / 464 JUt 7-25/358
fm
13-26/1083
t-rR
14-18 / 1031

12-8/1188 34-18 / 464 7-25/358

13-26 / 1083
14-18 / 1031
ti
12-8/1188 34-17 / 427
'1m
13-26/1083
11
;@:
,lJf33-13/455
ci
ym
14-15 / 1018 12-12 / 1192
* 8-14/868 13-26 / 1083
if 14-15/1018 1M 33-13 /455
:1' 1<
13-57/1092
chuang wU 8-14/868

'17ft 31-17 / 497 #JiI 34-20 / 462
It 3-48 / 703 WIT 8-14/868
chOu 31-16 / 496
chiin gQ! 8-14/868
i1: 13-50/ 1076 31-16 / 496
chuang
Z 34-19/463 8-14/868
M 13-13 /1089
3-48/703
chuai
It 3-48 / 703
34-19/463 8-12/850
chOu tffi 25-24/ 168
3-48 / 703 chuo
*- 26-29 / 555
13-12 / 1088
chuai 1;) 11-12 / 1224
f:x 26-29 / 555
i! 13-54/1051
iii 10-35 / 325
chuI
17-4 1 1126
#Jt 26-29/555
!:!J:: 19-15/30
JJfE 7-25/358
cho
chuan 1:..1\ 19-15/30 chuo
tB 31-16/496
J II 34-20 / 462 if. 2-21 / 1258
cOng
M
1-60 / 87
25-26/232
chui
JEi 1-38/45
12-19 / 1199
ff.
1-51 / 69
19-17 / 31

12-19 / 1199
1-40 / 1242b
chuan

19-17 / 31
!i5 2-30/777
12-19/1199
17-4 / 1126

10-10 / 122
1$ 25-25 / 231
W
19-17/ 31
iti I 7 -4 / 1126
!i:
12-19/1199
25-28 / 171 iff
19-17/31
17-4 / 1126

12-19 / 1199
eM
fo/d 25-29 / 229
Ii
19-17 / 31
fffE
,..,....
f.i!l! 17-4 / 1126
12-22 / 1191
T
1-39/84
*ffil 25-24 / 168 ij 19-17 / 31

1-42/82
m 25-24/168 it 28-11 / 575
22-10 / 295 cong

1-42 182
25-24/ 168 tij 28-11 / 575
22-10 / 295 fA 12-22 1 1191
iiJ
1-57 / 46
28-12/543
22-10 1295 itt 12-22/1191
JEi
1-38/45
chuan
IX 22- 10 / 295 it 12-21 / 1178
!I!WJ
10-23/125 :74 25-27/233 chuI
:f*
15-13 / 1003

'l'Iffi 25-24 / 168 tffi 25-24 / 168
cI

10-36/132
JIlt 7-25 / 358
15-4 / 1010

10-36 / 132 tffi 25-24/ 168
chui
7-25/358 cou
10-36 / 132
Olffi 25-24/ 168
Pffi 25-28/ 171
m 7-25 / 358 10-36/132

10-22 / 127 M< 25-28 / 171
22-17/345
till: 7-25 / 358
JH
10-22/127
chuan iii 22-17/345
eou
lJJ
10-22/127
iii 22-17 / 345
ci

10-34 / 1229
chOn
:tl'lj 4-53 / 972

10-34 / 1229
chii
chuang 34-17 / 427
4-53/972

JJ!lf, 1-18 / 85
11-18 / 1206
1i 3-48 / 703 34-19 / 463
4-49/966
7i
11-18 / 1206
1-62 188
3-48 / 703 "5 34-19/463
4-33 / 968

10-35/131
379
PINYIN INDEX
cil O?f! 31-20/490 113= 37-6 / 676 24-21 / 147 dang
!W3
1-58 / 65 1$ 31-20 / 490
da
24-21 / 147 ;g. 3-30/701
II
1-59/66 1$ 31-20 / 490
37-6/676
.. 24-211147 &- 3-32/725
*11
1-57/46 31-20 / 490
:g: 37-6/676
{t36-11/619 flt 3-38 / 720
cu
'I 31-20 / 490
21-14 / 271
iIi 36-111619 11 3-38 / 720
111
1-57 / 46
n 31-20/490
'I'. 24-22 / 149
it 36-111 619 3-38 / 720
m
1-57 / 46
31-20/490
'* 37-10/678
36-18 / 622 11 3-38 / 720
M 31-20 1 490
37-10/678
!It 38-14 / 656 3-38/720
cu
31-20 / 490
37-91677
tt 38-14 / 656 3-381720
fOO
10-35/131
$5?, 22-13 1 324
37-9 / 677
38-11 1658 3-38 / 720
J!(
10-29 / 1207 15?, 22-13 1 324 m 38-11/658
dao
*
11-21/1222 da
dan 7J 16-15/1131
1JE
11-19/1219
cun
tT 9-11 1833

11-18/1206
ff 33-22 / 432 III 36-11 / 619 'l:JJ 16-15/1131
S
da tt 38-14 / 656
dao 11-1811206 cun
*- 21-12/317 #x 38-14 / 656
8:
14-19/1027 iU 34-27 / 431 11 13-22/1090
JijX
14-18 / 1031 '1'1 34-27/431
dai
38-14/656

13-22 1 1090
f-' 24-21/147
07

14-18/1031
1i; 5-16 / 918

13-25/1116

cun
m 5-16 / 918
I 24-23/148
1%1
14-18 / 1031
-t 34-27 / 431
fW. 24-23 / 148
13-26/1083
lit
13-58/1093
1i 5-16/918
N 13-27/1078
cuo 'ffif 5-161918
.. 24-21 / 147
fiU
16-15 / 1132
cuan
1lW
10-35 / 325 B 4-30/976
fiX 10-35 1 \31
dan
W
18-13/5 fa 4-30/976
EL 24-22/149
dao
m 24-39 / 153

18-13/5 #.a 4-30 / 976 fS 24-22/149
11
13-22 / 1090
tI 24-39 / 153
M
18-13 / 5 4-30/976
tEl. 24-22 / 149

13-22/1090
cuan 4-30/976
24-22 / 149

13-22/1090
II 25-37/177
cuo
4-30/976
5!f 24-21/147
fa
13-27/1078
25-43/174
m
1-57 / 46

24-21/147
m
13-38 / 1048
;IE 19-21 / 12
iiI=! 4-30 / 976

13-38 / 1048
it 25-36 / 176

18-13 / 5
4-26 1961
24-23/148
if
16-15 / 1132
cuI

18-13 / 5
IZ 4-45/943 #,l 24-23/ 148
fIT
16-15/1132
19-23/355
10-21 /323
tt 36-11 /619

16-16/1133
;f!k 19-23/355
cuo
1* 21-12/317 it 36-11 / 619

}f! 19-21 / 12
;t 21-12/317
36-14/617
17-4/ 1126
'* 28-11/575
11 28-11 1 575
ti{t 19-21 112
21-12 / 317 36-14/617
de
11 28-11 / 575
J& 18-13/5
!IiA 21-12 / 317
38-14/656
5-11 / 905
cuo
* 21-15 / 315 U.\!J 38-16/646 1% 5-11 1905
cui
m 2-32 / 798
30-11 / 509
38-16 / 646 5-12/919
28-11/575
' ft 30-11/509
38-5 / 672
,! 5-12/919
1l 28-11/575
;i.g 2-32 / 798
30-11 1 509
38-5 / 672
m 5-13/920
2-32 / 798
cui m 2-32 / 798
dan
24-30/203
deng
JW: 22-16 / 296

19-21/12
f1 24-20 / 150
D 38-11 /658
-1t 6-9 / 883
22-171345

19-21 / 12
JJ 24-21/147
dang m 6-9/883
& 22-17/345

19-21 / 12
24-21/147 3-32 / 725 m 6-9/883

da
1M 24-21/147
deng
{$ 31-20/490
.. 24-21 / 147
dang
l} 35-8
:I: 3-32/725 4-26 / 961
380
PINYIN INDEX
deng tic 21-12 / 317 15 36-12/618 f.li 29-15 / 413 dou
6-9 / 883 21-12 / 317 tr5 36-12/618 29-15 / 413 t:JE 10-12 / II 7
fiB 6-9/883 $A 21-12 / 317 fr5 36-12 / 618 ii 29-15/413
dou
dI
* 7-12 / 877
6
1
J 36-12 / 618 35-10/633
.:4- 10-131116
E; 26-14 / 590
fW 7-12/877 38-16 / 646 35-10 / 633
t4 10-13/116
26-14 / 590
7-12/877 38-16 / 646 35-10 / 633
26-14/590
7-27 / 870 37-8/685 :m 35-10/633
dou
7-14/866
fI.\iE 7-14/866 32-16/375 35-10 / 633 R 10-16/118
7-14 / 866 m 32-22 / 385 35-10/633
t:
10-16 / 118
7-14 / 866
R
m 7-14 / 866
** 7-12/877
W& 33-12 / 429 35-10/633
g1I 10-16 / 118
7-12 / 877
:tm: 7-12 / 877 Jrt 33-15 / 453 $I[ 35-9 / 632 m
10-16 / 118
8-12/850 :I: 35-11 / 1255 F"J
10-17 / 1234
di
8-12/850
diiio
:fg'/ 37-12 / 690
10-17 /1234
S1 17-511120 21-15 / 315

16-15 / 1131
:l1I 21-15 / 315
10-15 / 1235
q 17-511120
:l1I 21-15 / 315
1m 13-26 / 1083
10-14 / 1246
7-12 / 877
21-15/315

13-26 / 1083 dIng

10-15 / 1235
yiiij 7-12 / 877
22-10/295
13-26/1083 T 9-11 /833
0; 11-12 / 1224
7-12 / 877
26-15 / 591
13-26 II 083
ding .. 14-14/ 1023
ffl'Iii 7-12 / 877
9}fJ 26-15 / 591
1m
13-26/1083
Jj 9-\1 / 833
tWJ
10-23/ 125
J)( 8-10 / 856
$ 26-15 / 591

13-26 / 1083
lID 9-11 / 833
0*
10-18 / 128
13( 8-10 / 856
'i:5fj 26-15 / 591
7J
16-15 / \131
9-12/834
m 26-15/591
B
16-15 / \131 do
13-30 / 1079

ding

1-38 / 45
EI3
WfJ 26-15 / 591
16-15 / 1131

13-30 / 1079
5E 9-\1 / 833 Ii] 1-38 / 45
EI3
29-16 / 415 diao
i='J
13-30/1079
lilT 9-11 / 833

14-18/103 I

13-30/ 1079
30-\1 / 509
93 17-311165
jij[ 9-11 / 833

14-18 / 103 I
S3
13-30/1079
26-1SA
1it 13-32 / 1077
9-13/363
ffl
14-5 / 1016
1it
13-32 / 1077
dian
Jt 16-20/1145
ff 9-17/835

13-32 / 1077 jjt 16-20 / 1145 du
ft
14-14 / 1023
32-16/375
1m
16-33 / \149
if 9-17 / 835
f!\l
I 1-12 / 1224
]ijZ 14-18 / 1031
m 32-16 / 375
jlj!
17-4 / 1126
m 9-17 / 835

11-12 / 1224

14-18/103 I
11 32-16 / 375

17-5/1120 dong
!iD
11-12 / 1224

14-13 /1022
M 32-16 / 37
f!G
17-5/\120
;} 15-3 / 1002
RJ
11-12 / 1224

17-7 / 1124
32-16/375

17-7 / 1124
*
12-6/1175 m I I - 12 / 1224

32-16/375

12-6/1175 14-14 / 1023 "
17-711124
dian
die
!I!*
12-6/1175
JI
di 29-15/413
14-14 / 1023
E; 26-14 / 590
33-1 1/ 476
29-17/402 dong
11
14-14/1023
@. 26-14/590
36-12 / 618
ji 12-8 / \188
m
14-14/ 1023
26-14/590
t-. 32-16 / 375
die ;fj 14- 14/ 1023
26-14 / 590 dian
29-17 / 402
dong
lW
14-14 / 1023
26-14 / 590 1ij] 32-19/362
29-17 / 402 11PJ 12-9 / 1176

14-14 / 1023
29-17 / 402 tt 12-6 / 1175
!fJ
14-14 / 1023
26-14 / 590 ill 32-19 / 362
29-17 / 402 <JR
12-6/1175
JlI
14-14 / 1023
26-14/867 fIB 32-19 / 362
29-17/402
1*
12-6 / 1175

26-14/590 H& 32-19 / 362
Il'fffi
14-14 / 1023
9-13 / 363
29-17 / 402 ib
12-8/1188
if
14-14 / 1023
di t.i 29-15/413
:=E
14-5 / 1016
m9-17 / 835
fj:
tt!2, 18-9 / 4 Q.i 29-15 / 413
fi
14-5 / 1016
381
PINYIN INDEX
iii. 14-5/1016 dui duo
2-14 / 788
er
IWI 34-211465 :w 22-9/274
* 19-14/10
m 2-15/768 -= 29-28/564
du
22-13/324 tj 19-17/31 2-15/768 m; 29-28/ 564

14-8/1019
22-13 / 324 V 19-16/11 1-28/270 :ffl\: 29-28/564

14-8/1019
22-13/324
duo
8-4/844 Iflj 4-40 / 981
1-38/45
10-21/323
19-14110
m 8-4/844 11: 4-40 / 981

1-38/45
iii 28-11 /575
'Ifi
19-16/11
8-4/844 rfEj: 4-40 / 981
!3tl
1-38/45
28-11 / 575

19-16/11
m 8-4/844 4-40 / 981

1-38/45
ti 31-14/511

19-16/11
tm 8-4/844
fa
Jrf
1-38/45
m 31-14/511
m
19-16/11
8-4/844
21-30/275
It 31-14/511
V 19-16/11
8-4 / 844
du
29-9/526
mt 18-9/4
8-5/849
fa
H
1-36/62
34-18/464
it 18-9/4
8-5/849
Z 35-20/641
1-36/62 jjj 34-18/464
1Jf; 18-8/3
18-5/2
{X 21-33/307
f:f 2-16/801 21-11 /289
--H--
dun 24-21 / 147
fj(; 21-33/307
2-16/801
fft. 21-8 / 268
m 21-33/307
2-17/795
34-18/464 24-21/147
7ji 21-9/269
frj 21-34/308
'I:l 34-18 / 464
2-17/795
rx. 34-18/464
e
21-1/313
fa
2-17/795
34-26/430
2-1/766
24-11 / 146
i! 35-21/642
2-22/780 2-11766 filA 24-17 / 252
21-31/276
2-25/790 dun 18-5/2
2-1/766
7f!I 2-25 / 790 VB 34-17 / 427 MX 18-5/2 cfr 2-1 /766
fan
1-42/82 t! 34-17/427

18-5/2
en
36-26/625
duan
ljjj 34-17/427

18-5/2
,IgI, 32-9/370
m 24-55/220
-ffij- 25-24/168
J 34-21 /465
fItX
18-5/2 31' 24-55/220
34-21/465 18-5/2
en
11 24-54/ 195
ffiU 25-24/ 168
34-22/428 18-5/2
33-1/416
24-54/195
fi#ij 25-24/ 168
25-25 / 231
34-22/428 18-5/2
er
n 24-541195
fflij 25-24/ 168
rx. 34-18/464 19-6/27
ffij 4-41 / 982
nf 24-54/ 195
}#ij 25-24/ 168 duo
19-8/ 19
fffij 4-41/982
rpm 24-54/ 195
18-8/3
19-8/19
Ifilii 4-411982
1Ri 24-54/ 195
duan
22-10/295
e
ijffif 4-41/982
24-54/195
10-16 / 169
22-10/295
15'oj 18-1 / 1
j!ijl& 4-41 / 982
fan
duan
otH 31-16 / 496
18-1 / 1
4-41/982
J'L 36-26/625
25-23/172
e
5l 7-11 /873
24-50/263
25-23/172
duo
o51 7-11 /873
24-50/263
f:f 2-16/801
u.5:2 2-13/805
m 25-23/172
JJtU 2-16/801
.M 2-13/805
er
24-51/264
1fT 25-22/ 170
2-25/790
;W 2-13/805
/'F 7-20A
24-51 /264
dUI
i* 2-25/790
"; 2-14/788
} 4-40/981 24-52/265
:It 28-11 / 575
22-13/324
2-14/788
Iij 4-40/981 24-52/265
1 28-12/543
22-13/324
2-14/788
4-40/981
'# 24-55/220
lli 28-12/543
t>l 22-13/324
2-14/788
m 4-40/981
1:1 24-54/ 195
rx. 34-18/464 5l 22-13/324
2-14/788
m 7-20/359
II 24-54/ 195
22-10 / 295
2-14/788
7-20/359
JjI 24-54/ 195
:w 22-9/274

lEI 24-54/ 195
"7'] 2-14/788
382
PINYIN INDEX
24-54/195 fei
-++-
II 36-26/625 ffi 30-16/501 5t 33-30/471
ill 24-54/195 27-81579 33-29/437 too 36-26/625
7::
1-66/101
1* 24-47/181 m 27-8/579 rJt 33-29/437
feng
fj(
1-66/101
fan
27-8/579
fen 12-25/1197
tj( 1-66/101
&. 24-49/262
27-8/579
33-34/474

12-25/ 1197
*
1-66/101
24-49/262
27-9/580
$[ 33-30/471
M
12-25/1197
l'
1-67/102
24-49 / 262
tic 27-10/581
t51 33-30/471 12-25/1197
G 4-61/999
fei m 33-30/471 1}j 36-26/625
4-61/999
fan
27-111 582 33-30/471 :1t 36-26/625
EB 5-33/933
1[2 36-27/626
27-8/579 33-28/438
1U 5-33/933
-++-
feng
5-33/933
36-27/626
'Iii 33-28/438
36-27/626 lei Wj 36-26/625
h
1Wf 33-29/437
liE 5-33/933
l!!8 36-27/626 27-8/579
fl 33-29/437
feng
5-331933
ii'! 36-27/626 3R 27-8/579
Jf 33-29/437
12-25/1197
5-33/933
fL 36-26/625 27-8/579
m 33-29/437
12-25/1197
:fi 5-33/933
Jt 36-26/625 27-8/579
:fl 33-29/437
15-15/1253
5-33/933
1fL 36-26/625 27-8 / 579
fI 33-29/437
Ji\. 36-26/625
1@i 5-33/933
35-20/641 27-8/579
rJt 33-29/437
1* 5-36/935
24-49 / 262 27-8/579
fo
fij 5-34/984
24-49/262 $ 27-8/579 fen
30-14/500
bt 5-35/934
fang
M 27-8/579 ;.ro 33-30/471
fOll
5-35/934
C 3-58/741
i);Jj: 27-8/579
fen
:f: 13-7311233
5-35/934
1J 3-57/740
30-17/530
?t 33-30/471

10-40/137
fou
[)it
t5 3-57/740 fei }fr 33-30/471
10-39/136
3-57/740 21-36/348 {)} 33-30/471
* 4-61/999
t4
10-39/ 136
ifJJ 3-57/740 ttt 21-31/276 ;% 33-30/471
COu
-'
13-73/1233
15 3-57/740 JD. 21-30/275 1ft 33-29/437
4-611999
1
13-73/1233
27-8/579 '1'1 33-29/437
ffi 13-69/1107

13-73/1233
fang
m 27-8/579 :fl 33-29/437
:f:
13-73/1233
fJ}j 3-57/740
$ 27-8/579 33-32/472
fo
J1
13-73/1233
-Jjj 3-57/740
M 27-8/579 '&' 33-33/473
7::
1-66/101
1
13-73/1233
3-57/740
15Jj 30-14/ 500
1-66/101
!1!
13-73/1233
m 3-571740
t9t 30-14/500
feng
$: 1-67/102
i''
13-73/123
ff!jj 3-57/740 .$ 12-25/1197
!f(
1-67/102
!fl. 13-73/1233
a9t 30-14/500

12-25/1197 M
1-67/102
m 13-72/1113
fang
30-14/500
1*
12-25/1197
im
1-67/102
=
1)] 3-57/740
m 30-14/500
1:Y. 13-72/1113
#lJ5 3-57/740
30-16/501

12-25/1197 Ii
1-51169
IjJft 21-31/276
Wi 3-57/740
ffi 30-16/501
It
12-25/1197 Ht
10-39/ 136
1ft 21-31 /276
J1l1J 3-57/740

12-25/1197 mt
10-39/136
fifJ. 21-31 / 276
aJJ 3-57/740
len

12-25/1197
1ft 10-39/ 136
'!W:. 21-31 / 276
DR 3-57/740
7t 33-30/471
tt
12-25/1197
lfft 10-39/ 136
IX 21-31/276
J]]J: 3-57/740
33-30/471

12-25/1197
7J 13-7311233
* 30-13/491
3-57/740
M 33-30/471
it
12-25/1197
fU
30-14/500
#& 33-30/471
!m!
15-14/1014
30-14/500
--'2..
30-15
fang
3f. 33-30/471 a 15-14 / 10 14
$ 30-16/501
30-14/500
1J!x: 3-57/740
m 33-30/471 JOO. 36-26/625
383
PINYIN INDEX
!lttl 30-14 / 500 f5f1
10-39 / 136 {tt 36-1 / 606

16-1/1129 m 8-2/855
m 30-14 / 500 10-39 / 136 24-2 / 140
m
16-1/1129 t:g 21- I / 3 13
30-14/500
!l!ft
10-39 / 136
* 36-9 / 615
16-1 / 1129
gei
m 30-14 / 500
iff
10-39 / 136
30-14/500
JJf1
10-39 / 136
gan gao #.ii'! 37-1 / 675
1#t 30-14/500

13-70 / 1108
36-2/607 E 14-1 / 1039
gen
38-4/671

15t 30-14/500

14-23 / 1034
PI=l
14-1 / 1039
tlZ 33-1 / 416
30-14 / 500

14-23/1034
ff 24-1 / 139

14-1/1039
t1J1!l 30-14 / 500

14-23 / 1034
f!j! 24-1 / 139
ge
gen
'llJt 30-14 / 500
J1l
14-23 / 1034
!!if 24-1/139
j(; 19-1 / 7
N 33-1 / 416
24-1 / 139
Ii 6-1/881
?il@ 30-14 / 500
fi
14-25 / 1035
24-2/140
2-11766
fil

14-23 / 1034 k k 1m 2-1 / 766
geng

PI 18-1 / 1
i'i 35-1 / 642
3-13 / 747
if
1-67/102
14-23 / 1034

1-67 / 102

14-23/ 1034 gan M"iIJ 18-1 / I
3-12 1746

1-69/103
-Y3!< 11-15
18-2 / 349 18-1/1
J# 3-121746
m
1-67 / 102 gai
36-1/606 18-1 / 1
1! 3-11/745
Bf 24-1 / 139 18-1 / 1
fjj: 9-4 / 808
Jftij
1-67 / 102 4-2 / 937
24-2 / 140 21-2 / 314 6-1 / 881
=;= 1-67 / 102 4-2 /937
III
1-67/ 102 4-2 /937
24-2 / 140
ge
geng
11
1-67/ 102 4-2/937
24-2/140
;fr 2-1/766
OJ! 3-11 1745
m
1-67 / 102 4-2/937 gang 1i 2-1 /766 3-11 / 745
511
10-39/ 136 4-2 / 937
1L 3-1 / 698 i'-e 2-1 / 766 f! 3-111745
111
10-39/136 4-2 / 937
ImJ 3-2/697 1m 2-11766
# 3-11 /745
R1
10-39 / 136 4-2 /937 WrlU 3-2/697 ffr 2-1 / 766 !IX 9-6/809
{JfJ
10-39 / 136 4-2 / 937
jlJ 3-2 / 697 1m 2-1/766
geng

10-39 / 136 #$( 4-2 / 937 m 3-2 / 697 5-2/931
1! 3-11 / 745
fii
4-3/990
3-2/ 697 '1$ 5-2 / 931
Ii 6-1 / 881
11, 11-22/1210 gai
11 12-1 / 1172 8-2/855
6-1 / 881

11-22/1210 i!)I: 4-1 /936
til 12-1/1172 8-2/855
:i:'11i 6-1/881
IE!:
11-22 / 1210 gang
!!lEi 37-1 / 675
x:
1-67/ 102
gai
12-3/1182
!J 37-1 /675
gong
J:\
1-71 / 104
141 21-1/313 ' 21-1/313
i7 6-4 / 901

1-67 / 102
1?iI 35-1 1642
gao

L. 6-5 / 887
lWJ 1-67 / 102
30-2 / 515
raJ 16-1/1129 kk
1E. 6-5/887
30-2 / 515
16-1/1129
PI
18-1 / 1
!it 6-5 / 887
tJ# 1-67/771
30-2 / 515
13-1 / 1040

18-4 / 15
5L 6-5 / 887
4-62/1000
:t$': 13-1 / 1040 ge
o 12-13 / 1173
Mit 4-63 / 1001
gan

13-7 / 1068 18-21349
I 12-1 / 1172
5-35 / 934
T 24-1/139

13-7 / 1068 2-1/766
rjJ 12-1 / 1172
:I:{j\ 5-36 / 935 'l'f 24-1 / 139

16-2/1244 2-1 / 766
Jj( 12-1 / 1172
'* 5-33/933
If 24-1 / 139
1 \\ \
5-33/933 : 24-1 /1 39

13-7/ 1068 1m 2-1 / 766
12-3/1182
M 2-1 / 766 !J 12-3 / 1182
11
10-39 / 136 ijf 24-1 /1 39
gao
f!j 1-1 / 49 D
11
lif 24-1 / 139
*
13-2 / 1244
12-3 / 1182
10-39 / 136
@J 1-1 / 49
ff1
10-39 / 136 H 24-1/ 139
B*
14-1 / 1039
12-3 / 1182
tt 36-1 / 606 fi1
16-1 / 1129
R!J 8-2/855 B
15-1 / 1006
384
PINYIN INDEX
:!iF5 15-1/1006 fA 1-21 / 41 19-4/18 :fi 25-2/ 158 1! 4-7/986
a 25-2/158 4-8 / 987 19-4 / 18
III 25-2/158 19-12 / 29
gong
$.Il1-21 / 41 r!i1J 22-1 / 302
1m: 19-12 /29
ft 12-3 / 1182
M 1-1/49 III 29-11 / 507 1#. 25-2/ 158
12-3 / 1182
%5 1-1 /49 11. 25-2 / 158 :lfe: 19-12/29
itt 12-3 / 1182 gua
25-2 / 158 'i'.@; 19-12/29
12-3/1182
$" 1-1/ 49
P1 19-4/18
$ 25-3 / 159 26-10 / 605
12-1/1172
1-1 / 49
iWlU 19-4 118
.. 25-3/159 28-1 / 569 1-1 / 49
., 1-22 / 42 $j:t 12-3 / 1182
& 1-1/49 11 25-3/159
gui
gua
tl 25-3/159
t1 7-8 / 879
gong
gu
!r 7-8 / 879 m 25-5 / 161
JFfE: 19-12/29
12-3 / 1182
12-1 / 1172
1-1/49
fl 7-8 / 879
guang jfj 22-2/301 1-1 / 49
m 7-S/879
:YC 3-22 / 706 iZ 22-2 / 301 gOu Mt 1-1/49
t.ff 7-S / 879
1)'(; 3-22/ 706 lIJJ 22-2/301
{:j] 10-1 / 108
:iti 1-1 / 49
10 10-1 / 108
-5 1-1/49
guai ()C 3-22/706
'* 22-3/321
10-1/108
E 1-1/49
;qt 28-7 / 1240
M 3-22/706 1Wi 22-3/321
3-23 / 707 m 22-3/321
ttv 10-1 / lOS
t! 1-1 / 49
guai
V 22-3 / 321
j:1iJ 10-1 / lOS
tz 1-2 / 50
R 20-3 /3 12
guang
22-5 / 346
rM 10-2/ 109
V 1-2 / 50
tl: 4-11 / 991
3-26/739
-= 10-2/109 1-3 / 51
3-23/707
;. 31-2 / 540 lilli 10-10 / 122
1-3/51
guan
J1l 3-23/707
.. 31-2 / 540 Ii 1-4/52
g 25-1 / 157
gou
1-16 / 38
f' 25-11157
guang
gun
jtlj 10-1/ lOS
11-3 / 1226
t 25-1/157
1H 3-26/739
nB\ 34-1 / 417
!fD 10-1 1 108
11-3 / 1226
% 25-19 / 257
gUT
34-1 / 417
10-1/108
11-3 / 1226
III 25-2 / 158
-*: 7-8/879 34-1 / 417 kD 10-1 / IDS
:fr 11-14/1202
m 25-4 / 160
J! 7-8/879 $t 34-2 / 418
gou
;@; 16-2 / 1244
25-9 / 187
00 7-8 / 879
34-2 / 418
tJ 10-5 / 112
18 22-4 / 304
34-4/481
7-8 / 879
34-3/419
9Fo 10-5/ 112
31-1 / 486
ffr[ 34-4 / 48 I
7-10 / 875
32-5 / 366
10-5/112
ii' 3 1-1 / 486
guan
7-10 / 875
guO
fiJtt 10-1 / 108
31-1 / 486
24-2 / 140
4-6/985
@ 22-1 / 302
10-2 / 109
YJffi 31-16 / 496
25-1 / 157
ttl.?; 19-6 / 27
3- 22-1/302
t$j 10-2 / 109
!i@ 14-1 / 1039
:f' 25-1 / 157
1* 28-1 / 569
irs 22-1 /302
10-2 / 109
gil
:g 25-1/157
:Et 28-1 / 569
$ 22-1 / 302
t$J 10-211 09
i!i,!z 1-1 / 49
m 25-1/157
!Ill 2S-1 / 569
22-1 / 302
11m 10-2/109
@j 1-1 / 49
25-1 / 157
&w 28-2 / 570
at 22-3 / 321
M. 10-2 / 109
1-1/49
25-19 / 257
fm 28-6/600
f@ 22-3 / 321
jfi 10-2 / 109
,M 1-6/53
gUlm
guT
2-6/774
11-3 / 1226
14-1 / 1039
25-91187
1L 4-12 / 992
91 5-6/929
11-3/1226
t! 14-1 / 1039
:f* 19-2/351
4-12 / 992
19-4 / 18
gO
14-111039
ffl' 25-1 / 157
m 4-12/992
19-3 / 352
DJIl 1-21/41
gua
11 25-1 / 157
!I1JL 4- 12 / 992
guo
mll-21 / 41
m:. 1-21141
m 25-1 / 157
11 4-12/992
5-6 / 929
m 1-21 / 41
385
PINYIN INDEX
5-6/929 24-2 / 140 iii 16-1 / 1129 35-1/642 1''1 3-23/707
5-6 / 929 24-5 / 143 m 16-14/1164 E;i 35-1 1642 3-14 / 748
01il 35-1 / 642 3-14 / 748 5-6 / 929
han hao
35-1 / 642 t: 6-1/881 '-ifJJf. 2-7A/783
?f!. 24-1 / 139 13-1 / 1040
tNI 35-1 /642 9-1/831
guo 36-5/609 16-1/1129
II 35-1/642 9-1 / 831
2-6 / 774 36-5/609 16-1/1129
rET 18-1 / 1
hOng 2-6 1774 36-51609 tl 16-1 1 1129
16J 18-1/1
6-221900 "iii 16-1 / 1129
* 19-2/351
han
0% 16-8/1041
{ij 18-1 / 1
m 12-3 / 1182 19-2 / 351
r 24-15/145
21-1 / 313
m 32-7 / 1252 19-2 / 351
ff 24-1/139 hao

19-2/351
-p:f 13-9 / 1044
21-1 / 313
hOng rf 24-1 / 139
!Ill 12-1/1172
If. 19-3/352
ff 24-1 / 139

hao
!rz: 30-1 1 517
#1 12-1 / 1172 guo ,lff 24-1 / 139
1if 16-8/1041
n 12-1 / 1172 Wi 19-4/18 24-11139
5JJI, 16-8 / 1041
he
12-1/1172 t!f!
24-1 / 139
13-1 / 1040
2-1/766
m 12-3/1182
hai
tEf!. 24-1 1139
13-4/1042
2-9/767
15-2 / 1015
4-30 / 1240a
M 24-1/139
13-5/1043 i/fvJj; 2-10 / 779
51:. 6-5 / 887
hai
38-1
m 14-1/1039
IJi 2-10 / 779
* 6-5/887
4-2/937
* 38-3/651
siS- 14-1 / 1039
iI 16-1 / 1129
!Ijz 6-5 / 887
4-2/937
38-3 / 651
16-1/1129
16-1 / 1129
#L 6-5 / 887
4-2 / 937
lW 38-3/652
16-1/1129
16-1 / 1129
M 6-5 / 887
Jl! 27-2/548
$i: 36-5 /609
ri 16-41 / 1137
Ii1X 16-111129
1''1 3-23/707
hili
:mt 36-5 /609
tE 16-41/1137
1f 17-1/1117
3-14/748 36-5 / 609
.. 17-1 / 1117
9-9 / 843
m 4-64 / 947
i?E 38-2 1643
he
{ij 18-1 / I
g 4-17/995
38-4/671
37-1 / 675
18-4 / 15
hOng
hiti
7J5 38-5 / 672
00] 18-1 / 1
21-1/313
12-1 / 1172
* 4-2 / 937 24-2 / 140 fnJ 18-1 / 1
II 12-1 / 1172
r;}j 4-2 / 937
Bl 24-10 / 144
hei
12-3 / 1182
5-38 / 904
@ 15-2/1015
4-2 1937
'.Ii 24-10 1144
he
4-2/937
24-10 /144
* 19-7/8
hen
hou
'If 21-2 / 314
hang 19-7/8
11{ 33-1 / 416
10-1 / 108
han
1T 3-14/748 m 19-7/8
hen
hOu
mt 36-1/606
t:fT 3-14/748
fD 19-7 / 8
{R 33-1 / 416
10-6/113
Jf 24-1/139
tTL 3-1/698
ir 37-1/675
1R 33-1/416
10-6 / 113 M[ 3-1/698 i; 37-1/675
10-6 / 113
han
.:& 37-1/675 hen
* 38-3/651
M 3-1/698
2-1 / 766 tR 33-1 / 416 m 10-6/113
0;3 38-3/651
hang
1-1 / 1258a 10-6/113
heng
10-6 / II3
m 38-2 / 643
m 3-1/698
4-2/937
1jr 3-17 / 716
Mi 38-2/643
hllo r;}j 4-2/937
hou
fj) 24-1/139
1* 13-II 1 1070 Jm 5-2/931
heng
friJ 10-1 1 108
!l!f 24-1 1 139
13-10 11244 iWJj 8-2/855 t:fT 3-14/748
*l 24-2 / 140
16-1/1129 5-31 1260a ffT 3-14 / 748
24-2 / 140
386
PINYIN INDEX
hOu hU IU 8-9/847 ill 25-13 / 167 huang
J 10-5/112
ffE
1-18/57 tfl. 19-1 / 7
huilD
JIJ'C 3-22/ 706
10-5/112
:fJJt
1-18 / 57
** 19-2 / 351
iJ 23-13/1248
3-281765
Mi 10-5 1112 t 1-30 / 60 5 22-1/302
11 23-11 / 256
WiE 3-65 I 742
ofo 10-5 / 112
mt
1-30/60
m 23-11 / 256
Jim 3-65 / 742
huai
11* 10-6 /113
htl mg 28-21 / 572
** 19-2 / 351
huang
W
10-7/114
P
1-6 / 53
24-1/139
,5L 3-28 / 765
1&
10-8 1115

huai
m 24-2 / 140 1-6 / 53
R* 19-2/351 huI 0'0] 10-1 1108

m 25-1 / 157
JJ( 4-20/950
1-61 53
28-1 / 569
hii

1-6 I 53
28-6 / 600
}!t 25-3 / 159
4-20/950
+
1-17/55 11 1-6/53
28-6 I 600
'@: 25-10 I 188
mg 28-21 1572
J.$ 1-17/55 gj 2-8 I 784
1tE 28-11 1601
25-11 1226
19-6 / 27
asp. 1-17/55 11 2-8/784 25-11 1226
m 19-9 I II
1-17 I 55 JIJii 1-1 I 49
huai
25-13/167
19-9111
1-69 1103 'l't 1-1/49
28-6 I 600
25-13 /167
18-18 / 17
1-69 / 103 ffl \-1/49 it 31-2/540
25-13 / 167
27-18 / 584
iPJm 1-69 /1 03 & 1-1/49
huiln
25-13/167
:m 28-5/571
t}j 30-20 I 503 t! 1-1149
tI 25-2 / 158
m 25-16/163
::fl28-5 / 571
m 30-20/503 Ii 1-7 / 54
IX 25-2/158
25-19 / 257
Ell 28-11 / 1237
-m. 30-20/ 503 tlL 1-7/54
'[:I 25-2 / 158
$jG 25-19 I 257
34-13 / 458
'I;tq, 30-20 I 503 ilL 1-7 I 54
,g 25-2 1158
huang 1$ 34-13/458
htl
m 30-20 / 503
III 25-2 I 158
3-651742
*' 34-13 / 458
M
1-1 / 49
11-3 / 1226
lEi 3-65 / 742 1'; 34-13 1458
huan
m 3-65 / 742 11 34-13 1458
fij
1-1 / 49 hua
W: 23-11 1256
M
1-1 149 1t 19-8 119
#1 23-11 I 256
m 3-65 / 742 1:i 34-13/458
1-1 149 8-7/1260
i! 23-11/256
huang
7-9 I 880
7-9 / 880 m3 1-1 / 49
hua tfi 23-11/256
3-24 1708
1-1 149
1-27 / 44
fJ 23-11 /256 3-24 1708 hui
1-1/49
'. 1-27 / 44
m 23-11/256
3-24 / 708 @] 28-4/542

1-1 / 49
f 1-27/44 23-11/256
3-24 1708 fjgl 28-4 I 542
1-5 156
:lW 19-1/7
25-7 / 165
3-24 / 708 28-4 I 542
1-21/41
JI'J 31-1 I 486
m 25-8 1166
3-24 / 708 1@ 28-4/542
1-21 /41
iit 31-1 / 486
T 25-12 / 164
il 3-241708 MI 28-4 I 542

1-23 / 43
G. 7-8 I 879
125-12/164
3-24 1708 28-4 1 542
11-2 / 1225
7-8/879
25-12 / 164
3-24 / 708 28-1 / 569
11-3 / 1226
R 31-1 / 486
25-12 / 164
)I. 3-241708
hui 11-3/1226
25-12 / 164
I! 3-24/708
R 27-20 / 1009 14-1 / 1039
hua
25-13/167
3-24 / 708
18 22-4 / 304 it; 19-8 119
25-13 1 167
3-24 / 708
mg 27-19 / 572
4-64 I 947 18 22-41304
11 1-23/43
:I1G 25-19 1257
3-23 / 707
4-641947 m 31-1/486 m 1-23/43
% 25-19/257
fj{ 3-231707
i' 3 I-I / 486
1-27 / 44
25-20/258
1:1 3-23 1707
18-19 / 356
18-19 / 356 iJlli 31-16/496
f,;t 7-8 I 879
j{ 3-23 1707
*it 27-17/583 16-111129
8-9 1847
huan
3-23/707
fa 8-9/847
ijJG 25-19 I 257
1.: 25-12 I 164
387
hui
ff 28-8 / 1239
[l 28-11 / 601
4-64 / 947
4-64/947
:JfiJ 4-64 / 947
4-64 / 947
iIfil 5-7 / 930
AA" 4-17 / 995
1m! 4-9 / 988
gEl 4-19A
7-8/879
WI 22-3 /321
#-fd 22-3 / 321
m 22-3 / 321
22-3 / 321
29-5 / 571
22-5 / 346
22-5 / 346
22-5/346
22-5 / 346
25-28/171
j.l 28-1 / 569
iIDI 31-2 / 540
28-1/569
29-8 / 533
29-8 / 533
f! 29-8/533
29-8 / 533
29-8 / 533
I! 29-10 / 527
29-10 / 527
m29-10/527

29-11/507
.31-6 / 524
hon
34-13 / 458
32-40 / 457
32-40 / 457
g 32-40/457
32-40 / 457
32-40 / 457
32-40 / 457
Jij 32-40 / 457
32-40 / 457
j 32-40 / 457
hun
34-13 / 458
;m 34-14 / 460
him
1lB 34-1 / 417
'l;Ef; 34-1 /417
34-10 / 425
MI 34-10 / 425
34-10 / 425
34-13 / 458
hUG
it 22-1/302
$ 22-1 / 302
if 22-3/321
huo
)( 27-12 / 353
19-2 / 351
hUG
5-6 / 929
5-6/929
5-6 / 929
8-7/1260
2-10A/1259
1f.!J 19-4 / 18
Jl! 19-8 / 19
21-2 / 314
22-5 / 346
8-9/847
4-:;R 8-9 / 847
2
2-8 / 784
11 2-8 / 784
rt 2-8 / 784
11 2-8 / 784
!it 2-8 / 784
fi 2-8 / 784
iii 2-8 / 784
11 2-8 /784
11 2-8 / 784
2-8 / 784
2-12 / 775
11 2-12 / 775
12-12 / 775
PINYIN INDEX
jT
7T 4-4A
1(: 4-4 / 952
4-4 / 952
'* 4-4 / 952
f;tt 4-4/952
m 4-4 / 952
4-34 / 960
m 7-1 / 876
7-1 / 876
!tJt. 7-3 / 864
J1l 7-3/ 1259
18-1 / 1
Ii 8-14/868
:@. 8-14/868
{l 8-14/868
#,f 8-14/868
Jt 8-11854
li 18-3 / 1238
= 18-1 / 1
18-1 / 1
IlffiJ 18-1 1 I
;f}f 23-3/239
* 26-1 / 586
26-2 / 587
M 26-8 / 602
26-8 1 602
1m 26-8 / 602
it 37-19 / 688
#i 37-19 / 688
26-26 / 592
26-271 593
ii 26-27 / 593
:if 26-27 / 593
26-27 / 593
26-27 / 593
26-28 / 554
26-29/555
1m 27-4 / 547
27-4 / 547
lim 27-4/547
27-4 / 547
27-4 / 547
iii 27-4/547
27-4 / 547
388
27-4 / 547
26-6/552
z:!J 30-1 / 517
oz; 30-1/517
ji
=F\, 2-4 / 786
21 -19A
& 37-2 / 681
1& 37-2 / 681
#& 37-2/681
Vlz. 37-2 / 681
37-2/681
T& 37-2 / 681
R 37-2/681
:f& 37-2 / 681
:& 37-2/681
::rr 37-15 / 694
l/JJR 5-5 / 911
5-5 / 9Il
m 2-32 / 798
;m 2-32 / 798
2-32 /798
m 2-32 / 798
1-9/803
pj 5-4 / 910
5-4 / 910
5-4 / 910
5-4 / 910
5-5 / 911
5-5/911
ff 8-17/852
1ft 8-17/852
1m 8-17/852
Jf1f 8-17 / 852
iji 37-8/685
Til 37-19 / 688
1'1 37-19 / 688
leG 37-19 / 688
37-19 / 688
37-19 / 688
r:a 37-19 / 688
37-20 / 691
S 29-1 / 393
ffl 29-1 / 393
it! 29-1 / 393
Yfj 29-1 / 393
15 29-1 / 393
ffi 29-1 /393
S 29-1 / 393
(B 29-1 / 393
.",P
29-29 / 494
29-29 / 494
t;JJ; 29-29 / 494
ep 29-30 / 399
ep 5-26 / 923
29-30 / 923
IP 5-26 / 923
5-26 / 923
ji
a 4-5 / 953
ttl. 4-5 / 953
D 7-5 / 865
' 1;"\
t't 2-3 / 785
Jl 7-3 I 864
18-1 / 1
18-\ / I
t'f 26-6 I 552
J1 26-8 I 602
;fA 26-8 / 602
26-8 / 602
M' 26-27 / 593
m 27-4 / 547
27-4 / 547
27-4 / 547
ji
g 21-5A
9C 30-2 1 5\5
.ft5 30-2 / 515

1I 30-2 / 515
1x 7-3 / 864
DZ 7-3 1864
7-3 / 864
Jil,& 7-3 / 864
Rt]l 2-27 / 800
:i2f 2-27 / 800
::Et 4-4 / 952
........
4-4 / 952
if 4-4 / 952
ill 4-4A
?tC 4-5 / 953
4-5 / 953
4-5 / 953
4-5 / 953
4-5/953
5-25 / 922
5-25 / 922
7-2 / 1241
8-1/854
8-1/854
8-14/868
8-14/868
14-18 / 1031
t' 14-18 / 1031
37-19/688
I'tlG 37-19/688
37-19/688
}1l37-19 / 688
itr 18-111
18-1 / 1
18-1/1
20-1 / 279
%r 20-2 / 327
21-28 / 337
21-281337
[lg 21-28 / 337
H 26-3/ 1241
n 24-1 1300
26-27 / 593
26-27 / 593
ji 26-27 I 593
26-27/593
26-27 / 593
26-27 / 593
" 26-27 / 593
f/!f 26-27/ 593
27-2/ 548
27-3 / 603
g 27-3 / 603
29-1/393
* 29-5/538
'1'* 29-5 / 538
29-29 / 494
20-1 / 279
113 30-4 / 1237
i 30-4
30-2 / 515
29-1 / 393
m 21-58
jia
fI 20-2 / 327
1m 18-4 / 15
tfJo 18-4 / I 5
]0 18-4 / 15
18-4 / 15
18-4 / 15
35-3/630
;t* 35-3 / 630
* 1-11 / 32
1-12/33
m 1-12 / 33
7-8 / 879
26-9 / 599
jili
35-3 / 630
n! 35-3 / 630
35-3 / 630
35-3/630
35-3 / 630
37-1 / 675
1m 37-1 /675
Rg 37-1/675
30-5 / 504
jia
Ef3 35-2 / 629
1-12 / 33
'ffiZ 1-12/33
1-12 / 33
1-13134
fl 1-16 / 38
jia
1$t. 1-11 / 32
1* 1-11/32
1-16138
11 1-16 / 38
18-4 / 15
PINYIN INDEX
jian
H 23-3 / 239
;flf 23-3 / 239
23-3/239
36-20
tlf 24-1 / 139
24-1/139
IT 24-1/139
36-21 / 620
Ji 36-21 / 620
36-21 / 620
36-21/620
f:@ 36-21 / 620
JI\Wi
m 36-22 / 611
36-7 / 627
Ei. 36-5 / 609
mi 36-5 / 609
4f 38-4/671
iiY%
! ,ij 38-4/671
m 38-28 / 660
23-1 / 240
23-1 / 240
00 23-5/191
FE' 23-5/ 191
23-5 / 191
24-41 / 155
iiJ 23-20 / 245
23-20/245
23-20 / 245
III 24-8 / 249
it 24-8 / 249
m 24-8 / 249
24-9/184
'7 25-1 / 157
32-1/368
Ii 33-5 / 480
JlIl 33-5 / 480
m 38-11 /658
jilin
36-6 / 613
36-6 / 613
1W; 38-4 / 671
RH 23-3/239
AA 23-5 / 191
* 23-7 / 185
389
23-7/185
tlW 23-20 / 245
23-20 / 245
5!!J 23-20/245
f,f 23-20 / 245
1l 24-5 / 143
tI 24-5 / 143
24-5 / 143
tB 24-6
24-8 / 249
;jj! 24-8 / 249
24-41 / 155
24-41 / 155
24-41 / 155
32-29/378
iii 32-2 / 1250
:fI 32-2 / 1250
jian
J! 23-2 / 241
m 36-22 / 611
fiT 36-22 / 611
36-6 / 613
fW: 36-6 / 613
Ei. 36-5 / 609
36-5 / 609
11 36-5/609
38-28 / 660
m 38-28 / 660
23-5 / 191
23-7/185
23-20 / 245
ij!; 24-8 / 249
III 24-8 / 249
11 24-8 / 249
24-8 / 249
;jj! 24-8 / 249
24-8 / 249
24-41/155
J?&j 24-41 / 155
24-41 / 155
Q 24-41 / 155
24-41/155
24-41 / 155
f. 33-22 / 432
m 33-22 / 432
M 33-22 / 432
33-23 / 477
?R. 36-4/624
jiang
1I 12-1 / 1172
3-5 / 711
3-6/712
3-49 / 727
3-49 / 727
1M! 3-49/ 727
.. 3-3 / 710
11 3-3 / 710
ii 3-3 / 710
3-3/710
3-3 / 710
)I 3-3 / 710
jiang
3-49/727
3-49 / 727
3-7/ 752
1M 10-2 / 1198
jiang
1ft 3-52 / 729
is 3-49/727
!Ill 12-1 / 1172
15-2 / 1015
jiao
3( 16-6/1166
X 16-6 / 1166
!I& 16-6 / 1166
16-6 / 1166
16-6 / 1166
16-611166
YX 16-6 / 1166
16-5 / 1163
14-18 / 1031
13-45 / 1069
16-14 / 1164
16-4 / 1162
'IIi 16-311138
'II 16-3 / 1138
16-3 / 1138
. 16-3 / 1138
* 16-31/1148 . \'
PINYIN INDEX

16-31 / 1148

16-4 / 1162 ti 21-1 / 313 1$ 32-32 / 381 9-25 / 812

16-31 / 1148

16-4 / 1162 1i 21-1 / 313 32-3 / 369 .1J1f 9-25 / 812
M
16-31 / 1148
1!t
16-4 / 1162 m 21-1/313 rfJ 33-6 / 482 9-21 / 820
16-31/1148

16-3 / 1138 21-1 / 313 33-3/445 m 9-4 / 808
jilio

17-12/1121 21-1 / 313 33-2 / 443 9-3 / 813
nfi 17-12 / 1121
1m
17-12 / 1121 m21-1/313
jin
9-1 / 831

16-31 / 1148 21-1 / 313
38-3 / 652
9-1 / 831
jUio

16-31 / 1148 H 24-1 / 300
32-1 / 368
M 9-1 / 831
ft3 11-2 / 1225
M
16-31 / 1148 5 29-1 / 393
33-5 / 480
9-1 / 831
JI1ijl 2-2 / 776 16-31 / 1148 0"5 29-1 / 393
til 33-5 / 480 jlng
2-2 / 776
jie
*5 29-1 / 393
fi 33-5 / 480 it 9-22 / 819
*1/
13-8 / 1064
ffi 29-1 / 393
*L
13-8/ 1064
.'l 1-57 / 46
ta 29-1 / 393
JI 33-5 / 480 1 9-22 / 819
11
14-3 / 1038
f!J 7-8 / 879
:ffi 29-1 / 393
33-4 / 444 m 9-22/819
ix
16-6/1166
35-15 / 635
Ej] 29-1 / 393
jin
3-10 / 755
35-15 / 635 9-3 / 813
ifi 16-6 / 1166
35-3 / 630
!Il6 29-1 / 393
fT 33-2 / 443
9-3 / 813
tx
16-6 / 1166
21-5 / 284
29-1 / 393
wr 33-2 / 443
if 9-3 / 813
8SZ 16-6 / 1166
29-30 / 399
i'i 33-2 / 443
fIX
16-6 / 1166
18-13 / 5
f.1t 38-3 / 651
9-1 / 831

16-6/1166
26-9 / 599 jie
ai 38-3 / 652
9-1 / 831

16-6 / 1166
26-9 / 599 m. 1-57 / 46
38-18 / 655
fJ[ 9-7 / 828

16-6 / 1166
!f6 26-9 / 599 M7-7 / 861
38-18 / 655 jing

16-14 / 1164
26-9 / 599
jie 38-27 / 661 9-tt 9-22/819

16-4 / 1162
26-9 / 599
fI- 20-2/327 38-27 / 661 3-7 / 752
iIJlt
16-4 / 1162
fa 29-1 / 393
iii 20-2 / 327 38-27 / 661 :J:l 3-7 / 752

16-3 / 1138
ii 29-2 / 278
ifff 20-2 / 327 m 32-32 / 381 3-7 / 752
m
16-3/1138
21-1 / 313
W- 20-2 / 327 32-32 / 381 :fi 3-7/752
m
16-3 / 1138
21-1 / 313
ft 20-2 / 327 fi 32-32 / 381 1* 9-23 / 811

16-3 / 1138 jie m. 1-57 / 46 II! 32-32 / 381 ftJ 9-23 / 811
m
16-3 / 1138 .:f 21-4 / 283 ittf 2-32 / 798 i!f 32-29 / 378 9-25 / 812

16-3/1138 21-5 / 284 O'l' 2-32/798 m 32-29 / 378 lW 9-25 / 812
jj]
16-32/1169 21-5 / 284 ft 2-32 / 798 32-29 / 378 M 9-25 / 812

16-32 / 1169 35-3 / 630 ft\G 4-3 / 990 32-30 / 379 9-3 / 813
itk
13-57/ 1092 f* 35-3 / 630 4-3 / 990 S 33-5 / 480 1tIDt 9-3 / 813
jiao
35-16 / 636 %tf 21-2 / 314 1.1 33-5 / 480 9-3 / 813
P1/ 13-8 / 1064
35-16 / 636 Jffi 29-4 / 510 !i 33-5 / 480 9-1 / 831
13-8 / 1064
35-16 / 636
jIn
11 33-5 / 480 9-1 / 831
u4
u
13-8 / 1064
tW 35-1 / 642
38-3 / 651
m 33-5 / 480 9-1 / 831
u n
fJJ 35-1 / 642 ji 33-5 / 480 9-1 / 831
fit
13-47 / 1114 7 38-3 / 651

14-1 / 1039
f1 37-1 / 675
if: 38-3 / 652 jIng
9-1 / 831
liiX
16-6 / 1166
lE1 37-1 / 675
38-3/652
* 3-10 / 755
6-1 9 / 884

\6-7/1167
til 37-1 / 687
m 38-18 / 655

jiong
20-1 / 279
,,)f, 3-10/755
fx
16-7 / 1167 38-27 / 661 5t.H: 6-3 / 888 !oJ 9-8 / 842
tx
16-6 / 1166
20-\ / 279
38-27 / 661 N 9-25 / 812 :I:f6] 9-8 / 842
tx
16-6 / 1166
20-13 / 310
R 38-28 / 660 ;m 9-25 / 812 9-8 / 842
390
PINYIN INDEX
9-8/842 #!x: 4-15 / 1066 14-2/1017

1-9/803 20-3 / 312
jiong
]V 4-8/987 14-211017

1-9 / 803 20-3 / 312
1m 3-25/763
'It X 13-57 / 1092 *J 14-2 / 1017 M 1-9 / 803 20-3/312
3-10 / 755
m:t 13-58 / 1093 fi 14-2 / 1017 J# 1-18178 20-3/312
Ji 9-7 / 828
13-7 / 1068 *J 14-2/1017 2-7/96 tj( 20-3 / 312
*] 9-7 / 828 ju
"ft] 14-2 / 1017 . 2-7 / 96 tk: 20-3 / 312
9-8/842 $ 1-1 / 49
29-11 / 507 'II 2-7 / 96 22-1/302
j1] 9-8 / 842 :J:Ji5 1-1 /49
29-11/507 HI 2-7/96 i)J?: 22-2 / 301
rfij] 9-8 / 842 :Em 1-1/49
f.j 29-11 / 507 1]. 1-57 / 46 J9!X 22-2 / 30 I
9-8 / 842 :fJi!i 1-1 /49
1lfi 29-11 / 507 10-29 / 123 {JiilX 22-2 / 301
9-61809 :tm 1-1 / 49 jii
-. 10-29/123 JJZ 22-2/301
'fI! 34-12 / 459 1-1 / 49 E. 1-19195
W 10-29/123 11K 22-2 / 301
jiU
1-57/46 tE 1-19/95
]I: 10-29 / 123 i'l22-2 / 301
L-/
13-8/ 1064
1-57 /46 1-19 / 95
10-35 / 131 m 22-2 / 301
13-8 / 1064
ill 1-57 / 46 1-19 / 95 juan
22-2/301
il:!l
13-8 / 1064
Eil 1-57 / 46 :f:E 1-19/95 tFj 23-17 / 228
22-2 / 301
13-8/1064
iIfE 1-57/46 1-25/99 yFj 23-17 / 228
22-16 / 296
flJlj 13-8/1064
Eli 1-57/46 1-25/99 til 23-8 / 1250
m 22-16/296
---
:a 2-2/776
4-12 / 992
.... 1-57/46 1-25 / 99 25-39/235
4-12 / 992
illil 1-57/46 ail. 1-57/46
ID* 1-9/803
1* 4- I 5 / I 066
i: 1-57/46 1-57 / 46
juan
M 1-9 / 803
m 13-36/ 1096
if 1-57 / 46 1S 1-54176
:ff 25-11 / 226
II 2-7/778
Ilfk 13-57 / 1092
fSj 10-1 / 108 g 1-54176
25-39/235
11 2-7/778
13-57 / 1092
10-1 / 108 1-45/75
juan
2-7 / 778

}1iJ 10-1 / 108 ;til] 10- I / I 08 23-17 / 228
'II 2-71778
13-45 / 1069
13-45 / 1069
tiIfX 10-35 / 131 10-9 / 121
2: '"
JEI 2-7 / 778
,,,1"3 23- I 7 / 228
13-45 / 1069
IlJrZ 10-35 / 131 1-9 / 803
23-17/228
tfiJ 11-2 / 1225
at 16-31/ 1148
10-35 / 131 23-11 / 256
11-3 / 1226
10-9/121
jiJ
*
-t] 10- I / 108
25-11 / 226
13-17 / 1245
jiii i'= 25-11 / 226
JE 14-3/1038
fL 4-12 / 992
ju E 1-19 / 95
-:z 4-13 / 993
Ji! 8-6/860 fE 1-19/95
{;g 25-11 / 226
16-611166
4-13/993
8-6 / 860 Jf'E 1-19/95
25-11 / 226
16-711167
4-13/993
8-6/860 ;f. 1-19 / 95
25-11 / 226
16-3 / 1138
13-36 / 1096
fiiij 11-5 / 1214 1-19 / 95
25-39/235
If 17-12/1121
3.E 13-6 / 1065

11-5 / 1214 lEE 1-19/95
Ill! 25-IIA
17-12/1121

11-5/1214 1-19 / 95
25-118
I 6-3 I / 1148
16-3 / 1138
jiiJ
:tffij 11-511214 tE 1-19 / 95
E3 4-16/1067
jue
flli 23-12/1256
4-16/1067
j=Jili 31-16 / 496 10-9 / 121
ff{ 18-13/5
1ft!l 31-16 / 496
itH 31-16 / 496 1-1/49
W 4-16 / 1067
12-3/1182 m 1-1 / 49
jue
tJili 31-16 / 496
IiI 4-16/1067
12-3 / 1182 1-1 / 49
20-3 / 312
jtH 31-16 / 496
m 4-8/987
'*1 14-2 / 1017 1-9 / 803
1R 20-3 / 312
29-11 / 507
4-13 / 993
m 14-2 / 1017

fj( 20-3 I 3 12
29-11 / 507
4-13 / 993
1-9/803

mi% 29-11 / 507
i*I 14-2/1017

t[ 4-13/993
1-9 / 803
jEj( 20-3 / 312
riB] 29-11 1 507
391
PINYIN INDEX
jon kan 16-1/1129 3-1/698 kii
32-7/391 fU 24-1/139 9-1/831 E 1-1/49
32-7/391
* 24-1/139
kilo
m 16-1/ 1129
9-1/831
t)] 32-7/391 38-3/651 9-1 / 831
kil
;g 34-12/459 m 38-\\ / 658
ke
32-\ / \252
Jij[ 1-10/74
34-12/459 UJi 38-11 / 658
to] 18-1 / I
1W 1-\0/74
11 34- Il /485 iIDt 38-11 /658
fpJ 18-1 / I
kong
* 1-23 / 43
34-11/485 WJ 38-11 /658
-I+- 12-1 / 1172
1-23 / 43
PI 18-\ / I
m 34-Il /485
35-1 / 642
\2-1 / \172 m 14-1/1039
Jl[ 34-13 / 458
kan
35-1/642
5L 6-5/887 \4-3/1038
:J:);: 36-4 / 624
jim iV\ 36-4 / 624
19-4/18 kong
m 31-1 / 486
25-39/235 JilX 36-2 / 607
f4 19-7 / 8 fL 12-2 / 1174 kua
m 34-11 / 485 38-4 / 671
ke
12-1/1172 4!j 1-23/43
til 34-11 /485 @( 38-5/672 4-2/937
12-1/1172 1-23 / 43
ttj) 34-12/459 :tg 38-5/672 4-2/937 kong
1-23 / 43
34-23 /468 l!i\ 38-1\ / 658
\\-3 / 1226 '. 12-\ / 1172
:w 1-23/43
'Mt 34-23 /468 ifrt 24-3/141
12-1/1172
* 1-23/43
Y& 34-23 /468
ke
EI 12-1 / 1172
i% 19-4 / 18
34-23/468
kiln
""iij 18-1 / \
34-23/468
24-4/142
1{ib 21-1 / 313 kOu
kuil
34-23 /468
38-11/658
21-1 / 313 M 10-10 /122
1-23/43
34-23 / 468
1ijJ 36-2 / 607 21-1/313 ft] 10-1 / 108
ft 19-2 / 35\
34-23/468
1fT 24-1 / 139
ke
ftffJ 10-1 / 108 kuai
1*: 34-23 /468
!I!f 24-1 / 139
5l 5-1 / 903
i% 19-4/ 18
kou
34-32 / 466
kilng 5tl 5-1 / 903 D 10-3/110
Or\) 19-4 / 18
k3
m 3-\2/746
5IU 5-1 /903 kuili
1t 3-12/746
2-lI 766
kou
2-1/766
Op 10-3/110
tR: 20-3 / 3 12
tl* 3-\2 / 746 2-1/766
to 10-3 / 110
Iii 22-3/321
kili
*'* 3-121746
2-1/766 22-3/321
00 27-1 / 541 'It 3-1 / 698
2-1/766

10-3 / 110
'J:gfi 3-12/746 35-1 / 642
10-4 / 111
it 22-3/321
kai 'Iy)( 10-1 / 108
nt 22-3/321
w... 4-2 / 937 :fWI 22-3/321
R 27-2 / 548 kilng '1'6] \0-\ I 108
:WL 27-2/548 1L 3-\ / 698
:1:* 19-2/351
WIj 10-5 / 1\2
ut 22-3 / 321
27-2/548 m 3-1/698
19-2/351
11-3 / 1226
28-1 / 569
27-2/548 1A 3-1/698
ken
flIjlj 31-4 / 534
III 27-2/548 lLY 3-1 / 698
6-2 / 882
kil
31-4/534
27-2/548 A 6-2/882
1-\ /49
ltJ 31-3 / 510
m 26-9/599
kilo
U 33-1/416
1-\ / 49
31-5 / 523
JtL 4-12/992
33-1 / 416
%U 1-23 / 43
kili 1-23 / 43
kuiln
35-1/642
kao 33-1/416 j[ 25-7/165
'I*'. 30-1 /517
""lj 13-3/1041 33-1/416
11-1 / 1203
Dffi: 30-2/515
5!x
13-3/1041 @[ 33-2/443
tJHl 31-16/496 kuan
30-2/515

13-3/1041
%B 31-16 / 496 f'Jt 25-19 / 257

keng ijtll 31-16 / 496
f.-,
21-1 / 313
13-3 / 1041
if,Ji.. 25-6 / 162
m
16-1 / 1129
:9t 3-\ /698 25-6 / 162
392
PINYIN INDEX
kUiIng 4-9 / 988 2-6 / 774 23-7/185 lao
oc 3-26 / 739 Jre; 19-12 / 29 t-5 22-) 1302 ;fl 23-7 !I 85 13-43/1055
3-261739
kUJ
t5 22-1/302 jI 23-71185 mt 16-24 / 1151
3-261739
tl 28-1/569
22-1 / 302 [jj 23-7/185 16-24/1151
'l'1f 3-26 I 739
28-1 1569
22-1/302 III 23-7 / 185
lao
kuang yJl 28-1 I 569
22-1/302 iI 23-7/185
M 2-11766
ft 3-261739 28-1/569
tIl 3-23 / 707 f,ij 23-7 / 185
16-23/1135
3-261739
31-2 / 540
IiI Ian m 16-23 / 1135
kuimg
jf 31-2 1540 ili37-15/694 iEi: 36-5 / 609
Ie
1 3-28 / 765
1ft 31-2/540 35-4 / 1254a 'I: 36-5 / 609
in 5-21/928
PSl 3-28/765
11 31-2/540
Iii
fI 36-51609
in 5-21 / 928
:tI 3-23 1707
31-2 / 540
jfU 21-24/272
36-51609
5-21/928
B,I 3-23/707
Mt 31-2/540
21-24/272
1JliJ 21-241272
5-21 / 928
.. 3-231707
'1' 1 31-2 / 540
lj 21-24 / 272 Ian 1fJJ 5-21 1928
3-23/707
tl 31-2 / 540
B'i 37-15 1694 36-5 1609

17-8/1125
ta 3-23/707
31-2/540
1li 35-12/637 36-51609

17-8 1 1125
#;Jt 3-22 I 706
III 31-2 / 540
35-12 / 637 23-7 1185

17-8 1 1125
3-26/739
31-5 1523
*1 21-26 / 340 23-7 1185
lei
kuf
kiin
bii lang lilt 28-15 / 577
\<\ 34-61422
g 4-201950
!$ 34-51421
* 5-22 / 932
3-43/735 28-15/577
!!J 7-8/879
1* 5-22/932 ;m 3-43/735 28-15 / 577
m 7-101875
.FE 34-1 / 417
j! 5-22/932 !l!N 3-43/735 ;;t 28-15 I 577
7-10/875
wl% 34-1 1417
"* 5-22 / 932 JM 3-43 /735
--==-
.ffi 34-1 I 417
Jlm 19-18/14
1'5 19-5 128 5-221932 ffi! 3-43 I 735 -I! 28-15 / 577
28-21570
34-1 / 417
j$ 5-22 / 932 3-43 I 735 lit 28-15 / 577
m 34-1 1417
5-22 / 932 3-43 /735 m 28-15/577
kui
34-11417
4-9 1988
34-1 / 417
lili
ffl 3-43 I 735
lei
4-10 1989 [' 34-1 1417 j!f 5-22 / 944
fN 3-43/735
* 28-17/578
1JJ[ 4-121992
34-7/423 *b 5-22/944
1N 3-43 I 735
"8* 28-17 / 578
.fItt 4-12 / 992
kun
5-22/932 lang 28-16 1545
7-8/879 21-24 / 272 AA 3-43 1735 :m 28-15/577
26-10 / 605
Jj'[ 34-81424
1fj 21-24/272 28-15 / 577
26-10 / 605
'l'1fI 34-9 I 420
it 21-24 / 272
lang
rm 28-15 / 577
26-10/605
00 34-9 1420
lj 21-24 / 272
3-431735
11 28-15/577
mJ 34-91420 3-43 /735
26-10 I 605
mI 34-9 / 420
*1 21-26/340
3-43 1735
28-15 / 577
26-10/605
$ 34-11 / 485 hin fN 3-43 I 735
28-15 / 577
)\!t 28-1 I 569
M 36-26/625 3-431735
;I; 28-151577
28-311237 kim
-'-Il
M 36-26/625
pBIBI 28-15 / 577
'/I 28-311237 LEl 34-9 I 420
:E 36-5 / 609
lao
it 28-15/577
kui
om 34-91420
If 36-5/609
'$ 13-44 / 1056
28-15/577
SiJ[ 7-3 1864 kuo 0:# 38-18/655
mJ
13-45 / 1069
28-15 / 577
fi!l 7-81 879 JfB 2-6 / 774 38-18 / 655

16-24/1151
!I!i 28-11/575
26-10 I 605 2-6/774 'fff 38-18/655
i#
16-23 / 1135
393
PINYIN INDEX
lei 1M 7-22 / 1241 rn 8-2/855 3-10 / 755

;;0- 13-45 / 1069
*= 28-17 / 578 :it 7-22 / 1241 17-811 125 W2 3-46 / 738

16-24 / 1151
29-25/532 :I: 26-23 / 597 17-8 / 1125 3-46 / 738 1$t 16-24 / 1151
m 22-14 / 299 11 26-23 / 597 17-8 / 1125 ji 3-45 / 737

16-24/ 1151
28-15/577 ft 26-23 / 597 ,t! 17-8 / 1125 ;fi 3-45/737

17-8 / 1125
31-19 / 529 S 26-23/597
17-8/1125
liang lie
m 31-19/529
n
J;I; 21-26 / 340
3-44 / 736 % 22-15
28-15 / 577
11 5-21 / 928
iNJ 21-261340
3-44/736 37U 21-25 / 291
leng in 5-21 /928
21-26/340
3-44 / 736 21-25 / 291
9-19 / 823 if}] 5-21 /928
21-26 / 340
1yIJ 21-25/291
4-52 / 975
21-26 / 340
liang
f.H 21-25/291
Ii
JI 21-26 / 340 1* 3-10 / 755
P. 4-36 / 979
JI. 37-15 / 694
f121-261340
% 3-10 / 755
rr.J 21-25 / 291
4-36 / 979
37-15 / 694 -"--'- io/IJ 21-25 / 291
ril 37-15/694 Iian
P/J!. 3-10 / 755
JZIl 21-25 / 291
f1k 4-36/979 tff: 3-10 / 755
n: 4-36/979
-:rr 37-15 / 694 Ii: 36-7 / 627
3-44 / 736

21-25/291
4-36 / 979
37-15 / 520 36-7 / 627
!i: 3-45 / 737
22-14 / 299
4-36 / 979
ffi 37-15/520
** 36-7/627
m 29-25 / 532
a 4-36/979
Ei. 37-15/520 11 36-7 / 627
Iiao
!itt 35-12 / 637
t.l 4-35 / 978
2-1 / 766 36-7 / 627
JWIJ 13-47/ 1114
.. 35-12/637
4-35 / 978
fiJ 26-24 / 519 36-6/613
13-45/ 1069
{ttl. 35-12 / 637
W 4-35/978
fI] 26-24 / 519 24-32 / 213
13-45 / 1069
mt 35-12 / 637
.lIi 7-21 /878
m 29-25 / 532 {I 24-32 / 213
13-45 / 1069
35-12/637
*1 7-21 / 878
29-25 / 532 M 24-32 / 213
16-26/1245
Nil. 35-12 / 637
30-11 / 509 24-32/213
g
16-23 / 1135
1'i 35-12 / 637
111
i=l
18-10 / 24
30-11 / 509 24-33 / 214 1$t 16-24 / 1151
$I 18-11 / 23
33-15 / 1241 11$l 32-26 / 387 1lt
lin
a
16-24 / 1151
** 38-18/655
18-11 /23
1-91J 21-25 / 291 9J/.
16-24/1151
ill
18-11 / 23
io/IJ 21-25 / 291
Jian

16-24 / 1151
:{ff 38-18 / 655
m
18-11 / 23
21-25/291
24-32/213

# 38-18 / 655
M 18-11/23 ff 24-32/213
16-24 / 1151
Iff 38-18 / 655
26-24/519
29-24 / 1241
36-6 / 613

16-24 / 1151
em; 38-20/669
26-24 / 519
29-23/403
36-6 / 613

16-24/ 1151
32-26 / 387
29-23 /403
16-24/1151
26-24 / 519
29-23/403
1m: 36-6/613

16-24/1151
32-26 / 387
26-24/519
7-2311241
Him
#!f<
16-24 / 1151
32-26 / 387
26-24 / 519 1w 32-26/387
ffJ 26-24 / 519
7-24 / 872 36-6 / 613

16-24/1151
32-26 / 387
Ii 7-21 / 878 23-7/185 16-24/ 1151
7-21/878 23-7 / 185
32-26 / 387
II Iiao

32-26/387
* 4-37/980
:tl 7-21 / 878
ii* 23-7 / 185
J 16-25
32-26 / 387
.m 4-35 / 978
I'll 7-21 / 878 %* 23-7 / 185
mt
13-45 / 1069
32-26 / 387
8-13/858
ifII 23-7 II 85

:f.l 4-35 / 978

16-24 / 1151
4-35/978
Jff8-13/858 25-31 / 178

16-24 / 1151
lIn
f.I 4-35/978
8-13/858
liang
38-19/668
4-35 / 978
Iff 8-13 /858
3-43/735
liao
,lj; 38-19 / 668
:Ii 7-22 II 241
8-13/858
3-43/735
*4-
16-26 / 1245
III 38-1 9 / 668
1'1 7-22 / 1241
$I 8-13 / 858
3-43 / 735
13-45 / 1069
394
PINYIN INDEX
lin

13-47 / 1114 lou

11-15 / 1208 ,,, 11-15 / 1208
1!i 33-36 / 475

13-47 / 1114 :II 10-29 / 123
@:
11-16 / 1209

11-15 / 1208
}t 38-25 / 667
Wi
13-47 / 1114 11 10-29 / 123
tI
11-16 / 1209

11-15 / 1208
32-26 / 387
,m 13-47 / 1114
lou
fi
11-16/1209
luan
1i:m 32-26 / 387

13-45/1069

10-29 / 123
11l
11-16 / 1209
25-31 / 178
32-26 / 387

13-45 / 1069

10-27 / 120
fi
11-16 / 1209
m 25-31 / 178
li.i 32-27 / 1251

13-45 / 1069
IW
10-28 / 1246

11-16 / 1209

00 32-27 / 1251

13-45 / 1069
@ 13-45 / 1069
25-31 / 178
hI

13-45 / 1069
25-31 / 178 ling liii

1-55 /77

6-17 / 898
:rm
13-45 / 1069
25-31 / 178 13-47 / 1114
Jj
1-51 / 69

6-17 / 898
WP
13-45 / 1069
25-31 / 178 13-47 / 1114
Ii:
1-51 / 69

&t 6-17 / 898
WI
13-45 / 1069
25-31 / 178 13-47 / 1114
Jjf
1-51 / 69

6-17/898 1jJ
17-8 / 1125
25-31 / 178 13-47 / 1114
JIli
1-51 / 69
6-17/898
liil
Jjj
1-51 / 69
Iii
luan
!& 6-17 / 898
14-16 / 1032
fJi
1-51 / 69
00
1-54 / 76
25-32 / 179
6-1 7/ 898
/\

1i
13-47 / 1114
jJj
1-51 / 69
1-51 / 69
6-1 7 / 898
11
jJj
lil
1-51 / 69
luan
9-19 / 823
13-47 / 1114 1-51 / 69

25-33/180

13-45 / 1069
lit
1-51 / 69
10-29 / 123
9-19 / 823
til
1-51 / 69
1M
10-29 / 123
lue
9-19 / 823
16ng
S
1-51/69
W
10-29/ 123
22-14 / 299
9-19/823
12-15 / 1193
!it
1-51 / 69

10-29 / 123
2-1 / 766
9-19/823 n
12-15 / 1193
Iii 1* 3-10/755
9-19 / 823 V
12-15 / 1193 Iii
9-19 / 823 ft
12-15 / 1193

1-52/70
g
1-54 / 76
hln
9-19 / 823 I!
12-15 / 1193
ift
1-52 / 70
18
1-54 / 76
34-24 / 470
9-19 / 823 V:
12-15 / 1193

1-53 / 71
18
1-54 / 76
{tfH 34-24 / 470
9-19 / 823
15-2 / 1015

1-51/69
1-54 / 76
34-24 / 470
9-19 / 823

15-2 / 1015
1-54 /76
-$ 34-24 / 470
9-19 / 823
lil

1-55 / 77
'llfH 34-24 / 470
9-19 / 823
long

14-16 / 1032

1-55 / 77
1fflj 34-24 / 470
9-19/823
D: 12-15 / 1193

14-16 / 1032 f[i 1-51 / 69
fJjij 34-24 / 470
9-19 / 823
III 12-15 / 1193 m 14-16/1032
it
10-29 / 123
ti1fH 34-24 / 470
ii \2-\5/\\93 2-\ /766
frtJ
10-29 / 123
ffiWi 9- \8 / 836
2-1 / 766
JW 10-29 / 123
lun
m 9-18 / 836
long
2-1/766 Jfj 26-22 / 562
'Iifij 34-24 / 470
ffii 9-18 / 836 * 12-14 / 1180
2-1 / 766
Ii 9-18 / 836
16u
2-1 / 766
Iii
liln
9-18 / 836
1$ 3 I-I 8 / 502
-'-A

10-29 / 123
S 2-1/766
5fffi 34-24 / 470
ling it
10-29 / 123
It 2-1 / 766
$: 31-23 / 498
luo
9-19 / 823
U
10-29 / 123
llffi 2-1 / 766
f.;$ 31-23 / 498
ff 22-14 / 299
11
10-29 / 123
-f!<
11-15 / 1208
Ii* 31-23 / 498
ling

fla.
JJl
1-51 / 69
lu6
10-29 / 123
11-15 / 1208
9-19/823
Ut
10-29 / 123


1-51 / 69
*I 18-10 / 6
11-15 / 1208
if
m 18-10 / 6
tili W
10-29 / 123
Wl<
1-51 / 69
11-15/ 1208
ItJJ
Ii 28-15 / 577
t1E 1M
10-29 / 123

1-51 / 69
13-46 / 1104 11-15 / 1208
1ft
28-15 / 577
1iJ,i 13-46 / 1104

11-15/1208
1-51 / 69
395
PINYIN INDEX
28-15 / 577 }@ 8-24/848 3-64 / 709 JW( 4-20/950 3-65 / 742
28-15/577 21-26/267 !k# 3-64 / 709 frt 4-65 / 948 !iii 3-65 / 742
4-65 / 948 @ 3-65 / 742 19-4/18 21-26/267
mao
1ll 4-65 / 948 IBt 3-65 /742 U 30-21 / 531
fe!i 16-43 / 1159
4-65/948 M 3-68 / 760
lu{)
BJf 3-68 / 760
19-2/351 man
mao 1:$( 27-13 / 546
19-2/351 24-58/222
:: 16-41 / 1137
fj(: 27-13 / 546 6-22 / 900
.Ii 7-22/1241 :/AAi. 24-58 / 222
16-41 / 1137
J 27-14/567 6-22/900
19-18/14 24-57 / 183
1* 16-41/1137
iJ 27-14/567 6-22 / 900
,. 19-21351 24-57/ 183
16-41 / 1137
fml 27-14 / 567 W; 6-22 / 900
IiI 19-18A / 24-56/266
4-36 / 979
27-14 / 567 EU! 6-24/ 1252d
1236 24-56 / 266
4-36 / 979
12-27/1181
mei
12-27 / 1181
m: 25-31 / 178
1 16-4111137
27-16 / 568
luo
* 13-76/1\09 12-27 / 1181
2-1 / 766 man
EJ 4-64 / 947
12-2711181
-g. 2-11766 36-28 13-76 / 1\09
$id 24-5 8 / 222
12-27/1181
1:B 2-1/766 rffi 24-57 / 183 ff* 13-76 / 1 \09
l1ifx 27-18 / 584
2-1 / 766 24-57 / 183 13-76/1\09
meng
13-76/1\09 mei
1i 3-69 / 761
ne 2-1/766
man
\3-76/1109 :JftJ 4-64 / 947
12-2711181
t 2-1 / 766
24-56 / 266
tk: 20-3 / 312 2-1/766
{.t 24-56/266 mao
M1l 27-14/567 meng 2-1 / 766
:t.t 24-56/266 .gp 13-47/1114
7;] 30-20/503 jfu 3-69 / 761 2-1 / 766
$1 24-56/266 gp 13-47 / 1114
$91( 30-21 / 531 w: 6-22 / 900 2-1/766
M! 24-56 / 266 :gp 13-4711114
30-21/531
mi
2-1/766
24-56 / 266
mao
fI* 30-21 / 531
* 26-39 / 598
rna 24-56/266
1=]13-74 / 1062
30-21/531
'* 26-39/598 * 18-18/17
24-56/266
'g 13-74/1062
r* 30-21 / 531
'* 26-39/598
2-40/802 'i't 24-56 / 266
13-74 / 1062
tK 30-21 / 531
26-39/598 24-56 / 266
13-7411062
30-22 / 522
m 26-39 / 598
rna
fEi 13-74/1062
26-39/598
1-73 / 40 mang
men
3-65/742 W \3-4711114
33-35 / 441 26-39/598
rna
3-651742 \3-76/1109
33-35/441 7-20 / 359
2-1 / 766
R: 3-65 / 742 fr* 13-76/1109
33-35 / 441 15m 7-20 / 359
:tl 1-73/40
'It 3-65/742 13-76 / 1109
18-18 / 442 B 7-31 / 360
1-73/40
3-651742 Jt. 16-42/1171
24-57/183 18-18/17
mai
g- 3-651742 16-42 / 1171
m 24-57/183 :JI 18-18 / 1 7
II 4-35/978
3-65 / 742 1 16-41/1137
11 27-15 / 585
mi
:1:-' 4-35 / 978
3-65/742 16-41/1 \37
32-40 / 457
* 26-39/598
11 6-22 / 900 16-41 / 1137
IetE 26-39 / 598
mai
12-26 / 1201 13-78/1231 men
ffi! 7-33 / 1240
tfl 24-5 8 / 222 26-39/598 12-26 / 1201
mei
33-35 / 441 1* 26-39 / 598
mai
12-26/1201
r9. 30-18 / 492
24-57 / 183
* 7-32
5-22/944
12-26 / 1201
4-64 / 947
7-31 / 360
Ji 7-33/1240
mling .1m 4-64 / 947 meng
rsif 7-31 / 360
JW 8-24/848
3-64 / 709 4-64/947 !Irt 3-65 / 742
51 7-20 / 359
m! 8-24/848
396
PINYIN INDEX
i3m 7-20/359 II!] 23-32 / 247 min 2-40 / 802 13-76 / 1109
.. 18-18/17 32-40/457 1lll 3-69 / 761 2-40/802
mi
32-40/457 i!Jjz 4-64 / 1251q 2-40/802
mil
2-40 / 802 miim
ern. 6-24 / 1252d 2-40 / 802
a 4-64 / 947
* 8-23
00 23-31 / 223
6-24 / 892 2-40 / 802
tze 4-64 / 947
!Ml 8-24/848 9-30/841
Lij: 32-40/457 3-64 / 709
m 4-64/947
8-20
32-40/457 5-37 / 1062
mm 4-64 / 947
8-21/859
miao
32-40 / 457 5-39/904
lItZ 4-66 / 949
9-30 / 841
E8 16-43/1159
00 33-36 / 475
5-39/904
4-65 / 948
8-19/853
miao
'1'00 33-36/475 5-39 / 904
t 13-75/1063
8-2211260e
16-45 / 1161
00 33-35/441
[@[
mil
"" 5-39 / 904
9-30/841
ty 16-44 / 1158
)frg 30-20/ 503 18-18 / 17 * 11-24 / 1212
9-30/841
}'j 16-44 / 1158
30-20/503
* 21-37 / 277
n 11-24 / 1212
m 9-30 / 841
I3Y 16-44 / 1158
ming
f* 21-37/277
fl 11-24 / 1212
;0 29-41 /405
16-44 / 1158
9-31 / 826
1* 21-37/277
t3,z: 5-39 / 1037
W 29-41 / 405
16-42 / 1171
9-31/826
5R 21-37 / 277
2-40 / 802
29-41/405
m 16-42 / 1171
9-33/827
30-18/492
2-40/802
t-i' 29-41 / 405
miilo
SjJ 3-68 / 760
19. 30-18 / 492
;;; 2-40/802
ilit 29-41 / 405
16-44 / 1158
9-30 / 841
7j!l:. 30-18/492
2-40 / 802
29-41 / 405
lEi 16-17 / 1160
9-30 / 841
30-18/492
2-40 / 802
mian IEI3 16-43/1159
9-30 / 841
7'l7J 30-20 / 503
2-40 / 802
,...L. 23-30
9-30 / 841
16-41 / 1137 :l:tiJ: 4-64 / 947
"$ 23-29
mie
9-30/841
16-42/1171
13-76/1109
23-29 / 225
i2 7-34
mou
14-24/1036
m 23-29 / 225
mie
ming
4-65/948
14-25 / 1035
J; 23-26/224
20-18/311
ff[J 9-32 / 762
-!JJf:. 4-65/948
i 14-16 / 1032
m 23-26/224
20-18/311
miu tl 4-65 / 948 na
23-26
20-18 / 311
13-45 / 1069 4-65 / 948 1-56/94
32-40/457
20-18 / 311
13-45/ 1069 4-65 / 948 1-56/94
9-30/841
$! 20-18 / 311
mo
13-76 / 1109
24-56 / 266
20-18 /3 11
2-40 / 802
.$ 13-77/1110
nil
N 20-18/311
2-40 / 802
{tp 13-77 /1110
18-12 / 350
mBin
20-19 / 294
'1'$ 13-77 / 1110
#,j7g 37-\6 / 695
36-28
20-19 / 294
2-40 / 802
\3-77 / \110
$f.j 37-\6/695
24-58/222
2-40/802 1-56/94
tit 24-58/222
min
\8-18 / 17
13-77 / 1110
{*' 24-58/222
32-40 / 457
M 18-18 / 17
:fJJ: 4-64 / 107
niii
ML 24-58/222
IR 32-40/457
18-18 / 17 mou
l'J 4-38 / 945
24-58 / 222
32-40/457
4-65/948
ijJj 4-38 / 945
mo 4-39 / 946
Ii. 6-24 / 1252d
32-40 / 457
2-1 / 766
t 13-75 / 1063
fffij 23-3\/223
32-40 / 457
2-11766
ift\ 4-66 / 949
7-20/359
mu 23-31 / 223
32-40 / 457
2-37 / 781
mm 4-64 / 947 nili
*00 23-31 /223
33-36/475
!lEi 2-371781
mou
ffiH 4-41 / 982
U 23-32/247
33-36/475
2-40/802
R 10-41
:. 4-38/945
is 23-32/247
l)( 33-36/475
2-40 / 802
a 13-78 / 123 I
* 21-27/318
* 21-27/318
397
PINYIN INDEX
min nei nilln 20-9/330 nu
38-22/649 pq 37-16 / 695 36-12/618 21-11 /289
frY..
1-56/94
1 29-26/404 m 1-56/94 m 38-23/650
nen nhin
1JI!. 29-26/404
* 1-56 / 94
;f!4 36-18 / 622
33-21 1f. 32-28 / 364
"$i} 1-56 / 94 lfI4 36-18 / 622
nin
1-56 / 94 it 24-35/ 152
neng niiin
t.a: 38-25/667
W
1-56 / 94 36-18 / 622
24-35 / 152
fig 6-18 / 885
*if 38-25 / 667
li
1-56/94
If1J. 9-20/837 m 24-26/201
W 33-20 / 456 nan
24-34/215
nil tfj 38-23/650
ni
]X 24-37 / 216 ning
g 1-56 / 94 24-35 / 152 m 26-25 / 563
iB 33-20 / 456 4-23/956
1-56 / 94 24-37 / 216
tit. 26-25/563
33-15 / 453 $ 9-20/837
4-41 / 982 1JB 26-25 / 563
l 9-20/837
4-41 / 982
ming
Ble 26-25/ 563 nilm
9-20 / 837 Ii 3-42 / 730
m. 7-111873 ;&: 38-24/670
nu
7-11/873 23-19 / 1250 ning
?f5; 1-56 / 94
nang
7-11 / 873 29-28/838 II 3-42/730
nhing
1$ 9-20/837 nO 7-11 /873
m 3-42 / 730
fr. 1-56 / 94
nao
ft 7-11/873
niu
*9: 1-56/94
1* 13-48 / 1105
'fl 7-11 / 873
niao
4- 4-24 / 998 13-49
7-11 / 873
13-25/1116
nuan 11 16-27/1152
24-35 / 152
It 13-25 / 1116 niU
iJ!J. 25-34 / 189 atlX 16-29/ 1244
17-9 / 1123 1ft 13-50 / 1076
10-31 / 134 16-2911244 ni
ill 13-50/1076
m 16-14 / 1164 {fF 7-20/359 niliO
m 13-50/ 1076 nuan
16-14 / 1164 4-23/956
J7R 17-10
tIl: 13-50 / 1076 10-31/134
16-14/1164 tM 4-23 / 956 17-9/1123
25-35/238
a 4-23 / 956
niu
25-35 / 238
16-14/1164
nie
** 13-48/1105 m 16-14 / 1164 tl 7-11 / 873
38-24 / 670
1:1 25-13 1167
7-20 / 359
nong
B.i 25-13 / 167 nao
M 7-20/359
Die
15-9/1005
16-28 / 1244
$37-17 / 696
nuflO 7-20/359
n,l 15-9 / 1005
1IJ1 25-35/238
16-28 / 1244
tie 26-25 / 563
tf- 35-14/1255
!le \5-9/1005 :lEU 16-28A /
1iJ!, 26-25 / 563
38-24/670
{J.l \5-9 / 1005 DUe 1244
m 35-9 / 632
11 15-9/1005 m 17-2 / 1118 ni
Ii 35-13 / 638
:f.l 15-9 / 1005 Wi 17-2 / 1118
nito
2-14 / 788
35-13 / 638 Jfrffi 10-31 / 134
2-30 / 777
JEI 35-13/638
1Jl 15-9 / 1005
nuo 17-4 / 1126
811 2-30 / 777
21-11/289
15-9 / 1005
18-12 / 350 :j:lj! 17-4 / 1126
g)r. 7-11 / 873
!!I 21-11 /289 nong 1ft 24-35 / 152
ne
14-18 / 1031
21-11 / 289 W 12-14 / 1180 24-35 / 152
r 5-20A / 1260
17-911123
20-7 / 285
nou nuo 37-16 / 695
17-9/1123
20-7 / 285
11-1 7 / 1223 m 2-30/777 Opg 37-16 / 695
29-28 / 564
III 20-7 / 285
fJ!f 11-17 / 1223 10-311134 g:ij 4-40 / 981
fB 29-26 / 404
20-5 / 1256
10-32 / 135 'II 10-31 / 134
nei
*8 29-26 / 404
B 20-1 / 279
W 19-19/354
*JJ 33-20 / 456
20-9/330
398
PINYIN INDEX
OU
24-48/182 1f.P2 13-72 / 1113 J3jj 6-20 / 886 pi
m
10-10/122
24-48 / 182 16-40 / 1170 6-20 / 886 lZI 29-38 / 408
Y&; 10-10 / 122
?fi: 24-48 /182 13-73/1233 1M 6-20 / 886 JE 29-38 / 408

10-10 / 122
24-48 / 182 6-20 / 886 m 29-38 / 408
00i
10-10 / 122
24-48/182
pao
12-25 / 1197 l2 4-58 /
.. @
10-10 / 122
tJI. 24-48 / 182
Ji!Eg 13-72 / 1113
12-25 / 1197 1237a'
00
WZ
10-10 / 122
9!1 24-54 / 195 pao !i 12-25/1197 4-61 / 999
lM&
10-10 / 122
24-50 / 263
:lfIj 13-47/1114
3-57 / 740 7-29 / 874
ou
pan

peng
Dtt 26-38 / 566
fM
10-11 / 124
}::f 23-24 / 218 4-61 / 999 12-25/1197
1lt 26-38 / 566
1fJ!J
10-11 / 124
W 24-47/181
gf 4-61 / 999
It: 26-38 / 566
10-10 / 122
W 24-47/181
:f:. 13-73 / 1233
peng
#Jt 26-38 / 566
JlM
10-11 / 124
24-47 / 181
DMz 9-28 / 840
pi

10-11 / 124
f 24-47 / 181
pei
pI
MiJ 5-33/933
M
10-11 / 124
itt 24-47 / 181
:I:f 4-61/ 999
/F 4-61 / 999
M1JM 5-33 / 933
4-61/999
OU
JW- 24-47/181
:I:.g: 4-61 / 999
11 4-61/ 999 {m 8-19/853
Y&; OfJ[ 24-47 / 181
&E 4-61 / 999
IifJ 8-191853 on 10-10/122
ffl 4-61 / 999

11-6 / 1204 24-47 / 181
a 21-33/307
.fl 4-61 1 999
tll'F 8-191 853
fIF. 24-47 / 181
*.$ 7-29/874
4-61 1 999
8-19/853
pa
Of '&.. 24-47 1 181 8-19 / 853
8-19/853
i3@
1-68 / 39
!151 33-30 / 471
pei
tEl 18-16 1 25
8-19/853
pa
30-12 / 514
18-16/25
J.tt 26-38 / 566
*l:!
1-68 139
pang
1JliR 4-56/951
t.tt 26-38 1 566
i:W 29-39 1 521
;fE 1-68/39
m 3-571740
4-6011237
*El
18-16 / 25
:f1Z 18-16 / 25
iJi 3-57/740
Dfil 30-16/501
pa
pang
'1'$ 30-16/501
pi pian
tEl 2-38 / 782
11 3-57/740
1$ 30-16 / 501
El
18-16/25
23-27 / 246
pai 3-57/740 Mih' 30-16 / 501
18-16 / 25
23-27 / 246
7-29 1874 23-27 / 246
tB 2-38/782 3-57 / 740
a 21-33 / 307
11$ 7-29 / 874
23-27/246
pai
115 3-57 / 740
pen
7-29 / 874
27-8 / 579
3-57/740
33-29 / 437
:1:* 7-29 / 874
pian
27-8 / 579
3-57/740
33-29 / 437
7-29 / 874
,1m 9-29 / 824
tiP 27-8/579
3-57 / 740
t* 7-29/874
mt 9-29/824
!Ii 7-29 / 874
JIJ 3-59 / 750
pen
7-29 / 874
,rm: 9-29 / 824
7-29 / 874
1J;: 33-30/471
1m 18-17 / 26
m 9-29 1824
pang
23-27 / 246
JW- 24-47 / 181
peng
1m 18-1 7/ 26
pan
;K, 3-60 / 751
1lt 26-38/ 566
{j! 23-25 / 221
W 24-47 / 181 pao
H 9-26 / 825
0011: 26-38/566
23-25 / 221
tR 24-49 1 262 JIm 13-72 / 1113
tf 9-26/825
26-38 / 566
m 23-27 / 246
it 24-54/ 195 16-39 / 1157
1if 9-26 1825
26-38 / 566
32-38 / 389
24-50 / 263
pao # 9-29 / 824
n 26-38/566 pian
pan

13-72 /1113
peng
m 26-38/566 }::f 23-24/218
JW- 24-471181

13-72/1113
;q: 36-26 / 625
ijl 26-38 / 566 23-27 / 246
W 24-47/181

13-72 / 1113
JI3 3-59 / 750
26-38 / 566
JW- 24-47 / 181

13-72 / 1113
399
PINYIN INDEX
piliO ping p6u BI 17-14/1136 18-1 / 1
18-1 / 1 16-39/1157 3f 9-26 / 825 H 4-61 / 999
qI
18-1 / 1 16-39 / 1157 if 9-26 / 825 ii 4-61 / 999
-t 29-31 / 400
18-1 / 1 16-39 / 1157 9-26 / 825 R 10-38 / 1230
m 4-4 / 952
26-6 / 552 16-39/1157 -gf 9-26 / 825 13-73/1233
{;tot 4-4 / 952
26-6 / 552 16-39/1157 9-26 / 825
pou ;Itt 4-4 / 952
ffm 26-6 / 552 1JJ 16-39 / 1157 1SJZ 9-26 / 825
:g.U 4-61 /999 4-4/952
11 26-6 / 552 16-39 / 1157 9-26/825
4-61 / 999 m 4-4 / 952
26-7/ 553 tJ 16-39 / 1157 9-29 / 824
:I::g: 4-61 / 999 fft 7- 1 / 876
ij1f 26-27/ 593 11\ 16-39 / 1157
*Ii 9-29 / 824
ii 4-61 / 999 R 8-1/854
26-27 / 593 Mf 9-29 / 824
m 4-61 /999 37-19 / 688
m 26-27 / 593
pillo
m 9-29 / 824
tm 4-61 / 999 37-1 9/ 688
26-27 / 593
R 16-39 / 1157
# 9-29/824
18-1/1
@j 33-2 / 443
JJ.li 16-39 / 1157
m 9-29/824
pou
18-1 / 1
#r 33-2 / 443
piao
.!Jt 9-29 / 824
.g 4-61 / 999
ff.IT 18-1 / I
!3JT 33-2/443
7fj 13-73/ 1233
)t 6-22 / 900 :;tJ 4-6 1 / 999
26-26 / 592
:tfT 33-2 / 443
16-39 / 1157
6-21 / 899 4-61 / 999
26-26/ 592
1iiT 33-2 / 443
til 16-40 / 1170
6-21 / 899
11-22 / 1210
26-26/592
if 33-2 / 443
16-40 / 1170
iJj 32-39 / 390
pO
26-26 / 592
piilO
po
1-67 / 102
*' 26-26 / 592
qi
16-39 / 1157
Wi
18-16 / 25 1-67 / 102
* 29-32 / 401
L 30-1 / 517
16-39/1157
tEl: 18-16 / 25 11-23/1211
29-32 / 40 I :il: 7-4/862
H 11-22 / 1210
1lJ2 4-5 / 953
16-39 / 1157
p6 qi
fc 4-5 / 953
18-16/25
pu
4-4/952
B 4-5 / 953
pie
j'; 4-4 / 952
tIt 26-38 / 566
am 24-54 / 195 1m 1-67 / 102
4-5 / 953
t 30-13 / 491 iJ 1-67 / 102
4-4 / 952
7-3 / 864
pin
30-13 / 491
W 1-67 / 102
m 4-4 / 952
18-1 / 1
32-38/389
1-67/102
ill 4-4 / 952
g 26-4 / 588
Hit 32-38/389
po
"$ 1-671102
JJt 4-4 / 952
.l'i!z 26-4 / 588
!Ii 32-38 / 389
ill 2-38/782
M 1-67 / 102
m 4-4/952
26-4 / 588
;Ji lt 32-39 / 390
ill 2-38/782
4-61 / 999
4-4/952
26-4/588
M 32-39 / 390
'l'B 2-38 / 782
11-2311211
.M 4-4 / 952
26-6/552
WEi 32-39 / 390
@t 2-38 / 782
11 -2311211
4-4 / 952
26-6 / 552
32-39 / 390
*B 2-38 / 782
11-2311211
II 4-4 / 952
E 27-2 / 548
33-30/471
2-38 / 782
4-4 / 952
It 2-39 / 772
po
Jt 4-4 / 952 qi
pin
2-39/772 1-64 / 72
$Z 7-3/864 30-1 / 517
66 38-20 / 669
Ht 1-67/771 11m 1-671102
i1Ij( 7-3 / 864 30-1/517
pin
1-67 / 771 1m 1-67/102
!I!YZ 7-3 / 864 -gz: 30-1/517
,Il} 9-27/839
11-23 / 1211 1-67/771
7-6 / 867 E; 30-1 / 517
9-27 / 839
:f@ 13-72 / 1113 H 11-22 / 1210
,if. 7-6 / 867 rz; 30-1 / 517
tl:: 26-38 / 566
18-16 / 25
m 11-23 / 1211
7-6 / 867 E; 30-1 / 517
11-23 / 1211
pu
7-6 / 867 30-3 / 536
pIng
'1%
1-67 / 102
fI!i 7-8 / 879 !l!t 7-3 / 864
9-27 / 839
pou
mt 9-29/824
:g.U 4-61 / 999
17-14/1136
400
PINYIN INDEX
ill 37-15/694 24-51143 JtJt 3-49/727 16-6 / 1166 fJJ 20-1 I 279
m 37-15/694 24-5 1143 3-49 / 727 16-2011147 1j'l 20- 1 I 279
m 2-32 1798 )1j 24-29/197 Mi 3-49 1727
qiao
20-1/279
7-3 1864

it 3-49/727 20-1 / 279 "I-l 25-291 229
I& 13-8 / 1139
7-3 1864 32-1 / 368 3-48/703

16-31 / 1148
20-11279
S
13-60 / 1112 $ 32-5 / 366 3-48/703

16-31 / 1148
20-11279

14-18/1031 24-42 / 206 3-481703
"*
16-31 / 1148
20-12 / 309

38-27 / 661 3-481703
J:Vn\
21-1 / 313
14-18/1031

16-31/1148

14-18 / 1031
qian
3-6 / 712

16-14/1164
:ti 21-1 1313
14-18 / 1031
m 36-1 1606
9lJ't 3-6 1712

16-3/1138
'II 21-1 / 313
g 37-19 / 688
W 36-1 1606
3-38/72
{I 16-3 / 1138 qIn
fJJ 20-1 I 279
m 36-1 / 606
12-111172
16-3 / 1138 38-27 / 661
20-11279
rff 36-1 1606
12-1 I 1172

16-3 / 1138 38-27 / 661
:]I 21-11313
iff 38-28 / 660
12-111172

16-3 / 1138 f.i 38-27 / 661
'II 21-1 / 313
38-3/651 qiang 38-27 / 661
21-6/329 ...>..L.
Jit 3-49,50
qiao
38-3 / 651
29-3 / 535
I1IJ 23-20 I 245
Vj 13-3 / 1041
37-19/688
24-21140 1727
'It)( 13-57 / 1092
38-31651
#i 37-19/688
24-71198 3-49,50

16-33/1149
38-31652
:+: 2-51787
24-41 / 155 1727

16-14/1164
\ 38-3 1652
* 2-51787
24-41 / 155 ;fi 3-49, 50

16-14/1164
38-31652
8-14/868
II 24-8/249 1727 32-33/382
1JI. 38-161 646 'If 3-49, 50
qiao
32-331382
14-18 / 1031
= 38-28/660
1727
16-33 / 1149
qia Mi 3-491727
16-33 / 1149
qin
37-11675
qHin
it 3-49/727 16-33/1149
$'!; 38-3 / 651
37-1 1675
36-7 I 627
51 3-3 1710
16-33/1149
38-3 1651
21-1 / 313
36-7/627
5$ 3-41713 W
16-4/1162
:6$= 38-3 / 651
JIIiX 36-7 / 627 38-3/651
qian 23-4 / 196 qiling
I&
16-4 / 1162
38-3/651
T 32-28/365 23-4 / 196 3-48/703
qie
38-3/651
I)f 32-28/365 23-4 / 196 5$ 3-4/713
{1]u 18-4 / 15
38-3/651
32-28/365 24-41/155 m 3-4/713
no 18-4/ 15
* 32-31 / 380
24-7A
qian
m 3-4 / 713
qie
32-31 / 380
32-1/368
X 36-4 / 624
SA 3-31710
J3. 1-57 / 46
ff 33-2 / 443
JIIiX 36-7 / 627
X 36-4 / 624 qiang
iii 33-5/480
36-7/627
qie
fI 33-5/480
:ft 36-6 / 613
i.1'11f 9-25 / 812 12-111172
to 29-31 /400
33-5 / 480
36-6/613
9-25 / 1250
qiao 35-15/635
WJ 33-5 / 480
36-6 / 613
9-25 / 1250
16-14 / 1164 35-15 /635
JIlJ( 33-5 / 480
m 38-11/658
!I 36-22/611
16-14 / 1164 36-7/627
JI7j 33-5 / 480
m 23-3 / 239
JIIiX 36-7 / 627
tl 16-14/1164 35-3 / 630
ffi 23-3/239
23-2 / 241
;i':
16-3/1138 35-3 / 630
qin
23-4 1196
[i3J
38-27 / 661
m 23-11240
16-3/1138 35-3 / 630
::- 24-3 / 141 qiang

16-3 / 1138 35-3/630
38-27 / 661
24-5 / 143
3-49 / 727

16-1 / 1129 t1;; 35-1 /642
:!:6f- 38-3 / 651
WI 3-49 / 727

16-2 / 1244 35-1 / 642
33-5 / 480
401
PINYIN INDEX
32-1/368 J,i 23-12/ 167 qu qu que
if 23-11 /829 HE 11-411213
*
1-8/642 :aP 2-2/776
qin
23-11 /829 aft 1-8/642 1-8/642 W 2-2/776
$C\ 38-31 /663
32-711252 f:ft 1-8/642 9l! 2-32/798 if/! 2-32/798
!2X 32-1 /368
32-8/830 :f:ft 1-8/642 MJ 8-6/860 W 2-32/798
qIng
qiODg
1-8/642 10-35/131 lfI 2-7/778
PHD 3-161714
fi 9-9/843
1-18/78 JOO 10-35/ 131
1ijj 11-2/1225
l:j 9-7/828
:lJj 1-18/78
fL
11-3/ 1226
Ax
iij{ 9-7 / 828 qiu 1t 1-57/46
quaD

11-3/ 1226
reg 25-11 / 226
Jl:.f'
m 9-25/812 IT 4- 14 / 994
m 1-57/46
25-11 /226

17-13/1122
9-25/812 !l!li 4-14/994
JOO
10-35/ 131
lij: 25-38/234
:tit 17-111117
W 9-25/812
tX
13-57/1092
JEW
10-36/ 132
34-23 /468
lit 17-111117
9-1/831
TfJc
13-57/1092
ii
10-10 /122
34-30/433
22-2/301
9-1/831

13-57/ 1092

10-10 / 122 IiJ 26-10 / 605
qing

13-57/1092

10-10 / 122 quan
rrJc
13-57/1092

10-10 / 122
25-38/234
qun
iJJ 3-10 / 755 I!I 34-11 /485
3-10 / 755

13-36/1096
10-10 1122
t:i 25-38/234
m 34-11 /485
9-3/813
i
13-36/1096
14-2/1017
25-38/234
34-23/468
9-3/813 qiu
35-1/642
25-38/234
y& 34-23/468
IIW 9-25/812 ifL 4-12/992
Jlli 31-16/496
25-38/234
34-23/468
BW 9-25/812 .::fr 4-12/992
31-16/496 ii 25-38/234
34-23 /468
9-1/831 8' 4-12/992
31-16/496
25-40/237
34-23/468
#-if!fI 6-19/884 it 4-12/992
qu
1'1 25-2/158
34-26/430
!HI 25-2/158
qing
:hI 4-12/992
ill 1-19/95
itli 25-2/ 158 qun
M 4-12/992
9lE 1-19/95
l:j 9-7/828
4-15/1066
*
;ff 25-11 / 226 f=F 34-12/459
" 9-2/832
1-19/95
fit 25-11 / 226 li 34-12/459
-'-30 "* 4-15/1066 fi]j] 10-1/108
25-11 /226 f! 34-12/459
9-25/812
J* 4- 15 / 1066
*'0]
10-1 / 108
!I!J 25-111 226 34-12/459
U 9-9/843
1* 4-15/1066
AAJ
26-4/588
10-1/108
25-11/226
4-15/1066
fiiJ
10-1/108
qun
qing
4-15/1066 10-1 / 108 quan 34-11/485
3-8/753
4-15/1066
1-9/803 *- 32-4/479
ran
M 9-1/831
{* 4-1511066 1-9/803
IIl:R: 32-4/479
:f-fl3. 36-18/622
9-2/832
4-15/1066 1-9/803
ffijil 34-6/422
36-18/622
9-2/832 4-15/1066
W. 2-7/96
IJiI 25-11 / 226
36-18/622
!g 9-2/832

13-45/1069
JJI 2-7/96
f,;g 25-11 / 226
IIfIj. 36-18/622
9-25/812

13-36/ 1096 :(If 2-7/96 ffi 25-11 / 226
g* 24-36/217
qiong

13-36/1096
NI 2-7/96
quan 24-36/217
9-9/843
m
13-36/ 1096
2-7/96
If] 25-2/158

1-1149
"" 24-36/217
'i 6-4/901
13-8/1064
'ff 25-11 / 226 24-35/152
12-1/1172
13-8/ 1064
25-41/1249
m
lEI
13-35/1094
qu
ran
12-1/1172
ill]
Jf: 10-35 / 131
36-19/623

12-1/1172
13-35/ 1094
f11i] 10- 1 / 108
que
20-3/312 tEl- 36-18/622
$ft 12-3/1182
qiu
!Jt 22-17/345 36-18/622

15-1/1006
13-1211088
402
PINYIN INDEX
24-35/152 JW 33-20 I 456 IBt 13-48 111 05 25-35 / 238 sai
rang
!.OJ 33-20 / 456

13-48 1 1105 25-35 / 238 5-28 1908
1M 3-42/730
33-20 I 456
If*
13-48 / 1105
rui
4-54/973
til 3-42/730
33-20 / 456
**
13-48 / 1105
19-19/354
H 38-25 / 667
ij
sai
m 3-42 1730
14-17 / 1033
28-18/1237 5-281908
38-25 I 667
3-42 / 730
ff 38-25 I 667
rim

ruT san
ding
* 38-25 / 667
14-17 / 1033
19-20/1238 .::::.. 38-30 / 648
:tll 3-42 I 730
n 38-25/667

13-48 / 11 05
U 19-20/1238 :fjffi 24-44A
rang
f. 38-25 1667 nt
1i 38-25 1667
rui san
3-42/730
1-56 / 94
ffl 37-16 / 695 38-29 / 647
3-421730
#.EE 38-25 I 667 mi
1-56 / 94
Mf 38-25 1667 X
101 37-16 / 695 38-11 1658
1-56 / 94
m 37-16 / 695
rao
ft1!l
1-56 194 san
16-14/1164
reng
10-31 / 134
pg 37-16 / 695
24-44/156
m
16-14/1164
1Jj 4-38 / 945
0$ 10-31/134
*i*i 37-16 / 695
M
16-14/1164
1=)1 4-38 / 945
:l'I 10-31 1 134
37-16 / 695
sling
m
16-14 / 1164
4-381945
Jlfm 10-31 / 134
22-13 / 324
3-541705
rm
16-14/1164
m 4-38 1945
10-31 1134
22-12/344
3-531704
4-41 / 982 22-12/344
rao
4-41 I 982
10-311134
rM 25-24 / 168
sang

16-14 / 1164
!m
10-31/134
3-53 1704
tlI6-27 / 1152
ri
11
10-31 1 134
run
8 29-26/404 34-18 I 464
sao
re
29-26/404
ru
'1'1 13-60 I 1112
20-91330
H 29-27/414
117-
1-56 194
rim 11
13-60 / 1112
mi
fMi 34-25 / 1251

35-13/638
1-56 194 "In
13-60/1112
rong

10-32 / 135 34-25 / 1251
16-32/1169
ren
Jj(; 15-10 / 1013

11-17 1 1223 fJ*
16-30/1134
A 32-28 / 388
"'T
ruo
15-10 / 1013
;:fi 2-30 I 777
ff!j
16-30/1134
{- 32-28 / 388
9-9 / 843
ru
:f 38-25 I 667
g
A 37-16/695 2-301777
sao
if: 38-25 I 667
7F 9-9 / 843
iYo
1-56/94 2-30/777
10-37 / 1097
9-9 1843
W
17-9 / 1123
tffl 13-61 I 1087
if
12-16/1194
11-17 11223
ren
17-9 / 1123
13-61 / 1087
-=F 38-23 I 650
?i
12-11 11187
I '
11-17 I 1223
l!J 11-17 11223
20-9 1330
38-24 / 670
m
12-11/1187
jifij 4-41 1982
sao
38-24/670
?g
12-1111187
sa * 16-30 / 1134
J?J 33-20 I 456

15-8 / 1008
ruan 24-44 / 156
se
i, 33-20 I 456
iWI!
15-7 1 1009 25-35 / 238
sa 1S 5-31 / 927
1i 38-25 1667
rong
11 25-35 1238
"1iN 26-31 1 594
*' 2-331770
ren
JL 12-18 / 1196
ruan 1.1 7-21/878
5-281908
7JJ 33-20 I 456
raft 12-17 I 1195 10-31 / 134
sa
1i! 5-30 / 926
fJJ 33-20 I 456
:ft 34-31 1467
'1'1 10-31/134
fit 37-21/680
5-30 / 926
33-20 I 456
:#t 12-16A
25-35/238
m 21-29/319
11. 37-22
gJ] 33-20 I 456
rou
25-35/238
ff 21-11 I 289
29-36 / 411
"JJ 33-20 I 456
* 13-48 / 1105
25-35/238
25-35/238
403
PINYIN INDEX
sen shan shao 1li 35-13 / 638 M 33-13 / 455
** 38-32 / 664
00 36-15 16-33/1149 fJ 35-10 / 633 g 32-17 / 376


16-33/1149 Jr 21-23 / 339 32-16 / 375
sha
!J< 36-14/617

35-10 / 633
19;' 18-15 / 16
!J< 36-14/617 16-33/1149
sheng
M
16-33/1149 20-8/290
18-15/16
,) 36-12 / 618
7t- 6-16 / 897
18-15 / 16
38-29 / 647
m
16-14 / 1164 m 21-29/319
f- 6-16 / 897
21-29 / 319 shan sMo
\ 35-17/631
6-16 / 897
m 21-29 / 319 36-11 / 619
k]
17-5 / 1120 shei m 6-16/897
shit
m 24-38 / 212

17-5 / 1120 mE 28-11 / 575 MJ 6-13/893
JJl 1-15/36
24-38/212
17-5 / 1120
shen
9-25/812
1-15/ 1236c
24-38 / 212
J
17-5 / 1120 '="<=- tt 9-25/812
24-25 / 205
fffl
16-15 / 1131
*" 38-26 / 666
19-25 / 812
35-15/635 38-26 / 666
\ 35-17 / 631
1m 24-25 / 205

16-15/1131
1* 38-26 / 666
9-25 / 812
#,g 24-25 / 205
shao 38-29 / 647
9-25 / 812
shai
W 24-45 / 193
Y 16-22/1149
38-29 / 647
9-25 / 812
gifj 26-36 / 559
1W 24-45 / 193
$ 32-22/385
9-25 / 812
shiH
:f: 24-21 / 147
shao
1$ 32-22/385
V 9-2 / 822
26-31 / 594
24-21 / 147
t1 16-15 / 1131
0$ 32-22/ 385 sheng
1.1 7-21 / 878
W 24-21 / 147
16-15 / 1131
*$ 32-22/385 6-24/892
7-21 / 878
{Jl 24-23/148 *B
16-15 / 1131
$t 32-23 / 386 6-24 / 892
1=t 24-23 / 148 m
16-33 / 1149
* 32-33 / 382
sbai
24-23/148 f!JU
16-33/1149 sheng
21-28/337
33-15/453
32-331382
W 9-25 / 812
Rji 7-21/878
m 36-22/611
she
tt 32-37 / 484
9-25 / 812
1-42 / 82
f5'c 33-25 / 478
shan
shang
1-42 / 82
17tc 33-25 / 478
sheng
36-24 / 1154
rm 3-40 / 734
1-38/45
Jt 33-25/478
JJm 6-24 / 892
36-24 / 1154
if 3-40/734
j'f;
18-9/4
tJJ& 33-13 / 455
* 6-15 / 895
*3 36-24 / 1154
11 3-38 / 720
she
shen
9-17 / 835
36-24 / 1154
3-38 / 720
% 20-11 / 288
;f$ 32-22/385
9-14/818
"5f 36-25 / 610
3-38 / 720
m 36-22/611
:$S 3-38 / 720
!I!E 18-9 / 4
tt 32-1/377
shy
tJT 2 I-I 9 / 287 F 26-20/561
tIX 36-21 / 620
3-38 / 720
1-38 / 45
shen
WE 26-20/561
16 36-12/618
m 3-38/720 38-24 / 670
26-20 / 561
mr 8-15/845
3-38/720
she
38-24 / 670
'W' 4-26 / 961
38-29/647
. 3-49/727
1-48 / 48
1i 38-13 / 665
4-26 / 961
24-30/203 :Jii 1-48 / 48
5* 26-19 / 560
37-13 / 692
1=)\ 24-30 / 203
shang
Ogs 26-3 I / 594
0J 24-45 / 193
:I: 3-32 / 725
she
32-20/371
37-14 / 693
1'1f 24-44 / 156
m 3-16 / 714
1& 35-6/634
n 33-25/478
nti!, 18-9 / 4
:!iJ'.t 2-26 / 807
18-9 / 4
f!. 24-23 / 148
shang
2-26/807
shen 26-6 / 552
g 24-23 / 148
J:. 3-33 / 726
W!l. 2-24 / 793
@ 38-11 / 658 ffi 26-36/ 559
JJi 24-23/ 148
3-32 / 725
1-48 / 48
If 38-11 / 658 !R 29-35/506
:ftIf 36-22/611
11 3-32 / 725
U 1-36 / 62
32-1 / 368 29-17/402
fflH 24-44A
'IA 35-13 / 638 33-13 / 455 R 7-21/878
404
PINYIN INDEX
shi trP 4-28 / 963 !3i 14-22/1028 T!t31-17 / 497 j 31-23/498
+ 37-3 / 686 5-13/920 fJjt 31-17 / 497 31-23/498
shou
it 37-3 / 686 5-13/920
14-7 1 1026 shu shuan
37-1/687 5-16 / 918
fEt 1-49/92 ., 25-25 / 231
E 2-17/795 t.it: 5-16 1918
shou
;Ii 1-49 / 92 n 25-25 / 231
:ffi 2-17 /795 ll1it 5-16 / 918
=F 13-42 / 1101

1-50 / 93 25-31 / 178
fAA 2-17 1795 5-16 1918 13-40/1099
Hi
1-38 / 45
!1Ji 2-26 / 807 5-16 / 918
13-38 / 1102

1-38 / 45
shuang
ffif 4-26 / 961 fRIj 5-19 / 921

f@ 3-55 / 731
shim 1-38/45
til 3-55/731 - 4-26 / 961 5-20 / 913
13-40 / 1099
m
1-62 / 90
12-24 / 1200 :taj 4-261961 5-20 / 913
W\ 13-41/1100

10-29/123
it 5-19 1921 [J?i 7-1811238

10-37 /1097

10-29 / 1207 shuang
5-19 / 921 Ji 7-14 / 866 ="
13-22/1090
iJ
11-12 / 1224 3-56/733

5-131920 7-14/866

13-21 / 1091
1M
11-12 1 1224
shuT
;Ii 7-14 / 866 7-14/866
l: 13-19 / 1085
11-\2 / 1224
7]< 28-14 / 576
m!: 7-14 1866 7-14/866
tJt 13-19 / 1084 ,; 11-12 / 1224
7-14/866 .e;; 7-6 / 867
tiff. 13-19 I 1084
shui
iJ& 18-8 / 3 W; 7-6 / 867 shu
om 19-17/31
29-18 / 398 7-12 1877
shu
B<; 10-26 / 1243
m 19-17/31
8-121850
7J: 1-62 / 90
[[2-18/804
fn 22-13/324
shT
8-121850
WTE 1-62/90
?Z8 1-56/94
m, 22-13 / 324
'!:R. 26-19 / 560
ti1ff 18-9 / 4
Jffit 1-62 / 90
!!l
1-38/45
m 22-13 / 324
mt 26-20/561
t!t 21-23 / 339
tm 1-62 / 90
if
1-43 / 83
$5t 22-13 / 324
:;t: 4-52/975
.. 21-23 / 339
If 1-38/45
1M
10-22 / 127
22-13 / 324
1,. 4-52 / 975
-If 21-19 / 287
1F 1-42 182
1ft 10-22 / 127
22-10 / 295
frf1 4-30 I 976
til! 21-19 / 287
tT 1-43 183 Eft 10-22 / 127
-'"-
7-19 1 1238
lfi 21-16 / 336
1-43 / 83
ffl
10-16 I 118
shUn
5-& 18-9 / 4
#-f

lift 34-23 / 468
21-16 / 336
1-43 / 83
i!.
10-16/ 118
18-9/4
"ifg 21-16 / 336 M
10-23/125
*
11-21 1 1222
J 34-21 / 465
7-21/878
'1* 21-12 / 3 I 7
9=
10-21/130
WJc
11-21 / 1222
tI 34-21 1465
11 7-21 1878
in 20-9 / 330
fr*
10-18/128

13-32 / 1077
:jj 34-21 / 465
shi
20-91330
t*
10-18 / 128

13-32 / 1077
shun
4-51 / 970
t#i. 26-5/1237
10-18 / 128
firg: 31-17 / 497
* 26-19 1 560
i 4-51 / 970
26-6 1552 mI
10-10 1122
31-17 / 497
34-20 I 462
pe 4-32 / 967
/f\ 26-7 I 553
fli!j 13-32 / 1077
Me 31-17 / 497
:jj 34-21 / 465
1Je 4-52 / 975
*Jl 26-7 / 553

14-18/1031
11-12 / 1224
34-19/463
2-25 / 790
ft 26-14 / 590
;m 14-18/1031 ,; 11-12 / 1224
32-24/469
2-25 / 790
f$ 26-28 / 554
14-18 / 1031
shua
32-24 / 469
1 2-25 / 790
trP 26-28/ 554
17-311165
JillU 22-19/ 298
32-24 / 469
fi 2-251790
29-15 / 413
11i!j 13-32 / 1077
1j] 32-8 1 392
m 2-241793
21-15 / 315
shuai
33-19 / 450 shu
19-23 / 355 $ 4-521971
m 2-24 / 793
!lA 14-7 / 1026 :jj 34-21 / 465
4-26 / 961
shOu
14-7/ 1026 shuai
shuO
4-26/961
13-8 I II 03
14-7 /1026 grjJ 31-24/499
m 22-13 / 324
m 4-28 / 963
14-22 / 1028 JfI
14-14 / 1023 $ 31-23/498
405
PINYIN INDEX
shuo 9E 26-21 / 556 III 11-18 / 1206 suI 32-8/392
tfijJ 2-34 / 769 IZ9 29-34 / 518 11-21 / 1222 )z 28- 19 / 1237
sun
uJi: 2-17 /795 29-34/518
sou
fi 19-19/354
Hill 34-28/434

17-8/ il25 ifl1.!I 29-34/518
*
28-11/575
i 34-28 / 434

29-34 / 518
11-21 / 1222
17-8 / 1125

sui 34-30/433

30-11/509
11-21 / 1222
17-8/1125
fi 19-19/354

16-33/1149 !i 30-11 / 509
su
19-9 / 11
suO

16-33/1149
** 30-11 / 509

1-31 / 67

18-15/ 16
Y$ 30-11 / 509 J.i
1-31 / 67 sui

18-15 / 16
Sl
m 26-19 / 560
jfi 19-9 / 11
#m
L.. 26-34/557
su
14-20 / 1029
fL 26-34/ 557
1i} 11-14 / 1220
fi 19-9/11
fmi
14-20 / 1029
sOng -=!>t:
Ij 4-53 / 972 f.t 12-13 / 1190 sui

19-23/355
15] 4-53 /972
I-W
su
nr 19-9/11
ii
19-23/355
12-13 / 1190
* 1-61/68 11
4-54 / 973

22-5 / 346
18-13 / 5

12-13 / 1190
rJl 2-34 / 769
11!\ 4-54 / 973

15-11/1012
2-34/769
'* 31-21 / 528
suo
4-54 / 973
song
j!!! 2-34/769
31-21 / 528 pJT 1-63 / 91
4-54/973
,R 11-21 / 1222 2-14 /792
$ 31-20 / 490 %' 2-33 / 770
*'* 4-55 /974
,'* 11-21 / 1222
rtf 2-14/792
W 31-20/490

19-22 / 13
WI 7-26 / 869
fit
11-21 / 1222 m 2-14 / 792
W 31-20 / 490 19-22 / 13
rWT 7-26/869

12-22 / 1191
5-25/922
29-8/533 19-20 / 1238
OOT 7-26 / 869
ff 12-22/1191 il-20 / 1221
#! 29-8/533
suo
lOOT 7-26/869
W 11-21 / 1222
29-9/526
JJt 7-25 / 1236
Wi 7-26 / 869
song

11-21/1222
29-9 / 526
Jm 7-27/870 * 15-12/1004
;ff):
m 29-9/526
ta

11-21 / 1222
m! 29-9/526 ft!!
18-9 / 4 12-23 / 1179
& si
&':-.
11-21/1222
29-9 / 526 '8
<i 7-25/358
rllJ.
12-13 / 1190

18-914

11-21 / 1222
29-9/526 12-13 / 1190
m
14-21/1030
ta
si gm 12-10 / 1185
mJl:
29-9 / 526
t:g: 37-6/676
% 26-35/558
14-22 / 1028
29-9/526
sOu jl 14-22 / 1028 37-6 / 676
SI

10-37 / 1097 JIlt 14-22 / 1028
29-9 / 526
jJffl 21-24/272
8 4-32/967
J!!l
10-37/ 1097 ffl' 14-20 / 1029
:g 29-10 / 527
:tB 4-32 / 967

JfnP 29-7 / 410
ii 29-10 / 527
ta
10-37 / 1097
29-10 / 527
21-14 / 271
rEl. 4-32/967
J5ll
10-37 / 1097 is{ 10-29 / 1207
Ii! 21-14 / 271
4-53/972

10-37 / 1097
suan
sun
M 21-14 / 271
ntillJ 4-53 / 972
*
13-62 / 1098
34-23 / 468
1* 34-28 / 434
35-7 / 628
4-53/972

13-63
34-23 / 468
34-28/434
;flJ,l 35-7 1628
fJ;J, 4-30 / 976
sou suan
34-29 /436
m 35-7/628
tt). 4-30/976

10-37 / 1097 [II 25-43 / 174 sun 35-7 / 628
m 4-30 / 976

10-37/1097 25-43/174 :$ 34-31 / 467 37-10/678
4-26/961
r'
10-37/1097 :rffit 23-10 / 435 iJ& 37-6 / 676
1* 4-30/976
suan
4-30/976
5! 10-37 / 1097
jjIjjI 25-44/ 175
34-30 / 433
tai
4-30/976
tf
10-37/1097
1FF 25-44/ 175
32-8/392
i:1 4-30 / 976
4-30 / 976
fllX
10-35 / 131
# 25-42/173
32-8 / 392
m"l 4-301976
M 5-19/921
Ii
10-29 / 1207
25-43 / 174
?i 32-8 / 392
406
tai
11 4-30 / 976
if=J 4-30 / 976
4-30 / 976
4-30/976
4-25/939
tIl 4-25/939
Hli
* 21-12 / 317
tk 21-12 / 317
Y,t 21-12 / 317
* 21-13 / 316
6- 18 / 885
tan
38-21 / 645
* 38-26 / 666
m 38-16/646
!l!j! 24-21/147
24-35/152
24-35/152
24-35 / 152
24-35 / 152
tan
36-14/617
36-14 / 617
36-14/617
36-14/617
36-14/617
J!fl 38-16/646
r! 38-16/646
'J! 38-16/646
38-16/646
38-16 / 646
5-' 24-21 / 147
24-21 / 147
II 24-21 / 147
,\W 24-21 / 147
tl 24-23/148
;fI 24-23/148
tan
36-14/617
M 36-17/1247
38-21/645
Ii 38-14 / 656
D 38-11 / 658
:!:B 24-22/ 149
:fQ 24-22/ 149
{'IN 24-23 / 148
rfl 24-23/148
m 36-2/607
tan
8 38-5 / 672
24-24 / 151
24-35 / 152
lX 24-35/152
tang
3-38 / 720
3-32/725
tang
Jj 3-12 / 700
:!:j 3-12/700
3-12 / 700
3-12 / 700
3-32 / 725
3-32 / 725
3-32/725
3-38 / 720
tang
1f5j 3-32/725
1:1 3-32/725
tl 3-32/725
III 3-32 / 725
!!l 3-32 / 725
tang
.. 3-38 / 720
tao
OJ] 16-15 / 113 1
5Z 13-28 / 1046
5'#. 13-28 / 1046
'l's 13-27 / 1078
m 13-27/ 1078
13-27/ 1078
13-27 / 1078
1s 13-27 / 1078
13-26 / 1083
W 13-18 / 1244
13-22 / 1090
PINYIN INDEX
fi 13-22 / 1090
tao
tFi] 13-29/1047
#irJ 13-29 / 1047
#.1iY 13-29 / 1047
13-29 / 1047
18 13-27 / 1078
{I 13-22 / 1090
1j5 16-20 / 1145
16-20 / 1145
16-20/1145
16-20/ 1145
2?c 16-20/1145
.>JIS
Ujh 16-20/1145
16-20/ 1145
t:l 16-15/1131
tao
1i-;J 13-23 / 1073
te
2-30 / 777
4-26 / 961
;Et 5-16/918
5-16/918
!Hi 5-16/918
5-13/919
1m 6-13/893
teng
15-3 / 1002
6-13 / 893
6-13 / 893
J:II 6-13 / 893
1m 6-13 / 893
tI
:{t 26-15 / 591
we 26-15/591
8-12/850
ti
1fT 21-19 / 287
IPrff 7-12 / 877
m 7-12/877
7-12 / 877
M 7-14 / 866
#JE 7-14 / 866
407
7-14 / 866
7-14 / 866
7-14 / 866
7-14 / 866
7-14 / 866
t! 7-14 / 866
:1m 7-14 / 866
M 7-14 / 866
7-14 / 866
D}jj 7-27 / 870
26-14/590
W 26-15/591
26-15 / 591
AA3 26-15 / 591
26-15 / 591
26-17 / 551
ti
M 7-14 / 866
7-14 / 866
e 26-23 / 597
ti
trW 7-12/877
WIj 7-12/877
J"t; 8-10 / 856
8-10/856
f. 8-12/850
1 8-12/850
8-12/850
8-12/850
8-12/850
8-12/850
{}!] 13-261 1083
17-711124
17-7/1124
!Ii 17-7/1124
26-15/591
26-15 / 591
26-15 / 591
26-17 / 551
m 26-19 / 560
W 29-14 / 1241
flI 29-16 / 415
21-19/287
tian
7:. 32-15 / 361
36-17 / 1247
tian
EE 32-19 / 362
1B3 32-19/362
H& 32-19/362
Mt 36-16/621
'1% 36-16/621
32-16/375
:!:J!! 32-16/375
i1Jl32-16 / 375
Dli 32-16 / 375
32-16 / 375
IVJ 32-16 / 375
j:J!! 32-16 / 375
32-23 / 386
tian
36-17 / 1247
36-1711247
36-14/617
*7t 36-14 / 617
M 23-18/244
M 33-11 / 476
7ft 33-15 / 453
tian
32-16 / 375
tiao
16-2011145
16-2011145
16-20/1145
16-20 / 1145
yt 16-20 / 1145
16-20 / 1145
1il13-32 / 1077
tiao
13-32 / 1077
fli 13-32 / 1077
13-32 / 1077
13-32/1077
!PJliJ 13-26/ 1083
13-26/1083
16-20/1145
PINYIN INDEX
16-20 / 1145 IlIT 9-11 /833 tn tui E 18-9 / 4
B 16-15 I 1131
ting
t;. 31-11 / 488 28-13 I 544 f 22-13 / 324
31-12 / 489 f,J 28- 13 I 544

tiao &! 9-17 1835
,,,!f! 24-21 / 147
16-20/1145
8 31-13 7tffi: 28-13 / 544 ii 24-21 / 147
tong

11-1111205 24-21/147
tiao 12-911176
tuT
tu 1M 31-15 / 512 tuo
III
17-7 11124 '1i5J 12-911176
Jl:
lfiJt
3m 12-10/1185
1-46/63
tui
19-19 / 354
16-20 / 1145
f*

HJt
1-42/82
22-13/324
)1& 19-19 / 354
16-20/1145
tong

19-16 / 11

1-42 / 82
22-13 1324 16-20/1145
12-911176
"*


1-42/82
31-15 / 512
19-16/11
16-20/ 1145

12-911176

Ojt
1-42 / 82 19-16 III
16-20 / 1145
m
12-9 / 1176

tun 1-42 / 82
tie
;WI] 12-9/1176

B: 32-15/361
tuo
1-42 182
1';0 2-17 / 795
'l'ti 36-12/618

12-9 11176

1-42 / 82 *!j! 34-18 I 464
Il
tf.fi 2-23 1792
36-12/618
mY
12-9 11176

1-38/45
U$ 34-18/464
:rJF 2-23/792
36-12/618
-m
12-10 / 1185
m
1-38145 34-18 / 464
2-251790
36-12 / 618 1l
12-8 / 1188
1IE
1-36/62
m 34-12 / 459
Ilj 19-17 / 31
m;
{f 12-811188
III
1-37 164
tun
22-13 / 324
20-10 / 1256
fi
12-811188
4:L 34-17/427
til
12-8 11188
tii
wa
,m 20-10 I 1256

12-8 / 1188

1-36/62
m 34-17 / 427
1-23143
tie
mat
15-7 / 1009
O 1-36/62 '1'4: 34-17 / 427
Il! 7-8/879
33-15 / 453
'1'\
15-7/1009 tiI
34-17 / 427
ft 7-8/879
34-17 / 427
tIng
fB
15-8/1008

1-46 / 63
,l\!: 34-17 / 427
!hi 7-8 / 879
n 9-11 / 833
tong

1-46 / 63
34-17/427
7-8 / 879

1m 12-10 / 1185 tuiln 34-17 / 427
7-8 / 879
9-17/835
#JE 15-5/1011 1ffij 25-241 168 J.I6( 34-22 / 428
11 7-8 / 879
9-17 / 835
mY 12-9 / 1176 25-241 168 m 33-12 / 429
9f8J
19-41 18
ting
tong tmin
33-12 / 429 wa
9-11 / 833
:Ii 12-10/1185 III 25-25 / 231
U$ 34- 18 1 464
li
19-13 / 20
f$ 9-11/833
'1mb 12-811188 fw 25-25 1231 tuo wa
}f9-17/835
tou
1W 25-25 1231 it 18-9 / 4 m 22-8/306
J)I 9-171835
{ffrI 10-23 I 125
$lJ 25-25/231 {if!. 18-9 / 4 22-8/306
!I 9-17/835
MIJ 10-231125
'1$ 25-25/231
ftli
18-9 / 4 20-18 / 311
9-17/835
34-18 / 464
1't:
18-9 / 4 20-18 1 311
9-17 / 835 tou

18-9/4 fJ 20-18 / 311
9-13 /363
fuX
10-23 1 125
tuan
18-8 / 3

10-23 / 125
lilt 12-8/ 1248
1ft 2-22 / 780
wai
Hng
)I} 22-8/322
:E 9-17 / 835

10-21 / 130 tuan
f 22-13 / 324
MI9-17 / 835

10-16 1 118 25-28/171
M5t 22-13 / 324
wiln
m 9-17 / 835 tou
25-28 / 171
tuo
25-31 / 178
m 9-17 / 835 Jff 10-19 / 129 tuT
2-171795
25-31 / 178
ijf9-17/835 m 28-11 / 575
#.t: 18-9 14

m 9-17 / 835 t 28-11 1 575
rt 18-9 i 4
408
PINYIN INDEX
wan 3-67/744 fm 4-17/995 31-9/525 11-6/1204
11 25-16/163 WE! 3-67/744 19-6/27 m 31-9/525 $i 11-6/ 1204
n 25-16/163
wang
;J 19-6/27 31-9/525

11-6/1204
f.ii;1. 25-16/163
g 3-26/739
19-10 /357
wen
11-6/1204
filili 24-57/183
3-65/742
1m 25-161163
lffi. 34-16 / 426
B 2-8/784
. 5fU 25-19 / 257
3-65/742
ffi 27-17/583
1i'fr. 34-16/426
g 2-8/784
jij! 25-19/257
3-65/742
fr.Et 27-17/ 583
#i 34-16 / 426
if. 16-1011141
m 25-19/257
3-66/743
1.Et 27-17/ 583
m 34-16/426
[g;\ 19-11 /9
IZ1l 25-19/257
3-66/743
* 28-1/569
,Jig, 34-16/426
X 22-7/273
lm 25-19/257
3-66/743
{l 28-5/571
wii
JG 25-19/257 28-5/571
wen
1F':
wei
:ft 28-5/571
)( 33-36/475
1-28/61
wan
m
19-12! 29
28-5/571
!l& 33-36/475
1-28/61
24-58/222

19-10/357
28-5/571
lin 33-35/441

1-28/61
iN'. 24-58 / 222
19-10/357
1i 28-5/571
1f
1-23/43
24-58/222
28-5/571
wen
15
1-23/43
25-17/260
19-10/357
* 33-36/475 m

19-10/357
11 27-18/584
1-23/43
Jr! 25-17 / 260
19-10/357
28-9/573
:J)z: 33-36/475
t5
1-23/97
m 25-17/260
30-20/ 503 t 1-23 /97
!II9B 25-17 / 260
iN 28-9/573
28-9/573
Il?o 30-20/ 503
EIb 1-72 /105
tm 25-17 / 260
m 28-9/573
i1J-e! 28-9/ 573
mU 30-20/ 503

1-72 / 105
28-9/573 28-9/573
25-17/260
&lZ 28-1O! 574
I! 28-11! 575
wen

11-6/1204
wan 28-10/574
28-11/575
t,&rl 24-58 / 222
gU 11-6/1204
24-56/266 Wx 27-18/584
Jli: 27-15 / 585
Fp, 33-35/441
wu
J! 24-56/266
/1&
lin 33-35/441
13- 1-29/58 11k 27-18/584
wei
;f; 21-26/267 11 27-18/584
:J)z: 33-36/475
m 1-29/58
22-7/273
* 28-1/569
'* 30-211531
1)z: 33-36/475
1-35/59
=00 25-17 / 260 28-1/569
19K 30-211 531
* 33-36/475 -JJJ: 4-64 / 947
25-17/260
19-6/27
-k
1-70/106
tlC 25-19/257
wei
19-10/357
weng

19-6/27
19-19/354
12-13/1173
1-69/103
wang m 19-12/29
28-11/575

1-69/ 103
weng
J1l
1-69/103
11: 3-26/739 28-1/569
11 28-11/575
m 12-13/1173
1-69/103
g 3-26/739 28-1/569
'f!! 31-5/523
If 12-4/1184
8m 30-20/503
wang
28-5/571
31-5/523
11 12-4/1184
3:: 3-26/739
28-5/571
31-5/523
wu
L 3-65/742
rjJl 28-5/571
31-5/523
wo q:.
1-30/60
IiJ 28-5/571
{ft 31-7/539
!I!/iij 19-4/18
{t 1-30/60
wang
1m 28-5/571
:15! 28-9/573
19-10/357
'It
1-30/60
11 3-26/739
'ii 28-11 / 575 ft 28-1/569
wi)
E
1-30/60
t1 3-26/739
ot 28-11 /575
1*J 28-5 / 342
flt 18-5/2
Ii 1-29/58
g 3-26/739
*t 28-11/575 fIj 28-5 /342
19-2/351
{ii 1-29/58
fJ 3-65 / 742
$t 28-11 / 575
28-5/342
1-69/ 103
*J'fJ 3-65/742 31-2/540
m 31-9/525
wi>

1-69/ 103
3-65/742
31-9/525
11-6/ 1204
fOOi
1-69/ 103
I#J 3-67 / 744
wei
31-9/525
11-611204

m 4-17/995
1-69/ 103
409
PINYIN INDEX

1-69/103 III 4-21 /955 1$ 27-6/549 m 7-20/359 21-2/314
1t\
1-71/104 4-21/955 27-6/549
xi
21-3/282
1-711104 4-21/955 1Z:S 26-31 / 594
2-2/776
)'.\16 29-1/393
fa 4-641138 8g 4-21/955 :fg 26-31 / 594
2-2/776 xiii
wu
*g 4-211955 26-32/595
:eG 2-2/776 rtfi 1-16/38 -=b-
26-33/596
2-13 /805
4-21/955
2-51787
2-141788
4-30/976 26- II / 1241
* 2-5/787
xiii
2-15/768
t* 4-30/976 tJ 26-26/592
2-5/787
T
1-14/35
'iN
lIm 4-34/960 J1* 29-32/401
2-5/787

1-14/35
1-29/58
5-29/925 29-33/1257
1-12/33
ill
1-29/58
5-29/925
29-33/ 1257
2-35/799
1-15/36
sg
1-29/58
30-4
2-35/799
rM 2-10 / 779
1m
1-29/58 xi Ii'm 2-11 / 789
m
1-29/58
IIJt/T 7-26/869
frt 2-29/797 D: 5-8/914
xiiin

1-35/59
mT 7-26/869
2-29/797
* 7-11876
fill 24-45 / 193

1-35/59
7-11876
'* 7-9/880
1* 7-1/876
24-45 / 193
fX
13-76/1109
7-1/876
'1'1 7-9/880 *1 7-2/1241
:7'C 33-25 /478

13-76/1109
7-1/876
8-12/850 7-9/880 36-16/621
ji 13-76/1109
7-1/876
1iJ! 8-3/1260 IJru 7-11 /873 36-6/613
:I; 13-76/1109
7-1/876
D 37-11/689 8-1/854
"" 36-6/613

13-76/1109
7-1/876
37-12/690 Jtj; 18-7 / 22
m 36-21/620
J!
13-76/1109
7-9/880
37-12/690 7i 26-5/1241 36-21 /620
J::X:
13-78/1231
7-9/880
m 37-12/690 tz: 30-1/517 36-21 /620
16-10 /1141
1JT 8-18/857
,m 37-12/690 'I'$\, 30-1/517
frI 36-21 /620
7t 31-10 / 487
m- 8-18/857
37-13/692 30-11517
f.& 38-27/661
1][ 31-10 / 487
I1J 8-18 / 857
30-2/515
if 23-21 /209
t][ 31-10 / 487
ii1f 8-18 / 857
xi
30-2/515
IEjf 23-21 /209
1m 31-10/487
8-12/850 * 4-21/955
#.lIB 32-34/1241 A 23-22/211
$)[ 31-10 / 487
8-12/850 'I-g 4-21/955
11 24-42/206
Jffe; 31-10 / 487
t.Jb 8-12 / 850 =* 4-30/976 xiii
II! 24-42/206
"0 30-19/503
8-12/850 4-54/973 1-12/33
24-14/200
37-1/675

0iii 35-1 /642
"0 30-20/503
i$c" 4-54/973
iJTX 33-2/443
tm 30-20/ 503
37-1/675 11E 7-28/871
xiii
0/5 30-20/503
37-1/675 111= 7-28/871
1-12/33
xian
1.f,j 37-1 /675 7-28/871
1-12/33
36-3/608
xl
IiJ 37-1 /675
FtJt 7-28/871
ill3
36-7/627
57 2-28/796
g& 37-2/681 l.$E 7-28/871
1-12/33
36-14/617
It
1-12/33
177 2-28/796

18-5/2 lEi 7-21/878
1-12/33
'J:! 38-16/646
2-28/796

18-5/2 7-21/878
IX
1-12/33
11 38-5/672
'75' 26-5 / 1241 rj:
18-7/22 7-1/876
1-12/33
M 38-4/671
26-5/1241
tift 18-7/22
7-1/876
[!! 35-2/629
38-4/671
26-5/1241
:ffl 27-6 / 549
1:ffJ 27-6/ 549
:f! 35-2/629
38-4/671
P. 4-36/979
&ff 27-6/549 27-6/549
1ft! 35-2/629
23-5/191
Y 2-32/798
'1* 27-6/ 549
1i!3 26-31/ 594
oft! 35-2/629
23-5/192
'ii 2-32/798
am 27-6/549
33-25/478
131{ 35-3/630
23-51192
mr 2-32/798
mx 27-6/549 1Jt 33-25/478
131{ 35-3/630
24-30/203
'If 32-1 /368
410
PINYIN INDEX
32-5/366
25-40/237
13-45 / 1069 IJ\ 14-22 / 1028 #Ji 7-7 / 861
32-5/366 rn 33-1 / 416
13-32 / 1077 14-3 / 1038
32-5/366
xiAng

13-11 / 1070 16-33 / 1149 Wf 7-7/861
32-5/366

13-7A / 16-34 / 1150 3 35-10 /633
tEl 3-55/731
1070 16-1/1129 35-19/1255
xii\n # 3-55 / 731
1m 7-20 / 359 ;t 3-55 / 731
Ii
14-22 / 1028 16-1/1129 mt 21-23 /339
7-20 / 359 a 3-42 / 730

14-22 / 1028
xie
%tit 21-23/339
36-2 / 607 f.I 3-42 / 730
1ft
14-22 / 1028
$ 21-ll /289
21-23 / 339
36-6 / 613 W 3-19/717
!II
14-22/1028
ff 21-11/289
21-23 / 339
36-6/613 3-16/714

16-33/ ll49
21-11313
35-10 / 633
mi 23-16/242 3-16/714
f4U
16-33/1149
20-1/279
it 35-10 / 633
m 23-16/242 III 3-16/714

16-33 / 1149
21-23 / 339
#.If 23-21 /209 m 3-16/714
16-33 / 1149 xii! 21-21 / 338
jf. 23-21 /209
m
16-33 / 1149 7-22 / 1241 i'% 21-21/338
23-23/210
xhlng
iff
16-33 / 1149 11 7-9 / 880
21-1/313
f! 33-25/478
3-39 / 732

16-33 / 1149 35-3/630 20-9/330
Ji!Jt 33-25 / 478
:ft 3-39 / 732

16-33 / 1149
1% 35-4/639
20-12/309
m 3-39 / 732 :f:f4 16-33 / 1149 m 35-4/639
Jifr 20-2/327
WJt 33-25 / 478
,"
33-25 / 478
tF 3-39 / 732

16-33 / 1149
t:iib 35-4/639 ;{t 20-2/327
r5t 33-25 /478
15-2 / 1015
16-33 / 1149
35-4/639
20-1 / 279
y@ 26-31 /594
15-2/1015

16-33/1149 35-4/639 f3)g 20-1 / 279
I!t 36-7 / 627
xiang
0-% 16-8 / 1041
0+ 35-4 / 639
29-21 / 1256
36-2 /607
3-17/716
;ffi 16-8/ 1041
0+ 37-3 / 686
7-7A / 1240
-v 3-17/716

16-8 / 1041 20-1 / 279
7-7A / 1240
xian
m 3-55/731
K
16-12 / 1140 20-1 / 279
38-5/672

26-9 / 599
xln
g: 3-42 /730
16-14 / 1164
{J\ 38-31 /663
38-5/672
3-181715
M
16-14 / 1164 26-9 / 599
$Z 38-3/652
}@ 38-5/672
3-161714 xiao
26-9 /599
W\ 38-7/653
38-4 / 671 SJ[ 29-1 /393
h 36-7/627
fI 3-16 / 714
P!i. 16-6 11166
ftij 29-1 /393
:$ 32-33/382
13% 23-2/241
3-16 / 714
k& 16-6/1166
29-1 /393
fJT 32-33/382
:rJil, 23-2 /241 xHlng
xiao
!fI3
1-47 / 47
iT 32-33 / 382
BJjI, 23-19 / 1250 rOJ 3-18/715 IJ\ 16-33/1149 !Il3 1-47 /47
BfT 33-2/443
J? 23-2 / 241 tEl 3-55/731

13-32/1077 1-47 / 47
tFf 33-2 / 443
j[ 23-2 /241 3-41/728

16-14/ 1164 it< 4-2 / 937
"JT 33-2 / 443
'i: 23-2 /241 3-41/728

10-37 / 1097 30-1 / 517
fV\ 33-2 / 443
24-44/156 3-41/728
ffiX 33-2 / 443
11'1'1' 23-5/ 191
3-16/714
xiao xie
xin
ir,ij23-5 / 191
m 3-16/714
'1:3<: 16-6 / 1166 'm 2-35 /799
38-17/662
ti 23-9/248 3-16 / 714
16-6 / 1166
xie 38-28/660
24-41 / 155
JJji 12-I / ll72
16-6 / 1166
2-26/807 m 38-5/672
24-31 / 207 :tt: 12-3 / 1182

16-6/1166
Mt 2-26/807 38-16/646
24-18 / 250 12-3 / 1182
;f3(
16-6/1166
2-35/799
ii 24-18 /250

16-9/ ll68
4-3/990
xin
xiAo
0#
16-9/1168 TL 32-35 / 383
Iik 24-17 / 252
ML 4-12 /992
III
14-22/1028
4-3 / 990
32-34 / 1241
'1m 7-7 / 861
411
PINYIN INDEX
32-34 / 1241
gij
12-5/1183 8-7 / 1260

12-5 / 1243 xuan
ill 32-36 / 384

12-5 / 1183
m
10-31 / 134
#Jl
14-14 / 1023 i1 25-12 / 164
33-7 / 446

12-5 / 1183

10-31 / 134 )( 14-14 / 1023 If' 25-12 / 164
ntj: 33-8 / 447
xiong
10-30/ 133 14-15 / 1018 Bg 25-12/164
xIng 1i:1 6-5/887

10-30/133 Wi 14-15 / 1018 ;tIt 25-12/164
6-6 / 889 38-6/674

10-30 / 133 fi 14-15 / 1018 34-30/433
9-2/832
a{fl
10-1 / 108 'Iii 14-15/1018 m 34-30 / 433
W 9-24/821
xiong
1-18 / 78 '11% 31-22/1257
9-24/821
12-5 11 183
:IJ.I 1-18 / 78 Wft 31-17 / 497
xu an
,IW 9-24 / 821 xiong
mx 1-18 / 78 1lfll 5-7 / 930
.. 23-12 / 167
9-25 / 81 2
.. 23-12 / 167
Il!!!li 1-18178 1lfll 29-7 / 410
23-12 / 167
9-25 / 812
too 29-7 / 410
23-17 / 228
xiii
xu it 32-5 / 366
nlf. 9-25 / 8\2
if

1-42 / 82
JfiIP 29-7 / 410
32-5 / 366
10-37 / 1097

1lfll 5-7 / 930
xing
13-50 / 1076
1-42 / 82
1Jfn 5-7 / 930
g! 32-5 / 366
ff 3-14/748 13-32 / 1077
xii
1:1 32-5 / 366
HU 9-4 / 808 ffff
13-32 / 1077

1-30 / 60
xuan iXJ 32-5 / 366
% 9-4 / 808 it
13-11 / 1070
r=T
1-23 / 97
DO 25-15A 'If 32-6 / 1250
IJ'F
BH 9-4 / 808 nft
\3-11 / 1070
tTI
1-24 / 98
23-11 / 256 !fBJ 32-8 / 392
liJflJ 9-4 / 808
\3-1\ / 1070

1-24 / 98
23-11 / 256 32-8 / 392
iJflJ 9-4 / 808
13-11 / 1070

1-69/ 103
m 23-11 / 256 34-30 / 433
&Jf 9-4 / 808
13-11 / 1070 1-62/90
,m 23-17 / 228 I 34-13 / 458
9-1 / 831
xiii
1-62 / 90
ff 24-1 / 139
K 25-12 / 164

xing f"5 13-3/1041
1-62 / 90
13 25-12 / 164
16-33 / 1149
.. 6-7 'i513-3 / 1041
m 1-62 / 90
HI 25-13 / 167
m 2\-11 / 289
!@ 9-25/81 2 m 13-60 / 1112
10-30 / 133
25-13 / 167
I'l 9-25 / 81 2
rfif \3-32 / 1077
!friJ 10-1 / 1 08
xue
25-13 / 167
';\. 29-6 / 409
xing
xiii
xii If' 25-12 / 164 14-3/ 1038
fr 3-15 / 749
*
13-39 ! 1095
:f@, 4-12/ 992
'1ft 25-12 / 164
:'I 14-3 / 1038
ff 3-14 / 748 13-39! 1095
1-62 / 90
;tIt 25-12/164 11-311226
9-5/810 fffi
13-30 / 1079
1-62 / 90
25-2 / 158
1 9-5/810

1-56/94
xue
13-30 / 1079
: 22-18 / 297
$$ 9-5 / 810
J
1-43/83
xUlln
13-12 / 1088
........
:% 32-5 / 366
W 9-5 / 810
: T
1-43 / 83 xue
IE
14-15 / 1018
32-7 / 391
9-25 / 81 2 18
14-21 / 1030
!iff:
1-45 / 89
l:V 32-7 /391
ltn 29-7 / 410
'11: 9-25 / 81 2 t.I
14-22 / 1028
ffigif 1-45 / 89
l'BJ 32-8 / 392
1'/\ 29-6 / 409
11 9-25 / 812
1-42/ 82 m 11-3 11 226
xii
Mi 1-38/45
23-9 / 248
17-2 / 1118
xiong rt 31-22 / 1257
5-6 / 929
23-9 / 248
21-38/293
3-28 / 765
31-22 / 1257
5-6 / 929
}jjf 23-14 / 236
20-19/294

12-5 / 1183 Of
1-23/97
5-6 / 929
fri 23-14 / 236
OJ!: 20-3 / 312

12-5 / 1\83 !If
1-23/97
5-6 / 929
m 23-14 / 236
1m 22-5 / 303
12-5 / 1183
1-23 / 97
!J{i]
10-1 / 108
:rJE 23-14/236
i% 29-11 / 507
12-5 / 1183
j , \\
23-11 / 256
1-23 / 43
J:J[ 11-9 / 1216 :If 1-20 / 778
1lli 12-5 / 1183
1-62 / 90
fj] 11-7/ 1217 'II 1-20 / 778
412
PINYIN INDEX
xiin Ji 34-28 / 434 ti 36-11/619 fr 24-29 / 197 1$ 3-39/732
ffl 23- 10 / 227 i 34-28 / 434 36-12 / 618 3t 25-29 / 229 3-39 / 732
34-12/459
ya
III 36-5 / 609 Vt 34-23 /468 3-38 / 720
It 34-15/461
J3 35-2 /629
H& 36-2 / 607 BN 33-1/416 3-38/720
:f:! 34-15/461
1-34 / 37
jft 36-2/607 33- 19 / 450 3-38/720
34-15/461
36-10 / 616
38-5/672
yan
m 3-38/720
34-15/461 :tim 38-5/672
36-14 / 617
m 3-38 / 72
IfJ 34-15 / 461
ya
38-10 / 673
fi 36-13 / 1247
3-38 / 720
1'1 34-15 / 461 5f
1-34 / 37
W 38-10 / 673
36- 10 / 616
3-38 / 720
fr! 34-15 / 461
1-34 / 37
1iJf 23-3 / 239
m 36-10 / 616
:JI 3-38 / 720
34-15/461
1-29 / 58 -g 24-16/251
mJ( 36-10 / 616
3-38 / 720
xun
7-8 / 879
ro'i 24-19 / 199
III 36-5 / 609 yang
7-8 / 879
J! 24-30/203
B] 32-8/392
iII 7-8/879
24-30/203
36-6 / 613 .cD 3-29/699
%IT 32-8/392 :.tml 38-5 / 672 M 3-29 / 699
'I''U 32-8 /392
!VI 7-8/879
24-30/203
23-2/241 {:!k: 3-20 / 718
'1'fU 32-8 /392
ya
115 25-29 / 229
23-15 / 243 3-20 / 718
115 32-8 / 392
n. 2-13 / 805
7% 24-14 / 200
23-15/243 3-39 / 732
gEj 32-8 / 392 n 1-34 / 37
24-31 / 207
23-15 / 243
* 3-39 / 732
BY.g 32-7 / 392
@ 1-34 / 37
Y3n 23-15/243
* 3-39 / 732
32-8 / 392
ya
* 36-9 / 615
UIt5! 32-9 / 370
yang
1m 32-8/392
iI!e 2-1 / 766
m 36-9/615 24-11/146
3-2017\8
51lJ 32-8 / 392
2 2-13 / 805
m 36-9 / 615 24-11 / 146
3-39/732
IffV 32-8 / 392
!:2IJ 2-13 / 805
36-9/615 24-11 / 146
3-39/732
32-8 / 392
1-34 / 37
J! 38-16/646 24-12/253
1* 3-39/732

m: 1-34 / 37
38-4 / 671 24-12 / 253
3-39 / 732
34-20/462
-'L 20-4 / 280
iRU 36-14 / 617 II!) 24-12 / 253
m 3-38 / 720
MI 34-20 / 462
til 24-12 / 253
36-14 / 617 Jfi 24-15 / 186
1J 34-21 / 465 36-14 / 617 24-16 / 251
yao
fJ 34-21 /465
yai see ya
mJ( 36-10/616 24-17 / 252
% 13-16 / 1115
:F# 34-32/466
yai, yai
36-10/616 fIi 24-17 / 252
*-
16-10 /1141
38-16 / 646
see ai, Ai
11 36-10/616 24-17/252
iffi.
16-10/ 1141
yiln
l2. 36-10/616 g 24-19/199
16-10 / 1141
xun
36-8 / 614 ol 24-19/199 f7:
16-10 / 1141
34-6/422
36-8 / 614
34-20/462
36-10 / 616
ft 36-8 / 614 24-19 / 199
16-10 / 1141
34-23 / 468
7% 24-14 / 200
36-8 / 614
16-11 / 1142
!il 36-8 / 614
yang
!3J
1m 32-8 / 392
1! 24-14 / 200
* 3-20 / 718
16-11 / 1142
5'sJ 32-8 / 392
32-10 / 483
36-2 / 607
3-20 / 718

16-11 / 1142
7til 32-8/392
32-9/370
W 38-3 / 651
f9( 3-20 / 718

16-11 / 1142
113] 32-8 / 392
32-91370
24-12 / 253
3-20/718

16-6/ 1166
32-8/392
23-15 / 243
11. 24-12/253
3-20 / 718
#lZ
16-4 / 1162
+L 32-35/383
mJ( 36-10 / 616
g 24-12/253
yao
ill 32-35/383
24-12/253
yang
)( 16-7 / 1167
"R 32-35 / 383
Y!ln
15)" 24-13 / 254 $ 3-39 / 732

36-14 / 617
C 24-17 / 252
1$ 3-39/732
16-7 / 1167
++

+\, 32-35 / 383
jiR 36-14 / 617
&, 24-17 / 252 1$ 3-39 / 732
16-7 / 1167

16-2 / 1244
413
PINYIN INDEX

16-15/ 1131 ye ::& 27-5 /550 4-30/976 Hi 5-10 / 957

16-21/1144 rli 29-13/395 11K 27-5/550 J;J 4-30/976 oj 5-10 / 957

16-21/1144 21-1/313 "fl 28-5/571 m 4-30/976 5-17/954

16-21/1144
ye
37-19/688 4-23/956 Jf 5-17/954
1
16-21/1144

1-47/47 yi
N
18-1 / 1 5-17 / 954
m
16-21/1144
1fI3
1-47/47 [2: 4-34/960

18-1 / 1 .!W 5-17 / 954
9
16-21/1144

1-47/47 4-34/960
t:gy 18-1 / 1 JtTI 5-18/912
f
16-21/1144
i::l 4-30/976
J'j'DJ 18-1 / 1 5-18/912
fiG
16-21/1144 ye
'1'El 4-30 / 976
}jiJ
18-1/1 1t: 30-1/ 517
*
16-21/1144 ift
18-9/4
4-30/976

18-1 / 1 it: 30-1/517

16-21/1144 !T
1-43/83

18-5/2 7-11 /873

16-21/1144
1-43/83
4-30/976
Hili 18-9/4 8-5/849
'it
16-21/1144
1-44/83n
4-30/976
!I@ 27-2/548 8-5/849
1
16-21 / 1144
{E1 4-30 / 976
4-23/956
27-5/550 8-5/849
4-23/956
'*
16-21/1144
ye
4-23/956
1:R 27-5/550 8-5/849
16-20/1145

15Z 2-27/800
'Itt 7-27/870 yi
Jljl"" 8-5/849
16-20/1145
11l 2-27/800

18-5/2
X
8-2/855
if
21-10 / 347
8-8/851 16-13/1130
1& 2-27/800

18-5/2 )t 21-10/347
H
16-14/1164
I11?:l 2-27/800
1r
18-6/21 )ZiJ 21-10/347
8-8/851

16-14/1164
M 36-8/614
1m
18-9/4 -\; 5-16/918
N 8-8/851

16-14/ 1164
35-10 / 633

18-9/4 5-16/918
8-12/850
yao
35-10/633

18-9/4 5-16/918
8-12/850
*- 16-10 /1141
35-10/633 @tl!
18-9/4 I}]\ 2-27/ 800
8-12/850
i'*
16-10/1141 35-10 / 633

18-9/4 2-27/800
m 35-3/630
7jJ:. 16-10 / 1141 35-10/633
mg
18-9/4 m 2-27/800
ES 37-5/683
*
16-10 / 1141 till 21-23 /339
ftIi
18-9/4
* 2-27/800
tl3 37-5/683
J!
16-10/1141 "* 35-5/640
tfjffi
18-9/4
"* 2-25/790
'IB 37-5/683
2
13-16/1115 a 35-1/642

18-8 /3 2-25/790
113 37-5/683
11
13-17/1245
,. 37-4/682
18-8/3
'I' 2-25 / 790
0/3 37-5 / 683

13-17/1245 21-1/313
26-17/551 1 2-25/790
37-12/690
a
13-27/1078 36-10/616
26-17/551 2-25/790
,. 37-4/682
3i
16-6/1166 Jt 7-11 /873
26-17/551 2-25/790
18-5/2

ox:
16-6/1166 7-11/873
26-17/551 2-25/790
18-5/2

16-2/1244 26-17/551 2-25/790
m 18-6/21
{JI\\
1iJ 21-23/339

16-2/1244
yI
26-17/551 2-25/790
- 29-12/394
26-17/551 2-25/790
till 21-23 /339
yao
-,-
26-17/551 f 4-31/977
W: 21-23/339
16-11 / 1142
5r 29-13 / 395
tttt 21-23 /339
Ii 4-22/958
26-18/1237 tm 5-9/915
m
16-21/1144
18-1/1
m 31-2/540 5-10 / 957
ID!l: 21-23/339
fII
17-7/ 1124
18-1/1
5-10 / 957
21-21/338

17-7/ 1124
18-1/1
yi
M 5-10 / 957
ilJ, 21-21/338
1M
17-7/ 1124
1ft 26-13 / 604
Z 30-7/505
il 5-10 / 957
21-22/333

17-8/1125
lJf1I" 26-13 / 604
B 4-31/977
'/'i 5-10 / 957
m 21-7/332

16-10 /1141
26-12/589
4-30/976
ii 5-10 / 957
m 21-1/313

16-6/1166
It 26-12/589
11 4-30/976
5-10 / 957
W1 20-9/330
414
PINYIN INDEX
iA 20-9/330 32-10/483 yin 9-15/815

12-10/1185
20-9/330 11 32-10 / 483 .Ep 32-11 /1251 9-9/843

12-10/1185
IfI 20-9/330 1M! 32-10/483 ]!i 38-3 / 651 9-1 / 831 12-10 II 185
12-10 / 1185 20-6/331 32-10/483 38-3 / 652
ying
12-10 / 1185 20-7 / 285 32-10/483 38-7/653
3-21 / 756
12-10 / 1185 26-6 / 552 32-10 / 483
** 32-14/1251
*Jl 9-7 / 828
12-10 / 1185 I2S 26-12 / 589 32-12/367 32-14/1251
;/I 9-10 / 814
@' 26-12/589 33-9/448 )I 32-20/371
yong
26-12 / 589 33-9 / 448 $'* 32-22 /385
ying
m 12-10/1185
33-10 / 449
?f 6-13 / 893 j,f, 29-13 / 395
yin
33-18 / 45 I
1tF 6-13 / 893 yOu
l1& 29-13 / 395
1L:: 38-14/656
33-18/451
Mf 6-13/893 f& 13-32/1077 29-13 / 395
38-3 / 651
Jmf 6-13 / 893 13-32/1077 !If 29-13 / 395
ai 38-3 / 652 ylng
1iJ!! 3-11 13-32 / 1077 f 29-13/395
HA 38-IOA 3-20 / 718
JJ! 6-8 / 890 13-16 / 1115
Ji 29-13 /395
38-15/657 3-20 / 718
3-29 / 699 13-16 / 1115 29-17/402
ig 38-15/657 :& 9-9 / 843
9-9/843 nt;!J 13-16 / 1115
i!k 29-17 / 402
38-15/657 9-10 / 814
f.I 6-24 / 892 13-15 / 1072 29-17 / 402
38-16/646 9-10 / 814
13-14 / 1071 29-19 / 396
@J 38-16 / 646 m 9-10 / 814
yOng
13-14 / 1071 29-20/1257
36-2 / 607 g 9-10 / 814
I 12-4 / I 184
11 13-14/1071 29-20 / 1257
00 24-16 / 251 9-10 / 814
12-4/1184
13-14/1071 {# 29-2 I / 397
j 24-16 / 251 9-10 / 814
12-4/1184
f;f 13-14/1071 29-21 / 1256
Ii 32- 13 / 1251 fi 6-8 / 890
12-4/1184
13-14/1071 8J\ 29-22 / 1257
:!:N 33-1 / 416 JI 6-8 / 890
12-4 / 1184
13-14 / 1071 JlJ 30-8/537
33-1 / 416 11 6-8 / 890
12-4 / 1184
30-9/516
:l:JT 33-2/443 JJ! 6-8 / 890
12-4 / 1184
y6u
30-9/516
33-19/450 M 12-4 / 1184 :t 4-18 / 996
ying
12-10 / 1185
4-18 / 996
30-9/516
33-19/450
ifk 9-9 / 843
If 12-10 / 1185 re 4-18 / 996
30- II / 509
38-10 / 673
1if 9-9/843
flI2-1O/1I85 4-19 / 997
7! 30- II / 509
yin 9-9/843
tI 12-10 / 1185 13-36 / 1096 yIn
j=t 32-25 / 1251 g 9-9/843
i" 12-IOA / "fJi 13-36 / 1096 if 38-7 / 653
51 32-20 / 371 it 9-9/843
1186 13-36/1096 'l'g- 38-7 / 653
32-20/371 9-9 / 843
13-36/1096 38-7 / 653
38-3 / 651 9-9 / 843
y6ng
1ff. 13-3311080 m 38-7/653
Jf 38-3 / 652 if 9-9 / 843 10-11 / 124
iJH. 13-33/1080 Ii 38-3/651
38-8 / 654 3-29 / 699
MJf 10-11 / 124
13-33 / 1080 38-3/651
38-3/652 !l!ij 6-24 / 892
yong
m 13-33/1080 !t9 32-9/370
rut 33-9/448 Hi 6-8 / 890
7k 3-27/764
EB 13-34 / 1081 OItSl 32-9/370
33-10/449 11 6-8 / 890
0* 3-27 / 764
m 13-34 / 1081 1!i 32-9/370
11 33-10 / 449 11 6-8 / 890
Me 3-27 / 764
13-32 / 1077 i.:1B 32-9 / 370
33-10 / 449 1!JA 9- 16 / 816
rlJ< 3-27/764
'X& 13-32 / 1077 YIZS! 32-9/370
33-10 / 449 j1 9-16/816
12-4/1184
El3 13-30 / 1079 JmZ;J 32-9/370
33-19 / 450 .. 9-16/816
12-4/1184
nB 13-30 / 1079 32-10 / 483
?lJ 9-15/815
12- I 0 / 1I85
E1 13-2711078 32-10 / 483
415
PINYIN INDEX
16-21/1144

1-23 / 97

10-11 / 124 5-6 / 929 29-11 /507
you

1-23/97
M
10-11 / 124 5-6 / 929 29-11 / 507
ff
1-23 / 97
tm
10-11 / 124 5-6/929 29-11 / 507
17:. 4-17 / 995

1-23 / 97
M
10-11 / 124 5-6/929 29-11 / 507
4-17/995

4-13/993
tit
1-28/61
yu
5-6 / 929 29-11/507
1[ 4-17 / 995
T
1-43/83
T
1-43/83
5-6 / 929 -n 25-17 / 260
0
13-34 / 1081
my 1-29 / 58
!=j
1-45A
5-6/929 25-17 / 260
*
13-39/ 1095

1-31 / 79
3J3J
1-24 / 98
.9 5-6 / 929 25-17 / 260
@
13-36/1096
NA
1-31179
ffi
1-26 / 100
5-18 / 912 319 / 525
f@
13-36 / 1096

1-31/79

1-25/99
1.ii 5-18 / 912 m& 319 / 525
13-36 / 1096
If5(
1-31 / 79
1-25 / 99

10-23 / 125
yUlln
;W, 13-36/1096

1-35 / 59
:f
1-23 / 97
!l)$}
10-23/125
2317/228
fA; 13-16/1115

1-35 / 59
[!] 1-29 / 58

10-23 / 125
2317 / 228
'If
13-14/1071

1-42/82

1-29/58

10-23 / 125
2317 / 228
Jti
13-31 / 1082

1-42 / 82
-?;li
1-29 / 58
1IJ
10-11 / 124
2317 / 228

PI=!

1-42 / 82
&g
1-29 / 58
10-11 / 124
25-17/260
you

1-42 / 82
(If 1-29 / 58

10-11 / 124
25-17 / 260
y... 4-17/995
I-
1-45/89
1-32/81
10-10 / 122
25-17 / 260
i5 4-17/995
1t\
1-45 / 89
1-35 / 59

10-10 / 122
25-17 / 260
{t 4-17/995
:EW
1-45 / 89
;'I; 1-35 / 59
:fr
11-14/ 1202
25-18/261
fti 4-17 I 995
1iW
1-45/89
I- 1-45/89
m
11-14 / 1202
J.i 25-30 / 230
iff 4-17 / 995

1-45/89
ilX
11-14 / 1202
'fiif 4-17 I 995
11
1-45 / 89
W 1-45/89

11-14/1202
yJll1 32-12/367
ffW 1-45 / 89
[1!1 4-17 / 995
W
1-45 / 89
10-24 / 126
-i:ll 11-14/1202
yuan
1[ 4-17/995
m
10-25/1243
m
11-14 / 1202
7C 25-19 / 257
iI 10-10 / 122

9;14 10-24 / 126

25-19 / 257
10-24/126
10-24/126
ij,."
11-14 / 1202
J@
13-36 / 1096
10-24 / 126

11-10 /1215
B 25-19 / 257
13-36/1096

10-24 / 126
10-24 / 126

14-4 / 1045
(0-
10-24 / 126
... ,JL 2519 / 257
;W, 13-36/1096

10-23/125
{@i 10-10 / 122

14-4 / 1045 2r 25-29 / 229
Wt
13-39 / 1095
'llW
10-23/125

14-4 / 1045 23 10 / 227
f-*
13-39 / 1095 ;j]tr 10-23 / 125 yu

14-4/1045
III 2311/256
1/\
13-37/ 1246
rW1
' I
10-23 / 125
3S. 11-9 1 1216

14-4 / 1045
ts 2512 / 164

13-30 / 1079
fJfu
10-23 / 125 1-23/97

14-10 / 1024
25-12 / 164
1W
13-30/1079
M1J
10-23 / 125 tit 1-28/61

14-11 1 1020 2513 1167
1;1]
13-16/1115
filX
10-23 / 125 1-28 / 61

14-12/1021 25-13 / 167

13-30/ 1079

10-23 / 125
my 1-29/58
Ji
14-14/ 1023 1i 25-13/167
yii
tltr
10-23/ 125
frEIJ 1-30/60
{.
14-14/1023 fl 25-13 / 167
ff
1-23 197
m
10-23/ 125 1-30/60
iii
17-6 / 1119 25-15 / 256
f.;f 1-23/97
M
10-23 / 125 1-33 / 80 j}( 16-10/1141 25-15 / 256
tul[ 1-42 / 82
fl * 2515/256
m
1-28/61
10-23 / 125 31-8 / 495
M
1-28 / 61
1f,J 10-23/125 nt 1-43 / 83
31-8/495 25-15 / 256

10-11/124 1-45/89
:$ 31-18 / 502
1R 25-15 / 256
yu

10-11 / 124 1-45 / 89
29-6 / 409 '* 25-20 / 258
T
1-23/97
wm
10-11/124 4-17 / 995
29-11 / 507 rJJ 2520/258
;ff 1-23 / 97

10-11 I 124
[1!1 4-17 / 995
1ifl 29-11 / 507
"ii: 25-20 / 258
If 1-23 / 97
416
PINYIN INDEX
II( 25-20 / 258 22-13 / 324 6-14/945\ zan
t' 2-25 /790
25-21 / 259 1m 22- \3 / 324 6-24 / 892 JI 35-16/636 2-25 / 790
25-28/171 22-13 / 324 23-10 / 227
zim
:fff 2-32 / 798
MZ 25-28 / 171 25-17/260 11 34-16 / 426
24-39 / 153
5-24 / 906
yuan
IjiJI 31-10 / 487 34-16/426
24-39/ 153
8-14 / 868
25-15/256
:iI
14-3 / 1038
34-16 / 426
fI 24-39 / 153
III 8-14/868
51!! 25-17 / 260

17-7 / 1124 &I 34-16 / 426 8-14 / 868
m 25-17/260

11-10/1215 34-16 / 426
zllng 8-14 / 868
fJi! 25-17 / 260
:lSJ
\1-10 / 1215 34-13 / 458
iW 3-49 / 727 B 8-14 / 868
1M
17-6 / 1119
-= 34-13 / 458
3-49 / 727
ze
yuan
1i
17-6 / 1119 m 34-13 / 458
3-49 / 727
* 5-27 / 924
23-11 / 256
11m
17-6 / 1119 34-13 / 458
zang
JA 5-27 / 924
0.i 23-11 / 256
11
17-6 / 1119 Q 34-13 / 458
1-57/46
5-27/924
f.i 25-13 / 167

17-6 / 1119
" 34-13 / 458
JY: 5-27/924
25-13 / 167
ai
17-6/ 1119 34-13 / 458
zang
Jrf 25-17 / 260
3-47 / 702 zei
25-17 / 260
yiln zll
3-49 / 727
f!BG 5-23 / 907
W. 25-17/260
,m 25-17 / 260 ffJ 37-18 / 679
I)jG 25-19/257
m 34-16 / 426 !ill 37-18/679
zllo
zen
.m! 34-12/459 m
13-55 / 1053
38-28 / 660
25-20 / 258 Z3
rI 13-55 / 1053
IJi 25-20 / 258 yun III 38-28 / 660
It 13-55 / 1053
zeng
25-28/171 '.5] 32-7 / 391 ft 37-20 / 691 6-19 / 884
32-7 / 392 fl 37-20 / 691
Z30
6-19 / 884
yut!
rs; 32-7 1391
.!f!. 13-51 / 1049
6-19 / 884
B 22-4 / 304 zai

13-53 / 1050
6-19/884
#."J 17-5 II 120
E 34-14 / 460
4-45 / 943
jf 2-8 / 784
34-14 / 460
4-45 / 943
m
13-60 / 1112
6-19/884
it 2-8 / 784
34-14 / 460
t& 4-45/943
{!i 16-32 / 1169
6-19 / 884
fi 34-14 / 460
16-30 / 1134
rt 6-19 / 884
yut!
34-14 / 460
*X; 4-45 / 943

16-30/1134
til 6- J 9 / 884
22-5/346
ffik 23-10 / 227
fk 4-42 / 940
fl
16-30 / 1134
23-10/227
X 4-42 / 940

16-30 / 1134
zeng
yue 6-19 / 884
}=j 22-8 / 306
23-10 / 227
zai
zao
till 6-19 / 884
m 22-8/306
32-7 / 392 * 4-48 / 965

13-56 / 1054
JjiJ 22-8 /306
f<; 4-45 / 943

13-54 / 1051
zhll
yun
IX 1-57 / 46
fEF.! 22-8 / 306
ft 34-23 /468
zai rl
13-55 / 1053
1m
-ffi
11-8 / 1227
1fc 34-23 / 468 :tE 4-45 / 943 if
14-19 / 1027
1-57 / 46
1"J
17-5/1120
34-23 / 468
:lX; 4-45 / 943
16-30 / 1134
m
1-57/46
t"J
17-5 / 1120
23-10 / 227
4-45 / 943
ft*
16-30 / 1134
;tJi 1-57/46
t.!fj 17-5 / 1120
23-10 / 227 *X; 4-45 / 943
16-30 / 1134
:J:Ji
1-57 / 46
17-8 / 1125
23-10 / 227
Itt 4-45 / 943
16-30/1134
18-8 / 3
D11T 21-19/287
PG 22-5 / 303
23-10 / 227
} 4-43 / 941
ze
22-5 / 303
:j:i 34-14 / 460
-=E 2-22 / 780
zha
22-5 / 303
Jrf 25-17 / 260
zlln
ifL 20-4 / 280
38-28/660 2-31/806
22-6 / 305
yun 38-28 / 660 1'F 2-31 /806 zha
1m 22-13 / 324
lJl 6-14/945\
1 2-25 / 790 "F 2-31 / 806
417
PINYIN INDEX
O'f 2-31 /806 24-41 / 155 X 13-60 / 1112 zhen 32-1/377
'F 2-31 / 806
33-15/453 HB 16-15/1131 9-12 / 834 32-16 / 375
2-32 / 798 24-21 / 147 1B 16-15/1131 ttl 9-12 / 834 32-16/375
9-12/834 32-16/375 IFf; 2-22/780
zhan zhao
ttl 9-12 / 834 Iilfi 3218/373 tOO 8-15/845
tI 36-22/611 B 16-15 / 1131
:m 38-11 / 658 32-20 / 371 1& 18-13 / 5
36-22/611 -m 16-15/1131
m 38-11 /658 32-21 / 372
zhai m 38-11 / 658 1B 16-15 / 1131
32-16/375 {,@ 33-13 / 455
fjiiij 7-12/877 24-21 / 147 16-15 / 113 1
32-16 / 375
26-27/593 f'j 24-23/ 148 17-711124
32-16/375 33-13 / 455
24-41/155 *il 17-7/1124
:oJ); 32-16/375 I 33-13 / 455 zhai
24-43 / 208 17-4 / 1126
32-16 / 375 :j=,@ 3313/455 2-22/780
24-43 / 208 itEi 16-33 / 1149
tl 32-31 / 380 33-15 / 453
zhai
33-15/453 16-20 / 1145
32-31/380 8lt 3315 / 453
7-17
t.vE 911 / 1248 :BJ5 16-20 / 1145
31 32-31 /380 fi 3314 / 1251
.. 8-14 / 868
it 24-23 / 148 m 16-20 / 1145
32-31/380
{l 8-14/868
16-18 / 1146
32-33 / 382
zheng
zhang
9-23 / 811
21-28 / 337
5:& 3-35/721 zhe :j:,@ 33-13 / 455
tIE 9-11 / 833
21-28/337
*-R 3-35 / 721 2-18/804
W 33-13/455
ilE 9-11 / 833
zhan
3-35 / 721
zhe
fi 33-14/1251
6-11 / 891
J5 36-12/618
3-31/723

f:t 33-15 / 453
m 6-10 / 896
'l't!l 36-12 / 618 3-31/723
1-38/45
38-4 / 671
6-10 / 896
16 36-12 / 618
3-31 / 723
1j1 7-12/877
38-4/671
f.tfIJ 9-25/812
36-12/618
l-' 3-31 1723
7-12 / 877
38-28 / 660
zheng
75 36-12/618
W 3-311723
7-12 / 877
zhen
m 6-16 / 897
mr 36-11/619
3-' 3-31 / 723
A 35-13/638
1:- 33-15/453
9-11/833
OJ 36-11 / 619
zhang :tfL 35-9 1632
33-15 / 453
tlJ< 6-10 / 896
ll! 36-11 /619
3-351721 $[ 35-9 / 632
8lt 33-15 / 453
Jm. 24-20/150
3-32 / 725 fi!ll 37-12/690
33-15 / 453
zhimg
JI 24-23 / 148
'I'I 37-12 / 690
33-15/453 IE 9-11/833
:f!l 24-23 / 148 zhang
fff 21-19 / 287
$t 33-15/453
jfj( 9-111833
fi'j 24-23 1 148 ;t 3-36/722
!f 21-1 9 / 287
33-15 / 453
ill 9-11/833
.It 24-23 / 148 tt 3-36/722
fJj:, 21-19/287
tt 38-14 / 656
a 4-301976
24-23 / 148 3-35 / 721
m 21-19/287
tt 38-14/656
m 6-9/883
.. 24-23/148
8i'1T 21-19 / 287
:If 32-16/375 9-13/363
!I 24-23/148
zhao
fg 21-19 / 287
32-16 / 375
zhI 24-29 1 197
17-3/1165
37-8/685
Jj; 32-16 / 375
Z 4-27 1962
zhan 16-17 / 1143
m 37-8 / 685 32-16/375
Z 4-271962
!Ilff 36-22 1611
HB
16-15 / 1131
zhe
zhen 1t 37-3/686
24-21/147
iE
16-15/1131
1-38 / 45
Ii* 6-13 1 893
J[ 7-15 / 1238
IN 24-23 / 148
fB
16-15/ 1131
1-38 145
m 6-13/893
7-14 / 866
24-26 / 201

16-5 / 1163
"Itt 38-14/656 7-13/863
24-26/201
UJ]
13-26 / 1083 zhe
Jl;.j 38-14 / 656 7-13/863
24-41/155
zhao
t 2-17 1795
m 38-11 / 658 tR 7-5 / 865
.ii 24-41/155
m. 13-59/1111
2-19/791
ER 7-5 / 865
418
PINYIN INDEX
3t 7-3 f 864 #.a 7-6 f 867 i=tQ 18-9 / 4 15-6 / 1007 zhOu
;f)t 7-3 f 864 JK 26-14 / 590 18-9 / 4 if};. 12-7 / 1189 M 13-23 / 1073
.Itt 7-3 f 864 1ill"; 26-14/590 i"m 21-15 / 315 W 12-8 / 1188
ff
13-23 / 1073
7-6 / 867 ' 26-6 / 552 21-171335 ji 12-8 / 1188
ffl
13-2OA I
1l 8- 11 / 1260 j:/ 26-6 / 552 21-17 / 335

15-4 / 1010 1087
5-13 / 920 26-6 / 552 21-17 / 335 r;JJ 15-4 11010
*
13-2OA I
M! 24-21/147 m 4-34 / 960 21-18 / 334

15-3 / 1002 1087
26-14 / 590 27-711237 26-19 / 560
Jll!ii
15-3 11002
zhOu
26-14 / 590 7-5 / 865 26-19 / 560
zhOng

10-36/132
26-61552 tR 7-5 1865 26-16 / 595
*
11-13 / 1218
"*
10-18/ 128
zhi
!\!R 7-5/865 26-16/595

11-13 / 1218

11-13 / 1218
1i 5-12 1919
M 7-5/865 26-16/596
ijl 12-8 / 1188 0; 11-12 f 1224
fi 5-12/919
21-15 / 315 Mf 26-16/595
lfi
12-8 / 1188

13-57/1092
1.1 5-12 I 919 zhi
III 26-15/591
flI2-8 / 1I88
3i
13-47/ 1114
t.1 5-12 / 919 4-271962
ft 28-11 / 575
Jti 12-8 / 1188

13-30 / 1079
M 5-12 / 919

29-15/413
!it 12-8 / 1188
l
13-23 / 1073 4-27 / 962
J(: 29-15 I 413
til 5-12/919 4-27 f 962 14-9 / 1075
ti 5-121919 Jk. 2-19/791
29-15 / 413
zhOng
'* 16-21 / 1144
fffi 2-17 / 795 4-26 / 961
ft 29-15 / 413
1$ 15-6 / 1007
EE
13-30 / 1079
tN, 2-18 / 804 IIfif 4-26 / 961
ff 29-15 / 413 m
15-4 / 1010
13-30 / 1079
N! 2-18 / 804 (=If 4-26 / 961
@ 29-15 / 413 m: 12-8 / 1188
13-30/1079
1fX 5-13 / 920 m 4-26 / 961
29-15 f 413
1*
12-8 / 1188
tJL
29-15 / 413 11
12-8 / 1188
14-6 / 1025
5-13 / 920 JFf 4-26 / 961
29-15/413 fI
12-8 / 1188
WWJ
13-26 / 1083
5-13 / 920 4-26 / 961
29-15 / 413 AI
12-8/ 1188
=/I
13-22 / 1090
5-13 / 920 til 4-30 / 976
29-16/415
e
10-351131
'. 37-7 / 684
1m: 5-12/919
zhOu
it 37-8 / 685 til 5-12/919
tI29-16/415
mJ
13-26 / 1083
zhil
37-8 / 685 :'i[ 5-12 / 9 19
t.fk 29-17 / 402
13-26/ 1083
*= 10-18 / 128
37-8/685 5-14 / 916
29-17 / 402
ft
13-26/ 1083
i'* 10-18/128
til: 37-19/688 5-14/1257
29-17 / 402
9ro 13-26 / 1083
**
10-18/ 128
37-19 / 688
5-13 / 920
29-17/402
Pro 13-26 1 1083
1*
10-18 / 128
29-15 / 413 5-13 f 920
iW 29-30/399
mJ
13-26 / 1083
J)K 10-18 / 128
l/:I 9-13 / 363 5-13 / 920
m 29-30 / 399

10-36 / 132
!Il*
10-18 / 128
JEjlij 7-12/877 7-16/1238
29-30 / 399

13-24 / 1074

10-18 / 128
7-17
30-10 / 493
IF* 10-18 / 128
zhI
Ii 30-10 / 493

13-22 / 1090
10-18 / 128
ll:. 4-26 / 961
7-14/866
JEj 30-10 / 493
A-
13-19/1084

7-12 / 877
1*
13-19 / 1084
10-18/ 128
NJ!: 4-26 / 961
7-13 / 863
30-10 / 493
m
13-19 / 1084
ft
10-18/ 128
t11: 4-26 / 961
tsZ: 7-3 / 864
32-16/375
j'l'l
13-20 / 1086

1-38 / 45
1t: 4-26 / 961
1i 5-12 / 919
21-19 I 287
11+1
13-20/1086

1-38 / 45
t11: 4-26/961
37-8/685
fg 21-191287

14-10 / 1024
m
1-38 f 45
4-26 / 961
I; 37-8/685 zhOng
14-10 / 1024

14-10 / 1024
6-11/891
ta 7-6/867
.. 37-8 / 685 r:p 15-6 11 007
zh6u
zhu
ta 7-61867
37-8 / 685 15-6/1007
13-30/1079
t1" 14-8 / 1019
18-8/3 $ 15-6 / 1007
WI 13-30 / 1079
5:"fL 14-8 / 1019
419
PINYIN INDEX

14-8/1019 {t 10-19/129 zhuI 17-5/ 1I20 m 4-50 / 969

I1-12 / 1224

10-19/129 ill 28-12 / 543 f-J 17-5/ 1I20 4-50 / 969
11
I I - 12/ 1224

10-20 / 1232 1 28-11/575 tiFT 2-17 / 795 4-50 / 969

11- 12/ 1224
-=;-
10-22/127 28-1 I /575 WT 2-32/798
if' R "IE 4-50 / 969

I I -12 / 1224
i!
13-22 / 1090 28-11/575 1-38 / 45 tS=l 4-50/969
!II
11-12 / 1224
tJL
14-6/1025 28-11 / 575 ifiT 1-38/45 4-45/943
mJ
11-12 / 1224
zhuli
,!gfE 28-1 I /575
gwr
10-15/1235 4-45 / 943
m
II - 12/ 1224
jom 13-59 / I II I zhui
gi 11-13/1218 it 7-25 / 358

14-13 / 1022
19-21 / 12

19- I 7 / 31

I1-13 /1218 7-25 / 358

14- 13/ 1022
m 31-16 / 496
Uj
19-17/31

I1-13 / 1218 AA 7-25/358
TIE
13-30/ 1079
m 22-10 / 295
J1[
19-17 / 31
m
11-13 1 1218 7-25/358
zhii 19-17 / 31

11-13/1218 -;?I 26-291 555
if.
zhuan
'R 22-1 I 1343

11-13/1218 26-29 I 555
10-13 1116
-. 25-25 / 231
r&
26-29 / 555
if4
10-131 I16 t.i 28-12 / 543
11-1311218
3::
10-19/129
lJU 25-25 / 231
28-12/543
II
II -12/1224 26-29 / 555
tt
10-19/129
25-25/231
29-9/526
0; 1 I -12 / 1224 =:t 26-291 555
g
10-19 / 129
g 25-25 / 231
m 22-10/295

I1-12 / 1224 26-29/555
f1!f
1-38 / 45
zhu3n
22-10 / 295
m
11-12 / 1224 Ii 26-27/593
m
1-38 / 45 ffiU 25-24 1 168
22-10 / 295

1l-12/1224 If 26-27 I 593

1-38145 " 25-25 123 I If 31-14 / 511
fit 17-12/ I121
zI

1-38 145
jj$ 25-25 / 231
11 17-711124
T 4-47/964
1%
25-25 I 23 I
zhlln
11 17-7 1 II 24
ff 4-47/964 1-38/45
34-17/427
22-10 / 295
]I I1-12 / 1224
zhu3n
34-17 / 427
22-10 / 295
ff 4-471964
lIT
I I -12/1224
1-' 25-25 123 I
34-17/427
22-101295
;f$ 4-48/965
zhil #lJJ 25-25 1 231
'1$ 34-18 / 464
m 22-10/295
7-25 1358
r'>--.
1-39/84 25-28 / 171
34-18 / 464
22-10 / 295
7-25 / 358
T
7-25/358
iT
\-39184 * 25-28 / \7\ -g 34-18/464
22-\ 0 / 295
*' 26-28/554
YT
1-39 / 84 fuY< 25-28 / 17 I
W 22-10 / 295
IT
m 34-30 / 433
zhiin
15G 22-13 / 324
Y$ 26-28 / 554
1-39 / 84
34-31 / 467
26-28 / 554
?
1-39/84 34-30/433
34-17/427
m 31-16/496
f$ 26-28/554

1-39/84 34-30 / 433
16-4 / 1258 'I\T
34-18/464
:% 26-28 / 554

\-39/84 m 34-30 / 433
if
\-43/83 m 34-30 / 433 zhuo
zhuo Jl'j\; 26-28/554

1-42 / 82 1m 24-43 / 208
jo)E
1\-19/1219
0; I1-12 / 1224
zi

1-38 / 45
zhuang
-$: 17-4 / I126
zI
* 4-47 / 964

1-38 / 45
M9: 3-49 / 727
1$. 17-4 / 1126
iT 4-47/964 4-49 / 966

1-38/45
It 3-49 / 727

16-3 I / \148
Ix 4-47 / 964 m 4-50 / 969
WJ

tt 4-49 / 966 JU 4-52/971
1-57/46
3-49 / 727
"" 16-31/ I148
mD
1-57 / 46 :ftl:l 3 1-16 / 496
n 4-49 / 966 i!li 4-45 / 943

10-19 / 129
zhu3ng
fij 16-15/1132
4-49/966 fJlt 7-25/358
IT
10-19/129
3-49/727
zhu6
4-49/966 7-25 / 358
ff
10-19 / 129
M 3-49/727
kJ
17-5 / I120
4-49/966 7-25 / 358
il
10-19 / 129
@
15-2 / 1015
/'J
4-49 / 966 7-25 / 35
tt
Ii
12-8 / 1188
17-5/I120
l:ij 4-50 / 969 m 8-14/868
10-19/129
1:'9
12-8 / 1188
17-5 I II20
420
PINYIN INDEX
t& 18-\3 / 5

10-35/ 13 \
z?' 3 \-20 / 490
zui zu6
26-29/555

10-35/ 131 W 31-20 / 490
10-35/325 B'F 2-31 /806
El 26-30/ 1237

10-35/131
31-20/490
:B 10-35 / 325 IT 2-31/806
mz
10-35 / 131
zii
28-20 / 513
zuo zOng
.. 28-20 / 513
-=-
15-13 / 1003
10-36/132
tIl.
1-57 / 46
ti 18-13 / 5
/.K

M 31-20 / 490
f.*
15-13 /1003
10-36 / 132
#fl
1-57/46
fi 18-13 / 5

12-20 / 1177 zou JE. 1-57 / 46
34-23 / 468

IE 10-33/119 1-57 / 46
22-16/296
zuo
12-20 / 1177
fF 2-31 / 806
fI
12-20/1177 10-35 / 131
illi 1-57 / 46
zOn
tl: 2-31 /806

12-20 / 1177
zilu
zu
34-26 / 430
'l"F 2-31/806
1ft
12-22/1191
*
10-34/1229 *Il. 1-57 / 46
m 34-26/430
IT 2-31 / 806
ffFE
12-22 / 1191
Jm
10-35 / 131
1-57 /46
#i 34-26 / 430
W'F 2-31 / 806

12-22/ 1191
10-36 1 132
34-26 / 430
2-31 / 806
zulln
34-26 / 430
zong
zO
Ii 24-39 / 153
it 34-26/430
*'F 2-31 /806

12-19/1199
f13.
1-57 / 46
34-30 / 433
JJ'F 2-31 1806
t,!t 12-19/1199
zuan
2-31 1806
12-22 / 1\91
m
1-57/46
II) 24-39 / 153
ziin 2-321798
zu
11: 24-39 / \53
34-26/430 Il; 17-11 / 1128
zong
JE
11-19 / 1219
25-43 / 174
rtf 34-26 / 430

17-11/1128
1ft 12-22 / 1\91
DJE 11-19 / 1219
t-t 34-26 / 430

19-21/12
12-22 / 1191
zuI
** 15-13/1003

1\-18/1206
34-23 / 468

19-21 / 12

zun

11-18 / 1206
34-23 / 468
19-21 / 12
zOu
itt
13-58 / 1093
zuI
10-35 / 131 13-36/1096
7-25 / 358
34-23 / 468
7-25 / 358
r 33-22/432
421
ABOlJf THE AlJfHOR
Axel Schuessler studied classical Chinese, Tibetan , and other Asian languages. as well as
Indo-European languages and linguistics, at the Universitiit Miinchen, where he received hi s
doctorate in 1966, He is now professor emerit us at Wartburg College in Iowa, where he
taught until 1996. He has written articles and papers on Old Chinese phonology and has
compiled an inventory of the Earl y Zhou Chinese lexicon (Dicfionary of Early Zhou Chinese)
and an Etymological Dictionary of Old Chinese, both publi shed by the Uni versity of Hawai'j
Press.