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KARL M ARX F R E D E R IC K E N G E L S
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www.wengewang.org

KARL MARX FREDERICK ENGELS

COLLECTED WORKS

IN T E R N A T IO N A L P U B L IS H E R S N EW Y O R K

KARL MARX KKDERICK ENGELS

me

M A R X A N D E N G E L S: 1848

IN T E R N A T IO N A L P U B L IS H E R S N EW Y O R K

www.wenaewana.org

This volume has been prepared jointly by Lawrence & Wishart Ltd., London, International Publishers Co. Inc., New York, and Progress Publishers, Moscow, in collab oration with the Institute of Marxism-Leninism, Moscow. Editorial commissions: G R EA T B R IT A IN : Jack Cohen, Maurice Cornforth, Maurice Dobb, E. J. Hobsbawm, James Klugmann, Margaret Mynatt. USA: James S. Allen, Philip S. Foner, Dirk J. Struik, William W. Weinstone. USSR: for Progress Publishers N. P. Karmanova, V. N. Sedikh, M. K. Shcheglova. T . Y. Solowova, Y. V. Yeremin: for the Institute o f MarxismLeninism P. N. Fedoseyev, L. I. Golman, A. 1. Malysh, A. G. Yegorov, V. Y. Zevin^. Copyright Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1977 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, electrical, chemical, mechanical, opti cal, photocopying, recording or otherwise, w'ithout the prior permission of the copyright owner. P re fa ce KARL MARX AND FR ED ERIC K ENGELS

Contents
XV

M arch -N o v e m b e r 1848 1. K a r l M arx a n d F red erick E ngels. D em an d s o f th e C o m m u n ist P arty in G e r m a n y ........................................................................................................ 2. K a r l M arx a n d F red erick E ngels. L e tte r to E tie n n e C a b e t, E d ito r o f th e P o p u la ir e ....................................................................................... 3. K a r l M arx a n d F red erick E ngels. T o th e C o m m ittee o f th e G erm an D e m o cra tic S o ciety in P a r i s ................ ...................................................... 4. K a r l M arx. T o th e E d ito r o f th e N ew spap er L A l b a ............................... KARL M ARX AND FR ED ER IC K ENGELS
10

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Marx, Karl. 1818-1883, Karl Marx, Frederick Engels, collected works. 1. Socialism Collected works. 2. Economics Collected works. I. Engels, Friedrich, 1820-1895. Works. English. 1977. II. Title. H X 39. 5. A I 6 1977 335.4 73-84671 ISBN 0-7178-0.507-7 (v. 7)

II

A RTIC LES FROM T H E N EU E R H E IN ISC H E Z EITU N C Ju n e 1-N ov em ber 7 , 1 8 4 8 Ju n e 5. S ta tem e n t o f th e E d ito rial B o a rd o f th e N eu e R hein ische Z eitu n g ........................................................................... ............... 6 . T h e A ssem bly a t F r a n k f u r t .............................................................................. 7. H i i s e r ................................................................................. 8 . T h e L atest H e ro ic D eed o f th e H ou se o f B o u r b o n .............................. 9. T h e D e m o c ra tic P a r t y .................................................................................. First printing 1977 10- C a m p h a u se n s S ta te m e n t a t th e Sessio n o f M ay 3 0 ............................ 1 1 D e fe a t o f th e G e rm a n T ro o p s a t Su n d ew itt ........................................... 12. Q u estion s o f L ife an d D e a t h ........................................................................... 13. T h e C am p h au se n G o v e r n m e n t....................................................................

15 16
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24 27 30 34 36

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14. T h e Q u e stio n o f U n io n ...................................................................................... 15. T h e W a r C o m ed y ................................................................................................. 16. T h e R e a c tio n ........................................................................................................... 17. C om ite de surete gen erate in B e r l i n ................................................................... 18. T h e P ro g ram m es o f th e R ad ical-D em o cratic P arty and o f the L e ft a t F r a n k f u r t .................................................................................................... 19. T h e A g re e m e n t D ebates in B e r li n ............................................................... 2 0 . T h e A g re e m e n t D e b a te s ................................................................................... 2 1 . T h e Q u estio n o f th e A d d re s s .......................................................................... 2 2 . A New P artitio n o f P o la n d ............................................................................... 2 3 . T h e Shield o f th e D y n a sty ................................................................................. 2 4 . C o lo g n e in D a n g e r ............................................................................................... 2 5 . A n A dm ission o f In co m p e te n ce by th e A ssem blies o f F ra n k fu rt and B e r l i n ................................................................................................................. 2 6 . T h e B e r lin D eb ate o n th e R e v o lu tio n ......................................................... 2 7 . T h e P osition o f th e P arties in C o lo g n e ...................................................... 2 8 . T h e A g r e e m e n t A ssem bly o f Ju n e 1 5 ......................................................... 2 9 . T h e P ra g u e U p r is in g .......................................................................................... 3 0 . V a ld en a ire s A r r e s t S e b a ld t ....................................................................... 3 1 . T h e A g re e m e n t A ssem bly Session o f J u n e 1 7 ....................................... 3 2 . T h e S tu p p A m e n d m e n t..................................................................................... 3 3 . A New Policy in P o s e n ......................................................................................... 3 4 . T h e D ow nfall o f th e C am p h au sen G o v e r n m e n t.................................. 3 5 . T h e D ow nfall o f th e C am p h au sen G o v e r n m e n t.................................. 36. T h e F irst D eed of th e G e rm a n N atio n al A ssem bly in F r a n k f u r t .................................................................................................................. 3 7 . T h e H a n se m a n n G o v e rn m e n t.............................................................. ......... 3 8 . T h e N eu e B erlin e r Z eitu n g o n t h e C h a r t i s t s .............................................. 3 9 . T h r e a t o i t h e G ervin u s Z eitu n g ....................................................................... 4 0 . Patow s R e d em p tio n M e m o r a n d u m ........................................................... 4 1 . T h e D em o cratic C h a ra cte r o f th e U p r is in g ............................................ 4 2 . News fro m P a r is ....................................................................................................... 4 3 . R e ic h e n s p e r g e r ...................................................................................................... 4 4 . News fro m P a r is ..................................................................................................... 4 5 . D etails ab o u t th e 2 3 rd o f J u n e ....................................................................... 4 6 . News fro m P a r is ..................................................................................................... 4 7 . T h e N orthern S tar a b o u t t h e N e u e R h e in is c h e Z e itu n g ............................ 4 8 . T h e 2 3 rd o f J u n e .............................................................................................. . 4 9 . T h e 2 4 th o f J u n e ................................................................................................... 5 0 . T h e 2 5 th o f J u n e ................................................................................................... 5 1 . T h e Ju n e R ev o lu tio n ..........................................................................................

41 42 45 46 48 f>3 57 62 64 66 68 72 73 87 89 91 94 96 101 104 106 107 109 Ill 113 115 117 119 121 122 123 124 128 129 130 134 139 144

Ju ly 5 2 . T h e Xo/nwc/wZeitungon th e Ju n e R e v o lu tio n ....................................... 150

53 . The June Revolution (The Course of the Paris Uprising).............

5 4 . G e rm a n y s F o re ig n P o lic y .................................................................. 55. M a rra st an d T h i e r s .............................................................................. 5 6 . T h e A g re e m e n t D e b a te s ......................................................................... 57. A r r e s ts .................................................................................................................. 5 8 . A r r e s ts ................................................................................ 59. T h e A g re e m e n t D e b a te s .......................................................................... 6 0 . L eg al P ro ce e d in g s against th e N e u e R h e in is c h e Z e itu n g ...................... 6 1 . T h e B e r lin A g re e m e n t D e b a te s ............................................................... 6 2 . T h e G o v e rn m e n t o f A ction ............................................................................. 63. T h e A g re e m e n t D e b a t e .......................................................................... 6 4 . T h e M inisterial C r is is ............................................................................. 6 5 . T h e A g re e m e n t Session o f Ju ly 4 (S eco n d A r tic le )..............................

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66 . Legal Proceedings against the

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6 7 . G e rm a n F o re ig n Policy an d th e L a te st E v en ts in P rag u e ................ ....... 212 6 8 . T h e A g re e m e n t D eb ates o f Ju ly 7 ....................................................................... 216 6 9 . H e rr F o rstm a n n o n th e S ta te C r e d it ........................................................... ........223 70. T h e A g re e m e n t D e b a te s ....;.....................................................................................226 7 1 . T h e D ebate o n Ja c o b y s M o t io n .............................................................................532 72. T h e S u p p re ssio n o f th e C lu bs in S tu ttg a rt an d H e id e lb e r g ...................248 73. T h e P ru ssian P ress B ill ....................

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74. T h e F a e d r e la n d o n th e A rm istice with D e n m a r k ........................................... 253 7 5 . T h e Civic M ilitia B i l l .................................................................................. 76. T h e A rm istice with D e n m a r k ............................................... ................................. 266 77. T h e A rm istice N e g o tiatio n s ................................................................................ 270 78. T h e Concorrftaof T u r i n ...............................................................................................271 79. T h e A g re e m e n t D ebates o n th e D istrict E states (A g re e m e n t Session o f Ju ly 1 8 ) ....................................................................................... .................. 273 8 0 . T h e B ill o n th e C o m p u lso ry L o a n an d Its M o tiv a tio n ....................... .........278 81. A rm istice N eg o tiatio n s with D e n m a rk B ro k e n O f f ............................ .........287 8 2 . T h e D isso lu tio n o f th e D e m o cra tic A ssociation s in B a d e n .......................288 83. T h e B ill P ro p o sin g th e A b olition o f F e u d al O b lig a tio n s ........................... 290 A ugust 8 4 . T h e K o ln isch e Z eitu n g o n th e S ta te o f A ffa irs in E n g l a n d ................ ........ 296 8 5 . 1 he A g re e m e n t D eb ate ab o u t th e V a ld en a ire A f f a ir ........................ ........ 301 86 . T h e M ilan B u lle t in ............................................................................................... ........ 305

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8 7 . T h e R u ssian N o te ................................................................................................. 88 . M isc e lla n e o u s.......................................................................................................... 8 9 . B a k u n in ..................................................................................................................... 9 0 . T h e H a n se m a n n G o v e rn m e n t an d th e O ld -P ru ssian C rim in al B i l l ................................................................................................................................. 9 1 . T h e Kd/nisc/i^Zeifungon th e C o m p u lso ry L o a n ................................... 9 2 . P ro u d h o n s S p e e c h ag ain st T h i e r s .............................................................. ....... 321 9 3 . D r. G o tts c h a lk ......................................................................................................... ....... 325 9 4 . D e b ate ab o u t th e E x istin g R e d e m p tio n L eg islatio n ........................... ....... 327 9 5 . T h e M odel S ta te o f B e lg iu m ...................................................................... ....... 333 9 6 . T h e F r a n k fu rt A ssem bly D eb ates th e Polish Q u e s tio n ..................... ....... 337 9 7 . T h e D an ish A rm istice an d H a n se m a n n ................................................... .......382 9 8 . T h e G e rm a n C itizen sh ip and th e P ru ssian P olice ............................... .......383 9 9 . T h e Italian L ib e ra tio n S tru g g le and th e C au se o f Its P resen t F a ilu r e ......................................................................................................................... 100. C h a rles A lb e rts B e t r a y a l .................................................................................. .......388 101. T h e A ttem p t to E x p e l S c h a p p e r ................................................................... .......390 102. G eig e r and S c h a p p e r .......................................................................................... ...... 393 103. T h e K67nisc/ieZim ngabout I ta ly .................................................................. ...... 395 104. T h e Z<ung.s-HaWeon th e R h in e P r o v in c e ............................................... ...... 399

120 J2 1 122

T h e G o v e rn m e n t o f th e C o u n te r-R e v o lu tio n ..............................................448 T h e C o lo g n e C o m m ittee o f P u blic S afe ty ............................................... .......4.50 Public P ro se cu to r H e c k e r Q u estio n s P eo p le W h o H ad A tten d ed

th e W o rrin g e n M e e tin g ............................................................................................ 451 123. C o u n te r-R e v o lu tio n in C o l o g n e ................................................................... .......452 124. A n A ttem p t to A rre s t M oll .....................................................................................454 125. S tate o f S ie g e in C o l o g n e .................................................................................. .......455 O ctober 126. E d ito rial S ta te m e n t C o n ce rn in g th e R e a p p e a ra n ce o f th e N eue R k ein isch e Z e itu n g .........................................................................................................456 127- R ev o lu tion in V ie n n a .................................................................................................457 128. T h e L atest News fro m th e M odel S ta te ............................................... .......459 129. T h e R ev olu tion o f C o lo g n e ....................................................................... .......462 13 0 . T h e P fu el G o v e rn m e n t............................................................................................ 466 131. T h ie r s S p e e ch C o n ce rn in g a G e n era l M o rtg ag e B a n k w ith a L eg al R a t e ....................................................................................................................... 467 132. T h e F ran kfu rter O berpostam ts-Z eitu ng a n d th e V ie n n e se R ev olu tion ......................................................................................................................................472 133. Reply o f th e K in g o f P russia to th e D eleg atio n o f th e N ational A sse m b ly ................................................................................................................... .......474 134. Reply o f F r e d e ric k W illiam I V to th e D eleg atio n o f th e Civic M ilitia .......................................................................................................................... .......476 135. T h e R//orme on th e Ju n e In su rre c tio n .............................................................47g 136. E n g lish -F re n c h M ed iation in I ta ly ............................................................... .......480 137. T h e M odel C on stitu tio n al S ta te ............................................................... .......482 138. Public P ro secu to r H e c k e r " and th e N eu e R h ein isch e Z e it u n g ..............485

September
1 05. M ed iation an d In te rv e n tio n . R ad etzky an d C a v a ig n a c .................... ......402 106. T h e A n tw erp D eath S e n te n c e s ...................................................................... ......404 1 07. T h e C o n flict betw een M a rx an d P ru ssian C itiz e n s h ip ............................407 1 08. T h e D anish A r m is tic e ...............................................................................................411 109. E d ito rial N o te A cco m p an y in g th e A rticle T h e F in an cial P ro je ct o f th e L e f t .............................................................................................................. 110. T h e Fall o f th e G o v e rn m e n t o f A c t i o n ...................................................... ......417 111. H is S u c c e s s o r s ...............................................................................................................420 112. T h e D an ish -P ru ssian A r m is tic e ...........................................................................421 1 13. A rre sts ............................................................................................................................. 426 114. T h e C risis an d th e C o u n te r -R e v o lu tio n ................................................... ..... 427 115. A rm y O rd e r, E le ctio n C an d id ates, S e m i-O fficia l C o m m e n ts o n P ru ssian A m bigu ity ............................................................................................. 116. F re ed o m o f D e b ate in B e r l i n .......................................................................... 117. R atificatio n o f th e A r m is tic e ........................................................................... 118. T h e U p risin g in F r a n k f u r t .............................................................................. 119. T h e Fadre/antf o n th e A rm is tic e ................................................................... 434 436 439 442 446

N ovem ber 139. A ppeal o f th e D e m o cra tic C o n g ress to th e G e rm a n P e o p le ............ 490 140. T h e P aris R efo rm e o n th e Situ atio n in F r a n c e ........................................ ...... 493 1 41. T h e V ie n n e se R ev olu tio n an d th e K o ln isch e Z e it u n g ................................ 496 142. T h e L atest News fro m V ie n n a , B e r lin an d P a r i s ........................................ 498 143. O u r B o u rg eo isie an d D r. N u c k e l........................................................................ 500 144. News fro m V ie n n a ............................................................................................... ...... 501 145. T h e V icto ry o f th e C o u n te r-R e v o lu tio n in V ie n n a ............................ ...... 503 14 6 . F red erick E ngels. F ro m P aris to B e r n e ............................................................... 507 I . S e in e a n d L o i r e ....................................................................................................^ 11 I I. B u rg u n d y ...............................................................................................................524

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APPENDICES 1. R eceip ts o f th e C e n tra l A u th o rity o f th e C o m m u n ist L e a g u e fo r M oney R eceiv ed an d P aid O u t .......................................................................... 2. T o A ll W o rk ers o f G e r m a n y .............................................................................. 3. M a rx s A p p licatio n fo r P ru ssian C itiz e n s h ip ............................................ 4. A cco u n t o f a S ta te m e n t M ad e by K arl M arx to th e C o lo g n e P olice I n s p e c t o r ...................................................................................................................... 5. P rosp ectu s fo r th e F o u n d in g o f th e N eite R h ein isch e Z e itu n g ............ 6 . M in u tes o f th e M e e tin g o f th e C o lo g n e C o m m u n ity o f the C o m m u n ist L e a g u e ................................................................................................. 7 . A r t i d e s o f t h e N eu e R h ein isch e Z e it u n g C o m p a n y .................................... 8 . L eg al In v estig atio n ag ain st th e N eu e R h ein isch e Z e it u n g ..................... 9. L eg al P ro ce e d in g s ag ain st th e Z fw ng......................... 10. R e p o rt o f th e S p e e ch e s M ad e by M arx an d E n g e ls a t th e G e n era l M eetin g o f th e D e m o cra tic So ciety in C o lo g n e o n A ugust 4, 1848 ........................................ ....................................................................................... 11. A n n o u n c e m e n t o f th e C o n v ocatio n o f th e R h en ish D istrict C on gress o f D e m o cra tic A s s o c ia tio n s ........................................................... 12. T h e L eg al P ro ceed in g s against th e N eu e R h ein isch e Z e itu n g .............. 13. K arl M arx to P olice S u p e rin te n d e n t G e ig e r .............................................. 14. F ro m th e M inutes o f th e G e n e ra l M e e tin g o f th e D em o cratic Society in C o lo g n e H eld o n A u g u st 11, 1 8 4 8 ........................................... 15. P ro test o f th e D e m o cra tic Society in C o lo g n e again st th e In co rp o ra tio n o f P o se n in th e G e rm a n C o n fe d e r a tio n ....................... 16. T h e L egal In v estigation against th e Z eitung............ 17. R e c o rd o f E n g e ls S p e e ch at th e P u b lic M eetin g o f th e F ir s t C o n g ress o f R h en ish D em o crats H eld at C o lo g n e o n A ugust 13, 18 4 8 ................................................................................................................................ 18. N o te in th e N eu e R h ein isch e Z eitun g o n M a rx s D e p a rtu re fo r V ie n n a .......................................................................................................................... 542 543 554 555 538 539 533 535 537 26. A dd ress to th e G e rm a n N ational A ssem bly in F r a n k fu rt A d op ted by a Public M eetin g H eld in C o lo g n e o n S e p te m b e r 7 , 1 8 4 8 ........... 27. M inutes o f th e C o m m ittee M e e tin g o f th e C o lo g n e W o rk e rs A ssociation H eld o n S e p te m b e r 1 1 , 1 8 4 8 ................................................... 2 8 . L ette r W ritte n by von K iih lw etter, M inister o f th e In te r io r , to K a rlM a rx ................................................................................................................... 29. Mass M eetin g and th e C o m m ittee o f Public S afety ............................... 30 . Mass M eetin g in W o r r in g e n .............................................................................. 31. D ecision o f th e M ass M e e tin g ........................................................................... 32. A n n o u n cem e n t o f th e R esp o n sib le P u b lishers o f th e N eu e 590 59 ] 592 593 594 R hein ische Z eitu n g ..................................................................................................... 33. A n n o u n cem e n t o f th e R esp o n sib le P u b lishers o f th e N eu e R h ein isch e Z e itu n g ...................................................................................................... 34. In v itatio n to Su b scrib e to th e N eu e R h ein isch e Z e itu n g .......................... 556 558 560 561 562 554 566 3 5 . W a rra n t fo r th e A rre st o f H e in rich B u rg e rs and F ried rich E ngels ........................................................................................................................... 3 6 . B la ck List .................................................................................................................... 37. Fro m th e M inutes o f th e C o m m ittee M eetin g o f th e C o lo gn e W ork ers A ssociation o n O cto b e r 16, 1 8 4 8 . E n try o f M a rx s Sp eech in C o n n ectio n with His A ssu m p tion o f th e P r e s id e n c y 38. Fro m th e M inutes o f th e G en era l M eetin g o f th e C ologne W o rk ers A ssociation o n O cto b e r 2 2 , 1 8 4 8 ................................................ 3 9 . Fro m th e M inutes o f th e C o m m ittee M eetin g o f th e C o lo gn e W o rk ers A ssociation o n N o v em b er 6 , 1 8 4 8 . E n try R e la tin g to M arxs R e p o rt o n th e Even ts in V ie n n a .................................................. NOTES AND INDEXES 567 56 g ........................................................................................................................................ N am e I n d e x ........................................................................................................................... Index o f Q uoted an d M entioned L ite r a tu re ................................................................ Index o f P e r io d ic a b ................................ ......................................................................... Subject In dex ................................................................................... 601 554 681 69:^ 577 579 58 I 532 536 sgg

595 597

,598

19. F ro m a N ew sp ap er Ite m L istin g th e N am es o f V isito rs W h o H ad Ju s t A rriv ed in V ie n n a ...................................................................................... 559 2 0 . N ew sp ap er R e p o rts o f M a rx s S p e e ch in th e V ie n n a D em o cratic A ssociation o n A u g u st 2 8 , 1 8 4 8 ....................................................................... 2 1 . N ew sp ap er R e p o rts o f M a rx s S p e e ch in th e F irst W o rk e rs A ssociation o f V ie n n a o n A u g u st 3 0 , 1 8 4 8 ................................................ 2 2 . R e p o rt o f M a rx s L e c tu re o n W ag e L a b o u r a n d C ap ital at th e M eetin g o f th e F irst W o rk e rs A ssociation o f V ie n n a o n S e p te m b e r 2 , 1 8 4 8 .......................................................................................................... 2 3 . R e p o rt o f P latoo n L e a d e r M en tes o f th e C o lo g n e Civic M ilitia ....... 2 4 . R e p l y .............................................................................................................................. 2 5 . L eg al P ro ceed in g s against th e ........................ 572 570

ILLU STRA TIO N S Denm nds o f the C om m un ist Party in G erm any, le a fle t published in C o lo gne in 1 8 4 8 ........................................................................................................ 5 21 145

573 574 575 576

First page o f th e

Zeitung N o. 1 ................................................

Z eitun g c o n ta in in g M a rx s article T h e Ju n e R e v o lu tio n ........................................................................................

Plan o f Paris in J u n e 1 8 4 8 ........................................................................................... 146-47

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Passport used by K arl M arx in 1 8 4 8 an d 1 8 4 9 .................................................. 408-09 First page o f E n g e ls travel notes F ro m P aris to B e r n e ............................ 509 M ap sketch ed by E n g els, show ing his ro u te fro m A u x e rre to L e L o c J e ................................................................................................................................ 508-09 A rticles o f th e N eu e R h ein isch e Z e i t u n g C o m p a n y ............................................ 545

TRA NSLATORS GRKGOR BEN TO N : Articles 11. 14, 34, 43, 77, 81, 86, 88, 93. 97. 100-02, 109, 111, 113, 115, 119, 121-24, 128 143 CLEMENS D U T T : Articles 42, 44; Appendices 2 , 6 , 8, 9, 11, 12, 14-16, 20-22, 24. 25, 29-32, 34-39 BARBARA RUHEMANN: Article 3; Appendices 1, 5, 7, 10, 13, 17, 18. 23, 26-28, 33 SALO RYAZANSKAYA: Articles 5, 6 . 9, 18, 26, 29, 41. 46, 51, 53, 54, 71, 76. 83, 84, 89, 96, 99, 104-06, 112, 114, 116-18, 127. 140, 142, 144, 145; Appendices 3, 4, 19 KAI SCHOENHALS: Articles 7. 8, 10, 12, 13, 15-17, 19-25, 27, 28, 30-33, 35-40, 45, 47-50. 52, 55-70, 72-75, 78-80, 82, 85, 87, 90-92, 94, 95, 98, 103, 107, 108, 110, 120, 125, 126, 129-39, 141 CH RISTO PH ER UPWARD: Article 146

Preface
T h e seventh volum e o f th e Collected Works o f K arl M arx and Frederick Engels covers th e p eriod fro m M arch to N ovem ber 1 8 4 8 . It is the first o f th ree volum es (Vols. 7-9) containing th eir writings during the revolutionary years 1 8 4 8 an d 1849. T h e series o f revolutions o f this period arose prim arily fro m the crisis o f feudalism an d absolutism, which ^ill prevailed in a considerable p art of E u ro p e . E m erg in g bourgeois society needed to rid itself o f feudal relics and abolish such legacies o f th e feudal ag e as the political dism em berm ent o f G erm any and Italy and th e national oppression of th e Poles, H ungarians an d o th e r E u ro p e a n nations that were striving fo r independence. Feudalism had already been swept away in F ran ce by the revolution o f 1 7 8 9 -9 4 . B u t an o th e r bourgeois revolution becam e inevitable when the rap acious rule o f th e financial aristocracy, the top crust of the bourgeoisie, and th e political m onopoly it enjoyed began to h am p er th e fu rth e r developm ent of capitalism. Unlike previous bourgeois revolutions, those of 1 8 4 8 and 1 8 4 9 took place when fundam ental social contradictions had already developed within bourgeois society and when the proletariat had already entered th e political aren a. T h e d eepening conflict between proletariat and bourgeoisie a conflict which becam e especially acute in Fran ce, and also in England, th e m ost advanced capitalist country at that tim e left its iniprint on the revolutionary events of at period, influenced th eir cou rse and d eterm ined th eir specific ch aracter. ^ M arx and Engels in these years m ad e clear th e organ ic unity of theory and p ractice. T h ey were by no m eans ^ detached observers, but played a very active and practical thei revolutionary events them selves. T h ey dem onstrated ir qualities as dedicated revolutionary w riters, pam phleteers and

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tru e tribunes o f the people, who organised and led the dem ocratic and p roletarian m ovem ents and headed the vanguard of the w orking class. T h e revolutions o f 1 8 4 8 -4 9 were indeed th e first crucial practical test for M arxism both as th e scientific world outlook of th e w orking class and as a political m ovem ent. R evolutionary epochs, with their rapidly and drastically changing situations, th e sh arp dem arcations of class fo rces and th e pow erful rise of th e revolutionary activities of the masses are always testing times for party doctrines and ideologies. F o r M arxism this test in 1 8 4 8 -4 9 dem onstrated th e solid foundation and viability of its theoretical and tactical principles. Equally it exposed sectarian and dogm atic features o f pettybourgeois utopian socialism and the theoretical and tactical weaknesses of m any o f the bourgeois an d petty-bourgeois dem ocrats. B efore 184 8 what had been o f p aram o u n t im p ortan ce in M arxism had been the creation of its general theoretical basis its philosophy, the w orking out o f its dialectical and materialist m ethod to analyse social p henom ena. B u t now im m ediate problem s of political strategy and tactics had urgently to be solved. A nd M arx and Engels were able accurately to define the intrinsic n atu re o f the tem pestuous events o f the revolutionary years by clearly revealing the class forces at work, and in m any cases to p redict th e fu rth e r course and the after-effects o f the events. T h e political p ro gram m e they put forw ard at various stages of th e revolution exp ressed the basic requirem ents o f social ch an ge. It was a p ro g ram m e to p rep are th e g rou n d fo r fu rth er social ad vance by a consistent and com plete bourgeois-dem ocratic revolution. T h e analysis o f cu rre n t events by Mar:^ and Engels in 1 8 4 8 -4 9 perm anently enriched revolutionary theory with new conclusions and general principles derived from actual exp erien ce o f th e class struggle waged by the masses and, in p articu lar, by the prole tariat. Lenin was later to em phasise that their participation in the mass revolutionary struggle o f 1 8 4 8 -4 9 ... was th eir point of d ep artu re when d eterm ining the fu tu re p attern o f the w orkers m ovem ent and d em o cracy in d ifferen t countries. It was to this point i that they always retu rn ed in o rd e r to d eterm in e th e essential n atu re ] of the d ifferent classes and th eir ten d en cies... (V. I. Len in , Collected Works, Vol. 13, Moscow, 1 9 6 2 , p. 37). T h e volum e opens with th e D em ands of th e C om m unist Party in G erm any draw n up by M arx and Engels in the nam e o f th e Central A uthority o f th e C om m unist L eagu e. T h is set forth co n crete political , o jectives fo r the proletariat in the G erm an revolution which began

with uprisings in Prussia and o th er G erm an states in M arch 1 8 4 8 . And ru n n in g like a single th read th ro u g h o u t was th e sense o f the indissoluble connection of th e class interest of th e proletariat with the national interest. T h e first dem and was fo r the establishm ent of a single and indivisible G erm an republic. M arx and Engels saw in the abolition of th e econom ic and political dism em berm ent of the country, which was divided into som e th ree dozen large and small states, and in th e creation of a single d em ocratic G erm an state the nccessaiy precondition fo r fu rth e r progress. T h is dem an d was then closely linked with an oth er fo r th e abolition of feudal oppression, the liberation of. th e peasants fro m all feudal services.an d the destruction o f th e whole econom ic base o f th e rule of the nobility. T h e full p ro g ram m e o f th e D em ands provided fo r th e d em ocratisation o f th e en tire econom ic and political system o f the co u n try the creation o f a truly d em ocratic and representative legislative assembly, the introduction of universal suffrage, fundam ental legal refo rm s, universal free education, and universal arm in g of the people as the sure m eans to d efend th eir d em o cratic rights. M arx and Engels looked forw ard to the heightening and intensification of th e revolutionary wave, carried forw ard by the resolute and rising struggle o f the G erm an proletariat, th e lower middle class in th e towns and th e mall peasants. T h ese they saw as the social forces which could ca rry throu gh a successful bourgeoisdem ocratic revolution. A nd this viewpoint was a very irhportant elem ent of th e em ergin g M arxist doctrine o f p erm an en t revolution, for which the startin g point was th e sw eeping away o f all survivals of feudalism but fo r which the goal was the overthrow o f th e capitalist system effected in the interests o f th e w orking class and o f all exploited people. T h e y saw in the successful bourgeois-dem ocratic revolution the p rologu e to a p roletarian revolution. A n d accordingly they outlined in the D em ands a nu m b er o f transitional m easures, such as the tran sform ation of feudal estates into state p ro p erty and the organisation o f large-scale agricu ltu re on these confiscated lands, f e nationalisation of th e mines and of all m eans o f tran sp ort, provision o f work fo r all w orkers and state m aintenance fo r those unable to work. Thus in the D em ands o f th e C om m unist P arty in G erm an y the general propositions just an n ou n ced in the Manifesto o f the ^^mmunist Party w ere already expressed in co n crete term s adapted ^ the specific situation in one cou n try and th e p articu lar conditions oi the G erm an revolution of 1 8 4 8 -4 9 . vvr'rr ^ volum e consists o f articles by M arx and Engels ' after th eir retu rn to G erm any and published in the Neue

:> 4 4 T

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Rheinische Zeitung between Ju n e 1 and N ovem ber 7 , 1 8 4 8 . T h ese were articles not just to reco rd and in terp ret but to influence events. T h e y reflect M a rx s and Engels d irect participation in the revolu tionary struggle and the tactics they used d u rin g th e G erm an an d th e E u ro p ean revolution. T h e Neue Rheinische Zeitung was an organ of d em o cracy but, as Engels w rote, of a d em ocracy which everyw here em phasised in every point th e specific p roletarian ch a ra cte r (see M arx and the .Neue Rheinische Zeitung, 1 8 4 8 -1 8 4 9 written in 1 8 8 4 ). This tre n d o f th e p ap er was d eterm ined by th e specific historical featu res o f th e G erm an revolution, th e actual alig n n ^ n t of class forces, in which the level of developm ent reached by th e G erm an proletariat, its weakness and lack of organisation, m ade it im practicable to set up immediately a mass proletarian party. Tw o o r th re e h u n dred m em bers o f th e C om m unist L eagu e, scattered th ro u g h o u t the cou n try, could not e xert any substantial influence on th e b road masses of the people. M arx and E n ^ l s , accordingly, decided to take their stand on th e extrem e L eft wing o f th e d em ocratic m ove m ent. A lthough th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung carried th e b an n er of d em ocracy, it was nevertheless th e official o rg a n o f no p articu laf dem ocratic organisation. F ro m th e very first days o f th e revolution M arx and Engels criticised the weaknesses and e rro rs o f th e G erm an dem ocrats, their inconsistencies and vacillations, and also th eir inclination to g o to extrem es and to engage in revolutionary ad ventures . Even before retu rn in g from Paris, M arx and Engels strongly opposed a schem e draw n u p by H erw egh, B o m ste d t and o th er petty-bourgeois dem ocrats to invade G erm any with a volun teer corp s in o rd e r to start a republican uprising. T h e docum ents pubUshed in this volum e (e.g. L e tte r to Etien n e C abet, E d ito r o f th e Populaire and T o th e C om m ittee o f th e G erm an D em ocratic Society in Paris ) show u p th e real n atu re o f this plan. A s a m a tte r o f principle, M arx and Engels repudiated an y such adventurous and conspiratorial schem es to e x p o rt the revolution . T h ey consistently upheld th e proletarian point of view within th e general d em ocratic m ovem ent. A n d so they tried to draw th e petty-bourgeois d em ocrats into the g enum e revolutionary mass struggle and get them to ad op t a h rm e r and m ore consistent co u rse. A t th e sam e time they drew th eir followers attention to th e im p ortan ce o f organising w orkers associations and th e political education o f th e p roletariat, indispensa ble prerequisites for th e creation o f a w orkers mass party. M arx and Engels defended th eir line against, in p articu lar, th e sectarian views o f Gottschalk an d his su p p orters. T h ese had

completely failed to understan d th e tasks facing th e proletariat in the bourgeois-dem ocratic revolution, and had com e o u t against the workers taking any part in th e general d em ocratic m ovem ent. T h ey were against th e struggle fo r d em ocratic political dem ands and against joint action with th e d em ocrats. T h e beginning o f th e conflict between M arx, tog eth er with those who shared his convictions, and Gottschalk is reflected in th e M inutes o f the M eeting o f th e C ologne C om m unity o f th e C om m unist L e a g u e (see this volum e, p. 5 4 2 ). M arx and Engels likewise rejected th e tactics o f Stephan B o rn , who wanted to circum scribe the fight o f th e w orking class by setting it strictly occupational econom ic goals, which would in fact have diverted th e proletariat fro m the general political tasks that confronted th e G erm an people. T h o u g h they did not publicly criticise B o m s opportunism , since his en d eavou r to unite the various workers associations helped to consolidate th e forces o f the proletariat, they em phatically protested against an y attem p t to equate B o m s p ro g ram m e and tactics with th e cou rse pursued by the Neu Rheinische Zeitung (see T h e Concordia o f T u rin ). T h e editorial board o f th e N eue Rheinische Zeitung, which was headed by M arx, becam e th e tru e head q uarters of th e militant proletariat. It becam e in effect th e leading cen tre o f th e Com m unist League, directing th e political activity of its m em bers th rou g h o u t G erm any d u rin g the revolutionary period . T h e p a p e rs revolution ary propagan d a, its unm asking o f the cou n ter-revolu tionary forces and th eir abettors, and its d efen ce o f d em ocratic dem ands, won the editors im m ense prestige in d em ocratic circles o f G erm any and beyond h e r borders as cou rageou s fighters fo r th e interest of th e I ^ p l e . O utside, th rou g h o u t the R eich , Engels w rote later, w onder was exp ressed that we carried on o u r activities so unconcernedly within a Prussian fortress o f the first ran k , in th e face of a garrison o f 8 ,0 0 0 troops and in the face o f th e g u ard h o u se (M arx and Engels, Selected Works in th re e volumes. Vol. 3 , Moscow. 1970, p. 171). T h e Neue Rheinische Zeitungs stand against the arb itrary behaviour the cou rts, th e police and th e military, against the victimisation of ose who took p art in th e revolutionary m ovem ent and against attempts to muzzle th e press (see fo r exam p le th e articles H iiser , T h e A ttem pt to E xp el S ch ap p er , Public Prosecu tor and th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung", and others) found ^idespread su p p ort. T h e p a p e rs g reat popularity was largely d ue to * s brilliant journalism , its militancy, its precise language, the wide , . m ade o f political exp osu re, and the devastating sarcasm with ^ch it attacked th e enem ies o f th e revolution.

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N ot only did the N eue Rheinische Zeitung disscm m atc revolutionary ideas, it also p rom oted th e organisation o f th e masses a n fflielp ed them acquire co u rag e, en d u ran ce an d readiness fo r resolute action. T h e exam p le its editors them selves set by th eir practical activity in the w orkers and d em o cratic organisations o f the R hineland (such as the C ologne W o rk ers Association and th e C ologne D em ocratic Society), and th eir con stant efforts, by m eans o f the new spaper and th rou g h personal contacts, to e x e rt a revolutionary influence on the G erm an p roletarian and d em ocratic m ovem ent also played a g re a t p art in rallying people aro u n d the revolutionary standard. T h e N eue Rheinische Zeitung carried com m ents n o t only on vital questions o f th e G erm an revolutionary m ovem ent but also on those of th e E u rop ean one. In their articles M arx and Engels sought to analyse all im p ortan t aspects of social developm ent d u rin g the revolutionary epoch. T h ey saw the revolution in broad historical perspective, as a phase o f universal history, and so un d erstood th e interconnectedness o f widely dispersed events as sep arate links in a single chain. T h e Neue Rheinische Zeitung, supporting as it did th e revolutionary actions in m any countries, was rightly reg ard ed as th e revolutionary organ not only of G erm an d em ocracy, but also o f E u ro p ean dem ocracy. It was th e first influential pop u lar new spaper to voice th e class interests of th e E u ro p ean proletariat and to form u late th e dem ocratic and socialist aims o f th e international p roletarian struggle fo r em ancipation. N o w onder that progressive leaders o f the c o n te m p o ra ^ E u rop ean labour m ovem ent expressed th eir adm iration fo r its consistent revolutionary tren d . T h e Chartist Northern Star of Ju n e 2 4 , 1 8 4 8 , fo r instance, w rote: T h e N eue Rheinische Zeitung ..., which announces itself th e organ o f d e m o cra cy, is conducted with singular ability and extrao rd in ary boldness; and we hail it as a w orthy, able, and valiant co m rad e in the g ran d crusad e against tyranny and injustice in every shape and fo rm . T h e p ap ers p roletarian and internationalist attitude becam e especially evident d uring the uprising o f th e Paris w orkers in Ju n e 1848. It was the only new spaper in G erm any, and practically in the whole of E u ro p e, that from the very outset firmly sided with the insurgents, and fearlessly took their p a rt against the slander and abuse showered on them by the ruling classes and th eir press. A series o f p ticle s and com m ents by Engels is devoted to th e Ju n e uprising, as is also on e of th e m ost pow erful o f M arxs articles, T h e Ju n e R evolution . T h ese articles, which w ere written whUe the events w ere still in progress o r im m ediately afterw ards, a re imbued

with fighting spirit and at th e sam e tim e they contain a p rofou n d analysis o f th e causes o f th e uprising an d o f its historical significance. In his article on T h e Ju n e R evolution M arx shows the fundam ental differen ce betw een this uprising and all previous revolutions. It was aim ed at th e system o f exploitation itself, and was the first m ajo r m anifestation o f th e p rofou n d class contradictions inherent in bourgeois society, civil w ar in its m ost terrible aspect, the war o f labou r against capital (see this volum e, p. 147). M arx S la tes that the uprising was the predictable consequence of developm ents in F ra n ce a fte r Feb ru ary 2 2 to 2 4 , when th e workers and artisans o f Paris toppled th e July m on arch y and set up a bourgeois republic; it was th e p roletarian m asses reply to the bourgeois ?ittack on their rights. T h e Ju n e events, as M arx dem onstrates, destroyed the illusion that universal b roth erh ood and harm ony prevailed in bourgeois society. T h ey revealed the irre co n cilable contradictions between the capitalist class and th e proletariat, and proved that the only way to em ancipate th e w orkers was by the revolutionary overthrow o f capitalism . It was this that constituted the worid-historic significance o f th e Ju n e uprising, despite the serious defeat the w orkers suffered. T h e military aspects o f th e Ju n e events were ej^amined in Engels articles, Details about the 2 3 rd o f J u n e , T h e 2 3 rd o f Tune , T h e 24th of Ju n e , T h e 2 5 th o f J u n e , T h e Kdlnische Zeitung o n the Ju n e Revolution and T h e Ju n e Revolution (T h e C ourse o f the Pans U prising) , which describe th e Ju n e uprising as the first decisive battle o f th e p ro letariat (see this volum e, p. 143) and which contain a nu m b er o f im p ortan t observations about th e n atu re, the significance and th e m ethods o f street and b arricade fighting u n d er existing at that tim e. T h e s t articles provided th e basis ot the M arxist theory of arm ed insu rrection . Engels adm ired not th ^ k-v selflessness o f th e b arricad e fighters, but also e ability of the Paris workers to acquire the necessary practical ninVifr^ ^ knowledge. H e w rote: It is quite rem arkable how conr^Z A m astered the plan of cam paign, how well^ skilfully they used th e difficult M volum e, p. 159). Paris^ Engels realised from th e start that th e Ju n e uprising in turnine-Dotm ^ E u ro p ean im p ortan ce and reg ard ed it as a insurcrenfs' ' f E u ro p ean revolution. T h e y pointed o u t that the forces to would have radically changed the balance of defeat on th ^ *^he revolution in all countries. T h e ir everywhere en cou raged the counter-revolutionaries ne tre n c h bourgeoisie, by crushing the insurrection.

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fought in fact on the sam e side as feudal and absolutist reaction in E u ro p e, which was beginning to lift u p its head again. A fter Ju n e 1 8 4 8 M arx and Engels continued attentively to follow events in F ran ce and to discuss them in th e pages o f th e Netie Rheinische Zeitung (P ro u d h o n s Speech against T h ie rs , T h e Paris Reforme on the Situation in F ra n ce , and o th e r articles). T h e ir articles on F ran ce show that they still exp ected a new revolutionary up su rge, in which the F ren ch proletariat was to play a leading p art. M arx and Engels stressed the connection and in terd ep en d ence existing between the revolutions in the d ifferen t E u ro p ean co u n tries. And for this very reason they judged that a victory of th e F ren ch workers would be o f decisive im p ortan ce, fo r it would give a new and pow erful im petus to th e revolutionary struggles o f th e people in the o th e r E u ro p ean countries. T h ey hop ed that this victory would m ake it easier to carry th rou g h to th e end the bourgeoisd em ocratic revolution in G erm any and would pave th e way fo r a p roletarian revolution th rou g h o u t E u rop e. Engels w rote later that th eir expectations at that time o f a proletarian revolution in th e n ear fu ture w ere due to som e e x te n t to their having overestim ated th e level of econom ic developm ent in E u ro p e and also th e d egree of organisation and class consciousness reached by the proletariat at that tim e. B u t n eith er th e objective n o r the subjective prerequisites o f th e revolution w ere then m atu re en ou gh fo r the liquidation o f th e capitalist m ode o f p ro duction. T h e attention of the N eue Rheinische Zeitung was, how ever, invariably focussed on G erm any, on the cou rse of th e revolution in the G erm an states and the driving forces o f th e G erm an revolu tionary m ovem ent and its perspectives. In their analysis o f th e im m ediate o utcom e o f th e G erm an M arch revolution of 1 8 4 8 M arx and Engels em phasised that th e revolution had not been carried th rou g h to the end (e.g. in the articles on T h e B erlin Debate on the R evolution , T h e D ebate on Jacob ys M otion and T h e Suppression of the Clubs in S tu ttgart and H eid elb erg). A lthough in V ienna on M arch 13, in Berlin on M arch 18 and 19, and also in various o th e r G erm an states the people forced th e m on arch s to m ake a n u m b er o f concessions (they prom ised to ad op t constitutions, to convene national assemblies and to fo rm liberal o r semi-liberal governm ents) they failed to achieve a decisive victory o ver feudalism. T h e en tire political stru ctu re and th e en tire civy service and police ap p aratu s w ere left intact. T h e B astille... has n ot yet been sto rm ed , w rote the N eue Rheinische Zeitung, stressing that the decisive battie h ad n ot yet been won (see this volum e, p. 89).

T h e reason for this half-heartedness of th e G erm an revolution ^as according to th e founders o f M arxism , the policy pursued by the liberal bourgeoisie a fte r it had attained pow er. T h e G erm an bourgeoisie, scared by the determ ination of th e masses, and especially by the revolutionary action o f the F re n ch proletariat, betrayed th e interests o f th e people. T h e big bourgeoisie, which was all along anti-revolutionary, concluded a defensive and offensive alliance with th e reactionary forces, because it was afraid o f the people, i.e. of the w orkers and the d em ocratic bourgeoisie (see this volume, p. 7 4 ). In the articles which dealt with the debates in the Prussian N ational Assembly and analysed the policy o f th e C am phausen-H ansem ann Ministry and the A uersw ald-H ansem ann Ministry, which replaced it in July 1 8 4 8 , M arx and Engels firmly opposed th e ag reem en t th eo ry , which th e leaders o f th e Prussian liberal bourgeoisie advanced to justify th eir com prom ises with the feudal and m onarchical forces (see, inter alia, T h e G overnm ent of A ction , T h e Crisis and the C ou n ter-R evolu tion ). M arx and Engels clearly foresaw that two antithetical courses were possible a fte r th e M arch uprising. O n e was that designed to carry the revolution fu rth e r in the interest of th e b road masses o f th e people, by radically abolishing all feudal and m onarchical institutions, all vestiges of feudalism, first o f all in agricu ltu re, just as they had been abolished by th e F re n ch revolution between 1 7 8 9 and 1794. T h e o th er, pursued by the G erm an liberals, was designed to curtail th e revolutionary m ovem ent and to com e to an a rra n g e m ent with the feudal aristocracy. T h e second cou rse, th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung w arned, would inevitably lead to a m onarchical counter-revolution and to th e partial o r com p lete restoration o f the state of affairs which had existed before the M arch revolutionary events. M arx and Engels waged a tireless struggle to solve th e principal task facing th e G erm an revolution th e national unification of the In a n u m b er of articles (e.g. T h e P rogram m es of the Kadical-D em ocratic Party and o f the L eft at F ran k fu rt , T h e -fitungs-Halle on the R hine Province ) they expressed their opposition to plans hatched by the G erm an liberals to unite G erm any e r the hegem ony o f Prussia o r A ustria, and likewise to the setting ^ P o a federal state on Swiss lines, a p roject that had found wide d em ocratic circles. M arx and Engels dem onstrated that couM^ ^ establishm ent of a truly united and truly d em ocratic state tion abolish th e econom ic division and political fragm en taism ^ j 1 *^^S^ther with all survivals o f medieval particularocal isolation. Such centralisation, carried th rou g h on a

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really dem ocratic basis, would, they thou gh t, cre a te favourable conditions fo r a genuine consolidation o f th e G erm an proletariat, and o f th e G erm an revolutionary m ovem ent, too, which was greatly h am pered by separatist tendencies and by parochial narrow mindedness. T h ey advocated th e unification o f G erm any from below . It should be b ro u g h t about by the revolutionary onslaught of the people on the decaying absolutist system in the states o f the G erm an C onfed eration , and above all in Prussia and A ustria. G erm an y, Engels w rote, m ust becom e one state n o t only in word but in deed. A nd to bring this about it is necessary above all that th ere should be n eith er an A ustria n o r a Prussia (see this volum e p. 4 0 0 ). M arx and Engels pointed o u t that G erm anys unification was a E u rop ean problem , and that it could only be achieved in the cou rse of a struggle waged by th e revolutionary forces o f th e E u rop ean countries against the internal and extern al forces of reaction, and above all against the cou n ter-revolu tionary rulers o f Britain and against Russian Tsarism then acting as th e principal g en d arm e of E u rop e. It was from this revolutionary point of view that they approach ed the question of Schleswig-Holstein. A cco rd in g to th e N eue Rheinische Zeitung, the national liberation m ovem ent in th e duchies o f Schleswig and H olstein, which w ere ruled by the Danish K ing and inhabited mainly by G erm ans, had becom e p art of th e struggle fo r the unification of G erm any into a single d em ocratic state. T h e Prussian G overnm ent, which by the logic of events was involved in the Schleswig-Holstein w ar waged by th e G erm an C onfederation against D enm ark, tried to com e to an arran g em en t with the Danish G overnm ent; it was prep ared to sacrifice G erm an national interests, not only in response to th e p ressure exerted by Britain and Russia, who supported the Danish C row n, but also because it wanted to disengage the Prussian troop s so as to be able to em ploy them against the masses of th e people in Prussia itself. T h is treach ero u s policy of th e Prussian G overnm ent, carried on with th e collusion of the Prussian and G erm an liberal bourgeoisie, was unequivocally exposed by M arx and Engels, who reg ard ed it as a fatal concession to th e coun ter-revolu tionary powers and an obstacle to G erm an unity. Prussia, Englan d and Russia, w rote Engels in th e article T h e D anish-Prussian A rm istice , are the th ree pow ers which have g re ater reason than anyone else to fear th e G erm an revolution and its first result G erm an unity; Prussia because she would thereby cease to exist, England because it would deprive h e r o f the possibility o f exploiting the G erm an m arket, and Russia because it

would spell the advance o f d em ocracy not only to th e Vistula but even as far as th e Dvina and th e D nieper. Prussia, England and Russia have conspired against Schleswig-Holstein, against G erm any a n d against the revolution (see this volum e, pp. 4 2 4 -2 5 ). A revolutionary war against Tsarism and th e o th e r reactionary forces in E u rop e was regard ed by M arx and Engels not only as a means to defend the revolution but as a condition of its fu rth er developm ent. T h ey reasoned that in th e cou rse of such a w ar the resistance of the people to th e cou n ter-revolu tionary forces within the country was also bound to grow and that th e preconditions for revolutionary outbursts could com e into being even in those countries w here pop u lar discontent had not yet led to overt revolutionary action. T h e news about Russias unstable internal situation disturbances taking place in various districts, rising discontent in St. P etersburg etc. received in G erm any and printed in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung {see T h e Russian N ote) justified the hope that, in the event of such a w ar, a revolutionary outbreak m ight occu r even in the T sarist E m p ire. F or M arx and Engels pow er was th e fundam ental question in every revolution. A n d in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung they firmly upheld the con cep t of th e sovereignty of the people and the ptablishm ent of a peoples d em ocratic govern m en t as conditions indispensable fo r th e consolidation o f th e victory o f the revolu tionary masses and th e im plem entation o f th e tasks facing the revolutionary m ovem ent. T h ese ideas ru n th ro u g h T h e Assembly at F ran k fu rt , one o f th eir first articles to ap p ear in the Neue Rhetnische Zeitung. Subsequently the con cep t of th e peoples sovereignty was continually retu rn ed to by them and, o n th e basis of t e exp erience gained in th e revolutionary struggle, fu rth er developed and m ade m ore co n cre te at every stage in the G erm an re v o lu tio n ^ at the tim e of th e political crisis in Prussia caused by the of rh" r Berlin on Ju n e 14, d u rin g th e intensification f ^ b e t w e e n th e cou n ter-revolu tionary and th e dem ocratic Septem ber, and d u rin g the O ctober uprising in Vienna and the ensuing events. & exp erience o f th e first m onths of th e revolution adminisf Engels o f th e necessity to abolish all th e old the judicial authorities, thoroughly pu rge b u reau rr apparatus, and end th e rule o f the Affre^rv>/^7o especially pow erful in Prussia (see T h e arm ine of th e r articles). T h ey saw in the revolutiona People, who stood up against the co u n ter ry soldiery, the principal g u aran tee o f th e sovereignty of

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th e people (see T h e A g reem en t Assembly Session o f Ju n e 1 7 , T h e Civic Militia Bill and o th er articles). M arx and Engels, w ho reg ard ed mass revolutionary struggle as the decisive facto r in carryin g th ro u g h th e revolution, vigorously sup p orted all w ho fought in the revolutionary batdes, e.g. the V iennese w orkers w ho fought again on th e barricades in M ay 1 8 4 8 to com pel the ruling circles to m ake new concessions; th e w orkers o f B erlin w ho in Ju n e 184 8 storm ed th e arsenal to obtain w eapons and to repulse the cou nter-revolu tionary conspirators; and th e in surgents in F ran k fu rt am M ain w ho rose in Septem ber 1 8 4 8 in p rotest against the ratification o f th e infam ous arm istice with D enm ark by th e F ran k fu rt Assembly. O n the o th e r h an d , M arx and Engels em phasised again and again that a p rem atu re o r badly prep ared uprising would only result in d efeat and thus stren gth en the coun ter-revolu tionary forces. F o r example^ in the articles C ologne in D an g er and T h e Revolu tion o f C ologn e they u rg ed th e C ologne w orkers n ot to allow the Prussian G overnm ent to provoke them to action, but to p reserve th eir forces for th e decisive battle. T h e exp lan atory cam paign conducted by M arx and Engels and th eir com rad es-in -arm s in C ologne in fact prevented th e destruction of th e d em ocratic m ovem ent in th e R hine Province d u rin g the S eptem ber crisis. A cco rd in g to th e editors o f th e N e w Rkeinische Zeitung, revolution ary action fro m below m ust be m atched by a vigorous policy in the representative institutions created by th e revolution, which should act as constituent assemblies in the n am e of the people. M arx and E n p l s fou gh t for th e creation o f dem ocratic representative bodies, which would reflect the will o f th e masses, be closely connected with them an d rely on th eir su p p ort. By stressing that deputies elected by th e people should be accountable to th e people and ca rry out its wishes, they upheld the righ t of th e revolutionary people to e x e rt p ressure on elected assemblies and to dem and that they adopt effective revolutionary decisions and take steps to im plem ent them ( F reed om o f D ebate in B erlin and o th e r articles). In a num ber o f articles dealing with th e G erm an National Assembly and also in a series devoted to th e debates in the Prussian National Assembly, M arx and Engels sharply criticised th e con d u ct of th e liberal m ajorities. Because all drastic m easures w ere sabotaged by th e liberals, the Fran k furt and Berlin assemblies, which failed to appeal to the masses and never assum ed real pow er, engaged only in futile verbal disputes and becam e m erely pitiable imitations of representative assemblies. T h e deputies rep resentin g th e d em ocratic bourgeoisie and petty bourgeoisie, w ho form ed th e L eft wing in

a s s e m b lie s , failed to display sufficient energy eith er. M arx and V eels often rebuked th e p arliam entary leaders o f th e L e ft and th e leaders o f d em ocratic organisations fo r th eir indecision and th eir r e fu s a l openly to side with the people. (See, for exam p le, M arxs article Appeal o f th e D em ocratic C ongress to th e G erm an P eople .) They stressed the detrim ental effect of th e constitutional illusions in the grip of which m any Left-w ing politicians still rem ain ed , and th eir u n f o u n d e d hope of carryin g th rou g h radical m easures by p ar liamentary m eans alone, w ithout the support of th e revolutionary masses. D uring the S eptem ber days M arx and Engels, who w ere convinced that the conciliatory policy of th e Berlin and F ran k fu rt assemblies merely led to ever increasing concessions to th e cou n ter-revolu tion, coined the slogan of th e revolutionary dictatorship o f th e people to express the con cep t of th e p eoples sovereignty d u rin g the revolu tion. In the article T h e Crisis and th e C oun ter-R evolu tion M arx wrote: Every provisional political set-up following a revolution requires a dictatorship, and an en ergetic dictatorship at th a t (see this volum e, p. 4 3 1 ). F o r the editors of th e N eue Rkeinische Zeitung this dictatorship constituted pow er genuinely wielded by the people: this power is by its very n atu re d em o cratic and a t th e sam e tim e Iwld and vigorous, capable of crush in g all coun ter-revolu tionary conspi racies, of abolishing th e m on arch y and feudal landow nership, and of ensuring th e com p lete victory o f th e bourgeois-dem ocratic revolu tion. T h a t M arx and Engels firmly rejected th e sectarian in terp reta tion of revolutionary pow er as th e arb itrary dictatorship of a small grou p of m en is evident fro m th e speech against W eitling which M arx m ade at the m eeting o f th e C ologne D em ocratic Society on August 4 , 1 8 4 8 (see this volum e, pp. 5 5 6 -5 7 ). T h e participation of th e masses o f th e p>easantry in th e revolution ary stm ggle was reg ard ed by M arx and Engels as a m ost im p ortan t condition for the extension and consolidation of th e dem oci^tic thou gh t that th e spontaneous actions of th e peasants w ich were taking place all over G erm any should be ren d ered ^ g a n ise d and purposeful. In such articles as Patow s R edem ption ^ ernorandum , D ebate about th e Existing R edem ption Legislaothers M arx and Engels set forth th e ag rarian p rogram m e ^ Rheinische Zeitung. T h e y called upon the peasants to fight abolition w com pensation of ^11 f A im m ediate and com p lete aUUllLiUli W ithout liilU Ul C U liip C liM liO ll 01 . ^^rvices. T h ey vehem ently d enounced th e Prussian liberal which was betraying th e peasants w ho are its natural ^..... without whom it can n ot stand u p to th e aristocracy (see this p. 2 9 5 ), because it was afraid th at to abolish feudal p ro p erty

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m ight lead to attacks on bourgeois p ro p erty . M arx and Engels, whoi spoke fo r th e p roletariat, the consistently revolutionary class, were convinced cham pions o f th e anti-feudal peasant m ovem ent, which they regard ed as o ne of th e principal m otive forces o f th e; bourgeois-dem ocratic revolution. I T h e struggle fo r the liberation of th e oppressed nations was' likewise in the eyes o f M arx and Engels integrally connected with thi* revolution. T h ey welcomed with enthusiasm th e upsu rge of th ti national liberation m ovem ent am on g th e Poles, Czechs, Hungarian^? and Italians, and saw in them allies in th e fight against feudal and.' absolutist coun ter-revolution. i In the articles G erm anys Foreign Policy , G erm an Foreigiil Policy and th e L atest Events in P rag u e and oth ers, M arx and Engels took th eir stand fo r th e genuine freed om and th e b roth erh ood o f all nations and again denounced th e G erm an bourgeoisie, which carried on the oppressive national policy o f th e H ohenzollerns and th e H absburgs. A revolutionised G erm any ought to have re nounced h e r entire p ast, w rote Engels, especially as fa r as the neighbouring nations are co n cern ed . T o g e th e r with h e r own freed om , she should have proclaim ed th e freed om o f th e nations h ith erto suppressed by h e r (see this volum e, p. 9 2 ). A cco rd in g to M arx and Engels th e G erm an people could becom e a free d em ocratic nation only if they supported th e liberation m ovem ents of th e oppressed nations. G erm any will liberate herself to th e exten t to which she sets free neighbouring nations (see this volum e, p. 16 6 ). T h e founders o f M arxism fought resolutely and consistently for^ th e restoration of an independent Poland and pressed fo r an alliance o f G erm an d em ocrats with the revolutionary wing of th e Polish m ovem ent, which was fighting not only fo r national resu rrection and liberation but also fo r th e radical d em ocratic reorganisation o f' Poland. T h e policy of the Prussian G overnm ent, which first provoked a national uprising in Posen and then crush ed it, and^ which u n d er the p retext o f reorganisation had form ally incorpo rated th e g re ater p art of Posen into G erm any, was castigated by Engels, in p articu lar in the series of articles entitled T h e F ran k fu rt Assembly Debates th e Polish Q uestion . M arx and Engels co n dem n ed the attitude o f th e liberal m ajority in th e F ra n k fu rt National Assembly which sanctioned the new partition of Poland. In the just-m entioned series of articles on the Polish question, Engels showed that the restoration o f th e Polish state on a d em o cratic basis would be in the interest o f G erm an and m ternational d em ocracy. It would, m oreover, strike a heavy blow at the th ree cou n ter-revolutionary p>owers Prussia, A ustria, and

a who had shared in the partitioning o f Poland. T h u s it Id help bring about a ch an ge in th e balance o f pow er in favour of 'fT ^ r e v o iu tio n ; and this in tu rn would m ake it easier fo r th e G erm ans to e r a d ic a t e patriarchal feudal absolutism in G erm an y (s e e th is
v o liin ie , p. 3 5 1 ). T h e national liberation struggle waged by th e Czech people in the s u m m e r of 1848 was enthusiastically supported by the Neue

Rheinische Zeitung. T h e potential revolutionary significance o f this uprising against the arb itrary rule o f th e A ustrian G overnm ent anjd t h e Czech feudal aristocracy was stressed by Engels in T h e P rague Uprising and T h e D em ocratic C h aracter of th e U p risin g . T h e Neue I^einische Zeitung bitterly d enounced th e m assacre o f the Prague insurgents which th e brutal Austrian soldiery carried through with the connivance of the G erm an liberal bourgeoisie, and pointed out that the crushing o f th e uprising was bound to have serious consequences fo r the Czech d em ocratic m ovem ent and the G erm an revolution. A nd it is tru e that a fte r th e tragic events in Prague th e leadership o f th e C zech m ovem ent passed entirely into th e hands of liberal aristocrats and bourgeois, who looked to the A ustrian m on arch y and th e Russian T s a r fo r assis tance. W arm sympathy for th e Italian people, which was fighting fo r its freedom and ind ependence, was exp ressed in a letter written by M arx to the editorial board of the Italian d em ocratic new spaper Alba and in several articles of th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung in which the revolutionary events in Italy w ere analysed. T h e Italian revolution, which began with th e pop u lar uprising in Sicily in Jan u ary 1 8 4 8 , was confronted with serious problem s. T h e co u n try consisted of a conglom eration of large and small states, a considerable n u m b er of which were oppressively ruled by A ustria. T h e progressive develop ment of Italy was only possible if she liberated herself fro m foreign domination and abolished th e feudal and m onarchical regim es. B ut I e Italian liberals, who at the tim e controlled th e Italian m ovem ent, 'vere trying to unite th e cou n try from above within the fram ew ork ^ a constitutional m on arch y to be h eaded by Charles A lbert, the t^ Sardinia. M arx and Engels called upon the Italian people to ^ e the leadership o f th e national liberation m ovem ent into th eir ^ n hands, to free them selves from th e tutelage o f th e liberals and g ^nd to fru strate all dynastic intrigues. In m any of his Alb^ Engels dem onstrated that th e self-seeking p>olicy of Charles su p p orters, which co u n teracted th e truly popular A ustrians, was largely responsible for th e reverses 2 Jans suffered d u rin g the A ustro-Italian war. H e observed that

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only a revolutionary peoples w ar could end A ustrian dom ination over Italy. T h e articles on th e national question which M arx and Engels w rote in 18 4 8 constitute, in sum, an im p ortan t set of statem ents m aking clear th eir internationalist attitude tow ards national liberation m ovem ents. A m on g the most im p ortan t events o f th e G erm an and E u rop ean revolution was the uprising of th e V iennese people in O ctob er 1 8 4 8 , when fo r three weeks the w orkers, students and d em ocratic intellectuals withstood the onslaught o f num erically stro n g er re a c tionary forces. M arx and Engels believed that the outcom e o f this rising was bound to affect substantially th e fate o f th e revolution not only in G erm any but also in E u ro p e. M arx called the Ju n e uprising in Paris th e first act of the revolutionary d ram a, and the O ctob er uprising in V ienna the second act (see this volum e, p. 5 0 5 ). H e em phasised that the V iennese w orkers had played an outstanding p art in this revolutionary battle (ibid., p. 59 5 ). A num ber of articles published in this volum e (Revolution in V ienna , T h e Frankfurter Oberpostamts-Zeitung and th e V iennese Revolution , T h e V iennese Revolution and th e Kdlniscke Zeitung**, T h e Latest News from Vienna, Berlin and Paris and T h e Victory of th e C ounter-R evolution in V ienna ) and also th e speeches delivered by M arx at the com m ittee m eetings of th e C ologne W o rk ers Association on O ctober 16 and N ovem ber 6 , 1 8 4 8 , are devoted to th e Viennese uprising and analyse th e causes which led to its d efeat. T h e principal cause, accord in g to M arx, was th e fact that the liberal bourgeoisie in A ustria and in G erm any deserted th e revolution. V ienna was cap tu red only as a result of th e m anifold betrayal on the p art o f th e bourgeoisie (see this volum e, p. 5 9 8 ). M arx concluded, m oreover, that the failure o f th e G erm an d em ocrats to organise and lead a p op u lar m ovem ent in su p p ort of th e V iennese insurgents had disastrous consequences. T h e V iennese events confirm ed , indeed, M arxs and Engels conviction that the treach ero u s tactics o f the bourgeoisie had urgently to be cou n tered by rallying all truly revolutionary forces fo r th e decisive battle against th e cou n ter-revolutionary offensive. M arx and Engels also paid attention to those E u rop ean countries which, although not directly involved in th e revolutionary upheaval, were in one way o r an o th er affected by it. In T h e Kdlnische Zeitung on th e State o f A ffairs in E n glan d and o th e r articles about Britain, the Neue Rheinische Zeitung exposed th e social conflicts which existed in Britain behind th e fagade o f bourgeois and aristocratic security and stability, and the intensification of these conflicts as th e result of

r e v o l u t i o n a r y up su rge in th e whole of E u ro p e. I t stressed the ^ o f th e class m ovem ent of th e British workers w ho were ^ hting u n d er th e C hartist b an n er, and it described this fight against ^jffjcial British establishm ent as th e w ar of th e organised party of the proletariat against th e organised political pow er of the b o u r g e o i s i e (see this volum e, p. 2 9 7 ). It was in the tru e spirit of o r o le ta r ia n internationalism th at M arx and Engels supported the Chartists, who were p ersecuted by th e authorities in 1 8 4 8 , and d e fe n d e d them against the slanderous accusations m ade by the bourgeois press. T h ey also backed th e fight fo r an independent Ireland, one of th e principal hotbeds of revolutionary discontent in the British Isles (see C ologne in D anger , T h e Neue Berliner Zeitung o n the C hartists ). T h e articles T h e Model State o f B elgiu m and T h e A ntw erp Death Sentences outline th e consequences of capitalist developm ent in Belgium, w here it was p roceed in g in an apparently peaceful and constitutional way. B u t th e rule of th e liberal bourgeoisie, which was able to crush the incipient republican m ovem ent in 1 8 4 8 , h ad, as is pointed o u t in these articles, caused the conditions o f th e w orkers to d eteriorate substantially, and pauperism and crim inality to increase. It also strengthened political reaction in the co u n try , so that brutal repressive m easures w ere taken against d em ocrats and socialists, with arrests and d eportations o f political em igrants. M arx and Engels adduce th e exam p le of this bourgeois m odel state to show that in o rd e r to p reserve its dom ination and prevent a revolution the ruling bourgeoisie is p rep ared to resort to th e m ost arb itrary and subtle police m ethods, which can com p ete with any that a re practised u n d er feudal and absolutist m onarchies. Engels unfinished sketch F ro m Paris to B e rn e is published at the end of this volum e. A fter being com pelled to leave G erm any at the end of S eptem ber 1 8 4 8 , and a fte r his subsequent deportation trom Belgium to F ra n ce , Engels decided to walk from Paris to witzerland, w here he w rote these travel notes. Considerable space is evoted to a description of th e F re n ch peasants and th eir way of life 3n thinking. Engels notes th e antipathy of th e Fren ch peasants to e revolution of 1 8 4 8 and to th e revolutionary m ovem ent in the especially in Paris, to g eth er with their Bonapartist ^ m p ^ h ie s and illusions. T h is h e attributes to th e peasants dem^ political backw ardness. A nd he adds that the exploitation of th e peasants p roprietary instincts by the ''^hich^*^**'^ fiscal policy of th e Provisional G overnm ent, ^rom against the interests of th e peasants and alienated them e revolution, w ere also largely responsible fo r this antipathy.

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T h e A ppendices contain a num b er of docum ents which illustrate th e many-sided revolutionary activity of M arx and Engels in 1848 and th eir practical w ork am on g the people. T h e y com prise p ap ers relating to th e Com m unist L eagu e, the C ologne D em ocratic Society and the C ologne W o rk ers Association, am on g the leaders o f which were M arx and Engels and th eir com rades-in-arm s. R eports of speeches delivered by M arx and Engels in these organisations and at public m eetings are also included: though brief and incom plete, these give som e idea o f th e co n ten t o f th e speeches. T h e A ppendices com prise also a series o f docu m ents showing how th e Neiie Rheinische Zeitung cam e into being, and throw ing light on th e police and co u rt proceedings against its editors and th e difficult conditions (they were p ersecuted by th e govern m en t authorities and slandered by the loyal press) in which M arx and Engels published this new spaper of the revolutionary proletariat.

T h e collection of articles w ritten by M arx and Engels in 1 8 4 8 and 1 8 4 9 which is presented in Volum es 7 to 9 o f this edition is m ore com plete th an any previously published. N ot only the writings of M arx and Engels which ap p eared in Volum es 5 and 6 of th e Russian and G erm an editions o f th eir Collected Works are included, but also m any articles from th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung which m ore recent research carried o u t in th e U SSR and th e GDR has shown to have been also written by them . Included, too, are a n u m b er of d ocum ents relating to th eir activity in w orkers and o th er d em ocratic organisations. This volum e contains 16 articles and n o te s__e.g. D efeat of the G erm an T ro o p s at Sundew itt , T h e Q uestion of U n ion , T h e Downfall of th e C am phausen G overn m en t, R eich en sp erger , T h e Milan Bulletin , M iscellaneous , T h e C ologne C om m ittee o f Public Safety which have never before been published in any edition o f th e Collected Works of M arx and Engels. O f th e 1 4 6 articles form ing the m ain section o f the volum e, 103 are published in English fo r the first tim e. T h e A ppendices consist entirely of m aterial not previously published in English. A specific feature of this volum e is th e fact that in a num ber of cases it has not been possible to establish w hether a given article was written by M arx o r by Engels. Since most of th e articles published in the N eue Rheinische Zeitung are unsigned and none o f the m anu-

cripts have been p reserved, the question of which o f them w rote it is, fndeed, generally difficult to answer. A nd m any of th e articles seem in any case to be their joint work. In those cases w here u p to now it has proved impossible to ascertain which one o f them w rote a p a r tic u la r item , no nam e is given at the end o f th e article. T h e titles of the articles from th e N eue Rheinische Zeitung are printed according to the table o f contents given in th e p ap er. T h o se supplied by the editors are in square brackets. T h o se w orks included in this volume which have been previously published in English are given either in new o r in carefully revised translations. Peculiarities in the presentation o f the text o f som e articles, in p articu lar the manuscripts, are described in the notes. All the texts have been translated from the G erm an excep t where otherwise indicated. T h e volume was com piled and the p reface, notes and subject index written by T atyana Vasilyeva and edited by Lev Golman (Insti tute of M arxism -Leninism of the C C C PSU ). T h e indexes of nam es and of books and periodicals m entioned o r quoted w ere p rep ared by Galina Kostryukova (Institute o f M arxism -Leninism of the CC CPSU). T h e translations w ere m ade by G rego r B en ton , Clem ens Dutt, B arbara R uhem ann, Salo Ryazanskaya. Kai Schoenhals and C hris topher U pw ard, and edited by M argaret M ynatt and B arb ara Ruhem ann (Law rence & W ishart), Salo Ryazanskaya, Y elen a Chis tyakova, M argarita Lopukhina and M aria Shcheglova (Progress Publishers) and V ladim ir M osolov, scientific ed itor (Institute of M arxism -Leninism of the C C CPSU ). T h e volume was p rep ared fo r the press by L yu d g ard a Zubrilova (Progress Publishers). / / 6

Karl M arx and Frederick Engels

d em a n d s o f t h e c o m m u n is t p a r t y

IN G E R M A N Y

W orkers o f all countries, u n ite! 1. T h e whole of G erm any shall be declared a single and indivisible republic. 2. Every G erm an, having reached th e age of 2 1 , shall have the right to vote and to be elected, provided he has n ot been convicted of a criminal offence. 3. Representatives of th e people shall receive paym ent so that workers, loo, shall be able to becom e m em bers of th e G erm an parliament. 4. Universal arm in g of th e people. In future th e arm ies shall be simultaneously labour arm ies, so that the troops shall n ot, as orm erly, m erely consum e, but shall p rod u ce m ore than is necessary tor their upkeep. This will m oreover be conducive to the organisation of labour. Legal services shall be free of ch arge. obligations, dues, corvees, tithes etc., which have weighed upon the ru ral population, shall be abolished 'vithout com pensation. ^ t' . so fonh o th er feudal estates, tog eth er with mines, pits, and cultivar^H th e p ro p erty of the state. T h e estates shall be devirp* : ^ large scale and with th e most u p-to-date scientific g ^ ^ interests of the whole o f society. the state^I^^^^^ state or ih peasant lands shall be declared the p ro p erty of such mortffaees m ortgages shall be oaid paid bv by the neasants peasants to hJfh

w here th e ten an t system is developed, the land rent qu.t-rent shall be paid to th e state as a tax

Karl Marx and Frederick Engels

j^ o r tjr r u n f f e n b r ^ o c te i Prntpi^laR).
aOtr SanbR M rtinigt O u 4 !* , wirfe )D t u m e tm g o i, o n t ^ b o n B S le p u iltl

at an btr ^rofcuWoii g a i bintn a n tie il. (in H pf*r SUi^bramJ.

e n nt ftonfnnilioB ift

T h e m easures specified in Nos. 6 , 7, 8 and 9 are to be adopted in o rd e r to red u ce the com m unal and o th er burdens h ith erto im posed u pon the peasants and small ten an t farm ers w ithout curtailing the m eans available fo r defraying state expenses an d w ithout im perilling p roduction. T h e landow ner in th e strict sense, who is n eith er a peasant n or a tenant farm er, has no share in p roduction. Consum ption on his part is, th erefo re, nothing but abuse. 10. A state bank, whose p ap er issues are legal ten d er, shall replace all private banks. T his m easure will m ake it possible to regu late the cred it system in the interest of th e people a s a w h o le, and will thus u n d erm in e the dom inion of th e big financial m agnates. F u rth e r, by gradually substituting p ap er m oney for gold and silver coin, the universal m eans of exch an g e (that indispensable prerequisite of bourgeois trad e an d co m m erce) will be ch eap en ed , and gold and silver will be set free fo r use in foreign trad e. Finally, this m easure is necessary in o rd er to bind th e interests o f th e conservative bourgeoisie to the Government. 11. All th e m eans of tran sp o rt, railways, canals, steamships, roads, the posts etc. shall be taken over by th e state. T h e y shall becom e the p roperty o f th e state and shall be placed free at th e disposal of the im pecunious classes. 12. All civil servants shall receive th e sam e salary, th e only exception being that civil servants w ho have a family to support and who th erefo re have g re ater requirem ents, shall receive a h igher salary. 13. C om plete separation of C h u rch and State. T h e clergy o f every denom ination shall be paid only by th e voluntary contributions of th eir congregations. 14. T h e righ t of inheritance to be curtailed. 15. T h e introduction o f steeply grad u ated taxes, and th e abolition of taxes on articles o f consum ption. 16. In auguration o f national w orkshops. T h e state gu aran tees a livelihood to all w orkers and provides fo r those who are incapacitated fo r w ork. 17. Universal an d free education of th e people. It is to th e interest of th e G erm an p roletariat, th e petty bourgeoisie and th e small peasants to support these dem ands with all possible energy. Only by th e realisation of these dem ands will th e millions in
* T h e leaflet published in Cologne has cause o f the revolution instead of Government. Ed.

!ln tic oO n ^ ic a tte n ftn tritl riac @toatbant, b e m f> ai(r gtff^ lii^n ffurd |a(. D iefe SK afm iel m aitt c ntDgtii^, b a t Jhrtinw feB i a 3nftrtffc brt g a n i < n C i r h } i t i e 3 (l 8 BUb m tftg rJW fcaait Wt f n t @cltindnn(r. br gro^ n b m pe a o ^ u t ia ($ flapirrgtlb a l i t @({He

10 .

eon I t nob iTbei feff, tnwo^lflHlrrt ilc bo m n u tt^ r lii^ 3nfhn< m tH b rt i i r g t r l i ^ Serfe^r, ba alljnariM ^ ra W iaittel, m b fr< IbU , baS i>!b miB 6 i l ( n - sai^ o f t n ^ tttt S rargcoid on tie 9)liU isii }n It. S l(g (, 9 IU 7 raR 4$0rtm ittt(: C ifn b a^n ra, 9 n a h , SampfTi^'ffr, w a n b en in n ., ninm l ber S t o a t ia ( ^ o ab . a iif r a |d Icffeo. n a a f i e g c l i|i ^ ( i t f l i ^ n o t ^ b i g , n > tie 3 n ttn {fn i b n rrafn soti-

3 rtet 3

21 3 o ^ nit, ip

anti Bd^rSoi, o -

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tasH<ignU^um vngflw m M t m b b n im b a n ilte te A lo ft f a sototg e l t li i ^ n S<rfig3iutg sepeOt.

4 . aUsfWf'nf SoIfSbnixffmBS-

t 2 . 3 " t r r SffIbnBg f i a n t l i i ^ S laotfb coaA n fuibtt (eia m b t' r rr Unltrft^ieb flan, a l t btr, b af fcijfin'gm m il gannlif, a lfj m itm t^r Scburfniffrn, aiit) eii bcjic^n a l t bit lltbrigfn.
1 3 . S o D i j f t t t m r n i g be t # i n ^ w * t(W t. i t f if lli^ e t i aDrr ^D a frfP o x fn i w r b m I c b i j l i ^ m b t j r c t fc n n iO ije a tm ris b * befelcn, 14. ^ f ^ 'a a f a n j b tt C r b r r ^ t .

fllfi* arbeiKr-annfni. fo ta g

fcntfri

probujirt, oI fri Itirtn^aturagifplJfii tw Jragni.

if) oujerfcnti eia M ittfl ju r Otganifation t o a u W }.

l u e er i^ h g fn p | le g I'P

6. aHe JeutmlloRni, oOe ai&gii&eii, aiif ttm Uflttni, iwtfcfn o^nt itgenb tin t Sstfi^aliiguiis a i-

1 5 . infu^nni8 ten paretB ^ o j t t f f i s f l a n n u b llbfi^f|ing ber fttnfuD itiratibunn.

7. t i t flirflli^en iciB antfTD fnibalcn ^aiibgulci:, aO( S n g i w i k , (^ruben, i . f. a .,ir(rt>tn in taaMnf|nitftuDi sm sn M n trlt- S u f tiefcn eantjiitorn irirft 6fT arfcrtau ini reprn ira mit btn m*bfrafttn f)ilfemilleln bfi SBifftnftftafl ]um S s r l ^ i l t n @ efanim t^it trtrirlim . 8 . 23if Ovpol^efen auf Mn SBautnisutmi W frltn f i r laij|Stijfit> t^uui trflart. 9. 3 " 3>i 3rterfiTtn fur I'oie ttt r h n rc n be iSiiurm an (rn teat ejrnfcfn, ipd bat ^SE^notfeB flitsndtli ip , n i r t tie aU (gtrurr an btn S to a t gfja^lt.
u n t 9 a n g fg tte n c n ^ a a f r r g e l n m trb fii

18 . (irrii^tun; ran 9IaM iuliM t{fi4ttflt. :C tr t a o ( joraiitirt alien S lrta te m i^re S rijltn j m b o e rfjral bi )n r Urbrit U n fa ^ e n .
1 7 . flUgrmtin t, lu m tg cltlii^ S o ltfc rjie ^ n g .

lu bS iin tm fta iib e t, m ita fle r liB e ig tt n b n X M rt^ frfo n go b ig n S fia n ^ regein }u orbtilen.

(f (iegt in 3iitneffe M b c u f i ^ ^ v le ta n oH , bt neiont 9urgrr=

b ie^ iQ io n tR ,b it bi#^ S titfiftlaiib M nristi fltio n i 3a6l a se g e btulet nurbffl unb bit n iR v c itrr isbfrUiitnbrndim g ju tr^alten fu^en

S en n n ar b s r^ S tt v i r f l i ^ i u g b rrftlk o (cnnea

Wmnertnte oftct t n
SlQf ( i r f f u n trr 6 , 7 , 8

m irb , (ui^ m iS iti^ t lu bjub trin iig tRm ai^ lg ria n g n i, b it i^ stn , a lt
btB ^ r s a r k i n g t r a a S e t X n ^ ^ i m t , g tb iiV rt.

fa^ f, um c lfe n tiK t* Uii6 anCert ? a jle n 6nr S a o f m urO liein tB ^ a i l r r ) n im in iK rn , o^ne t ie ju r S e f lr e it v n g t< i la a (S fD (}rn n o r^ ije n ^ i i i e l JU ft^itialern u n t ^ r o tu f tio n fr ib fl {U g f f a ^ r ttn .

Po domitc
fjrlS fa ri. # a t l < ^ ap p er. 3 - 9 J? o It, B ag er.

Xifr rif}enlli*t runStisfnt^umfT, i f r lOfber au fr ni6 ^JoiUrr ifl.

5- tfngflt.

tW. S B o fff.

Demands o f the Communist Party in Germany, leaflet published in Cologne in 1848

Dem ands o f th e Com m unist Party in G erm any

G erm any, who have h ith erto been exploited by a handful of persons
a n d whom th e exploiters would like to keep in fu rth e r subjection,

win the rights and attain to that pow er to which they are entitled as the p rodu cers o f all wealth. The Committee: Karl Marx, K arl Schapper, H . Batter, F. Engels, J . Moll, W. Wolff
Written between March 21 and 24, 1848 First published as a leaflet in Paris on March 24 or 25. 1848, in the supplement to fhe BeTliner Zeitungs-Halle No. 82, on April 5, 1848, and in a number o f other German newspapers; it was repeatedly reprinted during the revolution and after its defeat, in particular as a leaflet in Co logne issued not later than September 10,
1848

Printed according to the text of the Berliner Zeitungs-Halle collated with the leaflet issued in Cologne

L etter to E tien n e C abet, E ditor o f th e Populaire

Karl M arx and F rederick Engels

L E T T E R T O E T IE N N E C A B E T , E D IT O R O F T H E PO PU LA IR E^

citizens fo r clothes, arm s an d m oney. T h e German Workers (jlub* is the only o ne in Paris which m aintains relations with the Alliance, and it has n oth in g in com m on with th e society in Paris, called the Society o f German Democrats, whose leaders are H e rr H crw egh and H e rr von B orn sted t. The Central Committee of the Alliance of German Workers (signed) K . Marx, K . Schapper, H . Bauer, F . Engels, J . Moll, W. Wolff
Written at the end o f March 1848 First published in English in the journal Srience and Society, 1940, Vol. IV , No. 2 Printed according to the manu script Translated from the French

Citizen Cabet, W ould you be so kind as to insert th e attach ed D eclaration in the n ext num b er o f th e Populaire. T h e point is not to let the C om m unist Party be m ad e responsible fo r an en terprise an d con d u ct which have already reaw akened in a p art of th e G erm an nation th e old national and reaction ary prejudices against th e F re n ch people. T h e Alliance o f G erm an W orkers," an association o f various w orkers societies in all E u ro p ean countries, which cou n ts am o n g its m em bers Mr. H arn ey and M r. Jo n es, th e English C hartist leaders, is com posed entirely o f com m unists an d openly professes itself com m unist. T h e so-called G erm an D em ocratic Society in Paris* is essentially an ti<om m unist insofar as it claims not to recognise th e antagonism and struggle betw een the proletarian and bourgeois classes. It is, th erefo re, a question o f m aking a p rotest and a declaration in the in te rp ts o f th e C om m unist Party. A n d it is this which makes us anticipate y ou r com pliance. (T his note is strictly confidential.) F ratern al greetings, Frederick Er^els Karl Marx ' ^ e uridersigned com m ittee considers it its duty to inform the various branches o f th e Alliance o f German Workers in th e d ifferent E u rop ean countries that it has in no way participated in the proceedings, posters and proclam ations to appeal to the Fren ch

This refers to the Communist League. Ed.

10

11

K arl M arx an d F rederick Engels

[T O T H E C O M M IT T E E O F T H E G ER M A N D EM O C R A T IC S O C IE T Y IN PARIS] To H e rr Bomstedt and Others^ Paris, April 1, 1848 2 2 ru e N euve Saint Augustin Copy T h e following will serve as a repiy to th e n ote of H e rr B o m ste d t and others which was this m orn in g left with M arx: 1. M arx has not the least intention of ren d erin g anybody an account for any G erm an new spaper article. 2. M arx has n ot th e least intention of giving an account to any com m ittee o r deputation of th e G erm an D em ocratic Society with which he has n oth in g to do. 3. If H e rr B o m sted t and H e rr H erw egh dem and explanations in their personal capacity and not as m em bers of any com m ittee o r society, then H e rr B o m sted t has already once before privately and also once publicly been told to whom they should address themselves.
Urst published in Russian in; Marx and Engels, Collected Works, first ed., Vol. XXV . Moscow, 1934 Printed according to a copy in Engels hand Published in English for the first time

Karl M arx
T O T H E E D IT O R O F T H E N EW S P A P E R L A L B A ^

Dear Sir, A new daily new spaper wiU be published in Cologne fro m th e first of Ju n e; it will be called N ew Rheinische Zeitung and will be edited by H err Karl M arx. T h is p a p e r will ad vocate in these latitudes th e same dem ocratic principles that L Alba rep resents in Italy. T h e re can therefore be n o doubt about th e line we shall take o n th e questions now pending between Italy and A ustria. W e shall d efend th e cause of Italian ind ependence, we shall fight to th e death Austrian despotism in Italy as in G erm any and Poland. W e e xten d a fratern al hand to th e Italian people and want to prove to them that the German nation entirely repudiates th e policy of oppression which in your country is carried th ro u g h by th e sam e m en who in o u r cou n try too have always com b ated freed o m . W e shall do o u r utm ost to prom ofe the union of, and good understan din g betw een, two g reat and free nations which have, until now, been led to believe by a ri^farious system o f g ov ern m en t that they were each o th e rs enem y. We shall th e re fo re dem an d th e im m ediate withdrawal from Italy of the b m tal A ustrian soldiery, and that th e Italian people be placed in a position to exp ress its sovereign will in th e question of th e fo rm of governm ent which it wants to choose. In o rd e r to enable us to follow Italian affairs, and in o rd e r to give you the opportunity o f ju d gin g th e sincerity of o u r prom ises, we 'Suggest an exch an ge o f papers. T h u s we propose to send you the ^ Rheinische Zeitung every day and to receive fro m you L A lba ^^guJarly. W e hope th at you will accep t this proposal and ask you to a n sending us L A lba as soon as possible so that already in o u r first ssues we can m ake use o f it.

12

K arl M arx

13

If you wish to send u s o th e r inform ation as well we should be pleased to receive it, and assure you that anything likely to serve th e cause o f d em ocracy in any cou n try will be given o u r m ost carefu l consideration. F ratern al greetings. F o r th e editorial board o f th e N ew Rheiniscke Zeitung D r. Karl Marx, E d itor

KARL MARX and FREDERICK ENGELS

Written at the end o f May 1848 First published in the newspaper L Alba No. 258, Ju n e 29. 1848

Printed according to the newspaper Tiandated from the Italian

A R T IC L E S FR O M T H E N E U E R H E I N I S C H E Z E I T U N G Ju n e 1-N overaber 7 , 1 8 4 8

( u r

| )r in f f ii)f

J f i t u

a .

Si y

Prgflit brr nmifrflftc*

MU, tiiiH rilln , t- Jni
1846.

[S T A T E M E N T O F T H E E D IT O R IA L BO A R D O F T H E N E U E R H E I N I S C H E Z E IT U N G }^

w a? to b f t h e f e f o f

'h e N eue R h e i n is c h e ZeUung corresp on d en t?

etc. w e r e ^ ^ a L " : : r . L t i a T e 1 T e r ^ " " i h f e n a S m e m Y f T " '" '^

> ' io n a rie s foreshadows

S
Editorial B o ard : K arl M arx, editor-in-chief H einrich B urgers E rn st D ronke Fried rich Engels editors G eorg W eerth F erdinand WoJfl Wilhelm W olff

'Written not later than May 31, 1848 rhe N ew Rheinische - "^'ig-No. 1 , June 1, 1848

Printed according to the newspaper

t t f U

rrgait b e r fn w fra ftc ^

***> **<*, I, Jni

l)f in if i| | f

J r i i u M

g .

[S T A T E M E N T O F T H E E D IT O R IA L BO A R D O F T H E N E U E R H E I N I S C H E Z E IT U N G ]'

w a ? r b e he & s f o f M r a n ? ' " etc. were m a L ' ' l i t h ' i a t d a t f i n T e r ' " "

Editorial B o ard : KarJ M arx, editor-in-chief H einrich B u rgers E rn st Dronke Fried rich Engels editors G eorg W eerth F erdinand Wolfi Wilhelm W olff

^'ritten not later than May 31, 1848 ^rsi published in the Neue Rhexnische ^'^wngNo. I, June 1. 1848

Printed according to the newspaper

16
T h e Assembly at Frankfurt

17

s u b m itte d to ad op t this schem e provisionally; th o u gh most deputies h a d not read it, th e Assembly adop ted it w ithout m ore ad o, fo r what

T H E ASSEM BLY A T FR A N K FU R T

^ould becom e of G erm anys representatives w ithout regulations?

f i a t r e g le m e n tu m p a r t o u t e t tou jou rs!^

C o lo g n e May 3 1 . F o r a fortnight G erm any has had a Constituent National Assembly elected by the G erm an people as a whole. T h e G erm an people won its sovereign status by fighting in the streets o f almost all cities and towns o f th e co u n try , and especially on the barricades o f V ienna and Berlin. It exercised this sovereignty in the elections to th e National Assembly. T h e first act of th e National Assembly should have been to proclaim loudly and publicly this sovereignty of th e G erm an people. Its second act should have been the draftin g of a G erm an Constitution based on the sovereignty of th e people and the ehm m ation from th e regim e actually existing in G erm any of everything that con tradicted th e principle o f the sovereignty of the people. ^

D u n n g th e whole of its session th e Assembly ought to have taken all necessary m easures to fru strate any reactionary sallies, to m am tam the revolutionary basis on which it depends and to safeguard th e sovereignty of th e people, won by the revolution agam st all attacks. T h o u gh the G erm an National Assembly has m et about a dozen times already, it has done none of these things. ^ B u t It has ensured th e salvation of G erm any by th e following great T h e National Assembly realised that it must have rules, for it knew that when two o r th ree G erm ans get to g eth er they must have a set of rules, otherwise ch air legs will be used to decide m atters. A nd now some schoolm aster had foreseen this contingency and draw n up special standing o rd ers fo r this H igh Assembly. A m otion was

H err R aveau x of C ologne tabled a quite simple m otion dealing ^ith conflicts betw een the assemblies at Fran k fu rt and at Berlin. But the Assembly debates th e final standing o rd ers, and although R aveauxs m otion is u rg en t, the standing o rd ers are still m ore urgent. P e r e a t m u n d u s , f i a t r e g le m e n tu m f H ow ever, the elected philistines in th eir wisdom can n ot refrain from m aking a few rem arks con cern in g R aveau xs m otion, and while they are debating w hether th e standing o rd ers o r th e m otion should take p reced en ce, they have already produced u p to two dozen am endm ents to this motion. T h ey ventilate th e thin g, talk, get stuck, raise a din, waste time and postpone voting from th e 1 9th " to the 2 2 n d o f M ay. T h e m atter is b rough t u p again on th e 2 2 n d , th ere is a deluge o f new am endm ents and new digressions, and after long-winded speeches and endless confusion they decide that th e question, w hich was already placed on the agend a, is to be re fe rre d back to th e sections. Thus the tim e has happily slipped by and th e deputies leave to take their meal. On May 2 3 they first w rangle about th e m inutes, then have innum erable m otions read out again, and just when they are ab ou t to return to th e agend a, that is, to th e beloved standing o rd ers, Zitz of Mainz calls attention to th e brutal acts o f th e Prussian arm y and th e despotic abuses of th e Prussian co m m an d an t at Mainz.^^ W h at had occurred was an indubitable and successful sally on th e p a rt of reaction, an event with which th e Assembly was especially com p etent to deal. It ought to have called to accou n t th e presum ptuous soldier who dared threaten to shell Mainz almost within sight of th e National Assembly, it ought to have p rotected th e u n arm ed citizens o f Mainz in their own houses fro m th e atrocities o f a soldiery which had been forced upon them and incited against them . B u t H e rr Basserm ann , t e o f B a d e n ,' declares that these are trifles. Mainz must e left to its fate, th e whole is m o re im p ortan t, th e Assembly m eets to consider a set of standing ord ers in th e interests of G erm any
a T b

ter

there be regulations everywhere and always. Ed. paraphrases a motto of the German Emperor Ferdinand I: "Fiat justitia el fat mundus (let justice be done, though the world perish). Ed. j he Neue Rheinische Zeitung has the 18th, evidently a misprint. Ed. ^ See this volume, pp. 20 and 23. Ed. A pun on the words Bassermann and Wassermann (waterman). Ed.

18

A rticles from the Neue Rheinhckf Zeitung

The Assembly at Frankfurt

19

as a whole indeed, what is th e shelling of Mainz com p ared with this! Pereat Moguntia, fiat reglementum!^ B u t the Assembly is ^ ft-h e a rte d , it elects a com m ission that is to go to Mainz to investigate m atters and it is again just the righ t time to ad jou rn and dine. Finally, on May 2 4 , we lose th e parliam entary th read altogether. T h e standing ord ers would seem to have been com pleted o r to have got lost, at any rate we h e a r nothing m ore about them . Instead we are inundated by a veritable flood o f w ell-intentioned m otions in which n u m erous representatives o f th e sovereign people obstinately dem onstrate th e limited understanding of a loyal su b je ct." T h en follow applications, petitions, protests etc., and in the end the national to rre n t of hog-wash finds an outlet in innum erable speeches skipping from o ne subject to an oth er. T h e fact, how ever, that four com m ittees have been set up should not be passed over in silence. Finally H e rr Schloffel asked fo r th e floor. T h re e G erm an citizens, Esselen, Pelz and Low enstein, had been ord ered to leave Fran k fu rt that very day, before 4 p.m . T h e wise an d all-knowing police asserted that these gentlem en had in cu rred the w rath of th e tow nspeople by their speeches in th e W o rk ers Association and must th erefo re clear out. A n d the police d are to do this after th e G erm an righ t of citizenship was proclaim ed by Preparliam ent'^ and even ^ t e r it was endorsed in the d raft C onstitutions o f the seventeen trusted m en (hommes de confiance de la diete)J^ T h e m atter is u rg en t. H e rr Schloffel asks to be allowed to speak on this point. H e is refused perm ission. H e asks fo r the floor to speak on th e urgency of th e subject, which h e is entitled to do accord in g to the standing ord ers, but on this occasion i t was a case o f fiat politia, pereat reglementuml^ N aturally, fo r it was time to go h om e and eat. O n the 2 5 th , the flood o f tabled m otions caused th e thought-laden heads o f th e deputies to d ro op like ripe ears o f co rn in a dow npour. Tw o deputies then attem pted once m o re to raise th e question o f the expulsion, but they too w ere not allowed to speak, even about the urgency of th e m atter. Som e o f the docum ents received, especially one sent by Poles, were m uch m ore interesting than all th e motions of th e deputies. Finally the com m ission that had been sent to Mainz was given th e floor. It announced that it could n ot rep o rt until the following day; m oreover it had, of co u rse, arrived too late: 8 ,0 0 0
Let there be regulations, though Mainz perish F. Weichsel, Deutschlands Einheit und der Entwurf des Deutschen Reichserundgesetzes. Ed. ' Let polity prevail, though the regulations perish.

P r u s s i a n bayonets had restored o rd e r by disarm ing 1 ,2 0 0 men of the civ ic gu ard . M eantim e, there was nothing for it but to pass on to the a g e n d a . This was done prom ptly, th e item on the agend a being

R aveauxs m otion. Since in Fran k fu rt this had not yet been settled,
w h e r e a s in Berlin it had already lost all significance because of A u e r s w a ld s decree,'^ th e National Assembly decided to d efer the q u e s tio n till th e n e x t day and to go and dine.

On the 2 6 th innum erable new m otions w ere introd uced and after
t hat the Mainz com m ission delivered its final and very indecisive

report. H e rr H ergen h ah n , ex-p eo p ies rep resentative and pro tempore Minister, presented th e rep o rt. H e m oved an extrem ely m oderate resolution, but after a lengthy debate th e Assembly concluded that even this mild proposal was too stron g and resolved to leave the citizens of Mainz to the ten d er m ercies o f th e Prussians com m anded by a Huser,- and in the hope that the G overnm ent will do its d u ty the Assembly passed on to the agend a, that is the gentlem en left to have a meal. Finally, on May 2 7 , after lengthy prelim inaries over th e minutes, Raveaux s m otion was discussed. T h e re was som e desultory talk until half past two and then th e deputies went to dine, but this tim e they assembled again for an evening session and at last b rough t the m atter to a close. B ecause of th e e x tre m e tardiness of th e National Assembly, H e rr Auerswald had already disposed of R aveau xs motion, th erefo re H e rr R aveaux decided to support an am en d m en t proposed by H e rr W e rn e r, which settled th e question of th e p eoples sovereignty n eith er in the affirm ative n o r in th e negative. O ur inform ation co n cern in g the N ational Assembly ends h ere, but there is every reason to assum e that after having taken this decision the m eeting was ad jou rn ed and the deputies went to dine. If they were able to d o this so early, they have to thank R obert Blum , who SiiiQ; thu
you decide to pass on to the agenda today, then the whole agenda of ssembly may be cut short in a very curious manner. Printed according to the newspaper

^ ntten by Engels on May 31. 1848 St published in the Neue Rheinische I, June 1, 1848

20

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ircid iN 'il' Cologne, May 3 1 . W ith the aid of old fortress regulations and antiquated co n fed erate laws H e rr H iiser in Mainz has invented a new m ethod to tu rn Prussians and o th er G erm ans into still g re a te r slaves than they were before May 2 2 , 1815.^ W e are advising H e rr H u ser to take out a paten t for his new invention which would undoubtedly be very profitable. F o r accord in g to this m ethod two or m ore drun ken soldiers are sent out, who of cou rse will, of th eir own accord, pick a q u arrel with citizens. T h e authorities intervene and arrest the soldiers; this is sufficient to enable th e com m an d an ts of each fortress to d eclare a state o f siege fo r th eir respective towns, to confiscate all w eapons and to le^ve th e inhabitants to the m ercy of the brutal soldiery. T h is plan would be particularly lucrative in G erm any since th ere are m ore fortresses h ere directed against the internal enem y than against th e enem y from ab road. It would be especially lucrative h ere since any publicly paid fortress co m m an dant, a H iiser, a R oth von Schreckenstein o r a similar feudal nam e, m ay d are m o re than even a king o r an e m p e ro r, since he can curb the freed om of th e press, since he can , fo r exam p le, forbid the citizens o f Mainz (who are n ot Prussians) to express their antipathy against the King o f Prussia and the Prussian political system. H e rr H users p ro ject is only part of the g ran d plan of th e Berlin reactionaries who seek to disarm as rapidly as possible all civic guards (particularly along the Rhine), thus step by step annihilating the nascent popular arm ed forces and delivering us defenceless into the hands of an arm y that consists mostly of soldiers fro m o th er

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parts who can easily be stirred up, o r are already stirred up, against us. This has happened in A ach en, T rie r, M annheim and Mainz and can also o ccu r elsewhere.
Written by Engels on May 31, 1848 first published in the Neue Rheinische No. 1, June 1, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

24

T h e L atest H eroic Deed o f th e H ouse o f B ourbon

25

[T H E L A T E S T H E R O IC D EED O F T H E H O U S E O F BO URBON ]

he night* how ever, all troops stationed in th e vicinity of Naples m ove to the city. T h e national g u ard realises that it has been betrayed < 5 throws u p b arricades which are m anned by 5 ,0 0 0 to 6 ,0 0 0 m en. But they are opposed by 2 0 ,0 0 0 soldiers, partially N eapolitans and artially Swiss, equipped with 18 cannon. Betw een them stand the 20 0 0 0 /azzaroTii'^ of Naples who are not participating for th e time the m orn in g of th e 15th , th e Swiss are still declaring that they will not attack the people. O ne o f th e police agents, how ever, who has mingled with the people, fires upon th e soldiers in the Strada de Toledo. T h e re u p o n fort St. Elm o at once hoists th e red flag and on this signal the soldiers rush at th e barricades. A horrible m assacre begins. T h e national g u ard s d efen d them selves heroically against the superior strength of fo u r to o ne an d against th e can n on shots o f the soldiers. Fighting rages fro m 10 a.m . until m idnight. T h e people would have won in spite of th e num erical superiority of th e soldiery had th e m iserable con d u ct of th e F ren ch A dm iral Baudin not induced the laz2Mroni to join th e royal side. Adm iral Baudin was lying with a fairly large F ren ch fleet before Naples. A simple but timely th reat to fire u p on th e castle and th e forts would have forced F erd in an d to yield. B u t B au d in , o ne of Louis Philippes old servants who was used to th e earlier period of the entente cordials'^ when th e existen ce of th e F ren ch fleet was merely tolerated, rem ained inactive, thereby causing the lazzaroni, who were already leaning tow ards th e people, to join the troop s. This action of th e N eapolitan lum penproletariat decided the defeat of th e revolution. Swiss g u ard sm en , N eapolitan soldiers and lazzaroni com bined pounced u p on th e defenders of the barricades. T h e palaces along T o led o Street, which had been swept clean with grape-shot, collapsed u n d e r th e cannon-balls o f th e troops. T h e frantic m ob of victors to re into the houses, stabbed the m en , speared the children, violated the w om en only to m u rd e r them afterw ards, plundered everything in sight and then set fire to the pillaged dwellings. T h e lazzaroni proved to be th e greediest and the Swiss the most brutal. T h e base acts and barbarities accom panying th e victory of the well-arm ed and fo u r times stro n g er B ou rb on m ercenaries and the always sanfedistic lazzaroni o v er th e nearly destroyed national guard of N aples, are indescribable. Eventually, things went too far even for A dm iral Baudin. Droves refugees arrived on his ships an d told o f th e events in th e city. T h e f^rench blood of his sailors was b ro u g h t to boiling point. Now at last, '''hen the victory of th e King was assured, he contem plated a honibardm ent. T h e slaughter gradually cam e to an end. O ne no

T h e H ouse of B o u rb on has not yet reached th e end of its gloriousi ca re e r. T r u e , its white flag has recently been ra th e r besm irched andi its w ithering lilies are d roop ing sadly enough. C harles Louis of| B o u rb on b artered away on e dukedom and had to abandon a s e co n d : one^ ignom iniously; Ferd in an d of B ou rb on lost Sicily and in Naples: was forced to g ran t a C onstitution to the revolution. Louis Philippe,; although only a cryp to-B o u rb on , nevertheless went th e way of all* F ren ch -B ou rb o n flesh across th e C hannel to En glan d . B u t thei N eapolitan Bourbon has avenged th e h o n o u r of his family; brilliantly. T h e C ham bers are convened at Naples. T h e opening day is to bei used fo r the decisive battle against the revolution. C am pobasso, one] o f the m ain police chiefs o f the notorious Del C arretto , is sur-; reptitiously recalled from Malta. L a rg e bands of arm ed Sbirri, led by | th eir old ringleaders, again patrol T o led o S treet fo r the first time in: a long while. T h ey disarm the citizens, rip off th eir coats and force them to cu t off th eir m oustaches. May 1 4 , the opening day of the C ham bers, draws n ear. T h e King dem ands that the C ham bers should pledge them selves u n d er oath not to ch an g e anything in the Constitution he has g ran ted . T h ey refuse. T h e national gu ard declares itself for th e deputies. N egotiations take place, the King gives way and th e Ministers resign. T h e deputies dem an d that the King should publicise his concessions in th e form o f an ordinance. T h e King promises such an ord in an ce fo r th e following day. D uring

Lucta. Ed. Parma. Ed.

26

A rticles from th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung

longer m u rd ered in the streets but limited oneself to pillage and rap e. T h e prisoners, how ever, w ere led o ff to th e forts and shot without fu rth er ad o. It was all o ver by midnight. F erd in an d s absolute rule was restored in fact and th e h o n o u r o f the H ouse of Bourbon was purified with Italian blood.. T h a t is th e latest heroic deed of the H ouse of B ou rb on and as always it is th e Swiss who are fighting the people on behalf o f the Bourbons. O n A ugust 10, 1 792, on July 29, 1 8 3 0 , and d u rin g the N eapolitan battles of 1820,^ everyw here we find the descend ants o f Tell and W inkelried serving as m ercenaries in the pay o f the royal family whose nam e has for years been synonym ous th rou gh ou t E u ro p e with that of absolute m on arch y. Now all this will o f cou rse soon com e to an end. A fter long disputes, th e m o re civilised cantons have succeeded in prohibiting the military capitulations.^' T h e sturdy sons of th e original free Swiss L eagu e will have to give up kicking N eapolitan w om en with th eir feet, revelling in the pillage of rebellious towns and, in case o f d efeat, being im m ortalised by Thorw ald sens lions like the fallen of A ugust 10. T h e H ouse of B o u rb on , how ever, may fo r the tim e being b reathe a sigh of relief. N ow here has th e reaction which set in again after February 24^ achieved such a decisive victory as at Naples and this in spite of th e fact that the first of this y ears revolutions began precisely in Naples and Sicily. T h e revolutionary tidal wave, how ever, which has inundated Old E u ro p e, can n ot be checked by absolutist conspiracies and coups d etat. By his cou nter-revolution of May 15, Ferdinand o f B ou rb on has laid th e co rn ersto n e of th e Italian republic. A lready Calabria is in flames, in Palerm o a Provisional G overnm ent has been form ed and the Abruzzi will also e ru p t. T h e inhabitants o f all th e exploited provinces will m ove u p on Naples and, united with the people o f that city, will take revenge on th e royal traito r and his brutal m ercen aries. A nd when F erd in an d falls he will at least have had th e satisfaction of having lived and died a tru e B ourb on .
Written by Engels on May 31, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische ZeitnngN o. 1, Ju n e 1, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first tune

T H E D E M O C R A T IC PARTY^

On February 24, 1848, Louis Philippe was overthrown. Ed.

Cologne, Ju n e 1. Every new organ of public opinion is generally expected to show enthusiasm fo r the party whose principles it supports, unqualified confidence in the stren gth of this p arty, and constant readiness eith er to give the principles the cover o f real power, o r to co v er up real weaknesses with the g lam ou r of principles. We shall not live up to these expectations. W e shall n o t seek to gild defeats with deceptive illusions. T h e d em ocratic party has suffered d efeat; the principles which it proclaimed at the m om en t of victory are called in question; the ground it has actually won is being contested inch by inch; m uch has been lost already and soon the question will arise what is left? W hat is im p ortan t fo r us is that the d em ocratic p arty should understand its position. People m ay ask why we are co n cern ed with a party, why we do not co n cen trate on the aims of th e d em ocratic m ovement, the w elfare of the people, th e happiness of all w ithout distinction. F o r such is the Jaw and usage of struggle, and only from the stru g g le of parties can the fu ture w elfare a rise not fro m seem ingly clever com prom ises o r from a hypocritical alliance b ro u g h t about ^t-'spite conflicting views, interests and aims. d em and of th e d em ocratic party that it grasp the significance its position. This dem an d springs fro m the exp erien ce of the past 'Months. T h e d em ocratic party has allowed the elation of its first ''ictory to go to its h ead . Intoxicated with the joy o f being able at last proclaim its principles openly fo r all to h ear, it im agined that one had m erely to proclaim these principles fo r them to be immediately realised. It did not go beyond this proclam ation after its first victory the concessions which directly followed it. B u t while the party

28

A rticles from th e Neue Rkeinische Zeitung

T h e D em ocratic Party

29

was lavish with its ideas and treated as a b ro th e r everyone who did; not im m ediately d are to challenge them , th e others those w ho; retained o r obtained pow er w ere active. A nd th eir activity is n ot toi be m ade light of. Keeping th eir principles to them selves and divulging only those parts that were directed against old conditions already overthrow n by th e revolution, they carefully held thej m ovem ent in check, ostensibly in the interests of th e evolving legal system and the establishm ent of form al o rd e r. T h ey m ade seem ing; concessions to the advocates o f th e old o rd e r to secu re th eir support for th eir own plans; then they gradually built up th e basic elem ents' of th eir own political system and thus succeeded in occupying an interm ediate position between th e d em ocratic party and th e defenders o f absolutism, on the o ne hand advancing and on the o th er retard in g the m ovem ent, being at once progressive as regard s the absolutists and reaction ary as reg ard s th e d em o crats. T his is th e party of th e p ru d en t, m od erate bourgeoisie, and by this party the peoples party, in its first intoxication, allowed itself to be taken in till finally it began to see things in th eir tru e light after having been contem ptuously spurned, after all sorts of reprehensible intentions had been im puted to it, and its m em bers d en ou n ced as agitators.* T h en it perceived that it had actually achieved nothing but what the gentlem en of th e bourgeoisie reg ard ed as com patible with th eir own w ell-understood interests. Set in conflict with itself by an u n d em ocratic electoral law and defeated in the elections, the party now has against it two elected bodies; th e only doubtful thing about them is, which of them will m ore strongly oppose its dem ands. Consequently, the enthusiasm o f the party has o f cou rse m elted away and has been replaced by th e sober recognition of th e fact that a powerful reaction has gained con trol, and this, strangely enough, happened before any revolutionary action took place. A lthough all this is undoubtedly tru e, it would be d an gerou s if the bitter feeling engen d ered by the first and partly self-induced defeat were to impel the d em ocratic party now to rev ert to that w retched idealism, which is unfortunately ch aracteristic of the G erm an tem p eram en t, and accordin g to which a principle that can n ot be put into practice im m ediately is relegated to th e distant fu ture while for the presen t its innocuous elaboration is left to th e thin k ers . W e m ust clearly warn against those hypocritical friends who, while declaring that they agree with th e principles, doubt w hether they are practicable, because, they allege, the world is not yet ready fo r them , and who have no intention of m aking it read y, but on the co n trary p refer to share th e com m on lot of th e wicked in this wicked earthly

life. If these are th e crypto-republicans whom th e Hofrat Gervinus fears so m u ch , then we w hole-heartedly ag ree with him : Such m en are d an gerou s.
W'ritten by Marx on Ju n e 1, 1848 First published in the Neue Rkeinische Zntung'No. 2, June 2, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

Shakespeare, Julius Caesar, Act I, Scene 2. Ed.

30

C am phausens Statem ent at the Session o f May 30

31

C A M P H A U S E N S S T A T E M E N T A T T H E SESSIO N O F M A Y 30^^

In one w ord: a fte r th e M arch revolution, a C am phausen Ministry was form ed . T h is same C am phausen Ministry recognises th e great significance of th e M arch revolution, at least it does not misjudge it. T h e revolution itself is a trifle its significance is what m atters! It signifies precisely th e C am phausen Ministry, at least post festum.^
"This occurrence the formation of the Camphausen Ministry or the March rfvolution? belongs to the most essential contributing factors in the transforma tion of our internal political structure.

Is this passage supposed to m ean that the M arch revolution is an essential contributing fa cto r to the form ation of th e G overnm ent of March 2 9 , i.e. the C am phausen G overnm ent; o r is it supposed m erely to say: the Prussian M arch revolution has revolutionised Prussia! Such a solem n tautology m ay p erhaps be exp ected fro m a thiyiking friend of history l Cologne, Ju n e 2. Post et non propter,^ in oth er words H e rr Camphamen did not becom e Prim e M inister because of th e M arch revolution but after that revolution. O n May 3 0 , 1 8 4 8 , in a m ost solemn m an n er and with m any protestations, displaying as it were a mysterious carriag e o f th e body to co v er th e defects of th e spirit, H err C am phausen has revealed this subsequent significance of his Ministry to the Berlin Assembly which sprang from an agreem en t between him and th e indirect electors.
, T h e thiTiking friend o f history^ states that the Government which was formed on March 29 met soon after an occurrence whose significance has not been and will not be misjudged by it . T he Government recognises that we stand at its beginning (namely of the transformation of our internal political conditions) and that we have a long road ahead of us.

H e rr C am p h ausen s assertion that he did not form a G overnm ent before M arch 2 9 finds con firm ation in the issues of th e Prevssische Staats-Zeitung published d u rin g the last few m onths. It may be assumed with con fiden ce that a d ate, which indicates at least the chronological point of d ep artu re of H e rr C am p h ausen s ascension into heaven, possesses g re a t significance , particularly fo r H e rr C am phausen. W h at co m fo rt it must be for th e fallen barricad e fighters to know that their cold corpses serve as visible sign and ind ex fin ger pointing to the G overn m en t o f M arch 2 9 ! Quelle gloire!'^
A fter and not because of. Ed. Laurence Sterne, The L ife and Opinions o f Triitram Shandy, Gentleman, Vol. I, ch. XI.- - Ed. An ironical allusion to the subtitle of Karl von Rottecks Allgemeine Gesckickte vom Anfang der historischen Knn(nuj bis a u f unsere Zeiten. Fiir denkende Geschkhtsfreujide (General History from the Beginning of Historical Knowledge Until Our Tim e. For Thinking Friends of History). Ed. What honour! Ed.

In a w ord, the C am phausen Ministry recognises that it still has a long way to travel, i.e. it is looking forw ard to a long life. B rief is art, i.e. the revolution, and long is life,'* i.e. the Ministry that cam e after. It gratuitously recognises itself. O r is o ne to in terp ret C am phausens words in som e o th er way? O ne would certainly not attribute to the th inking friend of history th e trivial explanation that nations who stand at the beginning of a new historical epoch stand at the beginning and that the road which lies ahead of every epoch will be just as long as the future. So m uch fo r th e first part of the laborious, grave, cerem onious, thorough and considered oration of Prim e M inister C am p h ausen . It m ay be sum m arised in the following th ree statem ents: A fter the M arch revolution the C am phausen M inistry. T h e C am phausen Ministry has g reat significance. A long road lies ahead of the C a m p h a u se n Ministry! Now fo r th e second part.
By no means have we judged the situation to be such, lectures Herr C.imphausen, that a complete upheaval has resulted from this occurrence (the 'aich revolution), that the entire structure o f our state has been overthrown, that everything that exists has ceased to be legal and that all conditions must be placed on a pew legal basis. On the contrary. T h e Government agreed from the moment of its nitial meeting to regard it as essential for its own future that the then convoked

After the event. d. Modified quotation from Goethes Faiist, Erster Teil, Nacht. Ed.

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Articles fro m th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung

C am phausens Statem ent at th e Session o f May 30

33

United Diet meet in reality, regardless of the petitions received opposing such a course, and that the new constitution evolve from the existing structure with the legal machinery offered by it without the bond which ties the old to the new being severed. This incontestably correct policy has been maintained. T h e electoral law has been submitted to the United Diet and passed with its advice. Later on, the attempt was made to induce the Government to alter this law on its own authority, in particular to change the indirect electoral system into a direct one. T h e Government did not yield. The Government did not act in a dictatorial way; it could not and would not act in such a way. T h e electoral law has in fact been implemented strictly according to the letter. It was on the basis of this electoral law that the electors and deputies were chosen. You are here on the basis of this electoral law with the power to agree with the Crown on a Constitution which it is to he hoped will endure in the future.

A kingdom fo r a doctrine! A doctrine fo r a kingdom! First there is th e o ccu rren ce a bashful euphem ism for revolution. A fterw ards there com es th e d octrin e and dupes the "o cc u rre n ce . T h e illegal o ccu rre n ce turned H e rr C am phausen into the responsible Prim e Minister, i.e. into a crea tu re that had no place and no m eaning within the old state o f affairs, within the existing stru ctu re. W e overrid e th e old by a salto mortale a n d , fortunately, we find a responsible Minister. T h e responsible M inister how ever is even m ore fo rtu n ate in discovering a doctrine. W ith the first breath of life o f a responsible Prime Minister the absolute m on arch y died and rotted. A m on g the latters victims was to be found prim arily the blessed United Diet , that disgusting m ixture o f Gothic delusion and m od ern deception.^ T h e U nited D iet was the d ear faithful follow er , the p et of th e absolute m onarchy. Ju st as the G erm an republic can only celebrate its entry over th e body of H e rr Venedey, so th e responsible Ministry can only en ter o ver th e body of th e d ear faithful follow er . T h e responsible Minister now picks out th e lost body o r con ju res u p the ghost o f th e d e a r faithful U nited D iet , the ghost indeed m akes an app earan ce, but unfortunately hovers suspended in the air, going throu gh all sorts of bizarre capers because it can no lon ger find any ground u n d er its feet, since th e old foundation of law and trusthas been swallowed up by the o ccu rre n ce of th e earthquake. T h e m aster m agician reveals to th e ghost that he has sum m oned it so as to settle its estate and to be able to act the loyal heir. T h e ghost can n ot find enough praise fo r these polite m anners because in ordinary life the deceased are not perm itted to issue posthum ous testam ents. T h e m ost highly flattered ghost nods like a pagod to all that the m aster m agician o rd ers, takes a bow at th e exit
^ Modified quotation from Shakespeares King Richard II I, Act V, Scene 4. Ed. Heinrich Heine, Deutschland. Ein Winlermarchen, Caput X V II. Ed.

a n d disappears. T h e law on indirect elections^ is its posthum ous testam ent. T h e doctrinal trick by which H e rr C am phausen has evolved the new constitution fro m the existing stru ctu re with th e legal m achinery offered by it develops as follows: An illegal o ccu rre n ce tu rn s H e rr C am phausen into an illegal person within the m eaning of the existing stru ctu re and o f the old state of affairs : that is into a responsible Prim e Minister, a constitutional Minister. T h e constitutional M inister illegally trans forms the anti-constitutional, d e a r faithful United D iet, based on the estates, into a constituent assembly. T h e d ear faithful U nited D iet creates unlawfully the law o f indirect elections. T h e law o f indirect elections creates the B erlin C h am b er, the B erlin C h am b er draws up the C onstitution and the C onstitution p roduces all successive cham bers from h ere to eternity. T h u s, a goose is tran sfo rm ed into an egg and an eg g into a goose. Thanks to the Capitol-saving cackling,^ th e nation soon realises, however, that the golden eggs of L ed a, which it laid in the revolution, have been stolen. N ot even D eputy Milde seem s to be the bright conspicuous C astor, son of Led a.

Written by Marx on June 2, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 3, Ju n e 3, 1848

Printed according to the newspaper

34

Defeat of the German Troops at Sundewitt

35

D E F E A T O F T H E G ER M A N T R O O P S A T SU N D EW IT T^

Schleswig. So th e G erm an troops have o n ce again been beaten, once again th e G erm an-Prussian policy has suffered a brilliant defeat! This is th e outcom e o f all those solem n prom ises of a strong, united G erm any! T h e time that could have been used to press hom e th e initial victory they let slip by in useless negotiations which the enem y only entered into u n d er duress in o rd e r to gain tim e for renew ed resistance. A nd when Russia d eclared that she would intervene if Ju tland w ere not evacuated, they still failed to recognise what lay behind th e o ffer o f an arm istice, they lacked th e co u rag e to accept the im pending conflict, the long-awaited and unavoidable conflict with Russia. In d eed , the propon en ts o f a policy of force were at a loss, they gave in like cow ards and d u rin g th e retreat th e b rav e guards w ere defeated by the little Danes! If this is not a case of open treason, then it is a m anifestation of such im m ense incom pe tence that in any case th e m anagem ent of th e whole affair must be placed in o th er hands. Will the N ational Assembly in Fran k fu rt at last feel com pelled to d o w hat it should have d on e long since, that is take over foreign policy itself? O r will it h ere to o in th e trust that governm ents p erfo rm what are the duties of their office proceed to the o rd e r o f th e day? T h e re follows the rep o rt of th e Danish attack at Sundewitt, taken from th e Schlesxvig-Holsieiner Zeitung.
Rendsburg, May 29. Yesterday (Sunday, the 28th) was assigned to the relief of confederate troops on outpost duty outside Alsen. This information must have

cached the Danes, who are generally well served by their spies in that region. (Considerably reinforced by troops that in the last few days had once more been b r o u g h t over from Fiinen to Alsen, they carried out a landing on this side of the river f[,e full significance o f which the Germans do not seem to have grasped, since their itioiition was taken up with the coming on and o ff guard o f their own troops. Soon Jt e r the stationing of the new pickets the Germans suddenly found themselves under heavv attack beneath the Diippel' Heights from a greatly superior force of Danish infantry and artillery, while at the same time the appearance o f a number of ships and tjunboats west of Erkensund (near Alnver and Treppe) gave the impression that a landing was also to be carried out there. Clearly this was an attempt by the Danes to split the German forces, but they achieved only a slight measure o f success. On the Oiippel Heights a fierce battle ensued in which both sides suffered heavy casualties, some of them fatal, as a result of cannon-fire (it is not yet possible to give figures). The Danes fought famously. T heir numbers are put at 8,000 men, who took up battle-stations under cover of the deck-guns and flanked by cannon on land, while our men can scarcely have numbered 7,000. It was several hours before the battle was decided, when at last, around 7 o'clock in the evening, the German troops were forced [< > begin the retreat via Gravenstein northwards to Quars, while the Danes got to within an hours march of Gravenstein, where our rearguard had stopped. Written by Engels on June 2, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheiniscke Zeitung No. .S, June 3, 1848 Printed according to the newspapei Published in English for the first time

T h e Danish name is Sundeved. Ed. The Danish name is Als. Ed.

^ The Danish name is Fyn. Ed. The Danish name is Dybb^l. Ed.

36

Questions o f Life and Death

37

Q U E S T IO N S O F L IF E AN D D E A T H

Cologne, Ju n e 3. T h e times are changing and we a re changing with them . T h a t is a short saying with which o u r Ministers Camphausen and Hansemann are also well acquainted. O h, what they had to put up with from g ov ern m en t officials and marshals^ when they were still m odest deputies sitting on th e school bench o f a provincial diet! And how they w ere kept on a leash like fifth form ers in the Rhenish Provincial Diet by His Most S erene H ighness, form -m aster SolmsLich! A lthough they were perm itted to indulge in a few exercises in elocution after they had been p rom oted to th e sixth form , to the United Diet,^ how they were even then disciplined by their schoolm aster, H e rr A dolf von Rochow , with th e can e p resented to him fro m on high! How meekly they had to take th e im pertinences of a Bodelschw ingh, how attentively they had to adm ire th e broken G erm an of a Boyen , and how limited an understanding o f a loyal subject they w ere obliged to display in face of the cru d e ignorance of a D uesberg! T hings have ch an ged mow. T h e 18th of M arch has put an end to all thev pedantic political schooling and the pupils of th e Provincial Diet have an nounced th eir grad uation . H e rr C am phausen and H e rr H ansem ann have becom e Ministers and are delighted to feel their g reat im p ortan ce as indispensable persons . Everybody that has com e in con tact with them has been m ade to feel just how indispensable they consider them selves to be and how audacious they have becom e since th eir release from school. T h ey immediately began to re-establish provisionally their old schoolroom , the U nited Diet. It was h ere that the gran d act of transition from b u reaucratic g ram m ar school to constitutional

university was to take place, th e solem n presentation, with all due formality, to th e Prussian people of th eir certificate o f m aturity. T h e people d eclared in n u m erous m em o ran d a and petitions that they did not want to have anything to do with th e U nited Diet. H e rr C am phausen replied (e.g. d u rin g the session of the Constituent Assembly on May 30) th at th e convocation of th e Diet was of vital importance to th e Ministry and th at was that. T h e Diet m et, a d ejected, con trite assembly which despaired of the world, of G od and of itself. T h e Diet had been given to understand that it was m erely to adopt the new electoral law; but H e rr C am phausen dem anded of it not only a p ap er law and indirect elections, but also twenty-five million in cash. T h e cu riae becom e confused, they begin to doubt th eir com p eten ce and stam m er disjointed objections. T h e re is nothing they can d o, how ever, since after deliberation H e rr C am phausen has m ade up his m ind, and if the m oney is not gran ted an d th e vote of co n fid en ce is withheld H err C am phausen will d ep art fo r C ologne and abandon the Prussian m on arch y to its fate. T h e thou gh t of such a possibility brings cold sweat to th e foreheads of th e gentlem en of th e Diet, all resistance ceases and th e vote of con fiden ce is passed with a bitter-sweet smile. T h ese twenty-five million cu rren cy in the airy realm o f dreanis'^ clearly show w here and how they w ere enacted. T h e indirect elections are proclaim ed. A wave of speeches, petitions and deputations rises against them . T h e ministerial gentlem en reply: th e Ministry stands o r falls with th e indirect elections. A fte r that everything becom es calm o n ce m o re and both parties can go to sleep. T h e A g reem en t Assembly'^ m eets. H e rr C am phausen is resolved that an address should be m ade in reply to his speech from the throne. D eputy D uncker is to m ake th e proposal. A discussion begins during which a p retty lively opposition to th e address em erges. H e rr H a n se m a n n is b ored by th e everlasting, confused cross-talk of the clum sy assembly; it becom es unendurable to his sense of parliam en tary tact and h e declares curtly that they could be spared all this: either an address is forth com in g and in that case all is well, o r no address is m ade and th e Ministry resigns. N evertheless, th e debate goes on and finally H e rr C am phausen him self steps up to the rostrum to con firm that th e question of th e address is of vital im portance to th e M inistry. Finally, when this also has no effect,
^ See this volume, pp. 30-32. Ed. ^ Heinrich Heine, Deutschland. E in Wintermdrchen, Caput V H . Ed. 'e. the Prussian National Assembly convened on May 22, 1848. Ed.

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Articles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

39

H e rr Auerswald also rises and asserts for th e third time that the Ministry stands o r falls with the address. T h e assembly was now sufficiently convinced and, of cou rse, voted fo r th e address. T h u s, o u r responsible Ministers have, within two m onths, already acquired that experience and self-possession necessary for th e con d u ct of an assembly which M. Duchatel, who certainly is not to be belittled, gained only after several years o f intim ate dealing with the last but on e French C ham ber of Deputies. F o r som e time past M. D uchatel, too, when th e Left bored him with its lengthy tirades, used to d eclare: the C ham ber is free to vote fo r o r against, but we shall resign if it votes against. T h ereu p o n , th e tim orous m ajority, fo r which M. Duchatel was the "m ost indispensable man in the world, flocked around its threatened rin glead er like a flock of sheep in a th u n d ersto rm . M. Duchatel was a frivolous F ren ch m an and played this gam e until it became too m uch fo r his fellow cou ntrym en . H e rr Cam phausen is a stalwart and com posed G erm an and h e will know how far he can go. O f cou rse, o ne can save both tim e and argum ents by this m ethod if one is as sure o f o nes supporters as H err C am phausen is of the a g reers . T h e opposition is pretty effectively silenced if every issue is m ade a question of'confidence. T h at is why this m ethod is m ost suitable fo r d eterm in ed men like Duchatel and H ansem ann who know once and for all what they want and who find all fu rth er useless palaver unbearable. This little earthly exp ed ien t, how ever, as o u r P rim e M inister will find out by experience, is not at all suitable fo r m en with debating skills who love to exp ou n d and exch an ge th eir views about the past, the present, and th e fu ture as well, in great debates (Cam phausen, session of May 3 1 ), fo r m en who stand th eir g rou n d on principles and grasp the m eaning of cu rre n t events with the acu m en of philosophers, fo r elevated minds such as Guizot and C am phausen. H e should let his D uchatel-Hansem ann handle such m atters and keep to the m ore elevated sphere w here we take such a delight in observing him.
Written on Ju n e 3, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 4, June 4, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

T H E CAM PH A USEN G O V ERN M EN T

Cologne, Ju n e 3. It is well known that th e F ren ch National Assembly of 1 7 8 9 was p reced ed by an assembly of notables which was com posed of th e estates like th e Prussian U nited Diet. In the decree by .which he convoked th e National Assembly, Minister Necker referred to th e exp ressed desire of th e notables to call together the Estates-G eneral. T h u s, M inister N eck er held a signifi cant advantage over M inister C am phausen. H e did not have to wait for the storm ing of th e Bastille o r th e overthrow of th e absolute monarchy in o rd e r afterw ards to link th e old and new in a doctrinaire fashion so that he could laboriously maintain th e illusion that France had achieved th e new Constituent Assembly by the legal machinery of th e old constitution. H e possessed still o th er advantages. H e was M inister o f F ra n ce and not M inister o f L orrain e and Alsace, w hereas H e rr C am phausen is not M inister o f G erm any l^ut Minister o f Prussia. A nd in spite of all these advantages M inister Necker did not succeed in tran sform in g a revolutionary m ovem ent into a tranquil refo rm . T h e serious malady could not be cu red by attar o f roses.* H e rr C am phausen will succeed even less in changing the ch aracter of the m ovem ent by an artificial theory that draws a straight line o f succession between his Ministry and th e old conditions which prevailed in the Prussian m onarchy. N o device can transform th e M arch revolution and th e G erm an revolutionary n^ovement as a whole into incidents o f m o re o r less consequence. W as Louis Philippe elected King of the F ren ch because he was a B ou rb on ?

Heinrich phrased).

Heine,

Deutschland.

E in

Wintermdrck^n,

Capuf

XXVI

(para

40

Articles from th e Neue Rheiniscke Zeitung

41

Was h e chosen although he was a B ou rb on ? O n e may rem em b er that this question divided the parties shortly a fte r th e July revolution. And what did th e question prove? It proved that th e revolution itself was called in question and that the interests of th e new ruling class and its political representatives w ere not the interests of the revolution. T h e sam e significance must be ascribed to th e statem ent of H e rr C am phausen that his G overnm ent had been b rough t into th e world not by th e M arch revolution but after the M arch revolution.
Written by Marx on June 3, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 4, June 4, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

T H E Q U E S T IO N O F U N IO N

T h ro u gh o u t the whole of N orth Italy various plots and schemes are being hatched, on th e o ne han d to unite th e sm aller states with Sardinia and on the o th e r to prevent that union. T h ese intrigues are very simitar to those for hegem ony in G erm any. C harles Albert is seeking to establish an Italian Prussia on th e broadest possible basis , from N ice to T rieste. T h e affair is of absolutely no national im portance; on both sides it is a question of local interests and the gratification of provincial vanities, such as can only be rem oved through the creation of a united and indivisible Italy. Until th en , the decisive factor will continue to be the needs of the m om ent, and these are for union, since this would bring about, at least in some measure, a certain concentration of forces fo r th e struggle against Austria.
Written by Engels on June 2, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 4, June 4, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

42

T h e W ar Comedy

43

T H E W A R C O M ED Y

Schleswig-Holstein. Indeed, the annals of all history know of no such cam paign, no such striking alternation between the fo rce of arm s and diplom acy as o u r cu rren t unitedly-G erm an-national war against little D enm ark! All the g reat deeds o f th e old im perial arm y with its six hundred com m anders, general staffs and military councils, the m utual chicaneries of the leaders o f th e 1 7 9 2 coalition, th e o rd ers an d coun ter-ord ers of the blessed Royal and Im perial W ar Council, are serious and touchingly tragic events co m p ared to the warlike com edy which the new G erm an federal army^^ is p erform ing in Schleswig-Holstein to th e resou n d in g laugh ter o f all E u rop e. L et us briefly trace the plot of this com edy. T h e Danes advance from Jutlan d and land troop s in N orth Schleswig. T h e Prussians and H anoverians occupy R endsburg and th e E id er line. T h e Danes, who, in spite o f all the G erm an bragging, are an alert and brave people, quickly attack and in a s in g le battle drive th e arm y of Schleswig-Holstein back tow ards the Prussians. T h e latter calmly look on. A t last, Berlin gives the o rd er to advance. T h e united G erm an troops attack th e Danes and at Schleswig overwhelm them by their num erical superiority. T h e victory was b rough t about prim arily by the Pom eran ian guardsm en who handled th eir rifle-butts as skilfully as they had done previously at G rossbeeren and Dennewitz.*"* Schleswig is conquered once m ore and G erm any is jubilant at the h eroic deed of h er arm y. In the m eantim e, the Danish fleet which num bers less than twenty ships of any size, seizes the G erm an m erch ant vessels, blockades all

G erm an ports, and covers th e crossings to the islands to which the arm y withdraws. Ju tlan d is abandoned and partially o ccu p ie d by Prussian troop s who dem an d an indem nity of 2 million speciestaler. B efore a single taler of th e indem nity has been received, how ever, E n g la n d sends proposals fo r m ediation on the basis of a withdrawal and the neutrality of Schleswig, and Russia sends th reaten in g N otes. H err C am phausen falls right into this tra p and, on his o rd ers, the P r u s s ia n s , drunk with victory, withdraw from Veile to Konigsau, to H adersleben, A penrade* and Flensburg. T h e D anes, who till then had vanished, re a p p e a r at once. T h e y pursue the Prussians day and night, throw th eir withdrawal into confusion, m ake landings everywhere, d efeat the troop s of the 10th Federal C orps at Sundew itt and re tre a t only before su p erior num bers. In the enga gem ent of May 3 0 , rifle-butts, swung this tim e by the solid arm s of M ecklenburgers, again proved decisive. T h e G erm an inhab itants flee with the Prussians, all N orth Schleswig is aban doned to devastation and p lu n d er, and the Danebrog^ flies once m ore over.H ad ersleb en and A p en rad e. It is obvious th at Prussian soldiers of all ranks obey o rd ers in Schleswig just as they do in Berlin. Suddenly there com es an o rd e r from Berlin: th e Prussians are to advance again. Now they m errily advance northw ard once m o re, but the com edy still has long to ru n . W e want to wait and see w here th e Prussians will this tim e receive o rd ers to retreat. In short, it is a genuine quadrille, a military ballet which the Cam phausen Ministry is having p erfo rm ed fo r its own am usem ent and for th e glory of th e G erm an nation. W e must not forget, how ever, that it is th e burn in g villages of Schleswig which supply the illumination for th e stage and that it is the cries fo r vengeance from Danish m arau d ers and partisans which provide th e ch o ru s fo r this p erform an ce. T h e C am phausen Ministry has on this occasion dem onstrated its Jigh calling to rep resen t G erm any abroad. Schleswig, twice ab an doned to Danish invasions th ro u g h the fault of this M inistry, will gratefully rem em b er th e first diplom atic exp erim en t of o u r resp on sible Ministers.

I T he Danish names are Kongeaa, Haderslev, Aabenraa. Ed. See this volume, pp. 34-35. Ed. Danish flag. Ed.

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A rticles from the Neue Rkeiniscke Zeitung

45

Let us have confidence in the wisdom and energy of the^ C am phausen Ministry!
Written by Engels on June 4, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 5, June 5, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper* Published in English for the firsts time

T H E R E A C T IO N

Cologne, Ju n e 5. T h e dead ride fast. H e rr C am phausen disavows the revolution and the reactiofi d ares to suggest to the A greem en t Assembly that th e revolution should be stigmatised as a riot. On Ju n e 3, a deputy^ moved that a m on um ent be erected fo r th e soldiers who died on M arch 18.
Written on June 5, 1848 First published -in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 6, June 6, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

Gottfried Burger, Lenore. Ed. Karl Richter. Ed.

Comite de surete generale in B erlin

47

C O M IT E D E S U R E T E G E N E R A L E IN BERLIN^^

Cologne, Ju n e 5. Now Berlin, too, has its Comite de surete generale just as Paris had in th e y ear 1 7 9 3 . T h e re is, however, one d ifferen ce: the Paris com m ittee was revolutionary, whereas th e o ne in Berlin is reactionary. F o r accord in g to an announcem ent which ap p eared in Berlin, th e authorities entrusted with the m aintenance of o rd e r have found it necessary to join in a com bined e ffo rt . T h e y have th erefo re appointed a C om m ittee o f Public Safety which has taken up residence in Oberwallstrasse. T h is new adm inistrative body is com posed as follows: 1. President: Puttkam er, d irector in the Mi nistry of the In terio r; 2. C om m and an t Aschoff, the fo rm er co m m an d er-in-chief o f the civic militia; 3. C hief of Police M inutoli; 4. Public P ro secu tor T em m e; 5. B u rg o m aster Naunyn and two councillors; 6 . T h e chairm an o f the City Council and th ree city councillors; 7. Five officers and two soldiers of the civic militia. T h e com m ittee will
take notice of all events which disturb or threaten to disturb public order and it promises to subject the facts to a profound and thorough investigation. While circumventing old and inadequate means and methods, and avoiding unnecessary correspondence, the committee will agree upon suitable steps and initiate the rapid and energetic implementation of the necessary orders by the various organs o f the administration. Only such joint co-operation can bring speed and safety, combined with the requisite circumspection, into the conduct of business which is often very difficult in the present circumstances. In particular, however, the civic militia, which has assumed the protection of the city, will be enabled, when required, to lend appropriate weight to the deciuons made iDith its advice by the authorities. With full confidence in. the participation and collaboration of al! inhabitants, particularly the honourable (!) estate of artisans and (1) workers, the deputies, free o f all party views and aims, begin their laborious task and hope that they may be able to fulfil it, preferably by the peaceful method of mediation, so that the well-being of all may be assured.

T h e very unctuous^ ingratiating, humbly pleading language used leads o ne to suspect that what is being form ed h ere is a cen tre for reactionary activities against the revolutionary people of B erlin . T h e com position of this com m ittee changes this suspicion to certainty. T h e re is first of all H e rr Pu ttk am er, who as C hief o f Police becam e well known fo r his expulsions. As u n d e r th e b u reau cratic m onarchy, no high authority w ithout at least one Puttkam er. T h en th ere is H e rr Aschoff, who, because he is as ru d e as a drill-sergeant and on account of his reaction ary intrigues, cam e to be so hated by th e civic militia that it decided to rem ove him . H e has now indeed resigned. T h en we com e to H e rr Minutoli, who in 1 8 4 6 saved th e fath erlan d in Posen by discovering the Polish conspiracy* and who recently threatened to exp el th e com positors when they were striking because o f wages disagreements.^^ T h e n th ere are th e representatives o f two bodies that have becom e extrem ely reaction ary: th e M unicipal G overnm ent and th e City Council, and, finally, am on g th e civic militia officers th e arch-reaction ary M ajor Blesson. W e hope that the people of Berlin will by no m eans let them selves be held in tutelage by this arbitrarily constituted com m ittee of reaction. T h e com m ittee, by the way, has already started its reactionary activity by asking that th e pop u lar procession, announced for yesterday (Sunday),*^ to the grave of those killed in M arch should b e called o ff since this would be a dem onstration and dem onstrations in general are held to be an evil.
Written on June 5, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 6, Ju n e 6, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

T he Polish name is Poznan. Ed. June 4, 1848. Erf.

48

Program m es o f th e R adical-D em ocratic Party 8e o f th e L eft at F ra n k fu rt

49

falling within its jurisdiction, and direct the home and foreign policies o f the federal state .

T H E PR O G R A M M ES O F T H E R A D IC A L -D E M O C R A T IC P A R T Y AN D O F T H E L E F T A T F R A N K F U R T

Cologne, Ju n e 6 . Y esterday we acquainted o u r read ers with the "reaso n ed m anifesto o f th e rad ical-d em ocratic p arty in the C onstituent N ational Assembly at F ran k fu rt am M ain . T o d a y they will find the m anifesto of the L e ft u n d er th e head in g F ran k fu rt. A t first sight the two m anifestos ap p ear to be alm ost identical e x ce p t in fo rm , as th e rad ical-d em ocratic party has a clumsy ed itor an d the L e ft a skilful one. O n closer scrutiny, how ever, several substantially d ifferen t points stand out. T h e m anifesto of the radicals dem ands a N ational Assembly to be set u p without any property qualification and by direct election^*, that o f th e L eft wants it to be convened by 'free universal elections . Free universal elections exclu d e property qualifica tions, but by no m eans exclu d e th e indirect m ethod o f election. In any case why use this vague and am biguous term ? W e en co u n ter once m ore this g re a te r latitude and flexibility in the dem ands of the L eft co m p ared with the dem ands o f the radical party. T h e L eft wants
an executive Central Authority elected by the National Assembly for a definite period and responsible to it.

It does not say w heth er this C en tral A uthority has to be elected from the ranks of the National Assembly, as th e m anifesto of the radicals expressly states. Finally the m anifesto o f th e L eft calls fo r th e im m ediate definition, proclam ation and m aintenance o f th e basic rights o f th e G erm an people against all possible en croach m en ts by individu^ govern m ents. T h e m anifesto of the radicals is not co n ten t with this. It declares that
al! political power of the federal state is now concentrated in the Assembly which must immediately bring into operation the various forces and political institutions

Both m anifestos ag ree that the d raftin g of th e G erm an Constitution should be left solely to th e N ational Assembly and the governm ents d eb arred from taking p art in it. B oth ag ree that without p rejud ice to the p eoples rights to be proclaim ed by the N ational Assem bly it should be left to the individual states to choose their fo rm of govern m en t, w hether that o f a constitu tional m on arch y o r a republic. B oth finally ag ree that G erm any should be tran sform ed into a con fed eration o r a federative state. T h e m anifesto o f th e radicals at least expresses th e revolutionary nature o f the N ational Assembly. It dem ands ap p rop riate revolu tionary action. Does n ot th e m ere existen ce o f a National Assembly prove that there is no longer any C onstitution? B u t if th ere is no C onstitution, then th ere is no G overnm ent eith er. A n d if th ere is no lon ger any G overnm ent, the N ational Assembly m ust govern. Its first m ove should have been a d ecree o f seven w ords; " T h e Federal Diet^^ is dissolved fo r ever. A C onstituent National Assembly m ust above all be an active, revolutionarily active assembly. T h e Assembly at F ran k fu rt is engaged in parliam entary school exercises and leaves it to the governm ents to act. Assum ing that this learned gath erin g succeeds, after m ature consideration, in fram ing th e best of agendas and the best of constitutions, of what use is th e best agenda and the best Constitution if th e governm ents m eanwhile have placed bayonets on the agendap A p art from th e fact that it was th e outcom e o f indirect elections, the G erm an National Assembly suffers from a specifically G erm an malady. It sits at Fran k fu rt am M ain, and Fran k fu rt am Main is merely an ideal cen tre, which corresp on d ed to th e h ith erto ideal, that is m erely im aginary, G erm an unity. F ran k fu rt am Main m oreover is not a big city with a large revolutionary population backing the National Assembly, partly defending it, partly spurring It on. It is th e first time in world history that th e C onstituent Assemb ly of a big nation holds its sessions in a small town. This is the result < ^ f G erm anys previous history. W hile the F ren ch and English natio nal assemblies m et on volcanic g ro u n d Paris and L o n d o n the G erm an National Assembly considered itself lucky to find neutral ground, w here in the m ost com fortable peace of mind it could ponder over th e best Constitution and th e best agenda. Y et the present state o f affairs in G erm any offered the Assembly an opportunity to overcom e th e drawbacks of its u n fortu n ate physical

50

Articles from th e N e w Rheinische Zeilung

Programmes o f the Radical-Democratic Party & of the Left at Frankfurt

51

situation. It only needed everyw here to co u n ter dictatorially the reaction ary en croach m en ts by obsolete governm ents in o rd e r to win over public opinion, a pow er against which all bayonets and riflebutts would be ineffective. Instead Mainz, alm ost within sight of the Assembly, is abandoned to the arbitrary actions of th e arm y, and G erm an citizens from o th er parts o f th e co u n try are exp osed to the chicanery of the philistines in Frankfurt.* T h e Assembly bores the G erm an people instead of inspiring it o r being inspired by it. A lthough there is a public which fo r th e tim e being still looks with good-natured h u m ou r up on th e antics p erfo rm ed by th e spectre of the resu rrected Diet of th e Hoiy R om an Empire,^* th ere is no peopU that can find its own life reflected in th e life o f the Assembly. F a r from being the cen tral o rgan of the revolutionary m ovem ent, the Assembly, u p till now, was not even its echo. If the N ational Assembly form s a C en tral A uthority fro m its own midst, little satisfaction can be exp ected fro m such a Provisional G overn m en t, in view o f the Assemblys presen t composition and the fact that it let the favourable m o m en t slip by. If it form s no C entral A uthority, it puts its seal to its own abdication an d will be scattered to the winds at the first stir of a revolutionary cu rren t. It is to th e cred it of both the p ro g ram m e o f th e Left and that of th e radical g ro u p that they have grasped this necessity. B oth exclaim with H eine;
For when I consider the matter with care, We dont need an Em peror really. '

Because it is so difficult to decide who shall be e m p e ro r , and because th ere are as m any good reasons fo r an elected em p ero r as th ere are fo r an h ered itary em p ero r, even th e conservative m ajority of th e Assembly will be com pelled to cu t the Gordian knot by electing no emperor at alL It is incom prehensible how the so-called radical-dem ocratic party can advocate, as th e ultim ate constitutional stru ctu re o f G erm any, a federation of constitutional m onarchies, small principalities and tiny republics, i.e. a federal state consisting of such h eterogeneous elem ents, headed by a republican G overnm ent for this is what the central body ag reed to by th e L eft really am ounts to. First of all the G erm an C en tral G overnm ent elected by th e Natio nal Assembly m ust undoubtedly be set up alongside the governm ents
See this volume, pp. 16-19. Ed. Heinrich Heine, Deutschland. E in Wintermdrchen, Caput X V I. Ed.

which still actually exist. B u t its struggle against the separate governm ents begins as soon as it com es into existen ce, and in the course of this struggle eith er the C entral G overnm ent and the unity of G erm any are w recked, o r the sep arate govern m en ts with their constitutional princes o r petty republics are destroyed. W e d o n ot m ake th e utopian dem an d that at the outset a united indivisible German republic should be proclaim ed, but we ask the so-called rad ical-d em ocratic p arty not to confuse the starting point of the struggle and o f the revolutionary m ovem ent with the goal. Both G erm an unity and the G erm an Constitution can result only from a m ovem ent in which th e internal conflicts an d th e w ar with the East will play an equally decisive role. T h e final act of constitution cannot be decreed, it coincides with the m ovem ent we have to go th rou g h . It is th e re fo re not a question of putting into p ractice this o r that view, this o r that political idea, but of u n d erstan din g the course of developm ent. T h e N ational Assembly has to take only such steps .IS are practicable in th e first instance. N othing can be m ore confused than the notion advanced by the editor of th e d em ocratic manifesto fo r all his assurances that everybody is glad to get rid of his co n fu sion " that the federal state of North America should serve as a model for th e G erm an Constitution. Leaving alone th e fact that all its constituent parts have a similar structure, th e U nited States of A m erica covers an area equal to that of civilised E u rop e.-O n ly a European federation would be analogous to it. B u t in o rd e r to fed erate with o th er states G erm any must first of all becom e one state. T h e conflict betw een centralisation and federalism in G erm any is a conflict between m odern cu lture and feudalism. G erm any fell into a kind o f bourgeoisified feudalism at ihe very m om ent th e g reat m onarchies arose in the W est; she was m oreover exclu d ed fro m th e world m ark et just when this m arket was opened u p to th e countries of W estern E u ro p e. G erm any becam e im poverished while th e W estern countries grew rich ; she becam e countrified while they becam e urbanised. Even if Russia did not knock at th e gates of G erm any, th e econom ic conditions alone would com pel the latter to introd uce rigorous centralisation. Even from a purely bourgeois point of view, the solid unity o f G erm any is a prim ary condition for h er deliverance from h e r p resen t w retched ness and fo r th e building u p o f h e r national wealth. A nd how could m odern social problem s be solved in a territo ry that is split into 39 small states? Incidentally, th e editor of th e d em ocratic p ro gram m e does not bother about such a m in or question as m aterial econom ic conditions.

53 52 A rticles from th e Neue Rheinische Zeilung

H e relies on the co n cep t of federation in his reasoning. Federation is an alliance of free and equal partners. H ence G erm any m ust be a federal state. B u t cann ot the G erm ans unite in one g reat state w ithout offence to the con cep t of an alliance o f free an d equal p artners?
Written on June 6 , 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 7, June 7, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

T H E A G R E E M E N T D E B A T E S IN B E R L IN

Cologne, Ju n e 6 . T h e negotiations for an agreement e tc. are making most satisfactory progress in Berlin. M otions follow m otions and most of them a re even submitted five o r six times to m ake quite sure that they are not lost on th eir long way th rou g h th e sections and com m ittees. A t every opportunity the greatest nu m b er of prelim i nary questions, secondary questions, interpolated questions, sup plem entary questions, and m ain questions is raised. W h en ever one of these g re a t o r small questions is taken up, an inform al conversation ensues between the delegates on th e floor and th e President, th e Ministers etc., thus creatin g a welcom e pause between the dem an d in g ^ e a t debates . Especially those anonym ous ag reers w hom the sten og rap h er is in the habit of designating as votes , love to exp ress th eir opinions d u rin g such genial discus sions. T h e s e -votes , by the way, are so p ro u d o f th eir righ t to vote that som etim es they vote both yes and no" as happened on Ju n e 2. Alongside this idyl!, how ever, th ere arises with all th e g ra n d e u r of tragedy th e battle of th e g reat debate, a battle which is not only conducted verbally from th e rostru m but is joined by the ch o ru s of the ag reers with d ru m m in g, m u rm u rin g, and confused shouting. E ach tim e th e d ram a ends, of cou rse, with a victory for th e virtuous Right and is almost always decided by the conservative arm y calling for a vote. D uring the session of Ju n e 2 H e rr Ju n g questioned th e Foreign Minister about th e extrad ition treaty with Russia.^'** It is known that already in 1 8 4 2 , public opinion forced th e abrogation of the extradition treaty, which was, how ever, renew ed d u rin g the reaction of 1 8 4 4 . It is known that the Russian G overnm ent o rd ers extrad ited persons to be knouted to death o r to be exiled to Siberia. It is known

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A rticles fro m th e Neue Rheinische Zeilung

T h e A greem ent Debates in Berlin

55

that the ag reed extrad ition of com m on criminals and vagabonds offers th e desired p retext fo r the delivery of political refugees into the hands of th e Russians. Foreign M inister A m im rep lied :
Surely, no one will object to the extradition of deserters, since it is an accepted practice between friendly states mutually to extradite such people.

W e take notice that accord in g to o u r M inister Russia and G erm any are friendly states . T h e massive arm ies which Russia is co n cen trat ing along the B u g and N iem en rivers have n o o th e r intention, to be sure, than to liberate friendly G erm any as soon as possible from the te rro r of th e revolution.
T h e decision to extradite criminals, by the way, rests in the hands of the courts so that there is every guarantee that the accused will not be extradited before the conclusion of the criminal investigation.

H e rr A rnim tries to m ake th e Assembly believe that Prussian co u rts investigate th e evidence which has been gath ered against the accused. T h e opposite is tru e. Russian o r Russian-Polish judicial authorities send a decision to the Prussian judicial authorities, indicting the fugitive. T h e Prussian co u rt is obliged to check m erely th e authenticity of this d ocu m en t and if it proves to be genuine, the extradition has to take place. T h u s, th ere is every g u a ra n te e that the Russian G overnm ent has only to beckon to its judges in o rd e r to get hold o f every fugitive with th e aid o f Prussian chains as long as the fugitive has not yet been indicted fo r political offences.
It goes without saying that our own subjects will not be extradited.

O u r own subjects, feudal B a ro n von A rn im , can n ot be extrad ited u n d er any circum stances because th e re are n o longer subjects in G erm any since the people took th e liberty of em ancipating them selves on th e barricades. O u r own subjects ! A re we, who elect assemblies and prescribe sovereign laws to kings and em p ero rs, subjects of His M ajesty the King of Prussia? O u r own subjects ! If th e Assembly had even a spark of the revolutionary pride to which it owes its existence, it would have d rum m ed th e servile M inister o ff the rostru m and the ministerial bench in a single outburst of indignation. Instead it calmly allowed th e stigmatising expression to g o unchallenged. N ot the slightest protest was h eard . H e rr Rehfeld questioned H e rr H ansem ann about the Seehandlun g^ renew ed buying u p of wool and about th e advantages enjoy ed by British buyers o v er G erm an buyers as a result o f the discount

offered to the British. T h e wool industry, depressed by the general crisis, exp ected to gain a t least som e small benefit by purch asin g at this y e a rs very low wool prices. A lon g com es th e Seehandlung and drives u p the price o f wool by its en orm ou s purchases in bulk. A t the same time it offers to facilitate considerably the purchases of British buyers by discounting bills of exch an ge draw n on L on d on a i i i e a s u r e which is also quite ap t to raise th e price of wool by attracting aew buyers and which gives significant advantages to foreign over dom estic purchasers. T h e Seehandlung is a legacy of absolute m on arch y which used it for all sorts of purposes. F o r twenty years it has caused the 1 8 2 0 Law on G overnm ent Debts'** to rem ain an illusion and it has m eddled in trade and industry in a m ost disagreeable fashion. T h e question asked by H e rr Rehfeld is basically of little interest to dem ocracy. It co n cern s a p rofit o f several thousand talers m o re or less fo r eith er wool p rod u cers o r wool m an u factu rers. T h e wool p rod u cers are alm ost exclusively large landed p ro prietors, i.e. feudal lords fro m B ran d en b u rg , Prussia, Silesia and Posen. T h e wool m an u factu rers are fo r th e m ost part big capitalists, i.e. gentlem en of th e big bourgeoisie. H ence, th e price of wool is a m atter not of general interest but of class interests. T h e question is w hether th e big landed aristocracy will profit to the exclusion of th e big bourgeoisie o r w hether it will be the ()ther way around. H e rr H ansem ann w ho has been sent to Berlin as th e rep resen ta tive of th e big bourgeoisie, th e party now in pow er, betrays it to the landed aristocracy, the con q u ered party. T h e only interest which this entire m atter holds for us d em ocrats iies in th e fact that H e rr H ansem an n has taken u p th e cause of the conquered party, that he does not support the m erely conservative class but the reactionary class. W e adm it that we did not exp ect such behaviour from th e bourgeois H ansem ann. H e rr Hansemann assures us, to begin with, that he is no friend of the Seehandlung and then adds: N eith er th e purchasing business n or he mills of th e Seehandlung can be stopped suddenly. C on cern in g wool purchases, th ere are treaties by which the Seehandlung ... is com m itted to buy up a certain am ou nt of wool this year. I believe that if d u rin g any year such purchases are not harm fu l to private trad e, it is certainly th e case this year (?) ... because otherw ise the prices would d ro p too low. T h e en tire speech shows that H e rr H ansem ann is not com fortable vhile delivering it. H e had been induced to do a favour to the

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Articles from th e N e w Rkeinische Zeitung 57

A rnim s, Schaffgotsches and Itzenplitzes to th e d etrim en t of th e wooj m an u factu rers, and h e must now d efen d his rash step with th| argu m ents o f m od ern political econom y which is so unm erciful t<*l th e interests o f the aristocracy. H e knows b etter than anyone elsi that he is m aking a fool o f th e Assembly. N eith er th e purchasing business n o r th e mills o f th e Seehandluhg l can be stopped suddenly. T h u s, the Seehandlungbuys wool and le ts its mills w ork at full speed. If the mills o f th e Seehandlung can n o t b e < stopp ed suddenly then the sales obviously also can n o t be ended^ T h u s, th e Seehartdlung will p u t its woollen p ro d u cts on the m arket, glut the already overstocked m arket and d ep ress th e already sinking prices even m ore. In a w ord, it will m ake th e cu rre n t com m ercirf crisis even worse and take away the last few rem aining custom ers from th e wool m an u factu rers in o rd er to supply th e landed gentry of B ran d en b u rg etc. with money fo r their wool. C on cernin g th e English bills of exch an g e, H e rr H ansem ann delivers a brilliant tirade describing the en o rm o u s advantages which will a ccru e to the entire coun try when English guineas flow into th e pockets of th e landed gentry of B ran d en b u rg . W e will o f cou rse not discuss these rem ark s seriously. W h at we ca n n o t understan d is that H e rr H ansem an n was able to m aintain a straigh t face d u rin g his speech. T h e sam e session also debated a com m ittee w hich is to be form ed because of Posen. C on cern in g that, tom orrow .
Written by Engels on Ju n e 6 , 1848 First published in the Neue Rk^iniscke Zeitung 7, Ju n e 7, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

T H E A G R EEM EN T D EBA TES

Cologne, Ju n e 6 . A t th e B erlin agreement session o f th e 2n d , H e rr Reuter m oved th e appoin tm en t o f a com m ittee of inquiry into the causes of th e civil w ar in Posen. H e rr Parrisius dem ands an im m ediate debate on this m otion. T h e President gets ready to call fo r a vote w hen H e rr Camphamen recalls that th ere has as yet been no debate on H e rr Parrisius m otion:
May I remind you that the passage o f this (Reuter's) motion would mean the acceptance of an important political principle w hich is certainly entitled (sic/) to a test m the sections.

We are put in suspense about the im p ortan t principle contained in R eu ters m otion, a secret which H e rr C am phausen is not disclosing tor the tim e being. While we have to show patience in this respect, a com placent debate develops betw een the C hairm an (H e rr Esser, V ice-President) and several votes as to w hether o r not a debate is permissible on Parrisius m otion. H e rr E sser h e re debates with argu m en ts which sound strange in th e m outh of th e President of a soi-disant N ational Assembly: 7 twoi under the impression th at it is permissible to discuss any m atter that th e Assembly is called u p on to d ecid e. I was u n d er the im pression ! M an proposes and H e rr C am p hausen disposes by d raftin g standing o rd ers that nobody can understand and having them ad op ted provisionally by his Assembly. H e rr C am phausen was gracious this tim e. H e had to have the debate. Parrisius and R eu ters m otions m ight have been passed without debate, i.e. an indirect vote of n o confidence would have
Karl Milde. d.

T h e A greem ent Debates 58 A rticles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

59

been ren d ered against him . A n d, still w orse, what would hav* becom e of his im p ortan t political principle without a debate? H ence, a discussion takes place. H e rr Parrisiiis wants an im m ediate debate on the main m otion sc that no time is lost and the com m ittee may possibly re p o rt befoi, th e debate on the address. Otherw ise ju d gm en t would be m ade h the address w ithout any factual knowledge about Posen. H e rr Meusebach opposes this m ove although as yet rath er m ild ly.: B ut now H e rr Ritz rises im patiently to put an end to R eu lerd subversive m otion. H e is a royal Prussian Regierungsrat and will no tolerate that assemblies, even if they are assemblies for th e purpose, of ag reem en t, m eddle in his special field. H e knows o f but o n ^ authority entitled to do so: the Oberprdsidium. H e p refers the system, of successive appeals to everything else.
W hat," he exclaims, do you, gentlemen, intend to send a commission to ' Posen? Do you intend to <tim yourselves into administrative or judicial authorities?. Gentlemen, I cannot perceive from this motion what you are trying to accomplish. Aijpl you going to demand an inspection of the files of the commanding general (w h a j outrage!) or the judicial authorities (horrible) or perhaps even the administrativl! authorities? (In contemplating that possibility, the Regierungsrat is at his wits end.J - Do you want the investigation to be conducted by an improvised committee (which i perhaps has never taken an examination) dealing with all these matters which no6o<^l yet clearly understand^ (H err Ritz probably only appoints committees to investigate; matters which everybody clearly understands.) This important issue on which you' arrogate to yourselves rights which do not belong to you...." (Interruption.)

^emann had th e previous day similarly im provised a question of confidence and still a vote had been taken. H e rr Han^emann, who had probably thou gh t about his new financial plan d uring the entire unedifying debate, was rudely i^vakened from his golden dream s by the m ention of his nam e. H e tn idently had no idea what it was ail about but his nam e h ad been mentioned and h e h ad to speak. Only two points of con tact had rem ained in his m em o ry : th e speeches o f his su p erior, C am phausen, and H e rr Ritz. A fte r m outhing a few platitudes about the question of ihe address he com posed th e following rhetorical m asterpiece from these two speeches:
Precisely because we do not yet know all the tasks which the committee will hdvc to perform, whether it will dispatch some of its own members to the Grand Duchv whether it will have to take care of this or that matter, all this proves the great ,'mponance o f the question that is under discussion (1). T o decide this question here and now right away would mean to decide one o f the most important political qis(ion.s in an improvised fashion. I do not believe that the Assembly will want to tread this path and I am confident that it will be careful etc.

W hat is o ne to say to this Regierungsrat of sterling w orth, to this personification of red tape who has no guile! H e is like that provincial ch aracter in C h am s little carto o n who, upon arriving in Paris a fter th e Feb ru ary revolution, sees posters with the inscription ""Republique frangaist^' and runs to the Public Prosecu tor-G en eral to d en ou n ce these agitators against the royal G overnm ent. T h a t man had slept throu g h the en tire period. H e rr Ritz, too, has been asleep. T h e th u n d erin g words com m it tee o f inquiry fo r Posen roughly shake him awake and, still drowsy with sleep, the astonished m an exclaim s: D o you wish to arro g a te to yourselves rights which do not belong to y ou ? H e rr Duncker reg ard s a com m ittee of inquiry as superfluous since the com m ittee on the address m ust dem and rhe necessary clarifications from the M inistry . As if it w ere n ot precisely the job of the com m ittee to co m p are th e clarifications o f th e Ministry with the facts. H e rr Bloem spoke of the urgency of th e m otion. T h e question ought to be settled before th ere a re deliberations on th f address. T h e re had been talk about im provised com m ittees. H e rr H an-

W hat con tem pt H e rr H ansem ann m ust have for the entire Assembly to be able to fling such conclusions at this body! W e want to appoint a com m ittee which will p erhaps have to go to Posen and maybe not. Ju st because we do not know w hether it m ust rem ain in Berlin o r go to Posen, the question w hether a com m ittee ou g h t to be appointed at all is of great importance. A nd because it is of great im portance, it is on e of th e mo5t important political questions! W hich question, how ever, this m ost im p ortan t political question is, H err H ansem ann keeps to him self fo r th e time being, just as H e rr ('am phau'sen does not reveal his im p ortan t political principle. L e t us be patient once m ore! T h e effect of H ansem an n s logic is so crushing that everybody at once begins clam ou rin g fo r a term ination of the debate. Now the following* scene ensues: H e rr Ju n g dem ands th e righ t to speak against the closing of the debate. The President: It seem s to me inadmissible to perm it you to speak on this. H e rr Ju n g : It is custom ary everyw here to have th e righ t to speak against the closing of a debate. H e rr Tem m e reads out Article 42 of the provisional standing orders accordin g to which H e rr Ju n g is co rre ct and th e President incorrect. H e r r Ju n g is allowed to speak: I am against closing the debate because th e M inister was the last person to speak. T h e words of a

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Articles fro m th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung

T h e A greem ent Debates

61

M inister are of th e greatest im p ortan ce because they attract a g reat party to o ne side, because a g re a t party does not like to disavow a M inister.... A general, long-draw n-out aha! aha! arises. A terrific u p ro ar begins on th e Right. C om m issioner o f Justice Moritz exclaim s from th e floor: I m ove that Ju n g be called to o rd e r since he has offended the entire Assembly by resorting to personalities!(I) A n o th er voice from th e R ight shouts: I second th e m otion and I protest against.... T h e u p ro a r grows constantly. Ju n g does his best but finds it impossible to m ake him self h eard . H e calls u p on th e President to uphold his righ t to speak. President: Since the Assembly has decided, my duties are over.(ll) H e rr Ju n g : T h e Assembly has not decided. Y o u must first call fo r a form al vote. H e rr J u n g is forced to yield. T h e noise does n ot abate until h e has left the rostru m . President'. T h e last speaker seem^s (!) to have spoken against the term ination of th e debate. T h e question is w hether som eone else still wants to speak fo r closure. H e rr Reuter: T h e debate fo r and against closure has already taken up 15 m inutes o f o u r tim e. Should we not leave it on the table? T h ereu p o n the speaker again takes u p the urgency of setting up a com m ittee which com pels H e rr H ansem an n to rise once m o re and to explain at last his m ost im p ortan t political question . H e rr Hansemann: G entlem en! W e a re dealing with o ne of the^ greatest political questions, i.e. w hether the Assembly has the desire to venture u p on a path that may involve it in considerable conflicts] A t last! H e rr H ansem ann , as a consistent D uchatel, prom ptly declares once again that it is a question o f confidence. F o r him all questions have only one significance, namely w hether they are questions o f confidence, and a question o f con fiden ce is fo r him naturally th e greatest political question . T h is tim e H e rr Camphausen does not seem to be satisfied with this simple m ethod o f curtailm ent. H e takes th e floor.
It should be observed that the Assembly could already be inform ed (about Posen) if the deputy had chosen to ask the question" (but the deputies wanted to ascertain the facts for themselves). That would be the quickest method of obtaining clarification (but of what kind?).... I close with the explanation that the motion simply means that the Assembly ought to decide whether we should form committpes oi

irwuiry fo r one or another purpose. I agree entirely that the question must be thoroughly considered and examined, but I do not want it so suddenly here and now to become a topic for debate.

T h u s, th e im p ortan t political principle turns o u t to be the question w hether th e A g reem en t Assembly has the righ t to form com m ittees o f inquiry o r w hether it will refuse itself this right! T h e F ren ch C ham bers and English H ouses have all along form ed such com m ittees (select com m ittees) to con d u ct an inquiry {enquete, parliam entary inquiry)* and respectable Ministers have never raised objections to them . W ith out such com m ittees, ministerial responsibil ity is an em pty phrase. B u t H e rr C am phausen contests this righ t of the m em bers of th e A g reem en t Assembly! E n ou gh. Talk in g is easy but voting is difficult. T h e debate is closed and a vote is to be held. N um erous difficulties, doubts, sophistries and m oral scruples m ake th eir ap p earan ce. B u t we shall spare o u r readers th e details. A fter a g reat deal of speech-m aking, Parrisius motion is rejected and R en ters is sent to th e sections. May its ashes rest in peace.
Written by Engels on Ju n e 6 , 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 8, June 8, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first ^me

In the German original the terms select committees and parliamentary inquiry are given in English in brackets after the German. Ed.

62

The Question of the Address

63

T H E Q U E S T IO N O F T H E AD DRESS

Cologne, Ju n e 7. T h e Berlin Assembly thus has decided to send an address to the K ing to give the Government an opportunity to express its views and to vindicate its adm inistration up to now. It is not to be a vote o f thanks along th e lines of the old Diet, not even an attestation o f respect: His Majesty, accord in g to th e admission of His M ajestys responsible ones , only offers th e most suitable and best occasion to bring the principles o f th e m ajority into line with those o f th e G overnm ent. If in essence the p erson of th e King rep resents a m ere m edium of exch an ge we re fe r o n ce again to th e very words of th e Prim e M inister* a vou cher which m erely expedites th e business in hand, that person is by no m eans irrelevant to the fo rm o f th e negotiations. In the first place the representatives of th e p op u lar will are thereby put into d irect touch with the C row n, a fact fro m which, as already evident in the debate on the address, it is easy to infer the recognition of the ag reem en t theory, the renunciation of popular sovereignty. In the second place, how ever, o ne would hardly address a sovereign to whom on e is required to pay o n e s respect in the sam e m an n er as o ne would address the Ministers. G reater reserve of expression will prevail and hints will take th e place o f plain w ords, particularly since it is still u p to th e G overnm ent to decide w hether a slight cen su re is com patible with its continued existence. It may well be, how ever, that th e difficult questions which throw th e co n trad ic tions into th e boldest relief will be touched u p on only superficially or not at all. It will be easy to arouse fears o f a p rem atu re break with the
Ludolf Camphausen. Ed.

Crow n perhaps a cco m p a n ie d 'b y serious consequences, and this could be covered up by th e assertion that it was n ot desirable to prejud ge m atters awaiting m ore th orou gh discussion at a later date. T h u s, sincere respect either fo r th e p erson of th e m o n arch o r the m onarchical principle in general, apprehension about going too far, and fear o f anarchical tendencies o ffe r inestimable advantages to the Ministry d uring th e debate on th e address and H e rr C am phausen had good reason to call th e opportunity m ost suitable and best for winning a strong m ajority. T h e question is now w hether th e peoples representatives are inclined to e n te r into this obedient, d ep en den t relationship. T h e C onstituent Assembly has already greatly w eakened its position by failing on its own initiative to call th e Ministers to accou n t about their provisional govern m en t up to now; that should have been its first task, fo r it was ostensibly convoked at such an early d ate l ^ a u s e the o rd ers o f the G overnm ent w ere to be based upon the indirect will of the people. In d eed , it seem s now, after it has assem bled, that it is supposed to be th ere m erely fo r the purp ose o f agreein g with the C row n u p on ar C onstitution which, it is hop ed , will en d u re in the fu tu re . , B u t instead o f proclaim ing its tru e mission from the very start, by p roceed in g in this way, the Assembly has tolerated th e hum iliation of being com pelled by the Ministers to accept a statem ent of accounts. It is rem arkable that not a single o ne of its m em bers co u n tered the proposal for the form ation o f an address com m ittee with a dem and that th e Ministry ap p ear before th e C ham ber without a special occasion , solely for th e purpose of ren d erin g an accou n t of its activities u p to now. A n d yet this was th e only com pelling arg u m en t against an address, since on all o th e r cou n ts the Ministers were com pletely right to d em an d one.
Written on Ju n e 7, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheiniscke Zeitung'No. 8, Ju n e 8, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

64

A New Partition o f Poland

65

A N E W P A R T IT IO N O F POLAND^^

towns such as Ostrowo^ etc. to be joined to G erm any, serve as convenient p retexts fo r this m easure. T h e desire o f th e M inister o f W a r is perfectly natural. First one Steals th e city and fortress of Posen which lies ten miles deep inside Polish te rrito ry ; then on e finds th e new th eft of a three-m ile strip desirable so as not to b e disturbed in th e en joym en t of th e previously stolen territo ry . T h is fu rth e r acquisition of land leads again to all sorts of small adjustm ents, and so o ne has th e best occasion to propel the G erm an fro n tier fu rth e r and fu rth e r tow ards th e Russian-Polish b order. T h e desire to be in corp o rated expressed by G erm an towns may be explained as follows: all o ver Poland, G erm ans an d Jews form the main p art of th e artisans and m erch an ts; they are th e descendants of im m igrants w ho fled th eir hom eland fo r th e m ost part because of religious persecutions. Fou n d in g towns in th e m idst of Polish territo ry , they have shared fo r centuries all the vicissitudes of the Polish realm . T h e se G erm an s and Jew s, a very large m inority in the co u n try , are trying to m ake use o f th e co u n try s presen t situation to gain m astery. T h e y plead th eir German n atu re; they are n o m ore G erm an than th e G erm an A m ericans: A n n exing them to G erm any would entail th e suppression o f th e langu age and nationality of m ore than half of Posens Polish population and especially th at p a rt of the p rovin ce'in which th e national insurrection raged with th e greatest violence and intensity, i.e. th e districts of B u k , S am ter, Posen and Obornik. H e rr von Pfuel declares that he will reg ard th e new fron tier as finally settled as soon as th e Ministry ratifies it. H e m entions neither the A g reem en t Assembly n o r th e G erm an N ational Assembly after all have also a word to say when it com es to settling the b oundary of G erm an y. B u t n o m atter w hether th e M inistry, the A g reem en t Assembly, o r th e F ra n k fu rt A s^ m b ly ratify the decision of H e rr von Pfuel, th e d em arcation line will n o t be finally settled so long as two o th e r pow ers have n ot ratified it as well: th e G erm an nation and th e Polish nation.
Written by Engels on Ju n e 8, 1848 First published in the N ew Rheinische Zeitung No. 9, Ju n e 9, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

Cologne, Ju n e 8. T h e new d em arcation line o f H e rr von Pfuel in Posen is a new rap e o f Poland. It limits th e p art that is to be reo rgan ised to less than a third o f the en tire G ran d D uchy and joins th e far larg er p art of G reat Poland to th e G erm an C on fed erad on . T h e Polish langu age an d nationality are to be recognised only in a small strip along th e Russian b ord er. T h is strip consists o f th e W resch en and Pleschen* districts and p arts o f th e districts of M ogilno, W ongrow iec, G nesen, Schrod a, Schrim m , Kosten, F ra u stadt, K roben, K rotoschin, A debiau and Schildberg.^ T h e o th e r parts of these districts as well as th e en tire districts of B uk, Posen, O bom ik, ^ m t e r , B irnbaum , Meseritz, B om st, Czarnikow, Chodziesen, W irsitz, B ro m b erg , Schubin,*" and Inow roclaw are tran sform ed without m ore ad o into G erm an soil by th e d ecree of H e rr von Pfuel. A n d yet there is n o doubt that even within this territo ry of th e G erm an C on fed eration , th e m ajority o f th e inhabitants still speak Polish. T ^ e old d em arcation line at least gave th e Poles th e River W a rta as th eir fro n tier. T h e new o ne restricts that p art of Poland which is to be reorganised by an oth er q u arter. B oth th e desire o f th e M inister of War*^ to exclud e fro m reorgan isation a th ree to fo u r mile strip o f territo ry aro u n d th e fortress o f Posen and th e wish of various

* T he Polish names are Wrzesnia, Pleszew. Ed. Wqgrowiec, Gniezno, Sroda, Srem, Koscian, Wschowa, Krobia, Krotoszyn, Odolanow, Ostrzeszow. Ed. Poznari, Oborniki, SzamotuJy, Mifdzychod, Mi^dzyrzecz, Babimost, Czarnkow, C h ^ ziez, Wyrzysk, Bydgoszcz, Szubin. d August Kanitz. Ed.

T h e Polish name is Ostrow Wielkopolski. Ed.

66
T h e Shield o f th e Dynasty

67

T H E S H IE L D O F T H E D Y N A S T Y

C arthage w here he was received in a m ost friendly fashion by Q ueen Dido- how h e fared better th an A eneas the First since th e re was a C am phausen w ho did his utm ost to resto re T ro y and rediscovered the sacred legal basis , how C am phausen finally perm itted A eneas to re tu rn to his Penates and how joy once m ore reigns m th e halls of Troy.'" O ne has to read all this as well as countless poetic embellishments so as to feel what it m eans when an m spirer speaks to inspired ones. T his en tire epic, by the way, only serves H e rr C am phausen as a p retext fo r a dithyram b on him self and his own Ministry.
^ Yes he exclaims, we believed that we were acting in the spirit o f the Constitution when u-. took the place o f a high persohage when we ourselves posed as the personages against whom all attacks were to be directed...^ And so it happened. We placed ourselves as a shield before the dynasty and drew all dangers and attacks upon ourselves.

Cologne, Ju n e 9. H e rr C am phausen, accordin g to the rep o rts of G erm an new spapers, poured out his overflowing h eart to his ag reers on the 6th of this m on th . H e gave
not so much a brilliant speech as one that flowed from the innermost recesses o f his heart a speech which reminds one o f the passage in St. Paul which reads: T h o u g h I speak with the tongues o f men and o f angeis, and have not charity, I am become as Mundmg brass! His speech was full o f that holy emotion that we call love it spoke inspinngly to the inspired ones, the applause did not seem to come to an end ... and a p ro lo n g ^ intermission was necessary to surrender oneself to and absorb its total impact .

W hat a com plim ent fo r th e high p erson age and what a com plim ent fo r th e dynasty ! T h e dynasty would have been lost without H e rr C am phausen and his six paladins. A s what a mighty dynasty deeply ro oted in th e p eople m ust H e rr C am phausen reg ard th e H ouse of H ohenzollern, to speak in such a fashion! Verily if H e rr C am phausen had spoken less inspinngly to the insp irea ones , h ad h e been less fuU o f that holy em otion that we call love , o r h ad h e only let his H ansem an n speak who is con ten t with sounding brass it would have been b etter fo r th e dynasty!
C^ntlemen, I am not saying this, however, with challenging pride but rather with the humibty that arises from the conviction that the great task with which you and we are entrusted can only be solved if the spirit of gentleness and conciliatwn descends also upon this Assembly, if we can find besides your justice also your forbearance.
H e r r C am phausen is co rre c t in pleading fo r gentleness and forb earan ce from an Assembly which itself is in such need ot gentleness and forb earan ce from th e public!

A nd w ho was th e h ero o f this speech that was full of love and flowed from the innerm ost recesses of th e h eart? W h o was the subject that inspired H e rr C am phausen so m uch that h e spoke m spinngly to the inspired ones? W h o was th e A eneas of this Aeneid of Ju n e 6? W ho else but the Prince of Prussial O ne can read in the sten ograp h ic rep o rt how th e poetic Prim e M inister describes the jou rn eys o f th e m od ern son of Anchises, how he acted on the day when
hoiy Ilium fell in the fighting, Priam too, and the folk of the King, skilled javelin-thrower,^

Written on June 9, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung "No. fO, June 10, 1848

Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

how after the fall o f squirearchical T ro y , and after a long odyssey on both w ater and land, he at last arrived at the shores of m odern
1 Corinthians 13:1. Ed. Kolnische Zeitung No. 161, June 9, 1848. Ed. Homer. Iliad, IV, 164-65. and V I, 448-49 (paraphrased).-

Ed

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Cologne in Danger

69

besieged and we shall presently discuss how things stand in the R hine province. T h e reaction is p rep arin g a big coup. While th e re is fighting in Schleswig, while Russia sends th re a te n ing N otes and gath ers 3 0 0 ,0 0 0 m en at W arsaw , troop s a re inundating Rhenish Prussia even thou gh th e bourgeoisie of th e Paris C h am b er once again proclaim s peace at any price I A ccord in g to th e Deutsche Zeitung, fourteen entire infantry regim ents (the 13th the 1 5 th ,* th e 16th , th e 17th , th e 2 5 th , th e 2 6 th , th e 2 7 th , the 2 8 th , th e 3 0 th , th e 3 4 th , the 3 5 th , th e 3 8 th , th e 3 9 th , and the 4 0 th ), i. e. a third o f all th e Prussian line and gu ard infantry (45 regim ents), a re located in Rhenish Prussia, Mainz and L u xem b ou rg . Som e o f these forces are fully mobilised fo r w ar, th e rest have been reinforced by calling u p a third o f th e reserves. Besides these th ere are th re e uhlan regim ents, two hussar regim ents and on e d ragoon regim ent as well as a regim en t o f cuirassiers th at is exp ected to arrive shortly. In addition th ere is th e m ajo r p art of th e 7th and 8th artillery brigades of which at least half are already mobilised (i.e. each battery of foot-artillery has now 121 horses instead of 19, o r 8 instead of 2 h orse-draw n can n on ). In addition a th ird com p an y has been form ed fo r L u xem b o u rg an d M ainz. T h f se troop s are draw n up in a wide a rc which extend s fro m C ologne and B o n n to Koblenz and T r ie r and to th e F re n ch and L u xem b ou rg fron tiers. All fortresses are being arm ed , th e m oats are stockaded, and th e trees o f th e glacis are razed eith er com pletely o r in the line of fire. A n d what is th e situation h ere in Cologne'? T h e forts of C ologne are fully arm ed . T h e artillery platform s are being exten d ed , the em brasures are being cu t and th e can n on have arrived and are being set up. W o rk continues on these p rojects every day from 6 in th e m orn in g until 6 in th e evening. It is even said that the can n on w ere driven o u t o f the city d u rin g th e n igh t with wheels wrapped in rags so as to avoid all noise. T h e arm in g of th e city wall started at th e Bayen T o w er and has already advanced to Bastion No. 6 , i.e. half th e wall has been fortified. O n Sector 1, 2 0 can n on have already been b ro u g h t up. C annon are installed above the g ate of Bastion N o. 2 (at the Severin gate). T h e y need only to be tu rn ed aro u n d to bom bard the city. T h e best p roof that these arm am en ts are only ostensibly directed against an extern al enem y but in reality are aim ed at Cologne itself lies
* This is not quite correct since the 13th remains in part and the 15th entirely in Westphalia but they are able to get here by train within a few hours. NoU by EngeU.

C O L O G N E IN D A N G ER

Cologne, Ju n e 10. T h e lovely holiday of W hitsuntide had arrived, th e fields w ere g reen , the trees w ere blossom ing* and as far as there are people who confuse th e dative with th e accusative,** preparations w ere m ade to p o u r o u t the holy spirit o f reaction o ver all lands in a single day. T h e m o m en t is well chosen. In Naples guard lieutenants and Swiss m ercenaries have succeeded in drow ning th e young liberty in the peoples blood In F ran ce, an Assembly of capitalists fetters the Republic by m eans o f D raconic laws^ and appoints G eneral P e rro t, who o rd ered th e shooting at th e H otel Guizot on F eb ru ary 2 3 , co m m an d an t of V incennes. In England and Irelan d masses of Chartists and Repealers a re throw n into gaol and u narm ed m eetings are dispersed by d ragoons. In F ran k fu rt th e National Assembly itself now appoints the trium virate which the blessed Fed eral D iet proposed and th e C om m ittee o f Fifty rejected.' In B erlin th e R ight is w inning blow by blow th ro u g h num erical superiority and dru m m in g, and th e P rince o f Prussia declares the revolution null an d void by m oving back into th e p ro p erty of the entire n ation . ^ T ro o p s are being co n cen trated in Rhenish H esse; the h eroes who won th eir spurs fighting the republican partisans in th e Lak e district^ are encam ped all aro u nd F ran k fu rt. Berlin is invested, Breslau * * is
^ T h e beginning of Goethes Reineke Fuchs (paraphrased). Ed. An allusion to a grammatical mistake commonly made by people speakine the Berlin dialect. Ed. See this volume, pp. 24-26. Ed. T h e Polish name is Wroclaw. Ed.

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A nicles fro m th e Nexie Rheinische Zeitung

C ologne in D anger

71

in the fact that h ere th e trees o f th e glacis have everyw here been left standing. In the event of th e troop s having to evacuate th e city and retreat into the forts, th e can non of the city wall are thereby ren d ered useless against th e forts, w hereas th e m o rtars, howitzers and tw enty-four pounders o f th e forts are in n o way hindered from lobbing grenades and shells over th e trees and into the city. T h e distance o f the forts from th e city wall is only 1 ,4 0 0 paces an d enables the forts to p o u r shells that can travel u p to 4 ,0 0 0 paces into any part of th e city. Now as to th e m easures which are pointed directly against the city. T h e arsenal opposite th e govern m en t building is being evacuated. T h e rifles are nicely w rapped u p in o rd e r not to attract attention, and are b rough t into the forts. A rtillery am m unition is b ro u g h t into th e city in rifle crates and deposited in bom b-proof m agazines all along th e city wall. W hile we a re w riting all this, rifles with bayonets 2Lve being distribu ted to the although it is a well-known fact that artillery units in Prussia receive n o training with these weapons. P art of th e infantry is already in th e forts. All of C ologne knows that each com pany received 5 ,0 0 0 ball-cartridges th e day before yesterday. T h e following arran gem en ts have been m ade in case o f a clash with th e people: A t th e first alarm , th e 7th (Fortress) A rtillery C om pany is to m ove into th e forts. Battery No. 3 7 will then also m ove out to face th e city. T h is battery has already been equipped fully ready fo r w ar. T h e 5th and 8th artillery com panies will rem ain in town fo r th e time being. T h ese com panies have 2 0 shells in each of th eir caissons. T h e hussars are m oving from Deutz to C ologne. T h e infantry occupies th e N eum ark t, th e H ahn en g ate and th e E h ren gate so as to co v er th e retre a t of all troop s fro m th e city, and th ereafter is also to withdraw into th e forts. T h e h igh er officers a re m oreover doing everything in their p ow er to inculcate in these troop s th e traditional Prussian h atred fo r the new o rd e r. N othing is easier d u rin g th e p resen t state of m ounting reaction than to launch, u n d er th e p retext of den ou n cin g agitators and republicans, th e most vicious attacks against the revolution and the constitutional m onarchy. Yet Cologne has never been calmer than precisely in recent times. E xcep t fo r an insignificant g ath ering in fron t of th e house of the Regierungsprasident and a brawl in the H eu m ark t, nothing has occu rred fo r the past fo u r weeks that so m uch as even alarm ed the

a v ic militia in any way w hatever. T h u s all these m easures are W e re p e ^ ra ft^ ^ otherw ise totally incom prehensible m easares after th e tro o p concentrations aro u n d B erlm and B reslau, ih i c h have been con firm ed to us by letters, after th e m undation with roops of th e R hine Province, which th e reactionaries h ate with such passion, we can n ot doubt that reaction ary forces are p rep arin g a big "^ T h ^ e m p tio n h ere in C ologne seem s to have been fixed fo r W/iiJ Monday. T h e ru m o u r is being assiduously spread that things will ^ start L v i n g on that day. T h ey will try to provoke a small row so as r(, call th e troop s o u t im m ediately, th reaten th e city with b om bard ment, disarm th e civic militia, arrest th e chief agitators, m short to m altreat us in th e fashion of Mainz and T n e r . W e warn th e w orkers of C ologne earnestly not to fall into this trap set fo r them by th e reactionaries. W e urgently plead with them nof to 2 ive th e old -Prussian party the slightest pretextjor u n d e r th e despotism o f m artial law. W e beg them to let Whit Sunday and Whit Monday pass in an especially tranquil a.tmosphere and thereby frustrate th e en tire schem e o f th e reactionaries. If we give th e reaction a p re te x t for attacking us we w.ll be lost and our fate will be th e sam e as that of th e inhabitants o f M ainz. If they should feel com pelled to attack us and if they really d are to stage an assault, th e inhabitants o f C ologne will have plenty of prove that they too will n ot hesitate for o ne m om en t to d efen d the gains of M arch 18 with th eir blood and lives. Postscript. Ju st now th e following o rd ers have been No watchword xoill be announced d uring the two WhiUuntide holidays (whereas usually it was issued with special solem nity). T h e troop s will remain confined to barracks w here th e officers will receive the '^ T s^ ^ 'to d ay , th e fortress and auxiliary artillery com panies as well as the infantry garrison of th e forts will obtain in addition to their norm al rations, daily bread rations fo r fo u r days in advance 50 that they will always have in hand food for eight days. ^ T h e artillery will begin rifle practice already at seven o clock this evening.
W ritten b y E n g e ls o n J u n e 1 0 , 1 8 4 8 F irst p u blish ed in th e N e u e R h ein isch e Z eilu n g 'N o . 1 1 , J u n e 11, 1 8 4 8 P rin te d a c c o r d in g to th e n ew sp ap er P u b lish ed in E n g lish fo r th e first tim e

S e e th is v o lu m e , p p . 2 0 a n d 2 3 . F-d.

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A N A D M ISSIO N O F IN C O M P E T E N C E B Y T H E A S S E M B L IE S O F F R A N K F U R T AN D B E R L IN

56

t h e

B E R L IN D E B A T E ON T H E R E V O L U T IO N

Rheinische Z eitn n g^ o. 14. June 14, 1848]

Cologne, Ju n e 11. Both assemblies, the one in Frankfurt and the one in Berltn, have solemnly put on record their admission o f incompetence. One ^sernbly tts vote on the question o f Schleswig-Holstein, recognises the F ed ^ a l ^ e t as its supenar authority.^^ T he other, by its decision to reject Deputy Berends motwn and by passing to the substantiated order of the day not only repudiates the revolution,^ but expressly admits that it is solely empowered to agree upon the Constitution and thereby recognises the basic pnnciple underlying th e d raft of the C onstitution that has been proposed by th e C am phausen G overnm ent. B oth assembKes have given a co rre c t appraisal o f th eir w orth. T h e y are both incompetent
Written on Ju n e 11, 1848 First published in the N ew Rheinische ZeitungN o. 12-13, Ju n e IS , 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

T p o ^ & l^ U

1 At last th e A g reem en t Assembly has m ade has Rejected th e ile a o fre v o lu tio n a n d a c c e ^ ^ ^ ^ was ^ p ro d u ced m ade a h " declared th at G erm anys unity must ^ on M arch i th this an d that clearest p roof of th e s^tate, its

l S r " e " A s s e m b l y h ad to O n M arch S es 18 th e

p tp o ^ X tn S

S = ":ch ie /e d "by th e m ergin g ^ e T h ese sum u p th e real 18. T h e fact that th e people o f B erlin we * e y m a s h e d to th e p ^ a c e to thanU ^

^ ,L d 1 o t % o .u t io n is e d .T h e ir s u b m is s iv e n e s s c o u H
be shed in a s a n g u m a r y Uberation stm g g lution. T h e re

;r rt:?.
rep resenting th e big bourgeoisie. b o i ::r t o r ^ t W e w a s ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^
See this volume, pp. 75-86. d.

.f s. p .p 'results, which were

com pletely misunderstood th e o n ^ h a n d , th e arm in g of T h e results o f th e e v o lu tio n w ere on th e o ne h ^ ^ ^ the people, the righ t reten tion o f th e p ionarchy and y^on de facto; on the o th e r h a n d , * e reten tion o t tn e pi^^^ x^^ th e C am p h au sen -H an sem an n M m istry, th at

croTttig

T h e B erlin D ebate o n th e Revolution 74 Articles from th e Neue Rheiniscke Zeitung

75

In short, th e revolution was not carried th rou g h to th e end. T h e ^ people let the big bourgeoisie form a G overnm ent and th e bi bourgeoisie prom ptly revealed its intentions by inviting the old ! Prussian nobility and the b u reau cracy to en te r into an alliance with it. A rnim , Kanitz and Schwerin becam e m em bers o f the G overnm ent. T h e big bourgeoisie, which was ail along anti-revolutionary ' concluded a defensive and offensive alliance with the re a c tio n a ^ forces, because it was afraid of th e people, i.e. of th e w orkers and the dem ocratic bourgeoisie. T h e united reactionary parties began their fight against d em o cra cy by calling the revolution in question. T h e victory of th e people was denied, the fam ous list of the seventeen dead soldiers was fabricated, and those who had fought on the barricades were slandered in every possible way. B u t this was not all. T h e U nited Diet convoked before the revolution was now actually convened by the G overnm ent, in o rd e r post festum to fabricate a legal transition from absolutism to the C onstitution. T h u s the G overnm ent openly repudiated the revolution. It m oreover invented th e theory of agreem en t, once m o re repudiating the revolution and with it the sovereignty of th e people. T h e revolution was accordingly really called in question, and this could be done because it was only a partial revolution, only the begm nm g o f a long revolutionary m ovem ent. W e can not h ere g o into th e question as to why and to what extent the p resent rule o f th e big bourgeoisie in Prussia is a necessary transitional stage tow ards d em ocracy, and why, directly after its ascent to pow er, th e big bourgeoisie joined the reactionary cam p l-or th e presen t we m erely rep o rt th e fact. T h e A g reem en t Assembly had now to d eclare w hether it re co g nised the revolution o r not. B u t to recognise th e revolution u n d er these circum stances m eant recognising the d em ocratic aspects of th e revolution, which the big bourgeoisie wanted to ap p rop riate to itself. Recognising the revolution at this m om en t m eant recognising the incompleteness o f th e revolution, and consequently recognising the d em ocratic m ovem ent, which was directed against some of the results of th e revolution. It m eant recognising that G erm any was in the grip o f a revolutionary m ovem ent, and that th e Cam phausen Ministry, th e theory of ag reem en t, indirect elections, the rule o f the big capitalists and the decisions o f the Assembly itself could indeed be reg ard ed as unavoidable transitional steps, but by no m eans as hnal results.

T h e debate on the recognition of th e revolution was carried on by both sides with great prolixity and g reat interest, but with remarkably little intelligence. O ne seldom reads anything so unedifying as these long-winded deliberations, constantly im er-upted by noisy scenes o r fine-spun argum ents about standing orders. Instead of th e great passion of party stn fe, we have a cool placid tem p er which threaten s at any m om ent to sink to the level of U i a b le colloquy; instead of th e biting edge o f arg u m en t we have interminable and confused talk ram bhng from one subject to another; instead of tren ch an t retorts we have tedious serm ons on the essence and n atu re of m orality. j u N or has th e L eft particularly distinguished itself m these debates. Most of its speakers rep eat one an oth er; none o f th em d are tackle the question resolutely and speak their m ind in frank revolutionary term s. T h e y are always afraid to give offen ce, to h u rt oeople away. G erm any would have been m a sorry phght if the people w ho fou gh t on M arch 1 8 had n ot s h o w n m ore en ergy and passion in battle than the gentlem en of th e L e ft have shown in debate.

[Ne Rhginwc/ic Zeitung No. 15, June 15, 1848]

Cologne, Ju n e 14. D eputy Berends from Berlin opened th e debate by m oving:

In recognition of the revolution, the Assembly declares that those who fought on March 18 and 19 have rendered a genuine service to their country.

T h e form o f th e m otion, th e classical-Rom an laconic style, which was revived by the g re a t F ren ch Revolution, was quite appropnate^ O n th e o th er h an d , th e way m which H e rr B e ren ^ argu ed in support of his m otion was all th e m o re in ap p ro p n ate. H e spoke not in a revolutionary but in a placating m an n er. H e had to an ger of th e insulted b arricad e fighters in th e face of an Assembly of reactionaries and yet h e calmly delivered a com pletely dry lecture as i f h e still spoke as a teach er to the Beriin C raftsm en s T h e cause h e had to d efen d was quite simple and quite clear but the argum ents h e advanced w ere th e m ost confused imaginable. H e rr Berends begins:
Gentlemen, recognition oftherevoluuon is entirely in the nature of tilin g (1). Our Assembly is itself an eloquent recognition of the great movement which has swept throTgh^ll the civilised countries of Europe. T h e Assembly - f revolution, and consequently its existence is the actual recognition of the revolutio.

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Articles from the N ew Rheinische Zeitung

T h e Berlin Debate on the Revolution

77

Firstly. It is by n o m eans a question o f recognising in general that the ^ a t m ovem ent which has swept th rou g h all the civilised countries o f E u ro p e is a fact; it would be quite superfluous and meaningless to recognise this. It is ra th e r a question of recognising the Berlin street battle, which is passed o ff as a revolt, as a genuine, real revolution. Secondly. T h e Assembly in Berlin is in o ne respect indeed a 'recognition o f th e revolution , since w ithout the Berlin street battle we would have no a g reed Constitution, but at m ost an im posed Constitution. B u t th e Assembly is likewise a rejection of the revolution, because o f th e way it was convoked an d because o f the m andate it was given by the U nited Diet and by th e M inistry. A n Assembly standing on a revolutionary basis does not ag ree, it decrees. T h ird ly . By its*vote on th e address th e Assembly has already recognised the ag reem en t theory and by voting against th e m arch to th e grave o f those killed in th e fighting it has already rejected the revolution. It has rejected th e revolution by m eetin g at all alongside the F ran k fu rt Assembly. H e rr B eren d s m otion has th erefo re been in fact already twice rejected . Its failure this tim e was even m ore inevitable because the Assembly had to express its views openly. Since th e Assembly was reaction ary and since it was certain that the people could exp ect nothing from it, it was in th e interest of th e Left that the m inority who voted fo r th e m otion should be as small as possible and should com prise only the m ost resolute m em bers. H ence there was no need fo r H e rr Berends to stand on cerem ony. H e had to act in the m ost d eterm ined, th e m ost revolutionary way. Instead o f clinging to th e illusion that it was and wanted to be a constituent assembly, an assembly standing on a revolutionary basis, he had to tell th e Assembly that it had already rejected th e revolution indirecdy, and to invite it now to reject it openly. B u t not only Berends, th e speakers o f th e L eft in general have failed to ad h ere to this policy, the only p>olicy ap p rop riate to a d em ocratic party. T h ey have been u n d er th e illusion that they could persuade th e Assembly to m ake a revolutionary move. T h e y have th erefore m ade concessions, they have tried to soothe, they have spoken of reconciliation and they have consequently themselves repudiated th e revolution. It is in a very reserved m an n er and very w ooden language that H e rr Berends then proceeds to exp atiate u p on revolutions in general and th e Berlin revolution in particular. In th e cou rse of his reasoning he encou n ters th e arg u m en t that the revolution was

unnecessary because already b efo re th e revolution th e K in g had conceded everything, and h e replies:
It is true that His Majesty the King conceded many things ... but did these nressions satisfy the people? Did we have the guarantee that this promiM would

which the transformation of political life becomes a reality, a fact.

This long and confused a rg u m en t, which abounds m repetitions shows quite clearly that H e rr Bereruk is com pletely in th e dark about the results of th e revolution and its necessity. T h e only results of the revolution known to him are th e g u a ra n te e of th e prom ises of the 18th, and th e arm in g of th e p eople . H e deduces the the revolution in a philosophical m an n er by once S' g ren d erin g of th e g u a ra n te e in a su p erior style an d f' l y by asseverating that th ere can be n o revolution w ithout a revolution. T h e revolution was necessary, surely this m eans simply that it was necessary in o rd e r to obtain what we have obtained n o w T h e necessity of th e revolution is directly p roportional to its results. B u t since h L Berends is in the d ark about its results h e has of cou rse to resort to exag gerated asseverations in o rd e r to d ed u ce th e necessity ^ W h a r e re ' th e results of th e revolution? Certainly n ot the g u a ra n te e of th e prom ises o f the 1 8 th , but ra th e r th e subversion ^ T h e promh^s^made on th e 18th included a m on arch y in which the aristocracy, th e b u reau cracy, the military and th e the helm , but allowed th e big bourgeoisie to exercise con trol by a granted C onstitution and freed om o f th e press to g eth er with caution money F o r th e people: G erm an flags, a G e r m a n navy and com pulsory military service in th e arm y of th e G erm an C o n fe d e r^ tion instead o f Prussian flags, a Prussian navy and com pulsory military service in th e Prussian arm y. T h e revolution overthrew all th e pow ers o f th e absolute m on archy, the aristocrats, the b u reau crats, the military and th e clerics, it b ro u g h t about the exclusive rule of th e big bourgeoisie. It gave the p e o p L th e w eapon of freed om of th e press w ithout caution money the righ t of association and, to som e exten t, th e physical w eapon, the musket.
* Frederick William IV . Ed.

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A rticles from th e New Rheinische Zeitung

T h e B erlin D ebate on th e Revolution

79

B u t even that is n ot the m ain result. T h e people that has fou gh t on the barricades and has been victorious is entirely differen t from th e people that on M arch 18 m arch ed to the paJace to be enlightened, by m eans o f cavalry attacks, about th e significance o f th e concessions it had received. It is able to achieve things o f a quite differen t n atu re and it confron ts the G overnm ent in an entirely differen t Way. T h e most im p ortan t achievem ent o f the revolution is the revolution itself.
As an inhabitant of Berlin I can indeed say that it has caused us painful feelinef' (nothing more!) to see this struggle maligned.... I take as my starting point the words o f the Prime Minister, who ... declared that it was up to a great nation and all its representatives to work with clemency towards reconciliation. I appeal to this cUmenei 7/1 ^ representative o f Berlin, I ask you to recognise the events of March 18 and 19. T he people of Berlin has certainly on the whole acted very honourably and righteously dunng the whole period that has passed since the revolution. It is possible that a few excesses have occurred ... and thus I believe that it is appropriate for the Assembly to declare etc., etc.

so m u ch th e b arricad e fighters as th e m en of th e m orn in g after, those w ho are called th e p eop le as distinct from th e figh ters . H e desires that th e attitude of th e people after th e battle should be especially recognised. His enthusiasm exceed ed all bounds when he heard
about the restraint and circumspection of the people when it was no longer ronfronted by an enemy (I) ... about the earnestness and the conciliatory spirit of the people ... about its attitude towards the dynasty ... we observed that the people was well aware that at such moments it directly faced history itself'U

T h e only thing we should like to add to this craven conclusion, which rejects th e revolution, is that following such reasoning the motion deserved to be lost.

It is not so m uch th e revolutionary activity of th e people during the battle that en rap tu res H e rr Schulze, as its quite non-revolutionary inactivity after th e battle. T o recognise th e m agnanim ity of th e people a fte r th e revolution can only signify one of two things: E ith er an insult to th e people, for to recognise it as a m erit that the people did n ot com m it any base acts after its victory, is an insult to the people. O r it m eans recognising that th e people relaxed a fte r th e military victory, and that this gave th e reaction an opportunity to rise once again. Com bining both m eanings H e rr Schulze has exp ressed his adm iration which tu rn ed into enthusiasm because th e people firstly behaved decently and secondly provided an opportunity for th e reaction to recov er its strength. T h e attitude o f th e p eople consisted in being so busy enthusiastically facing history itself when it should have been making history; in the fact that fo r all this attitu d e , restrain t , circu m sp ection , p ro fou n d earnestness and inextinguishable dedication , th e people never got ro u n d to preventing th e Ministers from co n ju rin g away one p art after th e o th e r of th e freed om it had won; and th at th e people d eclared th e revolution to be com plete instead of con tin u in g it. How differently did th e V iennese act, who rapidly overw helm ed th e reaction and have now won a Constituent Im p erial Diet instead o f an A g reem en t Assembly.^ T h u s H e rr Schulze (from Delitzsch) recognises th e revolution on condition of not recognising it. T h is earn ed him resounding cheers. A fter ^ sh o rt interm ezzo co n cern in g p ro ced u re, H e rr Camphausen him self ap p ears on th e scene. H e observes that accord in g to B erend s m otion th e Assembly should exp ress its opinion and give its verdict on an idea . F o r H e rr C am phausen the revolution is m erely an "idea"'. H e leaves it th e re fo re to th e Assembly to decide w heth er it wishes to do this. In C am p h ausen s view th e re exist perhaps no considerable d ifferences of opin ion about th e m atter u n d er

[N ew Rheinische Zeitur^ No. 16, June 16, 1848]

Cologne, Ju n e 14. T h e first am end m en t put forw ard in opposition to B eren d s m otion owed its short existence to D eputy Brehmer. It was a diffuse, well-m eaning declaration which firstly recognised the revolution, secondly recognised th e ag reem en t theory, thirdly recognised all those who had contributed to th e sudden ch an ge that had taken place, and fourthly recognised th e g reat tru th that
No steed, no mounted knight Protects the lofty summits W here princes stand, ^

thus finally red ucin g the revolution again to a truly Prussian expression. H e rr Brehmer, th e w orthy schoolm aster, wanted to please all parties, and n on e of them wanted to have anything to do with him. His am en d m en t was dropp ed w ithout any discussion, and H e rr B re h m e r retired with all the resignation of a disappointed philan thropist. ^ H e rr Schulze (from Delitzsch) has m ounted th e ro stru m , H e rr Schulze, too, is an ad m irer o f th e revolution, h e adm ires how ever not
* Ludolf Camphausen. Ed. Words from the Prussian hymn Heil Dir im Siegerkranz . d.

T h e B e rlin D ebate o n th e Revolution

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81

Articles

from

th e

Neue

Rheinische Zeitung
is such a thing as empty depth, just as there is empty length) we cannot help recognising, however difficult these considerations may be, that the point in question is nothing more nor less than the moral recognition of the uprising. I therefore ask: k on uprising something moral or is it nol?

discussion, in accord an ce with the well-known fact that w henever two G erm an b u rgh ers q u arrel, they are always au fond in ag reem en t.
If one wants to repeat that ... we have entered a phase which must bring about" (that is, it has not yet brought about) very substantial transformations ... then no one can be more in agreement with this than I." If, on the other hand, one intends to say that the state and the political authority have lost their legal foundation and that the existing authority was overthrown by force ... then I must protest against such an interpretation.

U p to now H e rr C am phausen saw his principal m erit in having re-tied th e broken th read o f legality; now he asserts that this thread has n ever been broken. T h is may be com pletely at varian ce with the facts, b u t th e d ogm a o f th e continuity of th e legal succession of pow er fro m Bodelschw ingh to C am phausen can n o t b o th er about facts.
I f one wants to say that we are on the threshold of events similar to those we know from the history o f the English revolution in the seventeenth century and of the French revolution in the eighteenth, events whose upshot is the transfer of power into the hands o f a dictator",

T h e point at issue is not a party political question but som ething infinitely m ore im p o rta n t a theological-philosophical-m oral p ro b lem . T h e Assembly has to com e to an ag reem en t with th e C row n not about a Constitution but about a system o f m oral philosophy. Is an uprising som ething m oral o r n o t? T h a t is what m atters. A n d what answ er does th e p astor give to th e Assembly which is breathless with suspense?
I do not believe, however, that iw are in Ae position here o f having to solve this high moral principle. !!

T h e p astor has only tried to get to th e bottom o f th e m atter in o rd e r to declare that h e can n o t reach th e bottom .
Many Oioughtfid men have pondered on this subject and have nevertheless not arrived at any definite solution. Nor shall we achieve clarity in the course o f a brief debate.

then H e rr C am phausen m ust likewise protest. O u r thinking frien d o f history cou ld of co u rse n ot miss the opp ortun ity th e B erlin revolution provided fo r palm ing o ff those observations which the G erm an b u rg h er is the m o re e a g e r to h ear the m o re often he has read them in R ottecks work. T h e Berlin revolution m ust be no revolution even fo r the reason that otherwise it would have to p ro d u ce a Crom well o r a N apoleon, and H e rr C am p hausen objects to this. In th e en d H e rr C am phausen perm its his agreers to exp ress their feelings fo r th e victims o f a fateful clash , but he adds that in this case m any and essential aspects d epend o n the w ord in g , he would th erefo re like to have th e whole m atter referred to a com m ittee. A fte r an o th er p oin t-o f-o rd er episode, a speaker finally com es forw ard w ho knows how to pluck at p eoples heart-strin gs, because he goes to th e ro o t of th e m atter. This is th e R everend P astor Miilier o f W ohlau , who supports Schulzes am endm ent. T h e p astor does not w ant to take up much of th e Assemblys time but wishes m erely to b roach one ra th e r important poin t . T h e p astor th erefo re submits th e following question to the Assembly.
TTie motion has led us to the moral sphere, and if we take the motion not in its surface" (how does one set about to take a thing in its surface?) but in its depth" (there Karl von Rotteck, AUgemeine Geschichte vom A n fane der kistorischen Kennlni^% bis iivf unsere Zeiten . Ed.

T h e Assembly seem s th u n d erstru ck . T h e pastor presents a m oral problem to th e Assembly with g re a t tren ch an cy and all the seriousness that the subject dem ands; h e presents it and then announces th at th e problem can n o t be solved. In this distressing situation, the ag reers m ust have felt as if they w ere actually standing already on a revolutionary basis . B u t this was nothing but a simple pastoral stratagem to which the p astor resorted in o rd e r to induce th e Assembly to do p en an ce. H e has m o reov er p re p a re d som e balni fo r th e penitent:
" I believe that there is also a third point of view which has to be considered here. T h e victims of March 18 acttd in a fram e o f mind which makes moral judgmmt impossible." l\

T h e b arricad e fighters w ere non compos mentis.

But if you ask me whether they were morally competent, my answer is a firm yes! "

W e ask: if th e w ord o f G od from th e countryside allows him self to be elected to th e Berlin Assembly m erely in o rd e r to bore th e entire public by his m oralising casuistry, is such an action moral o r is it not moral? . D eputy Hofer, in his capacity o f a P om eran ian peasant, protests against tfie whole thing.

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Articles from th e Ne%u Rheinische Zeitung T h e B erlin D ebate on th e Revolution

83

For who were the military? W ere they not our brothers and sons? Consider well the effect it will have, when the father on the seashore (in Wendish'": po more, i.e. Pomerania) hears how his son has been treated here!

precisely because in a certain sense we (the Ministers) do not object to the substance o f the matter, but on the other hand the formulation has to be such that the basis of the Government on vhich we stand remains feasible...

H ow ever the military may have behaved and whether o r not they allowed them selves to be m ade the tools of the most infam ous treach ery it makes no differen ce, they were o u r Pom eranian boys and th erefo re th ree ch eers fo r them ! D eputy Schultz o f W anzleben: G endem en, the people o f Berlin m ust be recognised. T h e ir co u rag e was boundless. They conquered not only the fear o f cannon.
"What is the fear of being pulverised by grape-shot compared with the danger of bemg charged with causing a disturbance in the street and incurring severe, perhaps even degrading punishment! T h e courage required to take up this struggle is so lofty that the courage needed to face the open mouth o f a cannon cannot possibly be compared with it! ^ r

th erefo re th e debate o u g h t to be ad jo u rn ed , so that th e Ministers can take counsel. W h at it must have cost o u r H ansem an n to use such phrases and to adm it that the basis on which the G overnm ent stands is so weak that it can be overturned by a form u lation ! His only com pensation is th e pleasure o f being able to tu rn the m atter again into a question of confid^ce. Consequently, the debate was ad jou rn ed .
[Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 17, June 17, 1848]

A ccordingly the G erm ans did not m ake a revolution before 1 8 4 8 , because they w ere rfraid of th e Police Insp>ector. M inister Schwerin rises to d eclare that he will resign if B eren d s motion is passed. Eisner an d Reichenbach speak against Schulzes amendment. Dierschke observes that th e revolution must be recognised, because th e struggle for m oral freed om has not yet ended and because it was likewise th e m oral freed o m which called this Assembly into being . Jacoby dem ands full recognition fo r th e revolution with all its consequences . His was th e best speech made during the entire session. Finally, after so m uch m orality, tedium , irresolution and reconcili ation, we are pleased to see o u r Hansemann m ount the rostrum . Now at last we shall h e a r som ething resolute and to the point. B u t no, H e rr H ansem an n too speaks today in a mild and mediating m an n er. H e has his reasons, he does n oth ing without good reason. H e sees that the Assembly wavers, that the vote is uncertain and that the p ro p er am end m en t has n ot yet been found. He would like to have the debate ad journed. T o achieve this h e sum m ons u p all his ability to speak as gently as possible. T h e fact is th ere, it is incontestable. Some, however, call it a revolution, others call it g reat events . W e must
not forget that a revolutionhke that in Paris, or like the earlier one in England, has place here, but what has taken place here is a transaction between the Crown and the people (a strange transaction with grape-shot and rifle-bullets!). Now

Cologne, June 1 4 . ~ Second day. T h e debate begins again with a long argum ent on p ro ced u re. W h en this has been settled H e rr Zackarid rises. H e wants to propose an am en d m en t designed to help th e Assembly out of th e pred icam en t. T h e g re a t ministerial form ula has been found. It reads:
Taking into consideration that the immense importance of the great March events to which together with the royal consent (which is itself a March event , though not a great one) we owe the present constitutional position and also that the services the fighters have rendered to it (that is to the royal consent) are undisputed (!!) and that moreover the Assembly does not regard it as its duty to pass judgments (the Assembly is to declare that it has no judgment!), but to agree with the Croum upon the Constitution,th e Assembly passes to the agenda.

This muddled and unprincipled am en d m en t, which pays obei sance to all sides, and in which, as H e rr Zacharia flatters himself, everybody, even H e rr B eren d s, will find everything that he couldhave possibly intended in the w ell-m eaning attitude in w hich'the m otion was tabled , thus this bitter-sw eet p ap is th e form u lation on the basis o f which the C am phausen G overnm ent stands and is able to stand. Encouraged by the success of his colleague M uller, Pastor Sydow of Berlin ascends into th e pulpit. T h e m oral question is on his m ind. H e will solve the question that M uller was unable to solve.
Gentlemen, allow me at this point immediately" (after having already preached for half an hour) lo express what my sense o f duty impels me to say: If the debate continues, then, in my opinion, no one should refrain from speaking until he has discharged his bounden duty. (Cheers.) . . . Permit me to make a personal observation. My view of revolution is (keep to the point!) that where a revolution occurs it is merely a symptom indicating that both sides, the rulers and those they rule, are to blame. T h is (this platitude, the cheapest way of disposing of the matter) is the higher morality of the matter and (!) let us not

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anticipate the Chnstian-nwral judgment of the nation. (For what purpose do the gentlemen think they are there?) (Agitation. Point of orderl) But gentlemen, continues the imperturbable champion of the higher morality and o f the not-to-be-anticipated Christian-moral judgment of the nation, I am not of the opinion that there may not be times when, with the inevitability of a natural event, political self-defence (!) is imposed upon a nation, and ... I am of the opinion that then the individual can participate in it in an entirely moral way. (We are saved, with the help of casuistry!) Although it is also possible to participate in an immoral way, that rests with his conscience. !!

Jonas, th e ladies p reach er from B erlin . H e really seems to have mistaken th e Assembly fo r an audience m ade u p of d au gh ters o f the educated elite. W ith all th e pretentious prolixity of a tru e ad ept of Schleierm acher, h e utters an endless series of th e m ost banal com m onplaces about th e exceedingly im p ortan t differen ce between revolution and re fo rm . H e was th re e times interru p ted Ibefore com pleting th e introd uction to his serm on ; at last he burst out with th e g ran d proposition:
"Revolution is something diametrically opposed to our present religious and moral consciousness. A revolution is an act which was considered great and glorious in ancient Greece and Rome, but Christianity...." (Vehement interruptions. General confusion. Esser, Jung, Eisner, the Chairm an and numerous other speakers are trying to join in the discussion. At long last the popular pulpit orator can be heard again.) At any rate, I dispute the right of the Assembly to vote on religious and moral principles, no assembly can vote on such matters (? what about the consistory and the synod?). T h e attempt to decree or declare that the revolution is a high moral principle or anything else (that is anything at all), seems to me to be on a par with the Assembly attempting to assert that there is a God or that there is no God, or that there are several Gods.

T h e b arricad e fighters are n ot a subject to be exam ined by the soi-disant National Assembly, they ought to be h eard in the confessional. T h u s th e m atter is disposed of. Pastor Sydow announces m o reov er that he has co u ra g e , speaks at length about th e sovereignty of th e people from th e standpoint of the h igh er m orality, is th ree m o re times in terru p ted by im patient clam ou r and retu rn s to his seat with the pleasing conviction that he has discharged his bounden duty. Now th e world knows what opinion P astor Sydow holds and what opinion h e does not hold. H e rr Plonnis declares that the m atter should be d ro p p ed . A statem ent qualified by so m any am endm ents and am en d m en ts to am endm ents, and w orn thin by so m u ch discussion and quibbling, has a fter all no value. H e rr Plonnis is ri^ht. B u t he could have ren d ered the Assembly no w orse service than calling attention to this fact, this dem onstration o f cow ardice on the p a rt of so m any m em bers of both sides. H e rr Reichensperger fro m T rie r:
We are not here to construct theories and to decree history, we ought to make history as far as possible.

T h e re we a re . T h e ladies p reach er has succeeded in tran sferrin g the question again to th e sp h ere o f th e h igh er m orality , and now of co u rse it falls only within th e scope o f th e P rotestant ch u rch councils and o f th e catechism m an u factu rers in the synod. T h a n k G od! A t last, after all this m oral fog, o u r Hansemann speaks. W ith this practical m ind, we a re quite safe fro m th e h igher m orality . H e rr Hansemann elim inates th e en tire m oral point of view with one disdainful rem ark :
I ask, do we have leisure to indulge in such disputes about principles?"

By n o m eans! By acceptin g the substantiated agend a, th e Assembly decides that on the co n trary its purpose is to unmake history. This is indeed also a way of m aking history .
" I should like to call your attention to Vergniauds statement, that the revolution is about to devour its own children. *

H e rr H ansem ann recalls that yesterday a deputy spoke about unem ployed w orkers. H e rr H ansem an n uses this observation to p erform an ad roit tu rn . H e speaks o f th e distress of the worVinp class, reg rets th eir poverty and asks:
What is the reason o f the general distress? I believe ... everybody has the feelin; that there is as yet no certainty that the existing state o f affairs is stable, so long as ou constitutional position has not yet been put in order."

Alas, this is n ot the case. O n the co n tra ry , its own children are about to d evou r th e revolution! H err Riedel has discovered that B erend s m otion is supposed to mean not only what is simply expressed by its words, but that it conceals a dispute about principles . A nd this victim o f th e h igh er m orality is a geheim er Archivrat and professor! A n o th er very reverend cleric ap proaches th e platform . It is H e rr
Cf. Vergniauds speech before the revolutionary tribunal in October 1793. Ed.

H e rr H ansem ann now speaks from th e h eart. H e exclaim s con fiden ce m ust be resto red ! A nd th e best way to restore confidence is to reject th e revolution. T h e n the sp eaker fo r th e G overnm ent, which sees n o reactio n , launches into an alarm ing accou n t of the im p ortan ce h e attaches to th e friendly attitude of th e reaction.
Karl Milde. Ed.

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A rticles from th e N m e Rheinische Zeitung

I beseech you to promote harmony among all classes (by insulting the classes that carried through the revolution!); I beseech you to promote harmony between the people and the army; do not forget that our hope o f maintaining our independence depends on the army (! in Prussia where everyone is a soldier!); do not forget the difficult situation in which we find ourselves, I do not have to explain this to you in greater detail, anyone who reads the newspapers atten tivelf (and surely all the gentlemen do this) "will recognise that the situation is difficult, extremely difficult. I consider it inappropriate to sow the seeds ofdiscordat this moment,... Therefore, gentlemen, try to reconcile the parties, do not raise any question liable to provoke our opponents, forthis is what would certainly occur. T h e adoption of the motion could have the most deplorable consequences."

T H E P O S IT IO N O F T H E P A R T IE S IN C O L O G N E

How the reactionaries must have smiled when they saw H ansem ann, who is usually so intrep id , talking n ot only th e Assembly but also him self into a state o f alarm . This appeal to th e fear o f the big bourgeois, th e lawyers and the schoolm asters in the C ham b er was m ore effective than all the sentimental phrases about the h igh er m orality . T h e question was decided. DE ster threw him self once m ore into th e fray to neutralise the effect, but in vain. T h e debate was closed and with 196 votes to 177 th e Assembly passed to the agend a as substantiated by Zacharia. T h ereb y the Assembly passed jud gm en t upon itself, i.e. it adm itted that it was w ithout judgm ent.
Written by Engels on Ju n e 13-14, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung Nos. 14-17, Ju n e 14-17, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

Cologne, Ju n e 16. A few days ago we had a by-election h ere which clearly showed how m uch the position of th e parties has changed since the general election.^ Police Superin ten den t M uller, substitute for F ran k fu rt, was elected in G um m ersbach as d eputy to Berlin. T h re e candidates com p eted in the elections. T h e C atholic party nom inated H e rr Pellmann, th e constitutional p arty (the Citizens Association)^ ran H e rr Fay, a lawyer, and the d em o cratic party backed H e rr Schneider II, a b arrister, and President of the (Stollwerk) D em ocratic Society. In the first rou nd (th ere w ere 140 voting delegates), H e rr Fay received 2 9 votes, H e rr Pellm ann 3 4 and H e rr Schneider 5 2 . T h e rest of th e votes w ere divided. T h e second ro u n d (1 3 9 votes) resulted in 14 votes fo r H e rr Fay, 5 9 fo r H e rr Pellm ann and 6 4 fo r H e rr Schneider. T h u s, the lead of the dem ocratic party was still steadily increasing. Finally, in the third ro u n d (1 3 8 votes), H e rr Fay did not receive a single vote. H e rr Schneider obtained 5 5 and H e rr Pellm ann 75 votes. T h e gend em en of the Citizens Association had given their votes to the Catholic candidate because they feared the Stollwerk dem ocrats. T h ese votes show how m u ch public opinion h ere has ch an ged . In the general elections, the d em ocrats w ere everyw here in the m inority. In this by-election, the d em ocrats em erg ed as th e by far m ost pow erful of th e th ree com peting parties and only an u n n atu ral coalition o f th e two o th e r parties was able to d efeat them .

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Articles from th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung

89

W e d o not blam e the C atholic party fo r en terin g into this coali tion. W e only stress th e fact that the constitutional party has disap p eared .
Written on June 16, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung N o. 18, June 18, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

T H E A G R E E M E N T A S S E M B L Y O F JU N E 15

67

Cologne, Ju n e 17. W e told you a few days ago: you deny the existence of th e revolution. It will prove its existence by a second revolution.* , , r . T h e events of Ju n e 14 are m erely the first h arb m g er o t this second revolution and already the C am phausen G overnm ent is in full dissolution. By placing itself u n d e r th e protection of th e people of B erlin , th e A g reem en t Assembly has d ecreed a vote o f confidence in them.* T his act is a belated recognition of th e M arch fighters. T h e Assembly has taken o u t of th e hands of th e Ministers th e task of draw ing up a Constitution and is seeking ag re e m e n t with the people by appointing a com m ittee which will exam in e all petitions and resolutions relating to th e C onstitution. This is a belated annulm ent of its declaration of incom petence.* T h e Assembly prom ises to begin its constitutional w ork by a deed : the abolition of the very basis of th e old system, nam ely o f th e feudal obligations with which the land is b u rd en ed . This prom ises to b ecom e an o th er night of A ugust 4. In a w ord: on Ju n e 15 d ie A g reem en t Assembly repu d iated its own past just as on Ju n e 9 it had repu d iated the peoples past. It has exp erien ced its M arch 2 1 . The Bastille, however, has not yet been stormed. B u t fro m the E ast an apostie of revolution is ap p roach in g im petuously and irresistibly. H e is already standing at the gates of
See this volume, pp. 73-75. Ed. Ibid., p. 72. Ed.

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A rticles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

91

Thorn. It is the Tsar. T h e Tsar will save the German revolution by centralising it.
Written on Ju n e 17, 1848 First published in the N etu Rheinisclw Zeitung N o. 18, Ju n e 18, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

T H E P R A G U E U P R IS IN G

71

Cologne, Ju n e 17. A n o th er m assacre simUar to that of Posen'" is being p rep ared in Bohemia. T h e possibility of a continued peacetul association of B oh em ia and G erm any has been drow ned m the blood of the C zech people shed by the A ustrian arm y. ^ , P rince W indischgratz had cannon m ounted on the V yshehiad and Hradshin and train ed on Prague. T ro o p s w ere m assed and a sudden attack on the Slav Congress'^ and the Czechs was being ^^The"^ p to p le discovered these p rep aration s; they went in a b ^ y to the Prh ices residence an d d em an d ed arm s. T h e dem an d was rejected . Feeling began to ru n high and th e crow ds of people with and w ithout arm s w ere grow ing. T h e n a shot was fired fro m an inn opposite th e co m m an d an ts palace and P r i n c e s s W indischgratz d ro p p ed , m ortally w ounded. T h e o rd e r to attack followed inim ediately; th e grenadiers advanced, th e people w ere driven back B u t barricades w ere throw n u p everyw here, checking th e advance ot the military. C annon were b rough t into position and th e barricades raked with grap e-shot. T o rre n ts of blood w ere shed. T h e fightng went on th rou gh ou t th e nigh t of th e 12 th and conUnued on the 13th. Eventually th e troop s succeeded in occupying the wide streets and pressing the people back into th e n arro w er q u arters o f the city w here artillery could n ot be used.
^ southern part of Prague with the old citadel of the same nanie standing on the right bank o f the Vltava; HradsMti (the Czech name is Hradcany) north-western part of Prague with the old castle. Ed. T h e Polish name is Torun. Ed.

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A rticles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung T lie P rague U prising

93

T h ai is as far as o u r latest news goes. B u t in addition it is stated that many members o f the Slav Congress w ere d ep orted from the city under a strong escort. It would ap p ear that the m ilitary won at least a partial victory. H ow ever the uprising may end, a w ar of annihilation by the G erm ans against the Czechs is now th e only possible outcom e. In their revolution th e G erm ans have to aton e fo r th e sins o f their whole past. T h ey atoned fo r them in Italy. In Posen they have brought down upon themselves once m o re th e curse of th e whole of Poland, and to that is now added Bohem ia. T h e French w ere able to win the recognition and sym pathy even of th e countries to which they cam e as enem ies. T h e G erm ans win recognition now here and find sym pathy now here. Even w here they adopt the role of m agnanim ous apostles o f liberty, they are spurned with bitter scorn. A nd so they deserve to be. A nation which th rou g h o u t its history has allowed itself to be used as a tool o f oppression against all oth er nations must first of all prove that it has been really revolutionised. It must prove this not m erely by a few indecisive revolutions, whose only consequence is to allow the old irresolution, im potence and discord to continue in a modified fo rm ; revolutions which let a Radetzky rem ain in Milan, a Colom b and Steinacker in Posen, a W indischgratz in P rague, a H u ser in Mainz, as if nothing had changed. A revolutionised G erm any ou g h t to have ren oun ced h e r entire past, especially as far as the neighbouring nations are con cern ed . T o g eth er with h e r own freed om , she should have proclaim ed the freedom of the nations h ith erto suppressed by her. A nd what has revolutionised G erm any done? She has fully endorsed the old oppression of Italy, Poland, and now o f Bohem ia, too, by G erm an troop s. Kaunitz and M etternich havp been completely vindicated. A nd the G erm ans, after this, dem and that th e C zechs should trust them ? A re the Czechs to be blam ed fo r not wanting to join a nation that oppresses and m altreats o th er nations, while liberating itself? A re they to be blam ed fo r not wanting to send th eir rep resen ta tives to our w retched, faint-hearted National Assembly at F ran kfurt, which is afraid o f its own sovereignty? A re they to be blamed for dissociating themselves from the im potent Austrian G overnm ent, which is in such a perp lexed and helpless state that it seems to exist only in o rd er to register the disintegration of A ustria, which it is unable to prevent, o r at least to

give it an o rd erly cou rse? A G overnm ent which is even too weak to save P rag u e from th e guns and soldiers of a W indischgratz? B u t it is th e gallant Czechs them selves who are m ost of all to be pitied. W h eth er they win o r a r e defeated, th eir d oom is sealed. T h ey have been driven into the arm s of the Russians by 4 0 0 years of G erm an oppression, which is being continued now in th e streetfighting waged in P rag u e. In th e g reat struggle between W estern and Eastern E u ro p e, which may begin very soon, perhaps in a few weeks, the Czechs are placed by an unhappy fate on th e side of the Russians, the side of despotism opposed to th e revolution. T h e revolution will triu m p h and th e Czechs will be th e first to be crushed by it.^"* T h e G erm ans once again b ear th e responsibility fo r th e ruin of the Czech people, for it is th e G erm ans who have betrayed them to Russia.
Written by Engels on Ju n e 17, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung N o. 18, Ju n e 18, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

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Valdenaires ArresiSebaldt

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V A L D E N A IR E S A R R E S T S E B A L D T

is no easier m ethod to fail an election to which one objects than to arrest the candidate! And th e G overn m en t, in o rd e r to be consistent, does not sum m on his substitute G raff in spite of his protests. T h u s a population of 6 0 ,0 0 0 fallen out of favour is left u n rep resen ted . W e advise H e rr G raff to go to B erlin on his own authority. Finally, we can n ot describe the situation in T r ie r better than by rep rod ucin g the following warning issued by the high and mighty H e rr Sebaldt, the royal Landrat and Chief B u rg om aster of T rie r:
WARNING

Cologne. As is well known, th e B erlin A g reem en t Assembly has d eferred th e debate on W encelius m otion con cern in g the im prison m en t of Victor Valdenaire, the deputy of th e district o f T rie r. A nd on w hat grou n ds! B ecause no law about the im m unity o f p eoples representatives can be fou nd in the archives o f the old Prussian legislation, just as there a re , of cou rse, no peoples representatives in th e old lum ber-room of Prussian history. N othing is easier than on this basis subsequendy to destroy all the achievem ents of the revolution in the interest o f th e state treasu ry. T h e self-evident dem ands, requirem ents and rights o f the revolution are not, of course, sanctioned by a legislation whose basis has been exploded by just this revolution. F ro m the m om en t th ere w ere Prussian p eoples representatives, the immunity o f the Prussian peoples rep resen ta tives existed. O r should the continued existence of th e entire A g reem en t Assembly be d ep en den t on the m ood of a chief of police o r a law -court? By all m eans! Zweiffel, Reichensperger and the rest of the Rhenish jurists w ho tran sfo rm every political question into p roced u ral w rangling and who could not allow the case of Valdenaire to pass w ithout displaying m inute casuistry'and gigantic servility, will be entirely safe fro m such a possibility. O n this occasion we would like to pose a question to H e rr R eich en sp erger II: H as H e rr R eich en sperger not perhaps been appointed to becom e President of tiie court in Cologne after H e rr S ch aub ergs retirem en t, which is supposed to take place on July 1, 1848? Valdenaire was arrested just as h e was clim bing into th e stage-coach to M erzig w here the election o f a deputy fo r Frankfurt was to take place. Valdenaire had secu red the g reat m ajority of the votes. T h e re

For several evenings in a row, unusually numerous crowds of people have shown up on the public squares and streets of the city, which have aroused the fear in nervous people that illegal demonstrations are imminent. I am not one of these nervous people, and I like it well if the street traffic moves freely. If, however, contrary to expectations, some immature persons should get the idea of misusing this traffic for knavish tricks and insulting railler) , I must urge the better part of the public C Odissociate itself immediately from these elements, for serious disturbances of public order will be met by serious counter-measures and I should be very sor^- if dunng a possible conflict the careless should come to harm rather than the guilty. Trier, June 16, 1848 T he royal Landrat and Chief Burgo master Ri!gierungs-Rat Sebaldt

H ow kindly and patriarchally this em inent m an writes! " H e likes it well if the street traffic moves freely." W hat a pleasant liking H e rr Sebaldt has! Nervous people fear a dem onstration. T h e d ictator of T n e r has the quality o f not being nervous. Y et he m ust show his absolute authority, he m ust tran sfo rm the chim eras o f the nervous people into official conjecture so that he can oppose serious disturbances with ap propriately serious cou n ter-m easu res. How surprisingly well th e g reat man is able to com bine seriousness and kindliness! T h e better citizens of T rie r m ay slum ber in peace u n d er th e p rotection of this serious, yet kindly providence.
Written on June 18, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheiniscke Zeifung No. 19, Ju n e 19, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

T h e A g reem ent Assembly Session o f Ju n e 17 96

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T H E A G R E E M E N T A S S E M B L Y SESSIO N O F JU N E 17

Cologne, Ju n e 19. N othing learned and nothing forgot te n * this saying is as valid fo r the C am phausen G overnm ent as it is fo r th e Bourbons. On Ju n e 14, the people, enraged by the a g reers repudiation of the revolution, m arch upon the arsenal.* T h ey w ant a g u aran tee against the Assembly and they know th at w eapons a re th e best g uarantee. T h e arsenal is taken by storm and th e people arm themselves. T h e storm ing of the arsenal, an event without im m ediate results, a revolution that stopped halfway, nevertheless had th e effect; 1. T h a t the trem bling Assembly retracted its decision of the previous day and declared that it would place itself u n d er the protection of th e people of Berlin. 2. T h a t it repudiated th e Ministry on a vital question and rejected th e C am phausen d raft Constitution by a m ajority of 4 6 votes. 3. T h a t th e Ministry immediately disintegrated, that th e Ministers Kanitz, Schwerin and Auerswald resigned (of these up to now only Kanitz has definitely been replaced, by Schreckenstein) and that on Ju n e 17 H e rr C am phausen asked the Assembly to give him three days to replenish his decim ated Ministry. All this was accom plished by th e storm ing of th e arsenal. A nd at the sam e tim e when the effects of this self-arm ing of the people becom e so strikingly ap p aren t, th e G overnm ent dares attack that action itself. A t the same tim e when Assembly and Ministry acknowledge th e insu rrection , the participants of th e insurrection are subjected to a judicial investigation, and are dealt with according
A remark Talleyrand is supposed to have made about the Bourbons. Ed. See this volume, pp. 89-90. Ed.

to old-Prussian laws, slandered in th e Assembly and p ortrayed as com m on thieves! On th e very sam e day when the trem bling Assembly places itself u n d e r th e protection of those who storm ed th e arsenal, they are described as rob bers and violent thieves in d ecrees issued by H e rr Griesheim (Com m issioner in the Ministry of W ar) and H e rr Tem m e (Public P rosecu tor). T h e liberal H e rr T e m m e whom the revolution b ro u g h t back from exile, begins a stringent investigation o f those w ho continue th e revolution. K om , Lowinsohn and Urban are arrested . All o ver Berlin, police raid a fte r police raid is being carried out. C aptain Natzmer, who had th e sense to recognise the necessity for an im m ediate withdrawal from th e arsenal, the man who by his peaceful retreat saved Prussia fro m a new revolution and the Ministers fro m Immense d an g er, this m an is tried by a military co u rt which makes use o f th e articles of w ar to con d em n him to death. T h e m em bers of the A g reem en t Assembly are likewise recoverin g fro m th eir fright. In th eir session on the 17th , they rep u d iate the m en who storm ed th e arsenal just as they repu d iated th e b arricade fighters o n the 9 th . T h e following events tran sp ired d u rin g this session o f th e 17th. H e rr C am phausen explains to th e Assembly that he will now reveal all facts in o rd e r that it may .decide w hether o r not to im peach the Ministry because o f th e storm ing of th e arsenal. T h e re was a reason, indeed, fo r im peaching th e M inisters, not because they tolerated th e storm ing of th e arsenal, but rath er because they caused it by circum venting one of th e most significant results of the revolution: th e arm in g of th e people. T h e n H e rr Griesheim, C om m issioner in the Ministry of W ar, rises a fter him . H e gives a lengthy description of th e w eapons in the arsenal, especially of rifles of an entirely new type of which only Prussia knows th e se cre t , of w eapons o f historical significance and o f all th e o th e r m arvellous item s. H e describes th e g uardin g of th e arsenal: upstairs th ere are 2 5 0 arm y troop s and downstairs is the civic militia. H e refers to th e fact that the flow o f weapons to and from th e arsenal, which is th e main arm ou ry of th e whole Prussian state, was hardly interru p ted by th e M arch revolution. A fter all these prelim inary rem ark s with which he tried to arouse the sym pathy of th e ag reers for th e arsenal, this most interesting institution, he finally com es to the events of Ju n e 14. T h e peoples attention had always been draw n to the arsenal and th e arm s deliveries and they had been told that these weapons belonged to them .

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A rticles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung T h e A greem ent Assembly Session o f Ju n e 17

99

T h e w eapons belonged indeed to the people, first of all as national p roperty and secondly as part of the acquired and g u aranteed right of the people to bear arm s. H e rr Griesheim could state with certainty that the first shots were fired by the people against the civic militia . T his assertion is a co u n terp art to the seventeen dead soldiers of M arch. H e rr Griesheim now relates that th e people invaded th e arsenal, that the civic militia retreated and that 1 ,1 0 0 rifles of the new type of rifle were then stolen, an irreplaceable loss (!). Captain N atzm er had been talked into a dereliction of dutrf \ i.e. into retreatin g, and the military had withdrawn. But now th e C om m issioner from th e Ministry of W ar com es to a passage of his rep o rt which causes his old-Prussian h eart to bleed: the people d esecrated th e sacred schrine of old Prussia. Listen:
Thereafter doumright atrocities began to occur in the rooms upstairs. Theft, robbery and destruction took place. New weapons were flung down and broken. Anfitpws of irreplaceable value, rifles inlaid with silver and ivory and artistic, hard-to-replace artillery models were destroyed. Trophies and flags won by the blood o f the people, symbols o f the nations honour, were tom and besmirchedl (General indignation. Calls from all sides: Shame! Shamel)

In spite of all his w hisker-raising indignation over such an outrage, H e rr G riesheim does not, how ever, fail to rem ark that the whole m atter cost th e state 5 0 ,0 0 0 talers as well as enough weapons to equip several battalions of tro o p s . H e continues:
It was not the desire to arm the people which caused the assault since the weapons were sold for a few groschen.

T h e storm ing o f the arsenal, accordin g to H e rr G riesheim , was m erely th e deed of a nu m b er o f thieves who stole rifles in o rd e r to sell them again for a d ram of liquor. T h e C om m issioner from the Ministry of W ar so far owes us an explanation why the rob bers plundered the arsenal ra th e r than the wealthy shops of the goldsm iths and m oney-changers.
Much svmpathy has been shown for the unfortunate (1) captain because he violated his duty allegedly to prevent the shedding of citizens blood; his acnon has even been portrayed as commendable and deserving of thanks. Today I was even visited by a delegation which is demanding that this deed should be acknowledged by the entire fatherland as deserving of thanks. (Indignation.) It consisted of representatives of the various clubs which are under the chairmanship of Assessor Schramm. (Indignation on the Right and calls of shame!) One thing is certain, the captain has broken the first and foremost law o f the soldier: he has abandoned his post in spite of explicit instructions given him not to leave it without explicit orders. It was put to him that his withdrawal would save the throne, that all troops had left the city and the King had fled from Potsdam. (Indignation.) H e acted in exotly the same manner as the fortress commandant in 1806 who also surrendered that which had been entrusted to him without further ado instead of defending it. Incidentally, the rejoinder that his withdrawal prevented the shedding of citizens blood does not hold water. Not a hair on anybodys head would have been touched since he surrendered his post at the moment when the rest of the battalion was coming to his aid. (Shouts of bravo from the Right, hissing from the Left.)

T h is indignation o f the old blade at the frivolity o f the people is indeed laughable. T h e people have com m itted dow nright at rocities against old spiked helm ets, the shakos o f the arm y reserve and o th er junk of irreplaceable value ! T h ey have flung down the new w eapons ! W h at an atrocity such an act m ust rep resen t in the eyes of a veteran lieutenant-colonel w ho was only flo w e d to ad m ire th e new w eapons respectfully in th e arsenal while his regim en t had to practise with the m ost antiquated rifles! T h e people have destroyed th e artillery models! Perhaps H e rr G riesheim is dem anding that the people a re supposed to p u t on kid gloves before starting a revolution? B u t th e m ost horrible event has yet to co m e the trophies o f old Prussia have been besm irched and torn! H e rr G riesheim relates an event which d em onstrates that the people of Berlin showed a m ost co rre c t revolutionary attitude on Ju n e 14. T h e people o f B erlin disavowed th e wars of liberation by tram pling upon the flags cap tu red at Leipzig and W aterloo.T h e first thing the G erm ans have to d o in th eir revolution is to break with th eir en tire disgraceful past. T h e old-Prussian A greem en t Assembly, how ever, had of cou rse to cry sham e! sham e! over an action in which the people fo r the first time co n fro n t in a revolutionary way n ot only their oppressors but also the glittering illusions o f their own past.

H e rr G riesheim has, of cou rse, forgotten again that Captain N atzm ers restrain t saved Berlin fro m renew ed arm ed fighting, the Ministers from the greatest d an g er and the m on arch y from being overthrow n. H e rr G riesheim , who again plays the role of lieutenantcolonel to th e hilt, sees in N atzm ers a ct nothing but insubordination, cowardly desertion of his post and treason in th e well-known old-Prussian m an n er of 1 8 0 6 . T h e m an to whom th e m on arch y owes its continued existence is to be con d em n ed to d eath . W h at a w onderful exam p le fo r th e en tire arm y! And how did th e Assembly act at this tale by H e rr Griesheim ? It becam e th e ech o of his indignation. T h e L eft finally protested by hissing. T h e B erlin L e ft is generally behaving in a m o re and m ore cow ardly and am biguous m an n er. W h ere w ere these gentlem en, who exploited the people d u rin g the elections, on the night of Ju n e

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14, when th e people soon let th e advantages gained slip fro m their grasp again, solely because o f th eir perplexity, and when only a leader was lacking to m ake the victory com plete? W h ere w ere H e rr B eren d s, H e rr Ju n g , H e rr Eisn er, H e rr Stein, and H e rr R eichenbach? T h ey rem ain ed at h om e o r m ade innocuous com plaints to the M inisters. B u t that is n ot all. T h ey do not even d are to d efend the people against the calum nies and vilifications of th e G overnm ent Com m issioner. N ot a single o ne of them speaks up. N ot a single one wants to be responsible fo r the action o f th e people which gave them th eir first victory. T h ey d a re not do anything but hiss. W h at heroism !
Written by Engels on Ju n e 19, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinuche Zeitung No. 20, Ju n e 20, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

T H E STU PP AM EN D M EN T

Cologne, Ju n e 2 0 . H e rr Stupp from Cologne has proposed an am en d m en t to th e law con cern in g the immunity of deputies which was n ot discussed in th e A g reem en t Assembly but which m ight n o t be uninteresting to his fellow citizens fro m C ologne. W e do not w ant to deprive them o f th e undivided enjoym ent o f this legislative w ork of art.
The Amendment o f Deputy Stupp Paragraph I. "N o member of the Assembly may be called to account in any manner whatsoever either for his votes or for the words and opinions that he expresses in his capacity as deputy. Amendment: Delete the word words in the third line. Reason: It suffices that a deputy may freely express his opinion. T h e expression words may also comprise slander which entitles the insulted person to sue for libel in a civil action. T o protect the deputies from such suits seems to be contrary to the respect and honour of the Assembly.

It suffices that the deputy expresses no opinion at all but simply drum s and votes. W hy then not also delete opinions' since opinions must be exp ressed in w ords , may even be expressed in slander ous words, and since also slanderous opinions may be "subsumed u n d er th e expression opinions ?
Paragraph 2, "F o r the duration of the Assembly none of its members rnay be called to account or arrested for an act liable to punishment without the permission of the Assembly except when that member is caught in the act or within 24 hours thereafter. A similar permission is necessary for an arrest on account of debts. Amendment Delete the final sentence: A similar permission is necessaryfor an arrest on account o f debts. Reosim: We are dealing here with an infringement o f the civil rights o f citizens and the ratification of such an infringement seems to me to be questionable. Though it might be greatly in the interest of the Assembly to keep some deputy in its midst, I still find respect for civil rights more important.

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T h e Sciipp A m endm ent

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We must, however, bear in mind especially that we are promulgating this law not for the future, i.e. not for the members o f a future Chamber, but for us. Let us assume that there are members among us who have to fear arrest on account of debts; it would certainly make a bad impression on our voters if we were to protect ourselves against the legitimate prosecution of our creditors by a law which we have passed ourselves."

civil law! W h at the state has no righ t to d o, the private p erson may carry o u t' Civil p roceedings above everything! Civil p roceed m gs are H e rr Stupps fixed idea. Civil law is Moses and the p roph ets! Swear by civil law, particularly civil proceedings! People, show respect fo r the Holy of H olies! ,! i u * .u T h e re are no infringem ents o f civil law upon public law but tnere are "questionable en croach m en ts o f public law u p on civil law. W hy b o th e r with a C on stitution since we possess th e Code civil as well as civil co u rts and lawyers?
Paragraph 3. Any criminal procedure against a member of the Assembly and any :irrest is suspended for the duration o f the session if the Assembly demands it.

R ath er th e o th er way around! It makes a bad im pression upon H e rr Stupp that the voters have sent m em bers am ong us who could be arrested on account of debts. How lucky w ere M irabeauand Fox not to have had to live u n d er th e legislation of Stupp. O ne single difficulty disconcerts H e rr Stupp fo r a m om ent, it is th e interest of the Assembly to keep some deputy in its m idst . T h e interest of the people but who wants to speak of that? It is only a question of the interests of a closed society which wants to keep som eone in its midst while the creditors would like to see him outside in gaol. Collision of two im p ortan t interests! H e rr Stupp could have given a m o re convincing version o f his am en d m en t: individuals w ho are em barrassed by debts m ay only be elected representatives of the people with th e perm ission of th eir respective creditors. T h e y may be recalled at any time by th eir creditors. In the final analysis, both Assembly and G overnm ent are subject to the su p rem e decision of the creditors o f the state. Second amendment to P aragrap h 2:
While the Assembly is in session none o f its members may be prosecuted or arrested by the authorities without the permission of the Assembly for a punishable act unless he is caught in the act. Reason: T h e word Assembly in the first line is taken to mean a corporation, and with regard to this the expression duration of the Assembly seem.-v unsuitable. I am proposing the substitution of while the Assembly is in session. It also seems more fitting to replace an act liable to punishment with a punishable act. I am of the opinion that we must not exclude civil proceedings on account of punishable acts because we would thereby allow an infringement of civil law. Hence the addhion by the authorities. If the addition or within the next 24 hours etc. remains, the judge may arrest any deputy within 24 hours after any transgression.

M otion to ch an ge P arag rap h 3 in the following m an n er:

Any criminal procedure against a member of the Assembly and any arrest arising out of it unless the arrest has been made by virtue o f a judtctal verdict-shz\l be cancelled at once if the Assembly so decides." Reason: It is surely not the intention to release deputies from gaol who have aready been sentenced to imprisonment by a judicial verdict. If the amendment is passed, it wUl apply also to those v-ho are m gaol on account of debts.

T h e Bill assures th e immunity of the deputies fo r th e duration of the Assembly, the am en d m en t of H e rr Stupp only fo r th e duration of the sessions , i.e. fo r 6, o r at most 12 hours p er day. A nd what an ingenious justification! O ne can speak o f the duration o f a session but can o ne speak of the duration of a corporation} H e rr Stupp does not want the authorities to p rosecu te o r arrest the deputies w ithout the Assemblys perm ission. H e thus takes the liberty to inlrin ge criminal law. B u t as reg ard s civil proceeding^. O n n o a ccou n t should th ere be an en croach m en t upon civil law! L on g live

Could the Assembly have th e treasonable intention to weaken the force of a judicial verd ict o r even to take into its midst a m an who is in g ao ! on accou n t of debts? H e rr Stupp is trem bling at this assault upon civil p roceedings and the force of judicial verdicts. Any question of th e sovereignty of th e people has now been disposed of. H e rr Stupp has proclaim ed th e sovereignty of civil proceedings and civil law How cruel to snatch such a m an away from civil law practice and to throw him into th e inferior sphere of th e legislative pow er! T h e sovereign people has com m itted this questionable infrin gem en t ol civil law H e rr Stupp, on th e o th er hand, starts civil proceedings a g a in st th e s o v e r e ig n ty of the people and public law E m p ero r N icholas, how ever, may calmly tu rn back. U pon th e tirst crossing of the Prussian fron tier h e will be m et by D eputy Stupp who will hold in one han d civil p roceedings and in the o th er hand a judicial verd ict . F o r. he will declare with a p p ro p n a te solem nity: W ar, what is war? A questionable infringem ent of civil law! A questionable infrin gem en t of civil law!
Written on June 20, 1848 First published in the Neue Rkeinische Zeitung No. 21, June 21, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

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A New Policy in Posen

105

A N EW P O L IC Y IN POSEN

of the Poles against us, the now inevitable Russian-Polish alliance against G erm an y, an alliance by which the enem ies of the revolution will be rein forced by a brave people of 2 0 million, has all this hap p ened and taken place m erely in o rd e r to give H e rr C am p hausen the opportunity to stam m er his pater peccavi} Does H e rr C am phausen really believe that now w hen h e is in need of th e Poles, it is possible throu gh gentle orato ry and concessions to regain fo rm er sympathies which have been drow ned in blood? Does he really believe that the stigmatised hands will ever be raised in his defence o r that th e shaven foreheads will ever expose them selves to Russian sabres? Does he really believe that he can ever lead those w ho escaped Prussian shrapnel against R u s s i a n grape-shot? A nd does H e rr C am phausen believe that his G overnnient can survive now that he himself has so unam biguously adm itted his inability?
Written by Engels on June 20, 1848 First published in the Neue Rkeinische Zeitung No. 21, June 21, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in EngKsh for the first time

Cohgne, Ju n e 2 0 . O n ce again th ere is a new twist to th e Posen affair! A fter th e Willisen phase with its lofty prom ises and enthusiastic proclam ations cam e the Pfuel phase with shrapnel, brandings and shaved head s, the phase of the blood bath and Russian barbarity. Now a fter the Pfuel phase com es a new phase of reconciliation! M ajor Otberg, C hief o f th e G eneral Staff at Posen and chief participant in th e m assacres and brandings, is suddenly tran sferred against his will. G eneral Colomb is also tran sferred against his will fro m Posen to K onigsberg. G eneral Pfuel (von Hollenstein) has been o rd ered to go to Berlin an d Oherprdsident Beurmann has already arrived there. T h u s Posen has been com pletely deserted by the knights who bore lun ar caustic in their co at of arm s, were swinging shearing knives and bravely, from secu re am bush, mowed down defenceless scythem en with shrapnel a t a distance of 1 ,0 0 0 to 1 ,2 0 0 paces. T h e G erm an-Jew ish Polonophobes are shaking. Ju st like th e Poles at an earlier tim e they find themselves betrayed by the G overnm ent. A light has suddenly dawned upon th e Cam phausen G overnm ent. T h e d an ger o f a Russian invasion has convinced it that it m ade an en orm ou s mistake when it su rren d ered the Poles to the w rath of the b u reau cracy and the Pom eranian arm y reserve. Now that it is too late, it wants to regain th e sym pathy o f the Poles at any price! M oreover, the en tire bloody w ar of exterm ination against the Poles with all its cruelties and barbarities which will fo r ever form a disgraceful ch ap ter in G erm an history, the justifiable deadly hatred
HSllenstein means lunar caustic. Ed.

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T H E D O W N FA L L O F T H E C A M P H A U S E N G O VERN M EN T

T H E D O W N FA L L O F T H E C A M P H A U S E N GOVERNMENT

Cologne, Ju n e 2 1 . 10 p.m . W e received th e following inform ation from Berlin, Ju n e 2 0 : T b e C a m p b a u sen G o v ern m en t h a s fa lle n ; at 8 oclock this m orning H err Camphausen returned his portfolio to the K in g.' When the Agreement Assembly met this m orning after an adjournment due to the proposed changes, the President'^ read out a letter from Camphausen announcing his resipiation to the Chamber because he had not succeeded in fillin g the ministerial vacancies. H e rr Hansem ann, H e rr von Auerswald, H e rr Bom em ann, H e rr von Patow, H e rr Roth von Schreckenstein and H e rr Schleinitz sat on the ministerial bench, Schreckenstein as newly appointed M in ist^ o f W ar and Schleinitz, the xuell-known favourite o f the P rin ce ss of P ru ssia S and R u s so p b ile, as M in ister o f F o re ig n A ffa irs . Hansemann and von Auerswald further declared that now that the Prime Minister had resigned they were all provisional, with the exception o f von Schreckenstein and Schleinitz, and would m-etely handle day-to-day affairs until the formation o f a new Cabinet. T he Agreement Assembly was moreover asked fo r an indefinite adjournment of the Chamber. It has been decided to adjourn until next Monday. O u r readers will not be surprised by l/iw news. For days now we have been predicting the downfall o f the Camphausen Government. A nd we added: Either a new revolution or a definitely reactionary Government. T h e attempt at a new revolution has failed. A R u s s o p b ile G o v ern m en t w ill p a v e th e way f o r th e T sa r.
Written on June 21, 1848 First published in the special supplement to the N ew Rheinische Zeitung'No. 22, June 22. 1848 Frederick William IV . Ed. Kari Milde. d. Augusta, Marie Luise Katharina. Primed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

Cologne, Ju n e 22.
May the sun shine very clear Once it, too, will disappear,

and the sun of M arch 3 0 , tinged by the hot blood of the Poles, has also set.^ j i_ T h e C am phausen G overnm ent has covered th e co u n ter revolution with its liberal-bourgeois cloak. T h e counter-revolution now feels stron g en ou gh to shake o ff this irksom e mask. It is possible th at the G overnm ent of M arch 3 0 will be followed for a few days by som e untenable G overnm ent of th e L eft C en tre. Its real successor will be the Government of the Prince of Prussia. C am phausen has th e h o n o u r of having given the absolutist feudal party its natural boss and him self a successor. W hy pam p er th e bourgeois guardians any longer? A re th e Russians n ot standing on th e eastern fron tier and the Prussian troops on th e w estern border? H ave not shrapnel and liinar caustic p rep ared the Poles fo r th e Russian p ropagan d a canipaign. H ave not all steps been taken to rep eat in alm ost all Rhenish towns th e b om bardm ent of Prague?^ , u H ave not the Danish and Polish w ars, and th e m any small clashes between th e military and the people, provided th e arm y with ^ l the tim e and opp ortun ity in th e world to form itself into a brutal soldiery?
* Quotation from Ferdinand Raimunds play Da Mddchen aus der Feenwelt o(Ur der Bauer als Millionar, Act I I, Scene 6. Ed. ** See this volume, pp. 91-93. Ed.

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Is not the bourgeoisie tired of revolution? A nd is th ere not standing in the middle of the ocean the rock upon which the counter-revolution will build its church*: E ngland} T h e C am phausen G overnm ent seeks to snatch a pennyw orth of popularity,** to stir u p public com passion by th e assurance that it is m aking its exit fro m the stage of the state as a dupe. It certainly is a case of the deceived d eceiver.' Since it served the big bourgeoisie, it was com pelled to try to ch eat the revolution out of its d em ocratic gains; in com bating d em ocracy it was forced to ally itself with the aristocratic p arty and becom e th e tool o f its counter-revolutionary aims. T h e aristocratic p arty is now stro n g en ou gh to throw its p ro tecto r overb oard . H e rr Camphausen has sotun reaction as envisaged by the big bourgeoisie and he has reaped reaction as envisaged by the feudal party. O ne was the w ell-m eant intention o f th e m an , the o th e r his evil fate. A pennys w orth o f popularity fo r the disappointed man A p ennys w orth of popularity!
May the sun shine very clear Once it, too, will disappear!

T H E F IR S T M E D O F T H E G ER M A N N A T IO N A L A S S E M B L Y IN F R A N K F U R T

But it will rise again in the East.

Written on June 22, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheiniscke Zeitung No. 23, June 23, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

Cologne. T h e G erm an N ational Assembly has at last risen to its task! It has at last m ade a decision of im m ediate practical value, it has intervened in th e A ustro-Italian war. And how has it intervened? H as it proclaim ed Italy s indepen den ce? H as it sent a co u rie r to V ienna with th e o rd e r that R ad eu k y and W elden m ust at once withdraw behind th e River Isonzo? H as it issued a con gratu latory m essage to the Provisional G overnm ent of Milan?* N ot at all! It has d eclared that it would regard any attack upon Trieste as a casus belli. T h is m eans: T h e G erm an N ational Assembly, in cordial a g re e m ent with the Federal Diet, allows th e A ustrians to com m it the greatest brutalities in Italy, to p lunder, to m u rd e r, to p ou r incendiary rockets into every village and town (see u n d e r Italy) and then to retreat safely to n eu tral territo ry of th e G erm an C on fed era tion! It allows th e A ustrians at any time to inundate Lom bardy from G erm an soil with C roats and Fandours^ but it wants to prohibit the Italians from pursuing the beaten A u s t r i a n s into th e ir hiding-places! It perm its th e A ustrians to use T rieste to blockade V enice and the m ouths o f th e Piave, th e B ren ta, the T agliam en to; but it prohibits any hostile action of th e Italians against T rieste! T h e G erm an National Assembly could not have acted with g reater cow ardice than it did by adopting this decision. It does not have the co u rag e openly to sanction th e Italian war. It has even less co u rag e to prohibit the A ustrian G overnm ent from con d u ctin g the w ar. C aught in this em barrassing situation, it passes the decision on T rieste (to top it all by acclam ation, so as to still its secret fear by loud cries) which

Matthew 16:18 (paraphrased). Ed. Cf. Heinrich Heine, Deutschland. F.in Wintermarchen, Caput XXIV .- ~Ed. G. E. Lessing, Nathan der Weise, Act H I, Scene 7. Ed.

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formally neither approves n o r disapproves of th e w ar against the Italian revolution but which, nevertheless, approves o f it in fact. This decision is an indirect declaration o f war on Italy, and because it is an indirect declaration, doubly disgraceful fo r a nation of 4 0 million people like the G erm an . T h e decision of tjie F ran kfu rt Assembly will evoke a storm of protest in all Italy. If the Italians still have som e pride and energy, they will answ er by a b om bardm ent o f T rieste and a m arch on the B ren n er. B u t while the F ran k fu rt Assembly proposes, the F ren ch people disposes. V enice has appealed fo r F ren ch aid. A fte r this, the F ren ch will probably soon cross the Alps and then it will n o t be long before we have them on the Rhine. O ne deputy* has accused th e F ran k fu rt Assembly of being idle. On the co n trary ! It has already worked so h ard that we have o ne w ar in the north' and an o th er o ne in th e south and that wars in the west and east have b ecom e inevitable. W e shall be in th e fortu n ate position of having to fight simultaneously th e T s a r and the French Republic, reaction and revolution. T h e Assembly has m ade sure that Russian and F ren ch , Danish and Italian soldiers will m eet a t St. Pauls C h u rch in F ra n k fu rt.' A n d it is said th e Assembly has been idle!
Written by Engels on Ju n e 22, 1848 First published in the N ew Rheinische Zeitung No. 23, June 23, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

T H E H A N SEM A N N GOVERNM ENT

^ Kohlparzer. Ed. T h e war with Denmark over Schleswig-Holstein. ' T h e meeting place o f the German National Assembly. Ed.

Cologne, Ju n e 2 3 . A new tu rn in the govern m en t crisis in Berlin! O u r Hansemann has been entrusted with the form ation of a Cabinet and h e will d rop pathetically into th e arm s of the Left Centre tog eth er with Patoxv, Bom em ann, Sckleinitz and Schreckenstein, the debris of the old Cabinet. H e rr Rodbertus is supposed to participate in the new com bination. H e is the m ediator who obtains favour and forgiveness from the L eft C en tre for th e con trite w reckage of the C am phausen G overnm ent. By the g race of H e rr R odbertus, o u r Prussian D uchatel sees his wildest d ream s com ing true he becom es Prim e M inister. Cam phausens laurels did not let him rest. Now he will at last have the opportunity to p rove what he is capable of when he is in a position to spread, his wings u n h in d ered . Now we will be able to adm ire in all th eir glory his gigantic financial plans and his limitless p rojects for the elimination of all want and misery those plans which he used to present in such a m agnificent light to his deputies. Only now is h e in a position to devote to th e state th e entire ran g e of his talents which he earlier displayed so brilliantly and successfully as railwayman and in oth er posts. A nd now it will begin to rain votes of confidence. H e rr H ansem ann has surpassed his m odel. T h an k s to R od b ertu s devotion he will be Prim e Minister, a position never held by D u ch k el. B u t we w arn him . D uchatel had his reasons fo r always rem aining ostensibly in the background. D uchatel knew that the m o re o r less cu ltured circles of th e cou n try both within and without the C ham ber need a well-spoken knight of the g reat debate , a Guizot o r C am phausen, who on every occasion could soothe the consciences and cap tu re the hearts of all audiences with the required argum ents, philosophical deductions, statesman-like theories and

ti-3 4 4 7

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o th e r em pty phrases. D uchatel n ever envied his loquacious ideolo gists the nim bus of the Prim e M inisters office. C arin g fo r real, actual pow er, he considered vain glitter worthless. H e knew that w here he was, th ere was real pow er. H e rr H ansem an n wants to try it an oth er way, he m ust know what h e is doing. B u t we rep eat, h^ing Prim e Minister is n ot th e natural role fo r a Duchatel. W e are struck with a painful feeling when we contem plate how soon H e rr H ansem ann must plunge from his dizzy height. F o r before th e H ansem ann G overnm ent has been form ed, before it has had a single m om ent to enjoy its existence, it is already doom ed.
T h e hangman stands at the door,*

T H E N E U E B E R L IN E R Z E IT U N G ON T H E C H A R T IS T S

reaction and the Russians are knocking and b efore the cock will have crow ed thrice,** the H ansem ann G overnm ent will have fallen despite R odbertus and despite th e L eft C entre. T h e n good-bye to the Prim e M inisters office, good-bye financial plans and gigantic p rojects for the elimination of w ant; th e abyss will swallow them all and best wishes to H e rr H ansem ann when he quietly retu rn s to his humble civil h earth and can contem plate th e fact that life is but a dream.*"
Written on June 23, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 24. June 24, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

Cologne, Ju n e 2 3 . T h e first issue of th e Neue Berliner Zeitung rep orts all sorts of curious things about England. It is nice to be original; the N eue Berliner Zeitung has at least the m erit that it describes conditions in England in quite brand-new fashion. First of all, it says:
O Connor, who, indeed, seems to be a man without intelligence or principles, enjoys no esteem here at all."

It is not up to us to decide w hether O C on n o r possesses as m uch intelligence and principle as th e Neue Berliner Zeitung. This scion of ancient Irish kings, this leader of G reat B ritain s proletariat may in these advantages lag behind the educated Berlin new spaper. You are entirely co rre ct, how ever, oh educated B erlin new spaper, in what you have to say about his rep u tation : O C on n o r, like all rev olutionaries, is held in very bad o d o u r. H e has never been able .to gain the respect of all th e pious people th e way you have already done by you r first issue. T h e Berlin new spaper says fu rth er:
"O'Connell said that he (that is O Connor) possesses energy but no logic.

T h at is just splendid. T h e blessed Dan** was an honourable m an; the logic of his energy consisted in pulling an annuity of 3 0 ,0 0 0 pound sterling from th e pockets o f his p oo r cou n trym en . T h e logic of O C o n n o rs agitation resulted only in the sale of th e en tire worldly possessions of this notorious Chartist.
Heinrich Heine, Ritter O laf, Caput I I. Ed. ^ Cf. Mark 14:30. ' An allusion to the tide o f Calderon de la Barcas play L a vida es suefio (Life Is a Dream). Ed. * From an article dated London, 15. Ju n i, published in the Neue Berliner Zeitung No. 1, June 20, 1848, supplement, p. 9. Ed. , Daniel OConnell. Ed.

115 114 Articles from th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung

Mr. Jones, the second leader o f the extreme faction of the Chartists, who is now being sought by the courts and who is nowhere to be found, cannot even find anyone to put up bail o f 1,000 pound sterling.

T h at is th e third piece of news from o u r extrem ely well-educated Berlin new spaper. In these th ree lines, it states th ree extrem e absurdities. In the first place, bail is out of th e question so long as the co u rts are still searching fo r som eone. Secondly, M r. E rn est Jones has already been in Newgate* for a fortnight. T h e educated Berlin new spaper was perhaps only invited to tea at an oth er extrem ely well-educated and well-informed fellow new spaper when quite recently the entire bourgeois press o f England gave expression to its brutal joy over Jo n es arrest. T h ird ly, M r. Jon es has indeed at last found som eone who gladly offered to pay 1,000 pound sterling for him , namely none o th er than th e unintelligent and unprincipled O C o n n o r him self who was, how ever, turned down by the cou rts since as a M em ber o f Parliam ent he can n ot put up bail. T h e Berlin new spaper ends by alleging that the Chartists in the co u n try s sm aller towns frequently have fisticuffs with each oth er. If you had only once read an English new spaper, esteem ed Berlin paper! You would have m ade the discovery that th e Chartists have always had m ore fun in beating up the police than each other. W e com m en d th e intelligent and principled Neue Berliner Zeitung to the special attention of o u r readers.
Written on June 23, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheiniiche Zeitung No. 24, June 24, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first lime

T H R E A T O F T H E G E R V IN U S Z E IT U N C T

Cologne, Ju n e 24.
T h ere will not be any trouble if the prestige of the Frankfurt Assembly and its constitutional provisions keep France in check; Prussia will restore its prestige from its eastern provinces and in doing this it may perhaps hardly shrink from the temporary loss o f its Rhine Province." (Gervinus Zeitung o f June 22.)

How diplomatically the Berlin co rresp on d en t of th e professorial new spaper writes! Prussia will restore its prestige from its eastern provinces . W h ere will it restore its prestige? In the eastern provinces? O h no, from th e eastern provinces. In th e R hine Province? Even less so, since in connection with this restoration of its prestige it counts on a temporary loss of the Rhine Province , i.e. a tem p orary loss of its prestige in the Rhine Province. T h u s in B erlin and Breslau.*" A nd why will it not restore with its eastern province ra th e r than from its eastern province th e prestige it has apparently lost in Berlin and Breslau? Russia is not the eastern province o f Prussia, Prussia is ra th e r the western province of Russia. B u t from th e Prussian eastern province, the Russians will m ove arm in arm with th e w orthy Pom eranians to Sodom and Gomorrah and restore th e "prestige" of Prussia, i.e. the Prussian dynasty and absolute m on arch y. T his prestige was lost on the day when absolutism was forced to push a "written scrap of paper". soiled by plebeian blood, between itself and its people, and when the C ou rt was com pelled to place itself u n d er the protection and supervision of bourgeois grain and wool m erchants. T h u s the friend and saviour is to com e from th e East. W h at then is the purpose of co n cen tratin g soldiers that side of th e fron tier? It is from th e W est that the enem y is ap p roach in g and it is th erefo re in the W est that the troop s should be co n cen trated . A naive Berlin
Deutsche Zeitung edited by Professor Gervinus. Ed.

T h e London prison. Ed.

W roclaw, Ed.

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co rresp on d en t of the Kolnische Zeitung does not com p reh en d the heroism o f Pfuel, that upright Polonophile w ho accepts a mission to P etersb u rg without an escort of 1 0 0 ,0 0 0 m en behind him. Pfuel travels to P etersburg unafraidl Pfuel in Petersburgl Pfuel does not hesitate to cross the Russian fron tier and the G erm an public spins yarns about Russian forces along the G erm an fron tier! T h e co rresp on d en t of the Kolnische Zeitung feels sorry fo r the G erm an public. B u t let us retu rn to o u r professorial newspaper! If from the East the Russians rush to the aid of the Prussian dynasty, from the W est the F ren ch will rush to help the G erm an people. T h e Fran k furt Assembly may continue to debate calmly the best agenda and the best constitutional provisions . T h e corresp on d en t of the Gervinus Zeitung hides this opinion by the rhetorical em bellishm ent that the F ran k fu rt Assembly and its constitutional provisions will keep F ran ce in ch eck . Prussia will lose th e Rhine Province. B u t why should it shrink from such a loss? It will only be te m p o rary . G erm an patriotism will m arch once again u n d er Russian com m and against the Fren ch Babylon and also restore fo r good "th e prestige of Prussia" in th e R hine Province and in all South G erm any. O h, you foreboding angel, you! If Prussia does not shrink from the temporary loss of the Rhine Province the R hine Province shrinks even less fro m the "perm anent loss of Prussian rule. If the Prussians ally them selves with the Russians, the G erm ans will ally themselves with the F re n ch and united they will wage the w ar of th e W est against the East, of civilisation against barbarism , of the republic against autocracy. W e want the unification of G erm any. Only as th e result of the disintegration of th e large G erm an m onarchies, how ever, can the elem ents of this unity crystallise. T h ey will be welded to g eth er only by the stress o f war and revolution. Constitutionalism , how ever, will disappear o f itself as soon as the watchword of the time is: Autocracy or Republic. B u t, th e bourgeois constitutionalists exclaim indignantly, who has b rough t the Russians into G erm an affairs? W h o else but the dem ocrats? Down with th e d em ocrats! And they are right! If we ourselves had introduced th e Russian system in o u r cou n try, we would have saved the Russians the trouble of doing it and we would have saved the costs o f war.
W ritte n o n J u n e 2 4 , 1 8 4 8 F irs t p u b lish ed in th e Neiu Rheinische Zeitung N o . 2 5 , J u n e 2 5 , 1 8 4 8 P rin ted a c c o r d in g to th e n ew sp ap er P u b lish ed in E n g lish fo r th e first tim e

P A T O W S R E D E M P T IO N MEMORANDUM^

Cologne, Ju n e 2 4 . D uring the ag reem en t session of the 2 0 th of this [m onth], that fateful session d u rin g which C am phausens sun went down and th e ministerial chaos began, H e rr Patow submitted a m em orandum * which contains the chief principles accordin g to which he intends to regulate th e abolition of feudalism in the countryside. R eading this m em oran d u m , on e can n ot understan d why there had not been a peasant w ar long ago in the old-Prussian provinces. W h at a mess of services, fees and dues, what a jum ble of medieval nam es, o ne m o re fantastic than the o th er! Seigniory, death dues, heriot,'" tithes on livestock, protection m oney, W alpurgis ren t, bee dues, wax re n t, com m onage, tithe, liege money, additional r e n t all that has been in existence until today in the best-adm inistered state of the w orld and would have continued into all eternity if the F ren ch had not m ade their Feb ru ary revolution. Yes, most of these obligations, particularly the most burdensome am ong them , would continue into all eternity if H e rr Patow were to get his way. It was exactly for this reason that H e rr Patow was put in ch arg e of this d ep artm en t so that he should spare th e squires from th e backwoods of B ran d en b u rg, Pom erania and Silesia as m uch as possible and ch eat the peasants as m uch as possible of the fruits of the revolution!
^ P atow , Promemoria, hetreffend die Mfl-wrege/n der Cesetzgebung, durck welche die zeitgemiisse Reform der und grundherrlichen Verhiiltnisse und die Beseitigung der noch vorhandenen Hemmungen der Landeskultur hezweckt wird . Ed. In th e o rig in a l Besthaupt ^nd Kurmede are u se d , w h ich a re re g io n a l v a ria n ts o f th e G e r m a n ex p re ssio n fo r h e r io t. Ed.

G oethe, Faust, E rster T eil, M arthens G arten . Ed.

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T h e Berlin revolution has ren d ered these feudal conditions impossible fo r all tim e. T h e peasants, as was quite natural, abolished them at once in practice. All the G overnm ent had to do was to legalise the abolition of all feudal obligations which had in fact already been abrogated by the peoples will. B u t its castles must go u p in flames before the aristocracy decides upon a fou rth of A ugust. T h e G overnm ent, itself rep resen ted in this case by an aristocrat, declares fo r the aristocracy; it submits to the Assembly a m em oran d u m in which the ag reers are requested now also to betray to the aristocracy the peasant revolution which broke out in all G erm any in M arch. T h e G overnm ent is responsible for th e consequences which the application of Patow s principles will have in th e countryside. F o r H e rr Patow wants th e peasants to pay indemnities fo r the abrogation of all feudal obligations, even the liege m oney. T h e only obligations which are to be abolished without com pensation are those which are derived from serfd om , from the old ta x system and from patrim onial jurisdiction^ o r those which are worthless to th e feudal lords (how g raciou s!), i.e. on the whole those obligations which constitute th e smallest part of th e en tire feudal b u rden. On th e o th e r han d , all feudal redem ption paym ents which have previously been fixed by co n tract o r jud gm en t are to be definitive. T his m eans: the peasants, who have paid o ff th eir obligations u n d er th e reaction ary, p ro-aristocratic laws issued since 1 8 1 6 and p articu larly those issued since 1 8 4 0 , and who have been cheated out of their p roperty in favou r o f th e feudal lords, first by the law and then by bribed officials, will receive no com pensation. Instead m o rtg ag e banks' are to be created so as to throw dust into the peasants eyes. If all w ere to g o accord in g to th e wishes o f H e rr Patow, the feudal obligations would be ju st as little rem oved u n d er his laws as u n d er th e old laws o f 1807. T h e co rrect title o f H e rr Patow s essay should be: M em orandum con cern in g th e Preservation of Feudal Obligations fo r All T im e by Way of R edem p tion . T h e Government is provoking a peasant war. Perhaps Prussia will also not shrink from the temporary loss of Silesia.
Written on June 24, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 25, June 25, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

T H E D EM O C R A T IC C H A R A C T E R O F T H E UPRISING*

Prague Every day brings fu rth e r confirm ation of o u r view of the Prague uprising (N o. 18 of this paper*), and shows that the insinuations of G erm an newspapers which alleged that the Czech party served reaction, the aristocracy, the Russians etc. were ^downright lies. . r i j T h ey only saw C ount Leo T h u n and his aristocrats, and tailed to notice th e mass of the people of Bohem ia the n u m erous industrial workers and th e peasants. T h e fact that at one m om ent the aristocracy tried to use the Czech m ovem ent in its own interests and those of th e cam arilla at Innsbruck," was reg ard ed by them as evidence that the revolutionary proletariat of P rag u e, who, already in 1 8 4 4 , held full con trol of P rag u e fo r th ree days, rep resented the interests of the nobility and reaction in general. All these calum nies, how ever, were exploded by th e first decisive act of th e Czech party. T h e uprising was so decidedly dem ocratic that the C ounts Thun, instead of head in g it, immediately withdrew from it, and w ere detained by the people as A ustrian hostages. It was so definitely dem ocratic that all Czechs belonging to the a ristw ratic party shunned it. It was aim ed as m uch against the Czech feudal lords as against the A ustrian troops. T h e Austrians attacked the people not because they were Czechs, but because they were revolutionaries. T h e military regard ed the storm ing of P rag u e simply as a prelude to the storm ing and burning down of Vienna.
See this volum e, pp. 9 1 -9 3 . Ed.

121 120 A rticles fro m th e Neue Rheinisclu Zeitung

T h u s the Berliner Zeitungs-Halle writes:

Vienna, Ju n e 20. T he deputation which the local Citizens Committee had sent to Prague has returned today. Its sole errand was to arrange for some sort of supervision of telegraphic communications, so that we should not have to wait for information 24 hours, as was often the case during the last few days. T h e deputation reported back to the Committee. They related dreadful things about the military rule in Prague. Words failed them to describe the horrors o f a conquered, shelled and besieged city. At the peril o f their lives they drove into the city from the last station before Prague by cart, and at the peril o f their lives they passed through the lines of soldiers to the castle o f Prague. Everywhere the soldiers called out to them: So youre here, too, you Viennese dogs! Now weve got you! Many wanted to set upon them, even the officers were extremely rude. Finally the deputies reached the castle. Count Wallmoden took the credentials the Committee had given them, looked at the signature and said: Pillersdorf? He is of no account here. Windischgratz treated the plebeian rabble more arrogantly than ever, saying; The revolutum has been victorious everywhere; here we are the victors and we recognise no civilian authority. While I was in Vienna things were quiet there. But the moment I left everything was suddenly upset. T he members o f the deputation were disarmed and confined in one of the rooms of the castle. They were not allowed to leave until two days later, and their arms were not returned to them. " T h ji is what our deputies reported, this is how they were treated by the Tilly of Prague and this is how the soldiers behaved, yet people here still act as though they believe that this is merely a fight against the Czechs. Did our deputies perhaps speak Czech? Did they not wear the,uniform of the Viennese national guard? Did they not have a warrant from the Ministry and the Citizens Committee which the Ministry had recognised as a legal authority? But the revolution has gone too far. Windischgratz thinks he is the man who can stem it. T h e Bohemians are shot down like dogs, and when the time for the venture comes the advance against Vienna will begin. Why did Windischgratz set I.eo Thun free, the same Leo Thun who had put himself at the head o f the Provisional Government in Prague and advocated the separation of Bohemia? Why, we ask, was he freed from Czech hands if his entire activity were not a game prearranged with the aristocracy in order to bring about the explosion? A train left Prague the day before yesterday. On it travelled German students, Viennese national guards, and families who were fleeing from Prague, for, despite the fact that tranquillity had been restored, they no longer felt at home there. At the first station the military guard f>osted there demanded that all the passengers without exception hand over their weapons, and when they refused the soldiers fired into the carriages at the defenceless men, women and children. Six bodies were removed from the carriages and the passengers wiped the blood of the murdered people from their faces. This was how Germans were treated by the very military whom people here would like to regard as the guardian angels of German liberty. Written by Engels on June 24, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 25, June 25, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

[N EW S FR O M PARIS]

Cologne, Ju n e 2 4 , 10 p.m . Letters of th e 2 3 rd from Paris have failed to arrive. A co u rie r w ho has passed throu gh Cologne has told us that when he left fighting had broken out in Paris between the people and th e national g u a r d , a n d that he had h eard heavy cannon-fire at some distance from Paris.
Written on June 24, 1848 First published in the special supplement to the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 25, June 25. 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

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12S

R E IC H E N S P E R G E R [N EW S FRO M PARIS]

Cologne, Ju n e 2 5 . W e have th e m isfortune to be good prophets. W hat we foretold in No. 19 has com e to pass." H e rr R eichensperger from T r ie r really has becom e President of the provincial co u rt of justice. T h at is a consolation in these hard times. GuizotC am phausen may have been overthrow n, D uchatel-H ansem ann may be totterin g but the G uizot-Duchatel system of co rru p tio n seems to be intent on striking new roots h ere. A nd what do th e individuals m atter, as long as the thing itself is at hand? Incidentally, we would recom m en d H e rr R eich en sperger to read th e address from Berncastel^ in our special supplem ent published this morning.*
Written on June 25, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheiniscke Zeitung No. 26, Ju n e 26, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

Cologne, Ju n e 2 5 , 10 p.m . Letters fro m Paris have again failed to arrive; th e Paris new spapers which cam e today are those of th e 2 3 rd and in the reg u lar cou rse of the postal service they should have arrived already yesterday evening. In these circum stances, the only sources at o u r disposal a re th e confused and con tradictory rep orts of Belgian newspapers and o u r own know ledge of Paris. Accordingly we have tried to give o u r read ers as accu rate a picture as possible of the uprising of Ju n e 2 3 . T h e re is n o tim e fo r fu rth e r com m ents. T o m o rrow we shall publish a detailed accou n t o f o u r views^ as well as a detailed re p o rt of the mefeting of the Paris C ham ber on Ju n e 23.
Written on Ju n e 25, 1848 First published in the special supplement to the Neue RheintKhe Zeitung No. 26, June 26, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

See this volume, p. 94. Ed. Berncastel, 18. Ju n i, Neue Rheinische Zeitung N o. 25, June 25, 1848. Ed.

* ^ee next article. Ed. See this volume, pp. 128 and 130-33.- -Ed.

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the aimables faubourgs"',^ those of Saint Jacques, Saint M arceau, Saint A ntoine, du T em p le, Saint M artin and Saint Denis, then on the districts between them (quartiers Saint A ntoine, du M arais, Saint D E T A IL S A B O U T T H E 2 3 rd O F JU N E Martin and Saint Denis). T h e erection of th e b arricades was followed by attacks. T h e g uard post of the boulevard B o n n e Nouvelle. which in almost every revolution is first to be seized, had been occupied by th e mobile g u a rd .' T h e post was disarm ed by the people. Soon afterw ards, how ever, the bourgeois giiard from the western p arts of the city cam e to the rescu e. It reoccup ied th e post. A second unit occupied th e high pavem ent in fron t of the T h e a tre d^u Gymnase which com m ands a large section of the boulevards. T h e people attem pted to disarm the advanced posts, but, fo r th e ti^ e being, neither side m ade use of arm s. , , . , At last the o rd e r cam e to cap tu re th e b arricad e across the boulevard at the P o rte Saint Denis. T h e national gu ard , led by the Police In spector, advanced; there w ere negotiations; a few shots were fired it is not clear from which side and th e firing quickly becam e general. Im m ediately, the guard post of B o n n e Nouvelle also opened fire. A battalion of the second legion, which had occupied the boulevard Poissonniere, also advanced with loaded rifles. T h e people were surrou n d ed on all sides. T h e national gu ard , firing from their advantageous and partially secure positions, cau gh t the w orkers in an intense cross-fire. T h e w orkers defended them selves fo r h alf an h ou r. Finally, th e boulevard B o n n e Nouvelle and th e b arricades up to th e P orte Saint M artin were seized. H e re , too, the national gu ard , attacking arou nd eleven oclock from th e direction of th e T em p le, had taken the barricades and occupied th e approaches to the boulevard. . , , , , ^ T h e heroes who storm ed these barricades belonged to the bourgeoisie of the second arrondissem ent, which extends from the Palais E x-R o yal^ over the en tire Fau b o u rg M on tm artre. T h e wealthy boutiquiers'^ of the rues Vivienne and Richelieu and the boulevard des Italiens live h ere. H e re , too, dwell th e g reat bankers of the rues Laffitte and B e rg e re and also the m erry gentlem en of private m eans of th e chaussee d Antin. Rothschild and Fould, R ou eem o n t de Low em berg and G anneron Hve h ere. In a w ord, here lies the Stock E xch an g e, T o rto n i'" and all that is connected with o r dep en den t on them .
As Louis Philippe called these suburbs. rf. ^ Shopkeepers. Ed.

T h e insurrection is purely a w orkers uprising. T h e w orkers an ger has burst forth against the G overnm ent and th e Assembly which had disappointed th eir hopes, taken daily recou rse to new m easures which served th e interests of the bourgeoisie against th e w orkers, dissolved th e L ab o u r Comm ission at th e L u xem b ou rg , limited the national workshops and issued th e law against g a t h e r i n g s .T h e decidedly proletarian n atu re o f th e insurrection em erges from all the details. T h e boulevards, the g reat arteries of Parisian life, becam e the scenes o f th e first gatherings. All the way from th e P o rte St. Denis down to th e old ru e du T em p le was thronged with people. W orkers fro m the national workshops declared that they would n ot go to Sologne to the national workshops th ere. O thers related that they had left fo r that place yesterday but h ad waited in vain at the B a rrie re Fontainebleau fo r the travel p ap ers and o rd ers to start the jou rn ey which had been prom ised them the evening before. A rou nd ten o clock the call went out for the erection of barricades. T h e eastern and south-eastern parts of Paris, starting with the Q u artier and F au b o u rg Poissonniere, w ere quickly barricaded but, it seems, in somewhat unsystem atic and desultory fashion. T h e rues St. Denis, St. M artin, R am buteau, Fau b o u rg Poissonniere and on the left bank of the Seine the ap p roach es to the faubourgs St. Jacques and St. M arceau the rues St. Jacques, L a H a rp e and L a H uchette and the adjacent bridges w ere m o re o r less strongly fortified. Flags were raised on the barricades which bore the inscription: B read or D eath ! o r Work or Death!" T h u s the insurrection was definitely based on the eastern part of the city which is predom inantly inhabited by w orkers, first of all on

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Details about th e 23rd o f Ju n e

127

T h ese heroes who w ere threaten ed first and forem ost by the red republic, w ere also th e first on th e scene. It is significant th it the first ^ 7rh e conquered on February 2 4 . T h ey advanced th ree thousand m en stron g. L u r c o m p a ^ r m arch in g at the double, cap tu red an overtu rn ed om nibus T h e insurgents, meanwhile, seem ed to have en trench ed them selves once again at^ the P orte Saint Denis, fo r tow ards n ^ f c L e r S detachm ents o f the mobile

S'S

"

T h e battle on the boulevard Saint Denis was the sienal for fighting was bloody O ver 3 0 insurgents w ere killed o r w ounded. T h e en raged workers vowed to attack from all sides d u rin g th e following night and to fish t the municipal guard o f the republic"*^^ to the L a f h ^

d trcs's" " " "

A t o ne o clock a fight took place in the ru e du

fighting also took place in th e ru e Planche

Poissonniere, national guardsm en calmly let themselves be disarm ed by th e people and then took to their heels. A t five o clock th e battle was still going on when it was all of a sudden suspended by a dow npour. In som e places, howevcF, the fighting lasted until late in the evening. A t nine o clock, th ere was still rifle-fire in the Faub ou rg St. A ntoine, the cen tre of th e working-class population. ^ U p to then the battle had not yet been fought with th e full intensity of a decisive revolution. T h e national g u ard , with the exception of the second legion, seems fo r th e most part to have hesitated to attack the barricades. T h e w orkers, angry though they w ere, u n d erstan d ably limited themselves to the d efen ce of their barricades. T h u s, the two parties separated in the evening after m aking a date fo r th e following m orning. T h e first day of battle resulted in no advantages for th e G overnm ent. T h e insurgents, who had been pushed back, could reoccup y the lost positions d u rin g the night, as indeed they did. T h e G overn m en t, on th e o th e r han d , had two im p ortan t points against it: it had fired with grap e-shot and it had been unable to crush the rebellion d u rin g its first day. With grap e-shot, how ever, and o ne night, not of victory but o f m ere tru ce, rebellion ceases and revolution begins.

Paradis
Written by Engels on June 25, 1848 First published in the special supplement to the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 26, June 26, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

btoodv c l a s f unknown. A lte r a bloody d ash m the F au b o u rg Poissonniere two non com m .ss.oned officers o f th e national g u a rd w ere d i s a r m e l cleared by cavalry charges. S a in t^ r heavy fighting took place in the Faub ou rg

vn

insurgents w ere on the whole pushed back T h e H otel de

l insurrection was " n f e e d to th e faubourgs and th e [Q u artier du] Marais w h n n !, 7 u ' national guardsm en (i.e workers who do not have the m oney fo r the purchase o f uniform s) w j r ^ een u n d er arm s. O n the o th er h and , there w ere people am on g them who rried luxury weapons, hunting rifles etc. Men of the m ounted national guards (traditionally the scions o f th e wealthiest families! too, had entered th e ranks o f th e infantry on foot. On the boulevard
T ow n Hall, Ed.

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Cologne, Ju n e 2 6 . T h e news just received from Paris takes up so much space that we are obliged to om it all articles of critical com m ent. T h erefo re only a few words to o u r read ers. T h e latest news received from Paris is: T h e resignation of Ledru-Rollin and Lamartine and th eir Ministers; th e tran sfer o f Cavaignacs military dictatorship from Algiers to Paris; Marrast the dictator in civilian clothes', Paris bathed in blood] the insurrection grow ing into the greatest revolution that has ever taken place, into a revolution of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie. T h re e days which sufficed fo r th e July revolution and the February revolution are insufficient for the colossal con tou rs of this Ju n e revolution, but the victory of the people is more certain than ever. The French bourgeoisie has dared to do what the French kings never dared it has itself cast the This second act of the French revolution is only the beginning of the European tragedy.
Written by Marx on June 26, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 27, June 27, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

T h e Northern Star, the o rgan of th e English Chartists, which is edited by Feargus O Connor, G. Julian Harney and E rn est Jones, contains in its latest issue an appreciation of th e m an n er m which the Neue Rheinische Zeitung interp rets th e English peoples m ovem ent and advocates dem ocracy in general. ^ . W e thank the editors of th e Northern Star for th e friendly and genuinely dem ocratic way in which they have m entioned ou r new spaper. A t the same tim e we want to assure them that the revolutionary Northern Star is th e only English new spaper for whose appreciation we care.
Written on June 26, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 27, June 27, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first

T h e 23rd o f Ju n e 130

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T H E 2 3 rd O F JU N E

W e are still finding nu m erous new facts about the battle of the 2 3rd . T h e available m aterial is inexhaustible; tim e, how ever, allows us only to publish what is most im p ortant and characteristic. T h e Ju n e revolution offers the spectacle of an em bittered battle such as Paris and the world in g enera! have never seen before. T h e fiercest fighting of all previous revolutions took place d uring the Milan. An alm ost entirely unarm ed population of n o , 0 0 0 souls beat an arm y of 2 0 ,0 0 0 to 3 0 ,0 0 0 m en! Y et the M arch days of Milan are child's play com p ared with the Ju n e days of Paris W hat distinguishes the Ju n e revolution from all previous revolutions is th e absence of all illusions and all enthusiasm. T h e people are n ot standing on the barricades as in February sm gm g "M ourir pour la patrie" T h e workers of Ju n e 23 are fighting for th eir existence and th e fatherland has lost all m eaning for them . T h e Marseillaise and all m em ories of th e g reat Revolution have disappeared. T h e people as well as th e bourgeoisie sense that the revolution which they are exp erien cing will be m ore significant than that o f 1 7 8 9 o r 1793. T h e Ju n e revolution is the revolution of despair and is fought with silent an ger and the gloom y cold-bloodedness of despair T h e workers know that they are involved in a fight to the death and in the face of th e battles terrible seriousness, even the ch eerful French esprit rem ains silent. History offers only two oth er exam ples which show similarities with the battle that is probably still being fought in Paris at this very m om ent: the Rom an slave war and th e 1 8 3 4 insurrection at Lyons. T h e old Lyons m otto to work while o ne lives o r to die figh tin g has also suddenly reap p eared a fter fourteen years and has been written on the banners. T h e Ju n e revolution is the first which has actually divided all society into two large hostile arm ed cam ps which are rep resented by Eastern Paris and W estern Paris. T h e unanim ity of the February

revolution, that poetic unanimity full of dazzling delusions and beautiful lies so appropriately symbolised by that windbag and tra ito r L am artin e, has disappeared. T od ay th e inexorable serious ness of reality tears u p all th e hypocritical prom ises of February 25. T od ay the February fighters are battling against each other, and what has never happened b efore all indifference is gone and every m an who can b ear arm s really takes p art in the fight either inside o r outeide th e barricad e. T h e arm ies which are fighting each oth er in the streets of Paris are as strong as the arm ies which fought in the battle of th e nations at Leipzig.* T his fact alone proves th e trem en d ou s significance of the Ju n e revolution. B u t let us g o on to describe the battle itself. T h e inform ation which reached us yesterday led us to believe that the b arricades had been con stru cted in somewhat haphazard fashion. T h e extensive rep o rts of today prove the opposite. N ever before have the d efen ce works of the w orkers been con stru cted with so m u ch com p osu re and so m ethodically. T h e city was divided into two arm ed cam ps. T h e dividing hne ran along the n orth -eastern edge of the city from M on tm artre down to th e P orte St. Denis and from th ere down to th e ru e St. Denis across the lie de la Cite and along the ru e St. Jacques up to th e barriere. Everything east of that line was occupied and fortified by the w orkers. T h e bourgeoisie attacked from the w estern p art and obtained its rein forcem en ts from there. Starting early in the m orn in g, the people silently began to erect their barricades. T h ey were h igh er and firm er than ever b efore. A colossal red flag was flying on the b arricad e at th e en tran ce to the Fau b o u rg St. A ntoine. T h e boulevard St. Denis was fortified very heavily. T h e barricades of the boulevard, th e ru e de Clery, and the ad jacen t houses which had been tran sform ed into reg u lar fortresses form ed a com plete system of d efence. H e re , as we already rep o rted yesterday, th e first significant batde broke out. T h e people fou gh t with indescribable defiance o f death. A stron g d etach m en t of the national gu ard m ade a flanking attack upon the b arricade of th e ru e de C lery. M ost o f the b arricad es defen d ers w ithdrew. Only seven m en and two women, two beautiful young grisettes, rem ained at th eir post. O ne of th e seven m ounts the b arricade carryin g a flag. T h e o th ers op en fire. T h e national guard replies and the stan d ard -b earer falls. T h e n a grisette, a tall, beaudful, neatly-dressed girl with bare arm s, grasps the flag, climbs over the b arricade and advances upon the national guard. T h e firing continues and the bourgeois m em bers of the national

132

A rticles from th e N ew Rkeinische Zeitung

T h e 23rd o f Ju n e

133

gu ard shoot down the girl just as she has com e close to their bayonets. T h e o th e r grisette im m ediately jum ps forw ard, grasps the flag, raises the head of h e r com panion and, when she finds h e r dead, furiously throws stones at the national gu ard . She, too, falls u n d er the bullets o f the bourgeoisie. T h e firing gets m o re and m o re intense and com es both from th e windows and th e barricade. T h e ranks of the national gu ard grow thinner. Aid finally arrives and the barricade is storm ed. O f the b arricad es seven defen d ers, only o ne is left alive and he is disarm ed and taken prisoner. T h e lions and stock exch an g e wolves of th e second legion have carried o u t this h eroic deed against the seven workers and two grisettes. A fter the joining of the two corp s and the cap tu re of the barricade, there is a sh ort and om inous silence. B u t it is soon interru p ted . T h e courageou s national guard opens up a heavy platoon-fire against the u n arm ed and quiet masses of people who occupy p art o f the boulevard. T h ey scatter in h o rro r. T h e barricades, however, w ere not taken. It was only when C avaignac him self m oved u p with infantry and cavalry units that the boulevard up to th e P orte Saint M artin was taken a fter long fighting and only tow ards three o clock. A nu m b er o f barricades had been erected in the Faubourg Poissonniere, particularly at the c o rn e r o f th e Allee Lafayette, where several houses also served th e insurgents as fortresses. An officer of the national guard led them . T h e 7th Light Infantry R egim ent, the mobile guard and the national gu ard m oved against them . T h e battle lasted half an h ou r. T h e troops finally won but only after they had lost about 100 dead and w ounded. This en gagem en t took place a fter 3 o clock in the aftern oon . Barricad es had also been erected in fron t of th e Palace o f Justice, in th e ru e Constantine and th e adjacen t streets as well as on th e Saint Michel B rid g e w here th e red flag was waving. A fter prolonged fighting these barricades, too, w ere cap tu red . T h e dictator C avaignac o rd ered his artillery to take u p positions along th e N otre-D am e B rid ge. From h ere he took the rue Planche-M ibray and the Cite u n d er fire and could easily bring it [the artillery] into play against the barricades of the ru e Saint Jacques. This latter street was intersected by nu m erous barricades and the houses were tran sform ed into genuine fortresses. Only artillery could be effective h ere and C avaignac did not hesitate for one m om ent to use it. T h e ro a r o f the cann on could be h eard d u rin g the entire aftern oo n . G rape-shot swept th e street. A t 7 o clock in the evening only o ne b arricade had still to be taken. T h e nu m b er of dead was very large.

C an non w ere also fired along the Saint Michel B rid g e and the rue Saint-A ndre des A rts. R ight at the n orth -eastern end o f th e city, at th e ru e C hateau L an d on w here a troo p d etach m en t had d ared to advance, a b arricad e was also b attered dow n with cannon-balls. D uring the aftern oon th e fighting in th e n orth -eastern faubourgs grew in intensity. T h e inhabitants of th e suburbs of L a Viliette, Pantin etc. cam e to th e aid o f th e insurgents. B arricad es were erected again and again in very g reat num bers. In the Cite a com pany of th e republican gu ard , u n d e r the p retext of w anting to fraternise with th e insurgents, had cre p t between two b arricades and th en opened fire. T h e people fell furiously upon the traitors and beat them to th e grou n d o ne by one. Barely 20 of them found a ch an ce to escape. T h e intensity of the fighting grew all along th e line. C an non w ere fired everyw here as long as daylight prevailed. L a te r on the fighting was limited to rifle-fire which continued till iate into th e night. A t 11 o clock th e sounds o f th e military rally could still be h eard all over Paris and at m idnight th ere was still shooting in the direction o f the Bastille. T h e Place de la Bastille to g eth er with all its ap p roach es was entirely controlled by th e insurgents. T h e cen tre of their pow er, the Fau b o u rg Saint A ntoine, was heavily fortified. Cavalry, in fa n t^ , national guard and mobile gu ard units stood massed along the boulevard fro m the ru e M on tm artre to the ru e d u T em ple. A t 11 p m th ere w ere already over 1 ,0 0 0 dead and w ounded. This was th e first day of the Ju n e revolution, a day unequalled m the revolutionary annals of Paris. T h e w orkers of Paris fought all alone against the arm ed bourgeoisie, the mobile g u ard , th e newly organised republican gu ard and against reg u lar troop s of all arm s. T h ey held their own with u n p reced en ted bravery equalled only by th e likewise u n p reced en ted brutality of th eir foe. O ne becom es forbearing tow ards a H user, a Radetzky and a W indischgratz if one observes how th e Parisian bourgeoisie participates with genuine enthusiasm in th e m assacres arran g ed by Cavaignac. T h e Society of th e Rights of Man"^^ which had again been set up on Ju n e 11, decided in the night of the 2 3 rd -2 4 th to m ake use o f the insurrection in o rd e r to advance the red fla g a n d accordingly to play its p art in the uprising. T h e Society then held a m eeting, decided upon the necessary m easures and appointed two p erm an en t com m ittees.
Written by Engels on June 27, 1848 First published in the Neue Rkeinische Zeifting No. 28, June 28, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first

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T h e 2 4 th o f Ju n e

135

T H E 24th O F JU N E

th e co rresp on d en t o f a Belgian new spaper." S tron g barricades went up at the barrieres o f R och ech ou art and Poissonniere. T h e fortification at the Allee L afayette was also built up again and yielded only in the aftern oon to cannon-balls. T h e barricades in the ru es Saint M artin, R am buteau and du G rand C h antier could likewise only be cap tu red with the aid of cannon. T h e C afe Cuisinier opposite th e Saint Michel B rid g e was destroyed by cannon-balls. T h e main battle, how ever, took place tow ards th re e o clock in the aftern oon on th e Q uai au x Fleurs w here th e fam ous clothing store L a Belle Jardiniere was occupied by 6 0 0 insurgents and tran sform ed into a fortress. A rtillery and reg u lar troop s attack. A co rn e r of the wall is sm ashed in. C avaignac, who h ere com m ands th e firing himself, calls on the insurgents to su rren d er, otherw ise they will all be p u t to the sword. T h e insurgents re je ct this dem an d . T h e cannonade begins anew and finally incendiary rockets and shells are p ou red in. T h e house is totally destroyed, burying eighty insurgents u n d er th e rubble. T h e w orkers also fortified them selves on all sides in the Faub ou rg Saint Jacques, in the neighbourhood of th e Pantheon. E very house h ad to be besieged as in S a r a g o s s a . T h e efforts of dictator C avaignac to storm these houses proved so fruidess that the brutal A lgerian soldier d eclared that he would set them on fire if the occupants refused to su rren d er. In the Cite, girls w ere firing fro m windows at the troop s and the civic militia. H e re , too, howitzers had to be used in o rd e r to achieve any success at all. T h e Eleventh Battalion of th e mobile guard which attem pted to join th e insurgents was wiped out by th e troop s and th e national g u ard . So at least goes th e story. A round noon th e insurrection had definitely gained th e advan tage. All faubourgs, th e suburbs of Les Batignolles, M on tm artre, La Chapelle and L a Villette, in brief, th e en tire o u te r rim o f Paris from th e Batignolles to th e Seine as well as th e g re a te r p art of th e left bank of the Seine w ere in th eir hands. H e re they h ad seized 13 cannon which they did n ot use. In the cen tre, in th e C ite and in th e lower p art of the ru e Saint M artin, they advanced tow ards th e H otel de Ville which was g u ard ed by masses of troops. N evertheless, Bastide declared in the C h am b er that within an h o u r th e H otel de Ville m ight fall to th e insurgents and the stupefaction which this piece of
L'Independance beige No. 179, Ju n e 2 7 , 1848, p. 3, colum n 2. Ed.

Paris was occupied by th e military throu ghou t the en tire night. S tron g pickets w ere stationed in the squares and boulevards. A t fo u r o clock in the m orn in g the rally was sounded. A n officer and several m en o f th e national gu ard went from house to house and fetched out m en of their com pany w ho had failed to re p o rt voluntarily. A t the sam e tim e the ro a r of th e cannon resum es m ost violently in the vicinity of th e Saint Michel B rid g e which form s th e ju n ctu re between th e insurgents on the left bank and those of th e Cite. G eneral C avaignac who this m orning has been invested with dictatorial pow ers, is bu rning with the desire to em ploy them against the uprising. Y esterday th e artillery was used only in exceptional cases and fo r th e m ost p art only in the fo rm o f grap e-sh o t. T o d ay , how ever, the artillery is b rough t everyw here into action not only against the barricades but also against houses. N ot only g rap e-shot is used but cannon-balls, ^ells and Congreve rockets. This m orning a heavy clash began in th e u p p e r part of th e Faubourg Saint Denis. N ear th e n o rth ern railway, the insurgents occupied several barricades and a house which was u n d e r co n stru c tion. T h e first legion of th e national g u ard attacked without, how ever, gaining any advantage. It used up its am m unition and lost about fifty dead and w ounded. It barely held its own position until th e artillery arrived (towards 10 o clock) and blew the house and the barricades to sm ithereens. T h e troop s reoccupied th e n orth ern railway. T h e battle in this whole neighbourhood (called Clos Saint Lazare which the Kolnische Zeitung has tran sfo rm ed into courtyard of Saint L azare ) continued, how ever, fo r a long time and was conducted with g reat bitterness. It is a veritable m assacre, writes

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Articles from the Neue Rheinhchf. Zeitung

T h r 2 4 lh of Ju n e

137

news evoked caused the C h am ber to proclaim a dictatorship and m artial law. C avaignac had hardly been endow ed with his new pow ers when he took the m ost extrem e and cruel m easures, such as never before have been used in a civilised city, m easures that even Radetzky hesitated to em ploy in Milan. O nce again the people were too m agnanim ous. H ad they used arson in reply to th e incendiary rockets and howitzers, they would have been victorious by the evening. T h ey h ad, how ever, no intention to use th e sam e weapons as th eir opponents. T h e am m unition o f the insurgents consisted mostly o f gun-cotton, large am ounts o f which w ere p rodu ced in the Fau b o u rg Saint Jacques and in the Marais. A cannon-ball fou n d ry was set up in the Place M aubert. T h e G overnm ent continuously received support. T ro o p s were rolling into Paris th rou g h o u t the entire night. National guards arrived fro m Pontoise, R ouen, M eulan, M antes, Am iens and L e H avre. T ro o p s cam e from O rleans and artillery and sappers from A rras and D ouai; a regim en t cam e from O rleans. O n the m orn in g of the 24th , 5 0 0 ,0 0 0 rounds of am m unition and twelve artillery pieces arrived in the city from Vincennes. By th e way, th e railway workers on the n o rth ern railway have to rn u p the tracks between Paris and Saint Denis in o rd e r to prevent the arrival o f fu rth e r rein force ments. T h ese com bined forces and th at u n preced en ted brutality suc ceeded in pushing back the insurgents d u rin g th e aftern oon of the 24th. T h e fact that not only Cavaignac but the national gu ard itself wanted to bum down the entire q u arter o f th e Pantheon shows how savagely the national gu ard fou gh t and how well it knew that it was fighting fo r its very survival! T h re e points w ere designated as h ead q uarters o f th e attacking troops: the^ P o rte Saint Denis w here G eneral L am oriciere was in com m an d , the H otel de Ville w here G eneral Duvivier stood with 14 battalions, and the Place de la Sorbonne w hence G eneral Dam esm e attacked the Fau b o u rg Saint Jacques. Tow ards noon the approaches to the Place M aubert w ere taken and the square itself was encircled. A t on e o clock the square fell; fifty m em bers o f the mobile guard w ere killed th ere! A t the same tim e, a fter an intense and persistent can n on ade, the Pantheon was taken, o r rath er, it su rrend ered . T h e 1 ,5 0 0 insurgents who had en trench ed them selves h ere capitulated, probably upon the threat of M. C avaignac and the infuriated bourgeoisie to set fire to the entire q u arter.

A t the satne tim e, the defenders of o rd e r advanced fa rth e r and fu rth e r along the boulevards and cap tu red th e barricades of the adjacen t streets. A t the ru e du T em p le, the w orkers w ere forced o re tre a t to the co rn e r of th e ru e de la C ord erie. Figh tm g was still going on in the ru e B o u ch erat and also on the o th er side of the boulevard in the Fau b o u rg du T em p le, Single rifle being fired in the ru e Saint M artin and one b arricad e was holding out at the Pointe Saint Eustache. i j A ro u n d 7 p.m . G en eral L a m o riciere received two national guar battalions fro m A m ien s which h e im m ediately used to en circle th e b arricad es b eh in d th e C hateau dEau.^ T h e F a u b o u rg Sam t D em s and also alm ost th e entire left bank of the n eacefu l an d fre e . T h e in su rg en ts w ere besieged m a p a rt o t th e M arais an d th e F a u b o u rg Sain t A n toin e. T h e s e how ever sep arated by t h e b oulevard B e a u m a r c h a i s an d th e Saint M artin C anal b eh in d it, an d th e la tte r cou ld b e used by the m ilitary G en eral D am esm e, th e co m m an d er o f th e m obile gu ard , receive a bu llet w ound in his th igh at th e b a rrica d e o f th e ru e 1 Estrapade^ T h e w ound is n o t d an gero u s. N or a re th e rep resen tativ es B ix io and D o m e s as severely in ju re d as was at first believed. T h e w ound of G eneral B ed eau is also light. , ^ ^ , A t nine oclock the F au b o u rg Saint Jacques and the fa u b o u rg Saint M arceau w ere as good as cap tu red , exceptionally fierce. G eneral B re a was in com m and th e re at the time. G eneral Duvivier at the H otel de Ville had less success. B u t even h ere the insurgents w ere pushed back. c L e r a l L am oriciere had cleared the faubourgs Poissonn.ere Saint Denis and Saint M artin up to th e barrieres a fte r overcom ng heavy resistance. Only in the Clos Saint L a z a r e w e r e the wOTkers still holding o u t; they w ere en trench ed in the L o u i s Philippe H ospital. TOs^same inform ation was given by the President^ to the N atio n ^ Assembly at 9 :3 0 p.m . H e was forced , how ever, to disavow his own ^ S e m e n ts several times. H e adm itted that heavy shooting was still ffoinff on in th e Fau b o u rg Sam t M artin. T h u s th e situation in the evening of th e 2 4 th was as T h e insurgents still held about half th e te rra m which they had occupied in fh e m orn in g of th e 2 3 rd . T h is terrain of the eastern part of Paris, i.e. th e faubourgs St. A ntoine, du ; . M artin I n d the M arais. T h e Clos St. L azare and a few barricades along the Botanical G ardens form ed their outposts.
Water Tower. Ed. ^ Senard. Ed.

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A rticles from the Neue Rkeinische Zeitung

139

All th e rest of Paris was in the hands of th e G overnm ent. W h at is m ost striking in this d esperate battle is th e savagery with which the defen ders of o rd e r fight. T h ey who in fo rm e r times displayed such ten d er feelings fo r every d ro p o f citizens blood and w ho had even sentimental fits over th e death of th e municipal g u a rd s ' on F eb ru ary 2 4 , shoot down the w orkers like wild beasts. N ot a word of com passion o r of reconciliation and no sentimentality w hatever, but violent h atred and cold fury against th e insurgent w orkers reign in the ranks of the national guard and in the National Assembly. T h e bourgeoisie, fully conscious of what it is doing, conducts a w ar of exterm ination against them . T h e w orkers will w reak terrible vengean ce on the bourgeoisie n o m atter w hether it wins fo r the m om ent o r is d efeated at once. A fter a battle like that of th e th ree Ju n e days, only terrorism is still possible w hether it be carried out by o ne side o r the other. W e shall end by quoting some passages fro m a letter w ritten by a captain of th e republican gu ard who describes th e events of th e 2 3 rd and 24th as follows:
I am writing to you while muskets are rattling and cannon are thundering. By about 2 oclock we had captured three barricades at the head o f the Notre-Dame Bridge. I^ ter we moved to the rue St. Martin and marched down its entire length. When we arrived at the boulevard, we saw that it was abandoned and as empty as at 2 oclock in the morning. We ascended the Faubourg du Tem ple and stopped before reaching the barracks. Two hundred paces further on there was a formidable barricade supported by several others and defended by about 2,000 people. We negotiated with them for two hours, but in vain. T h e artillery finally arrived towards 6 oclock. T he insurgents opened fire first. *'Th^ cannon replied and until 9 oclock windows and bricks were shattered by the thunder of the artillery. T h e firing was terrible. Blood flowed in streams while at the same time a tremendous thunderstorm was raging. T h e cobblestones were red with blood as far as one could see. My men are falling under the bullets o f the insurgents; they defend themselves like lions. Twenty times we mount an assault and twenty times we are driven back. T h e number of dead is immense and the number'of injured much greater still. At 9 oclock we take the barricade with the bayonet. Today (June 24) at 3 oclock in the morning we are still up. T h e cannon are thundering incessantly. T he Pantheon is the centre. I am in the barracks. We guard prisoners who are being brought in all the time. T h ere are many injured among them. Some are shot out o f hand. I have lost 5S of my 112 m en. Written by Engels on Ju n e 27, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinischf Zeitung No. 28, Ju n e 28, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

T H E 2 5 th O F JU N E

Every day the intensity, violence and fury of th e battle increased^ T h e b L rg e o is ie becam e m ore and m ore ruthless tow ards the insurgents th e m ore its brutality failed to lead to the m o re it was itself becom ing exhausted as a result of f'gh t n ^ night-w atches and bivouacking, and th e closer it cam e to fmal T h i bourgeoisie declared the w orkers to be not o rd in a ij d e m ie s who have to be defeated b u t enemies of society who m ust be d e stro y e ^ T h e bourgeois sp read th e absurd assertion that the w orkers, whom they themselves h ad forcibly driven to revolt, were p lu n d er, arson and m u rd e r and that they w ere a gang L o had to be shot dow n like beasts in the forest^ Y e t, ^ days * e insurgents held a large p a rt of th e city and behaved with g reat r e s t r L t . Paris would have been red u ced to ru m s b u t they would have triu m p h ed h ad they used the same em ployed by the bourgeoisie and its m ercen aries led by Cavaignac_ AU th e details show with w hat barb arism the I f them selves d u rin g the fighting. D isregarding erap e-sh ot the shells, and th e incendiary rockets which they used, it fs an established fact that they gave no quarter at rmst of barricades. T h e bourgeois m assacred everyone they there without excep tion . In the evening of the 2 4 th o". ^0 P t u insurgents w ere shot in the Allee de I'Observatoire ' * o u t any tri^^ It i f a w ar of exterm in ation , writes a co rresp on d en t of the Independence beige' which itself is a bourgeois p ap er. On all the
.T a n ,, dimanche, 23 juin, 2 heures de relevec, V l n d i p ^ n c e beige N o. 179, June 21, 1 8 4 8 .

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A rticles from the New Rheinische Zeitung

T h e 2 5 th of Ju n e

141

barricades it was understood that the insurgents would be killed w ithout exception. W hen Larochejaquelein said in the National Assembly that som ething should be done to co u n teract this belief, the bourgeois would not even let him finish speaking but m ade such a clam ou r that the President had to p u t on his h at and suspend th e session. T h e sam e kind of clam ou r broke out again when M. Senard him self later (see below, session of the Assembly) wanted to say a few hypocritical w ords o f mildness and reconciliation. T h e bourgeois did not want to h e a r of forb earan ce. Even at the risk of losing p art of their p roperty by a bom bardm ent, they were d eterm ined to put an end once and fo r all to the enem ies o f o rd er, to plunderers, robbers, incendiaries and com m unists. Y et the bourgeois did not display any of that heroism which their journals attem pted to attribute to them . F ro m todays session of the National Assembly it is clear that the national gu ard was paralysed with fear at the outbreak of the insurrection. In spite of all the pom pous phrases, rep o rts from all the new spapers of the most diverse trends reveal that on the first day th e national gu ard was very weak, that on the second and third day C avaignac had to get them out of bed and that he had a co rp o ral and fo u r soldiers lead them into battle. T h e fanatical h atred o f th e bourgeois fo r the revolution ary w orkers was not capable of overcom in g their natural cow ardice. T h e workers on the o th er hand fought with unequalled bravery. Although they were less and less capable of replacing their casualties and m ore and m ore pushed back by su perior strength, they did not tire fo r o ne m om ent. Already from th e m orn in g of the 25th they must have realised that the chance of victory had decisively turned against them . Ma.sses upon masses of new troop s arrived from all regions. L arg e contingents of th e national guard cam e to Paris from the outskirts and m ore distant towns. T h e reg u lar troop s who fought on the 25th n um bered 4 0 ,0 0 0 m o re m en than the n orm al garrison. In addition, th ere was the mobile gu ard of 2 0 ,0 0 0 to 2 5 ,0 0 0 m en as well as national guard units from Paris and o th e r towns. M oreover, there w ere several thousand m en fro m the republican guard. T h e en tire arm ed force which took the field against the insurrection on the 25th certainly num bered som e 1 5 0 ,0 0 0 to 2 0 0 ,0 0 0 m en , w hereas the workers had at m ost a q u arter of that strength, had less am m unition, n o military leadership and no serviceable cannon. Y et they fou gh t silendy and desperately against colossal superior
Schlus.s der Siizung der Nationalver.sammlung vom 25. Ju n i, Neue Kkeinixche Zeitung No. 29, Ju n e 29, 1848. Ed.

Strength Masses upon masses o f troops moved on the breaches m

th e barricades which the heavy guns h ad .created; the w orkers m et them w ithout u tterin g a sound and fought everyw here down to the last m an before they let a b arricad e fall into the hands of the bourgeois. O n M on tm artre the insurgents called out to the inhabitants: E ith er we shall be cu t to pieces o r we shall cu t the others to pieces, but we will not budge. Pray G od that we may wm because otherwise we shall b u m down all M ontm artre. T his th reat, which was n ot even carried out, counts, of cou rse, as a despicable plan , w hereas C avaignacs shells and incendiary rockets are skilful military m easures which a re adm ired by everyone ! . O n the m orning of th e 2 5 th , the insurgents occupied the following positions: the Clos Saint L azare, th e suburbs of St. A ntoine and du T em p le, the M arais and the Q u artier Saint A ntoine. T h e Clos Saint L azare (the fo rm e r m onastery p recm ct) is a large expanse of land which is partly built on and partly covered as yet only with houses in con stru ction , streets m erely laid out etc. T h e N orth ern Railway Station is situated exactly in its middle. In this q u arter, which has m any irregularly placed buildings and a lot ot building m aterial, the insurgents had established a m ighty strong hold Its cen tre was the Louis Philippe H ospital which was u n d er construction. T h e y had raised im posing b arricades which w ere described by eyewitnesses as quite im pregnable. B eh m d them was th e city wall which was h em m ed in and occupied by th e m surgents. F ro m th ere th eir fortifications ra n to the ru e R och ech ou art, that is to th e a re a of th e b arrieres. T h e b arrieres of M on tm artre w ere heavily defended and M on tm artre itself was com pletely occupied by them . F o rty can n on , which had been firing at them fo r two days, had not yet red u ced them . ^ .r. j O nce again the 4 0 cannon bom barded these fortifications d uring the en tire day. A t last, at 6 in th e evening, the two b a r r i e r e s at the rue R och ech ou art w ere taken and soon th ereafter th e Clos Saint L azare also fell. , A t 10 a.m . the mobUe guard cap tu red several houses on the boulevard du T em p le from which the insurgents h ad directed their bullets into th e ranks o f th e attackers. T h e defen d ers of o rd e r had advanced approxim ately to th e boulevard des Filles du Calvaire. T h e insurgents, in the m eantim e, w ere driven fu rth e r and fu rth e r into th e F au b o u rg du T em p le. T h e Saint M artin Canal was seized in places and fro m h e re as well as fro m th e boulevard, the b road and straight streets w ere taken u n d e r heavy artillery fire. T h e battle was unusually violent. T h e w orkers knew full well that h ere th e co re ot their position was being attacked and they defended them selves

142

A rticles from th e Neue Rfuinische Zeitung

T h e 25th of Ju n e

143

furiously. T h ey even recap tu red barricades which they had earlier been forced to abandon. A fter a long batde, how ever, they were crush ed by the superiority o f num bers and w eapons. O ne barricade a fter an oth er fell. A t nightfall, not only the F au b o u rg du T em p le, but, by way of the boulevard and the canal, the ap p roach es to the Fau b o u rg Saint A ntoine and several b arricades in the fau b ou rg had also been captured. A t the H otel de Ville, G eneral Duvivier m ade slow but steady progress. Moving from the direction of th e quays, he m ade a flanking attack upon th e barricades o f the ru e Saint A ntoine and, at the sam e tim e, used heavy guns against th e lie St. Louis and the fo rm er lie L ou vier."^ H ere, too, a very bitter battle was fought, details o f which are lacking, how ever. All that is known is that at fo u r o clock the M airie o f the ninth arrond issem en t and the adjacen t streets w ere cap tu red , that o ne after an o th er th e barricades o f the ru e Saint A ntoine w ere storm ed and that the D am iette B rid g e, which gave access to th e ile Saint Louis, was taken. A t nightfall, the insurgents h ere had everyw here been driven o ff and all access routes to th e Place d e la Bastille had been freed. T h u s th e insurgents had been driven out of all parts o f th e city with th e exception of th e F aub ourg Saint A ntoine. T h is was their strongest position. T h e m any ap proaches to this fau b ou rg, which had been the real focus o f all Paris insurrections, were g u ard ed with special skill. Slanting barricades coverin g each oth er, reinforced by cross-fire from th e houses, rep resented a terrifying objective fo r an attack. Storm ing them would have cost an infinite nu m b er of lives. T h e bourgeois, o r rath er th eir m ercen aries, were encam ped in front of these fortifications. T h e national gu ard had d on e little that day. T h e reg u lar troop s and the mobile gu ard had accom plished most of the w ork. T h e national guard occupied th e quiet and conquered parts o f the city. T h e worst con d u ct was displayed by the republican gu ard and the mobile gu ard . T h e newly organised and purged republican guard fought th e w orkers with g reat animosity and thereby won its spurs as the republican municipal g u a rd ."* T h e mobile g u ard , which was mostly recruited from the Paris lum penproletariat, has already during its brief period o f existence, thanks to good pay, tran sform ed itself into th e p raetorian gu ard of w hoever was in pow er. T h e organised lum pen p roletariat has given battle to the unorganised w orking proletariat. It has, as was to be exp ected , placed itself at the disposal of the bourgeoisie, just as the lazzaroni in Naples placed them selves at the disposal of

Ferdinand.^ Only those detach m en ts of the mobile gu ard that consisted of real w orkers chan ged sides. B u t in what a contem ptible light the en tire p resen t state of affairs in Paris ap pears when on e observes how these fo rm e r beggars, vagabonds, rogu es, gutter-snipes and sm all-time thieves of the mobile gu ard are being p am p ered , praised, rew arded and d ecorated when only in M arch and April every bourgeois described them as a ruffianly gang of robbers capable o f all sorts of reprehensible acts no lon ger to be tolerated. T h ese young h ero es , these children of Paris , whose co u rag e is unrivalled, who climb b arricades with the m ost dashing bravery etc., are treated that way because these ign oran t b arricad e fighters of Feb ru ary now fire just as ignoranUy upon the w orking proletariat as they had form erly fired upon soldiers, because they let them selves be bribed to m assacre their b roth ers fo r thirty sous a day! H o n o u r to these co rru p t vagabonds because they have shot down the best and m ost revolutionary p a rt of the Parisian w orkers for thirty sous a day! T h e co u rag e with which the workers have fought is truly marvellous. F o r th ree full days, 3 0 ,0 0 0 to 4 0 ,0 0 0 workers were able to hold their own against m ore than 8 0 ,0 0 0 soldiers and 1 0 0 ,0 0 0 m en of th e national gu ard , against grape-shot, shells, incendiary rockets and the glorious w ar exp eriences of generals w ho did not shrink fro m using m ethods em ployed in A lgeria! T h e y have been crushed and in large p art m assacred. T h e ir dead will not be accorded the h on ou r that was bestowed u p on the dead of July and February. H istory, how ever, will assign an entirely differen t place to them the m artyrs of the first decisive battle of the proletariat.
Written by Engels on June 28, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinvicke Zeitung No. 29, June 29, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first
tim e

See this volum e, p. 25. Ed.

144

T H E JU N E R E V O L U T IO N
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T h e workers of Paris were overwhelmed by su p erior stren gth , but they w ere not subdued. T h ey have been defeated but their enem ies are vanquished. T h e m om entary trium ph of b ru te force has been purchased with th e destruction of all th e delusions and illusions of the February revolution, the dissolution of th e entire m oderate republican party and the division of th e Fren ch nation into two nations, the nation of owners and the nation of w orkers. T h e ttico lo u r republic now displays only one colour, th e co lo u r of the defeated, th e colour of blood. It has becom e a red republic. N one of the big republican figures, w hether o f th e National o r the Reforme,**^ sided with the people. In the absence of leaders and m eans o th er than rebellion itself, the people stood up to th e united forces of th e bourgeoisie and arm y longer than any French dynasty with th e entire military apparatu s at its disposal was ev er able to stand up to any g rou p of th e bourgeoisie allied with the people. T o have th e people lose its last illusions and break com pletely with the past, it was necessary that th e custom ary poetic trim m ings of French uprisings the enthusiastic bourgeois youth, the students of th e ecole polytechnique, the tricornes^ should be on the side o f th e suppressors. T h e medical students had to deny the w ounded plebeians the su ccou r of their science. Science does not exist for th e plebeian who has com m itted the heinous, unutterable crim e of fighting this time for his own existence instead of fo r Louis Philippe o r M onsieur M arrast. T h e E xecutive Committee,^* that last official vestige of the February revolution, vanished like a ghost in the face of these grave events. L am artin es fireworks have tu rn ed into the incendiary rockets o f C avaignac. Fratemite, th e b roth erh ood of antagonistic classes, one of which exploits the o th er, this fratem ite vfhich in Feb ru ary was proclaim ed

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First page of the Neue Rheiniscke Zeitung containing Marxs article T h e June Revolution

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

G a r e du N o r d T h e a tre du G y m n a s e Rue P o is s o n n ie re P o r te St. Denis B o u l e v a r d St. Denis P o rte St. M a r t i n E g lis e St. E ustache M a r c h e des Inno cen ts Rue de la P l a n c h e - M ib r a y Rue de la C o r d e r ie La Bourse E g lis e S t . M e r r i P la c e d e G r e v e E g lis e St. G e r v a is Q u a i aux F leu rs

P o nt N o t r e - D a m e Rue d e C o n s ta n tin e Pont d e D a m ie tte Pont St. M i c h e l Rue d e la H u c h e t te E co le d e m e d e c in e La S o r b o n n e E c o le p o l y f e c h n iq u e Rue d e I ' O b s e r v a t o i r e

T he June Revolution

147

and inscribed in large letters on the fa^ d es o f Paris, on every prison and every barracks^this fratem ite found its true, unadulterated and prosaic expression in civil war, civil war in its most terrible aspect, the war o f labour against capital. This brotherhood blazed in front of all the windows of Paris on the evening of June 25, when the Paris of the bourgeoisie held illuminations while the Paris of the proletariat was burning, bleeding, groaning in the throes of death. This brotherhood lasted only as long as there was a fraternity of interests between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Pedants sticking to the old revolutionary tradition of 1793; socialist doctrinaires who begged alms for the people from the bourgeoisie and who were allowed to deliver lengthy sermons and compromise themselves so long as the proletarian lion had to be lulled to sleep; republicans who wanted to keep the old bourgeois order in toto, but without the crowned head; members o f the dynastic opposition" on whom chance imposed the task of bringing about the downfall of a dynasty instead of a change of government; legitimists, who did not want to cast off their livery but merely to change its style these were the allies with whom the people had fought their February revolution. What the people instinctively hated in Louis Philippe was not Louis Philippe himself, but the crowned rule of a class, capital on the throne. But magnanimous as always, the people thought they had destroyed their enemy when they had overthrown the enemy of their enemies, their common enemy. T h e February revolution was the nice revolution, the revolution of universal sympathies, because the contradictions which erupted in it against the monarchy were still undeveloped and peacefully dormant, b^ ause the social struggle which formed their background had only achieved a nebulous existence, an existence in phrases, in words. T h e June revolution is the ugly revolution, the nasty revolution, because the phrases have given place to the real thing, because the republic has bared the head of the monster by knocking off the crown which shielded and concealed it. Order! was Guizots war-cry. Order! shouted Sebastiani, the Guizotist, when Warsaw became Russian. Order! shouts Cavaignac, the brutal echo of the French National Assembly and of the republican bourgeoisie. Order! thundered his grape-shot as it tore into the body of the proletariat. None of the numerous revolutions of the French bourgeoisie since 1789 assailed the existing order, for they retained the class rule, the slavery of the workers, the bourgeois order, even though the political

148

Articles from th e N e w Rkeiniscke Zeitung

T h e Ju n e Revolution

149

form o f this rule and this slavery changed frequently. T h e Ju n e uprising did assail this order. W oe to the Ju n e uprising! U n d er the Provisional Government it was considered good form and, m oreover, a necessity to p reach to the m agnanim ous w ork ers who, as a thousand official posters proclaim ed, placed three months of hardship at the disposal of the republic it was both politic and a sign of enthusiasm to p reach to th e w orkers that the February revolution had been carried out in their own interests and that the principal issue of the F eb ru ary revolution was th e interests of the workers. W ith the opening of the N ational Assembly the speeches becam e m o re prosaic. Now it was only a m atter t>f leading labour back to it^ old conditions, as M inister T re la t said. T h u s the w orkers fought in Feb ru ary in o rd e r to be engulfed in an industrial crisis. T t is the business o f the National Assembly to u n d o the w ork of Feb ru ary, at least as fa r as the w orkers are co n cern ed , and to fling them back to th eir old conditions. B u t even this was not done, because it is not within the pow er of any assembly any m o re than of a king to tell a universal industrial crisis advance up to this point and no further. In its cru d e eagerness to end the em barrassm ent of the February phraseology, the National Assembly did not even take the m easures that w ere possible on the basis o f the old conditions. Parisian workers aged 17 to 2 5 w ere eith er pressed into the arm y o r thrown on to th e street; those from o th er parts w ere o rd ered out of Paris to Sologne w ithout even receiving the m oney norm ally due to them u n d e r such an o rd e r; adult Parisians could fo r the time being secure a pittance in workshops organised on military lines on condition that they did not attend any public m eetings, in o th e r words on condition that they ceased to be republicans. N either the sentim ental rhetoric which followed the Feb ru ary events n o r the brutal legislation after May 15" achieved their purpose. A real, practical decision had to be taken. F o r whom did you m ake the Feb ru ary revolution, you rascals fo r yourselves o r fo r us? T h e bourgeoisie put this question in such a way that it had to be answ ered in Ju n e with grap e-shot and barricades. T h e entire National Assembly is nevertheless struck with paralysis, as one representative o f the people" put it on Ju n e 2 5 . Its mem bers are stunned when question and answ er m ake the streets o f Paris flow with blood; som e are stunned because their illusions are lost in the smoke of gunpow der, others because they cannot understand how the people dare stand up on their own for th eir own vital interests. Russian money, British money, the Bonapartist eagle, the lily, amulets of
Ducoux, Ed.

all kinds this is w here they sought an explanation of this strange event Both parts of th e Assembly feel how ever that a vast gulf sepa rates them fro m th e people. N one of them dares stand up fo r the ^^As^soon as th e stu p or has passed frenzy breaks o u t. T h e m ajority quite a g h tly greets with catcalls those pitiful Utopians and hypocntes guilty of th e anachronism of still using the term fratemtte, b roth erh ood . T h e question at issue was precisely that o f doing away with this term and with th e illusions arising fro m its am biguity. W hen th e legitimist Larochejaquelein, th e chivalrous d ream er, protested against th e infam y of those w ho cried Vo victis! Woe to the vanquishedr th e m ajority of th e deputies b roke into a St. Vitus s d an ce as if stung by a tarantula. T h ey shouted woe! to the w orkers in o rd e r to hide th e fact that it is precisely they them selves w ho are the vanquished . E ith er th e Assembly m ust perish now, o r th e repubUc. A nd that is why it frantically yells long live the republic! Is th e deep chasm which has opened at o u r feet to be allowed to mislead th e d em ocrats, to m ake us believe that th e struggle over the form of th e state is meaningless, illusory and futile? Only weak, cow ardly minds can pose such a question. Collisions proceeding fro m th e very conditions of bourgeois society must be fought out to th e end, they can n ot be co n ju red o u t of existence. T h e best form of state is that in which th e social contradictions are not blurred, not arbitrarily that is m erely artificially, and th erefore only seemingly kept down. T h e best form of state is that in which these contradictions reach a stage of open struggle in th e cou rse of which they are resolved. j r W e may be asked, do we not find a te a r, a sigh, a w ord ^ne victims of th e peoples w rath , fo r th e national gu ard , the mobile gu ard , the republican guard and th e troop s of the line? T h e state will ca re fo r th eir widows and orp han s, d ecrees extollirig them will be issued, their rem ains will be carried to th e g rave in solemn procession, the official press will declare them im m ortal, E u rop ean reaction in th e E ast and the W est will pay hom age to them . B u t the plebeians are torm en ted by h u n g er, abused by the press, forsaken by the d octors, called thieves, incendiaries and galley-slaves by the respectabHities; th eir wives and children are plunged into still g re a te r misery and the best of those who have survived are sent overseas. It is th e right and the privilege of the democratic press to place laurels on th eir clouded th reaten in g brow.
Written by Marx on June 28, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheiniscke ZeitU7ig No. 29, June 29, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

150

T h e Kolnische Zeitung o n th e Ju n e Revolution

151

T H E K O L N I S C H E Z E IT U N G O N T H E JU N E R E V O L U T IO N

Cologne, Ju n e 3 0 . If o n e reads th e following passages from th e London Telegraph and com p ares them to th e babble about the Paris Ju n e revolution that em anates fro m th e G erm an liberals, especially H e rr B m g g em an n , H e rr D um on t and H e rr W olfers, one will have to adm it that the English boui^eois, ap art from m any other distinctions, s u ^ a s s th e German phUistines in at least this reg ard : although they ju d g e g re a t events from a bourgeois point of view, they ju d g e them as men an d n o t in th e m an n er o f gutter-snipes. T h e Telegraph com m ents in its issue N o. 122:
... And here we may be expected to say something o f the origin and consequence of this terrible bloodshed. At once it proclaims itself a compUle battle between classes.

(A kingdom fo r such ,a th ou gh t is the m ental exclam ation o f the august Kolnische Zeitung and its W olfers .)
It is an insurrection o f the workmen against the government they believed themselves to have created, and the classes who now support it. How the quarrel immediately originated is less easy to explain, than to detect its lasting and ever present causes. T he revolution o f February was chiefly effected by the uiorikin^ [...] and it was proclaimed to have been made fo r A eir advantage. It was a social, more than a political revolution. T h e masses o f discontented workmen have not all o f a sudden sprung, endowed with all the capabilities o f soldiers, into existence; nor are their distress and their discontent the offspring, merely of the events o f the last four months. On Monday only we quoted the statement, perhaps exaggerated, of M. I^roux, which was made, however, in the National Assembly, and not denied [...] that diere are in France 8,000,000 beggars and 4,000,000 workmen who have no secure wages. He spoke generally, and meant expressly to describe the time before th e revolution; for his complaint was, that sirue the revolution nothing had been done to remedy that great disease. T h e theories of Socialism and Communism which had become rife in France, and now excrcise such influence over the public mind, grew

from the terribly depressed condition o f the bulk of the population under the government of Louis Philippe [...]. T h e main fact to be kept in view is the distressed condition o f the multitude as the great living cause o f ^ revolution. [...] ... T h e National Assembly [...] speedily voted to deprive the workmen o f the advantages which the politicians of the revolution [...1 had so hastily and unthinkingly conferred on them. In a social, if not political, point of view, a great reaction was apparent, and authority was invoked, backed by a large part of France, to put down the men %>ho had given that authority existence [....] T hat they should from such proceedings first flattered and fed, then divided and threatened with starvation, drafted o ff to the country, where all the labour connections were destroyed, and a deliberate plan adopted to annihilate their power that they should have been irritated can surprise no man; that after accomplishing one successful revolution they should have spontaneously thought they could bring about another, is not astonishing, and their chances of success against the armed force of the government, from the great length of time they have already resisted, seem greater than most people were prepared to expect. According to this view, which is confirmed by no political leaders having been detected amongst the people, and by the fact that the ouvriers ordered to quit Paris [...] proceeded no further than just outside the banners and then returned, the insurrection is the consequence o f a general feeling o f indignation amoi^st the working classes and not o f any political agency. They fancy their interest is again betrayed by their own government, and they have taken up arms now oj- they took them up in February to fight against the terrible distress of which they have so long been the victims, "T he present battle, then, [...]* is but a continuation o f the battle which took place in February [....] The contest is only a continuation o f that struggle which pervades all Europe, more or less, fo r a fairer diitrifruHon o f the annual produce o f labour. Put down in Paris now it probably will be; for the force which the new authority has inherited from the old authority that it displaced, is apparently overwhelming. But, however successfully put dovm, it will be again and again renewed, till government either makes a fairer distribution o f the produce of labour, or, finding that impossible, retreats from the awful resptonsibility of attempting it and leaves it to be decided by the [...] open competition of the market.... The real fight is fo r the means o f comfortable subsistence; the middle classes have been deprived of them by the politicians who undertook to guide the revolution; they have been savaged as well as the workmen; the strongest passions of both are now roused into mischievous activity; and, forgetting their brotherhood, tiiey make brutal war on each other. T h e ignorant if not ill-meaning government, which seems to have no conception o f its duty in this extraordinary crisis, [...] has first hurled the workmen on the middle classes, and is now helping the middle classes to exterminate the deceived, deluded, and indignant workmen. T h e principle o f the Revolution, the resolve to fight against distress and oppres-iion, must not be suffered to bear the blame o f this great calamity, it must be thrown rather on those ignorant meddling politicians who have so aggravated all the disasters bequeathed to them by Louis Philippe.

T h u s writes a London new spaper of th e bourgeoisie about th e Ju n e revolution, a new spaper which rep resents th e principles of Cobden, Bright etc. and which after th e Times and th e Northern Star, the two despots of th e English press, accordin g to th e Manchester G uardian, is th e most widely read paper in England.
Modified quotation. T h e Telegraph has: T h e battle, then, that was raging on Friday, Saturday and SnnHav

T h e Kolnische Zeitung o n th e Ju n e Revolution 152 A rticles from th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung

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L et U S co m p are No. 181 o f the Kblnische Zeitungl T h is rem arkable n ew spaper tran sform s th e battle between two classes into a battle between respectable people and rognesl W h at a w orthy p ap er! As if th e two classes did n ot hurl these epithets at each o th er. It is the same new spaper which at first, when ru m o u rs about the Ju n e uprising began to circulate, adm itted its total ignorance as to the nature of the insu rrection, and then h ad to g et the inform ation from Paris that an important social revolution was taking place whose scope would not be circum scribed by one defeat. Finally, strengthened by one d efeat of the w orkers, it sees in th e insurrection nothing but a batde between the enormous majority" and a "wild horde o f cannibals, robbers and murderer^'. W h at was the R om an slave w ar? A war between respectable people and cannibals! H e rr Wolfers will write R om an history and H e rr Dumont and H e rr Briiggem ann will enlighten the workers, the u n fortu n ate ones , as to their real rights and duties and
initiate them into tAc Jcience which leads to order and which/onrw the true citizen"!

L o n g live the science o f Dumont^Briiggemann-Wolfers, the secret science! T o cite one exam p le of this secret science: This praisew orthy trium virate has told its gullible read ers th rou g h o u t two issues that G enera! C avaignac wants to mine the district of St. Antoine. T h e district of St. A ntoine happens to be som ew hat larger than the golden city of Cologne. T h e scientific trium virate, how ever, that we recom m en d to the G erm an N ational Assembly fo r ruling G erm any, the trium virate Dumont-Briiggemann-Wolfers, have overcom e this difficulty; they know how to blow up the city o f C ologne with on e m ine! T h e ir notions o f the m ine which blows up the F au b o u rg St. A ntoine co rresp on d to the notion of the su bterran ean forces which u n d erm in e m odern society, caused th e Paris earthquake in Ju n e and spat up bloody lava from its revolutionary crater. B ut d earest trium virate! G reat Dumont-Briiggemann-Wolfers, g reat personalities proclaim ed by the world of advertisem ent! Cavaignacs of th e world o f advertisem ent! We m odestly bowed o u r heads, bowed them before the greatest historical crisis that has ever broken out: th e class war between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. W e have not created th e fact, we have stated it. W e have stated that o ne of the classes is the conquered one as Cavaignac himself says. On the grave of the con qu ered , we have cried "woeF' to the victorsand even Cavaignac shrinks fro m his historical responsibility! A nd th e N ational Assembly charges with cow ardice every m em b er who does n ot openly accept the terrible historical responsibility. Did we open up th e Sibylline Book for the Germans so that they should burn it? D o we ask the

G erm ans to becom e Englishm en when we describe the battie between the Chartists and the English bourgeoisie? G erm any, how ever, u n gratefu l G erm any, you may know the Kolnische Zeitung and its advertisem ents but you do not know you r greatest m en , y ou r Wolfers, y ou r Briiggem ann a n d y ou r Dumontl How m u ch sweat o f th e brain, sweat of th e face and sweat o f th e blood has bon shed in the battle between classes, in th e batde betw een free m en and slaves, patricians and plebeians, feudal lords and serfs, capitalists and w orkers! But only because there wa& no Kolnische Zeitung. B u t, m ost cou rageou s trium virate, if m o d ern society produ ces 'c r im in a l', ' cannibal^', "'murdereri' and ""plunderer^' in such masses and with such eAergy that th eir insu rrection shakes th e basis o f official society, what kind of society is this? W h at an arch y in alphabetical o rd e r! A nd you believe that you can heal the schism, that you have uplifted the actors and spectators o f this terrible d ram a by d raggin g them down into a servant traged y a la Kotzebue. A m on g th e national guardsmen of the faubourgs St. Antoine, St. Jacques and St. Marceau only 5 0 could be found w ho followed th e call of th e bourgeois bugle. T h u s re p o rts th e Paris Moniteur, th e official new spaper, th e p ap er o f Louis X V I, Robespierre, Louis Philippe and Marrast-Cavaignacl T h e re is nothing sim pler fo r th e science which tu rn s a m an into a true citizenl T h e th ree largest faubourgs of Paris, the th re e most industrialised faubourgs of Paris, whose patterns m ade th e muslins o f D acca and th e velvet of Spitalfields pale and fade, are supposed to be inhabited by cannibals , p lu n d er e rs , rob bers and crim inals . So says Wolfersl And Wolfers is an h onourable m an ! * H e has bestowed honours upon th e rogu es by having them fight g re a te r battles, produ ce g re a te r works o f a rt and accom plish m ore h eroic deeds th an those of C harles X , Louis Philippe, N apoleon and th e spinners o f D acca and Spitalfields. W e w ere just now m entioning th e London Telegraph. Y esterday o u r read ers h eard Em il Girardin. T h e w orking class, he says, after allowing its d eb tor, the Feb ru ary revolution, to delay paying o ff its debts fo r a m on th , the w orking class, the cred itor, knocked a t the deb tors house with the m usket, th e b arricad e and its own body! B u t Em il Girardinl W h o is he? N o anarchist! H eaven forbid! H e is, how ever, a republican o f the coming day, a republican of the morrow {republicain du lendemain) w hereas the Kolnische Zeitung, the Wolferses, Dumonts and Briiggem anns a re all republicans of the day before yesterday, republicans before the republic and republicans of the eve (ripubShakespeare, Julius Caesar, Act I I I , Scene 2. Ed.

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licains de la veille)l C an E m il G irardin give evidence by the side o f Dumont? A d m ire the patriotism o f th e C ologn e new spaper as it gloats with malicious pleasure over the deportations and hangings. It only wants to p rove to th e w orld, to th e incredulous, stone-blind G erm an world, that th e republic is more powerful than the monarchy and that the republican National Assembly with C avaignac and M arrast was able to carry out what the constitutional C h am b er o f Deputies with T h iers and B u g eau d was unable to do! Vive la republiquel L o n g live th e republic! exclaim s th e S partan C ologne p ap er at th e sight of Paris, bleeding, m oaning and burn in g. T h e cryp to-rep u blican ! T h at is why this p ap er is suspected of being cowardly a n d unprincipled by a Gervinus, by an A ugsburg paper^l T h e im m aculate o ne! T h e C harlotte C ord ay o f Cologne! Please notice that not one Paris newspaper, not the Moniteur, not the Debats and not the National, speaks o f cannibal^', plunderers , robber^' and murderers . T h e re is only o ne new spaper, th e p ap er of Thiers, the m an whose im m orality was con d em ned by Jacobus Venedey in the Kdlnische Zeitung, the m an against whom the C ologne p ap er scream ed at the top of its voice:
They are not going to get it, Our own free German Ilhine,*^

new spaper writes! T h ey set on fire? Y e t th e sole incendiary torch which they hurled against the legitimate incendiary rockets of C avaignac in the 8th arron d issem en t was a poetic, imaginary torch , as th e Moniteur confirm s.
Some, says Wolfers, held up high the programme of Barbes, Blanqui and Sobrier, the others hailed Napoleon and Henry V .

T h e chaste Cologne new spaper, which has not been p regnan t eith er with th e descendants of N apoleon o r with Blanqui, declared already on th e second day of th e insurrection that th e fight was waged in the nam e of the red republic . W h at then is she babbling about pretenders? She is, how ever, as has already been intim ated, an obdur^ate crypto-republican, a fem ale R obespierre that scents p re tenders everyw here, and these p reten d ers cause h e r m orality to shudder.
Almost all of them had money and several of them had .considerable sums.

it is T h ie rs p ap er, the Constitutionnel, fro m which the Belgian Independance and Rhenish science em bodied in Dumont, Briiggemann and Wolfers derive th eir knowledge! ilxam ine now in a critical vein these scandalous anecdotes with which the Kolnische Zeitung brands th e oppressed, th e sam e new spaper which at the out^eak of fighting declared its com plete ignorance of the n atu re o f the struggle, which during th e battle d eclared it to be an important social revolution , and which after the battle calls it a boxin g m atch between the police and the robbers. T h ey looted! B u t what did they loot? Weapons, ammunition, surgical dressings and th e most necessary items of food. T h e robbers w rote on the window shutters: Mort aux voleurs! Death to the robbers! T h ey murdered like cannibals . T h e cannibals did not willingly perm it the national guardsmen, w ho advanced upon th e barricades behind th e reg u lar troop s, to smash the skulls o f th eir wounded, to shoot their overw helm ed co m rad es and to stab th eir w om en. T h e cannibals who exterminated d u rin g a war of extermination as a F ren ch bourgeois
Allgemeine Zeitung. Ed. N ikolaus Becker, Der deutsche Rhein. Ed.

T h e re w ere from 3 0 ,0 0 0 to 4 0 ,0 0 0 workers and alm ost all of them had m oney d uring this tim e o f want and business slump! T h e money was probably so scarce because the workers had hidden ill T h e Paris Moniteur has published with th e greatest conscientious ness all cases w here money was found on th e insurgents. T h e re were at most twenty such cases. D ifferent newspapers and corresp on d en ts have rep eated these cases and cited d ifferen t sums. T h e Kolnische Zeitung, with its tried critical tact, which takes all these differen t rep orts o f the twenty cases fo r so m any d ifferent cases and then still, adds all th e cases circulated by ru m o u rs, m ight at best perhaps arrive at 2 0 0 cases. A nd that entitles th e p ap er to state that almost all the 3 0 ,0 0 0 to 4 0 ,0 0 0 workers had m oney! All that has been established is that legitimist, Bonapartist and p erhaps Philippist emissaries p ro vided with m oney mingled o r intended to mingle with the b arricade fighters. M. Payer, that most conservative m em ber of th e National Assembly, who spent 12 h ou rs as a prisoner am on g th e insurgents, declares:
Most o f tkm were workers who had been driven to desperation by four months o f misery. They said- Better to die o f a bullet than o f starvaiion!' Many, very many of the dead. affirms Wolfers, bore the ominous mark with which society stigmatises crim e.

T h a t is o ne of the base lies, sham eful calum nies and infamies which Lamennais, the foe of th e insurgents and th e m an of the National, has stigmatised in his PeupLe constituent and which the always chivalrous legitimist Larochejaquelain has stigmatised in the National Assembly. T h e entire lie is based upon the quite

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uncon firm ed assertion of one press-agency, which has not been corroborated by th e Moniteur, that eleven corpses had been discovered which w ere m arked with the letters T . F / A nd in which revolution have th e eleven corpses not been found? A nd which revolution will not b ran d with these letters eleven times 100? L et us note that the newspapers, proclam ations and illuminations of th e victors testify that they starved out, drove to desperation, bayonetted, fusilladed, buried alive and d ep orted the vanquished and desecrated th eir corpses. And against the conquered th ere are only anecdotes, and only anecdotes that are related by the ConstitutionneU rep rin ted by the Independance and translated into G erm an by the Kdlnische. T h e re is no g re ater insult to tru th than to try to prove it by an anecdote, says Hegel!^ T h e women are sitting in fron t of th e houses o f Paris and scraping lint fo r dressings for the w ounded, even the w ounded insurgents. T h e editors of the Kolniscke Zeitung pour sulphuric acid into their wounds. T h ey have d enounced us to the bourgeois police. W e recom m en d in re tu rn that th e workers, the unfortunate ones , let them selves be enlightened as to th eir real rights and duties and initiated into the science which leads to o rd e r and which form s the tru e citizen , by the im m ortal trium virate Dumont-Bruggemann-Wolfers.
Written by Engels on June 30/ 1848 First published in the Neue RheinMhe Zeitung No. 31, July 1. 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

T H E JU N E R E V O L U T IO N ^'
[THE CODRSF, OF THE PARIS UPRISING]

[Neue Rheinw.he Zeitung No. 31, July 1, 1848]

Gradually we gain a m o re com prehensive view of the Ju n e revolution; fuller rep o rts arrive, it becom es possible to distinguish facts from eith er hearsay or lies, and th e n atu re o f th e uprising Stands out with increasing clarity. T h e m ore o ne succeeds in grasping the interconnection of th e events of th e fo u r days in Ju n e, the m ore is o ne astonished by th e vast m agnitude of th e uprising, the h eroic co u rag e, the rapidly improvised organisation and the unanimity of th e insurgents. T h e w orkers plan of action, which Kersausie, a friend of Raspail and a fo rm er officer, is said to have draw n up, was as follows: T h e insurgents, moving in fo u r colum ns, advanced concentrically tow ards the H otel de Ville. T h e first colum n, w hose base of operations was the suburbs of M on tm artre, L a Chapelle and L a Villette. advanced southwards from th e barrieres o f Poissonniere, R och ech ou art, St. Denis and La Villette, occupied th e boulevards and approach ed the H otel de Ville throu gh the rues M ontorgueil, St. Denis and St. M artin. T h e second colum n, whose base was the faubourgs du T em p le and St. A ntoine, which are inhabited alm ost entirely by w orkers and p rotected by the St. M artin Canal, advanced tow ards th e sam e cen tre through the rues du T em p le and St. A ntoine and along the quays of the n o rth ern bank of the Seine as well as th rou g h all o th e r streets run n in g in the sam e direction in this p art of the city. T h e third colum n based on the Faub ou rg St. M arceau advanced tow ards the ile de la Cite th rou g h the ru e St. V ictor and th e quays of the southern bank of th e Seine. T h e fourth colum n, based on the Faub ou rg St. Jacques and the vicinity of the Medical School, advanced along the rue Saint Jacques

^ Convict brand (travavx forch: forced labour). Ed. ^ G. W, F. Hegel, Phanomenologie des Oeistey VT. Der Geist. Die Biklung unci ihr Reich der Wirkiichkcit. Ed.

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also to th e Cite. T h e re the two colum ns joined, crossed to th e right bank of the Seine and enveloped the H otel de Ville from the re a r and flank. T h u s the plan, quite correctly, was based on th e districts in which only workers lived. T h ese districts form a sem icircular belt, which surrounds th e en tire eastern h alf o f Paris, w idening out tow ards the east. First o f all th e eastern p art of Paris was to be cleared o f enem ies, and then it was intended to m ove along both banks o f th e Seine tow ards th e west and its cen tres, th e Tuileries and th e National Assembly. T h ese colum ns w ere to be su p p orted by n u m erous flying squads which, o peratin g independently alongside an d between th e colum ns, were to build barricades, occupy the sm aller streets and be responsible fo r m aintaining com m unications. T h e operational bases w ere strongly fortified and skilfully tran sform ed into form idable'fortresses, e.g. th e Clos St. L azare, the Faub ou rg and Q uartier St. A ntoine and th e F au b o u rg St. Jacques, in case it should becom e necessary to retreat. I f th ere was any flaw in this plan it was that in th e beginning of the operations th e western p art of Paris was com pletely overlooked. H ere th ere are several districts em inently suitable fo r arm ed action on t e t h sides of the ru e St. H on o re n ear th e Hailes and th e Palais National, which have very narrow , w inding streets inhabited mainly by w orkers. It was im p ortan t to set u p a fifth cen tre of the insurrection th ere, thus cu ttin g o ff th e H otel de Ville and at the sam e time holding up a considerable nu m ber o f troop s at this projecting strongpoint. T h e success of th e uprising dep en ded on the insurgents reaching the cen tre of Paris as quickly as possible and seizing the H otel de Ville. W e can n ot know what p revented Kersausie from organising insurgent action in this district. B u t it is a fact that no uprising was ever successful which did n o t at the outset succeed in seizing the cen tre of Paris adjoining the Tuileries. It suffices to m endon the uprising which took place d u rin g G eneral L am arq u es funeral'^^ when the insurgents likewise got as far as the rue M ontorgueil and w ere then driven back. T h e insurgents advanced in accordan ce with th eir plan. T h ey immediately began to separate th eir territo ry , th e Paris of the workers, from th e Paris o f th e bourgeoisie, by two main fortifica tions the barricades at th e Porte Saint Denis and those o f th e Cite. T h ey were dislodged from th e fo rm er, but were able to hold the latter. Ju n e 2 3 . the first day, was m erely a p relude. T h e plan of the insurgents already began to em erg e clearly (and the N eue Rheinische Zeitung grasped it correctly at the outset, see N o. 2 6 , special

supplem ent"), especially after th e first skirmishes betw een the advanced guards which took place in th e m orn in g. T h e boulevard St M artin, which crosses th e line o f o peration o f th e first colum n, becam e th e scene of fierce fighting, which, partly d u e to th e n atu re of th e terrain , ended with a victory for th e forces of o rd e r . T h e ap p roach es to th e Cite w ere blocked on th e righ t by a flying squad, which en tren ch ed itself in the ru e Planche-M ibray; on the left by the third and fou rth colum ns, which occupied and fortified the th re e sou th ern bridges of th e Cite. H e re too a very fierce battle rag ed . T h e forces of o rd e r succeeded in taking the St. Michel B rid g e and advancing to th e ru e St. Jacques. T h e y felt sure that by the evening th e revoh would be suppressed. T h e plan of th e forces of o rd e r stood o u t even m o re clearly than that o f th e insurgents. T o begin with, th eir plan was m erely to crush the insurrection with all available m eans. T h e y an nounced their design to th e insurgents with cannon-ball an d grap e-shot. B u t the G overn m en t believed it was dealing with an uncouth gang of com m on rioters acting w ithout any plan. A fter clearin g the main streets by the evening, the G overnm ent declared that the revolt was quelled, and th e stationing o f troop s in the conquered districts was u ndertaken in an exceedingly negligent m an n er. T h e insurgents m ade excellent use of this negligence by launching the g re a t battle which followed th e skirmishes o f Ju n e 2 3 . It is quite rem arkable how quickly th e w orkers m astered th e plan of caippaign, how w ell< on certed th eir actions w ere and how skilfully they used the difficult terrain . T h is would be quite inexplicable if in th e national workshops th e w orkers had not already been to a certain exten t organised on miUtary Unes an d divided into com panies, so that they only needed to apply th eir industrial organisation to th eir military en terprise in o rd e r to constitute im m ediately a fully organised arm v. , , , . . O n die m orn in g of the 2 4 th they had not only com pletely regained the groiind they had lost, but even ad d ed new terrain to it. T ru e , the line of boulevards up to th e boulevard du T em p le rem ained in the hands of the troop s, thus cutting o ff th e first colum n fro m the cen tre, but on the o th e r hand the second colum n pushed forw ard fro m the Q u artier St. A ntoine until it alm ost surrou n d ed th e Hotel de Ville. It established its head q uarters in the ch u rch of St. Gervais. within 3 0 0 paces of the H otel de VUle. It cap tu red th e St. M e m m onastery and the adjoining streets and advanced far beyond the H otel de Ville, so that to g eth er with th e colum ns in the Cite it almost
See this volum e, pp. 1 2 4 -2 7 . Ed.

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com pletely encircled the H otel de Ville. Only o ne way of ap p roach , th e quays of the right bank, rem ained open. In the south the F au b o u rg St. Jacques was com pletely reoccup ied , com m unication with the Cite was restored , rein forcem ents w ere sent th ere, and p rep aration s w ere m ade fo r crossing to th e righ t bank. T h e re was no tim e to be lost. T h e H otel de Ville, the revolutionary cen tre of Paris, was threaten ed and was bound to fall unless th e most resolute m easures w ere taken.
[Nue R heinm he Zeitung No. 32, July 2, 1848]

Cavaignac was appointed d ictator by the terrified National Assembly. A ccustom ed as h e was in A lgeria to en erg etic action, he did not have to be told what to do. T e n battalions prom ptly moved tow ards the H otel de Ville along the wide Q uai de IEcoIe. T h ey cut off the insurgents in the Cite from the righ t bank, secured the safety of the H otel de Ville and even m ade it possible to attack the barricades su rrou n d in g it. T h e ru e Planche-M ibray, and its continuation, the ru e Saint M artin, w ere cleared and kept perm anently clear by cavalry. T h e N otre-D am e B rid ge, which lies opposite and leads to th e Cite, was swept by heavy guns, and then C avaignac advanced directly on the Cite in o rd e r to take en erg etic m easures there. T h e Belle Ja rd in ih e" , the m ain strongpoint of the insurgents, was first shattered by cannon and then set on fire by rockets. T h e ru e de la Cite was also seized with the aid o f gun -fire; th ree bridges leading to th e left bank w ere storm ed and the insurgents on the left bank were pressed back. Meanwhile, the 14 battalions deployed on the Place de G reve and th e quays freed th e besieged H otel de Ville and reduced th e ch u rch of Saint G ervais from a h ead q uarters to a lost outpost of th e insurgents. T h e ru e St. Jacques was not only bom barded from the Cite but also attacked in th e flank from the left bank. G eneral D am esm e broke th rou g h along the L u xem b o u rg to th e Sorbonne, seized th e Q u artier Latin and sent his colum ns against the Pantheon. T h e square in fron t of th e Pantheon had been tran sform ed into a form idable stronghold. T h e forces of o rd e r still faced this unassailable bulwark long after they had taken the ru e St. Jacques. G un-fire and bayonet attacks w ere of no avail until finally exhaustion, lack o f am m unition and the th reat of the bourgeois to set the place on fire com pelled th e 1,.500 w orkers, w ho w ere com pletely hem m ed in, to su rren d er. A t about the same tim e, the Place M aubert fell into th e hands of the forces of o rd e r a fter a long and courageou s resistance, and the insurgents.

deprived of their strongest positions, w ere forced to abandon the entire left bank of the Seine. Meanwhile th e troop s and national guards stationed on the boulevards of th e righ t bank of th e Seine w ere likewise put into action in two directions. L am o riciere, who com m an d ed them , had the streets of the faubourgs St. Denis and St. M artin, the boulevard du T em p le and p art of the ru e du T em p le cleared by heavy artillery and swift infantry attacks. By the evening he could boast of brilliant successes. H e h ad cu t off and partly su rrou n d ed the first colum n in tj)e Clos St. L azare; he had pushed back the second colum n and by advancing along the boulevards had thrust a wedge into it. How did C avaignac win these advantages? First, by th e vastly su p erior fo rce he was able to use against the insurgents. O n the 2 4 th he had at his disposal not only the 2 0 ,0 0 0 -s tro n g Paris garrison , th e 2 0 ,0 0 0 to 2 5 ,0 0 0 m en of th e mobile gu ard an d th e 6 0 ,0 0 0 to 8 0 ,0 0 0 available m en of th e national gu ard , but also the national guard from the whole environs o f Paris and frohi m any o f th e m o re distant towns (2 0 ,0 0 0 to 3 0 ,0 0 0 m en) and in addition 2 0 ,0 0 0 to 3 0 ,0 0 0 soldiers w ho w ere called in with the utm ost dispatch from the neighbouring garrisons. Even on the m orn in g of the 2 4 th he had well over 1 0 0 ,0 0 0 m en at his disposal, and by the evening th eir num bers had increased by half. T h e insurgents, on the o th e r han d , num bered 4 0 ,0 0 0 to 5 0 ,0 0 0 m en at most! Secondly, by th e brutal m eans h e used. Until th en cannon had been fired in th e streets of Paris only once, i.e. in V endem iaire 1 7 9 5 , when N apoleon dispersed the insurgents in the ru e Saint H on ore with grape-shot.'^* B u t n o artillery, let alone shells and incendiary rockets, was ever used against barricades and against houses. T h e people w ere u n p rep ared fo r this, they w ere unable to defend them selves, fo r the only counteraction they could take was to set fire to houses, but this was rep u gn an t to their sense of what was right. Up till then the people had n o idea that this brand of A lgerian w arfare could be used righ t in the cen tre of Paris. T h ey th erefo re retreated , and th eir first re tre a t spelt their defeat. O n th e 2 5 th C avaignac attacked with even larg er forces. T h e insurgents were confined to a single district, th e faubourgs Saint A ntoine an d du T em p le; in addition they still held two outposts, the Clos St. L azare and a p art of th e St. A ntoine district u p to the D am ictte B ridge. C avaignac, who had received fu rth e r rein forcem en ts of 2 0 ,0 0 0 to 3 0 ,0 0 0 m en as well as a substantial park of artillery, first attacked the isolated outposts of th e insurgents, especially the Clos St. Lazare. T h e insurgents w ere en trench ed h ere as in a fortress. A fter a

T h e Ju n e Revolution 162 Articles from the Neue Rheinuiche Zeitung

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12-h o u r b om bardm ent with cannon and m o rta r shells, L am oriciere finally succeeded in dislodging th e insurgents and occupying the Clos St. L azare, but n ot until h e had m ounted a flank attack from the rues R och ech ou art and L a Poissonniere, and had dem olished the barricades by bom barding them with 4 0 guns on the first day and with an even g re ater n u m b er on the n ext. A n o th er p art of his colum n penetrated throu gh the Faubourg Saint M arlin into th e Faub ourg du T em p le, but was not very successful. A third section moved along the boulevards tow ards the Bastille, but it did not get very far eith er, because a num b er o f the most form idable barricades th ere resisted for a long tim e and only succum bed a fter a fierce cann on ade. T h e houses h ere suffered appalling destruction. Duviviers colum n advancing fro m th e H otel de Ville pressed the insurgents back still fu rth e r with the aid o f incessant artillery fire. T h e ch u rch o f St. Gervais was cap tu red , a long stretch o f the ru e Saint A ntoine well beyond the H otel de Ville was cleared , and several colum ns m oving along the quay and streets ru n n in g parallel to it seized th e D am iette B rid g e, which connected the insurgents of the St. A ntoine district with those o f the St. Louis and Cite islands. T h e Saint A ntoine district was outflanked and the insurgents had no choice but to fall back into the faub ou rg, which they did in fierce com bat with a colum n advancing along the quays to th e m outh o f the St. M artin Canal and thence along the boulevard B o u rd o n skirting the canal. Several insurgents w ho w ere cu t o ff w ere m assacred, hardly any w ere taken prisoner. T h e St. A ntoine district and the Place de la Bastille w ere seized in this operation. L am o ricieres colum n m anaged to occupy the whole boulevard B eau m arch ais by the evening and join up with Duviviers troop s on the Place de la Bastille. T h e cap tu re of the D ^ i e t t e B rid g e enabled Duvivier to dislodge th e insurgents from the lie St. Louis and th e fo rm e r lie Louvier. H e did this with a com m endable display of A lgerian barbarity. H ardly anyw here in the city was heavy artillery used with such devastating effect as in the lie St. Louis. B u t what did that m atter? T h e insurgents w ere eith er driven o u t o r m assacred and am on g the blood-stained ruins o rd e r trium phed. O ne m ore post rem ained to be seized on the left bank of th e Seine. T h e Austerlitz B ridge, which east of th e St. M artin Canal links the F aub ou rg St. A ntoine with the left bank of th e Seine, was heavily b arricad ed and had a strong bridgehead on the left bank w here it adjoins th e Place V alhubert in fron t of th e Botanical G ardens. This b ridgehead, which after the fall of th e Pantheon and the Place

M aubert was the last stronghold of th e insurgents on the left bank, was taken after stubborn resistance. Only th eir last bulwark, th e F au b o u rg St. A ntoine and a p art of the F aubourg du T em p le, was thus left to the insurgents on the following day, th e 2 6 th . N eith er of these faubourgs is very suitable for street-fighting; th e streets th ere are fairly wide and almost perfectly straight, offerin g full play fo r th e artillery. T h e ir western side is well p rotected by the St. M artin C anal, but the n o rth ern side is com pletely exp osed . Five o r six perfectly straight, wide streets run from th e n orth righ t into th e cen tre of th e F au b o u rg Saint A ntoine. ^ T h e principal fortifications w ere at the Place de la Bastille and in the ru e F au b o u rg St. A ntoine, the m ain street of th e whole district. Rem arkably strong b arricades w ere set up th ere, built partly of big flagstones and partly of w ooden beams. T h ey w ere con stru cted in the form of an angle pointing inward in o rd e r partly to weaken the effect of the gun -fire, partly to o ffe r a larg er defensive fro n t making cross-fire possible. O penings had been m ade in the fire-p roo f walls of the houses so that the rows of houses w ere co n n ected with each o'ther, thus enabling the insurgents to open rifle-fire on the troop s or withdraw behind th e barricades as circum stances d em an d ed . T h e bridges and quays along the canal as well as th e streets run n in g parallel to it w ere also strongly fortified. In short, th e two faubourgs the insurgents still held resem bled a veritable fortress, in which the troops had to wage a bloody batde for every inch o f ground. On th e m orning of th e 2 6 th th e fighting was to be resum ed, but Cavaignac was not keen on sending his troop s into this maze of barricades. H e threaten ed to shell th em ; m ortars and howitzers were brought up. A parley was held. C avaignac meanwhile o rd e re d the nearest houses to be m ined, but this could only be done to a very limited e x te n t, because th e time was too sh ort and because th e canal covered o ne of the lines of attack; he also o rd ered internal com m unication to be established between the occupied houses and the adjoining houses th rou g h gaps in the fire-p roof walls. T h e negotiations broke down and fighting was resum ed. Cavaig nac ord ered G eneral P e rro t to attack from the Faub ou rg du Tem ple and G eneral L am oriciere from th e Place de la Bastille. T h e barricades w ere heavily shelled from both directions. P e rro t pushed forward fairly rapidly, occupied the rem aining section of the Faubourg du Tem ple and even pen etrated into the Faub ou rg St. Antoine at several points. L am o ricieres advance was slower. T h e first barricades withstood his guns, although his g ren ades set the first houses of the faubourg on fire. H e began once m ore to negotiate. W atch in han d h e awaited th e m om ent when he would have the

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pleasure of shelling and razing to th e grou n d th e m ost thickly populated district of Paris. Som e of th e insurgents at last capitulated, while oth ers, attacked in th e flank, withdrew from th e city after a short battle. It was the end of the Ju n e barricad e fighting. Skirmishes still continued outside th e city, but they w ere o f no significance. T h e insurgents who fled w ere scattered in the neighbourhood and were o ne by one cap tu red by cavalry. W e have given this purely military description of th e struggle to show o u r read ers with what heroic co u rag e, unity, discipline and military skill th e Paris workers fought. F o r fo u r days 4 0 ,0 0 0 of them opposed forces fo u r times th eir strength, and were within a h airbreadth of victory. T h ey almost succeeded in gaining a footing in the cen tre of Paris, taking the H otel de Ville, form ing a Provisional G overnm ent and doubling their nu m b er not only by people from the cap tu red parts of the city joining them but also from the ranks of the mobile g u ard , who at that time needed but a slight im petus to m ake them go over to th eir side. G erm an newspapers assert that this was th e decisive battle between the red and th e tricolou r republics, between workers and bourgeois. W e are convinced that this battle will decide nothing but the disintegration of th e victors. M oreover, the whole cou rse o f events proves that, even from a purely military standpoint, th e w orkers are bound to trium p h within a fairly short space o f tim e. If 4 0 ,0 0 0 Paris workers could achieve such trem en d ou s things against forces four times th eir num ber, what will th e whole mass of Paris workers accom plish by concerted and co-ordinated action! Kersausie. was cap tu red and by now has probably been shot. T h e bourgeois can kill him , but can not take from him the fam e o f having been the first to organise street-fighting. T h ey can kill him , but no power on earth can prevent his techniques from being used in all future street-fighting. T h ey can kill him , but they can n ot prevent his nam e from going down in history as th e first commander-in-chief of barricade fighting.
Written by Engels on June 30 and July 1, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinbche ZeitungNos. 31 and 32, July 1 and 2, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

G ER M A N Y S FO R E IG N P O L IC Y

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Cologne, July 2. All h ith erto existing rulers and th eir diplom ats have em ployed th eir skill and efforts to set o ne nation against a n o th er and use o ne nation to subjugate an oth er, and in this m an n er to p erp etu ate absolute rule. G erm any has distinguished herself in this respect. D uring th e last 7 0 years alone, she has furnished the British, in exch an g e fo r English gold, with m ercen aries to be used against th e N orth A m ericans fighting fo r th eir ind ependence; when the first F re n ch revolution broke o u t it was the G erm ans again who, like a rabid pack, allowed them selves to be set upon the F re n ch ; in a vicious m anifesto issued by the Duke o f Brunswick they threaten ed to raze the whole of Paris to th e g ro u n d '^ ; they conspired with the em igre aristocrats against th e new o rd e r in F ra n ce and w ere paid for this in the fo rm of subsidies received from England. W hen the D utch, fo r th e first tim e in two h u n dred years, finally hit upon the sensible idea of putting an end to the m ad rule of the H ouse of O ran ge and establishing a republic,^^*^ it was the G erm ans again who acted as th e h angm en of freed om . T h e Swiss, too, could tell a tale about their G erm an neighbours, and it will be some time b efore the H ungarians recover fro m the h arm which A ustria, i.e. the G erm an Im perial C ou rt, inflicted upon them . In deed, G erm an m ercen ary troops w ere sent as far as G reece to p rop u p the little th ro n e of d ear Otto,*^ and G erm an policem en w ere sent even to P o rtu g ^ . T h en there w ere the congresses a fte r 1 8 1 5 , A ustrias expeditions to Naples, T u rin and th e R om agn a; the im prisonm ent o f Ypsilanti, the G erm an-im posed w ar of suppression which F ra n ce waged against Spain2; Dom Miguel'^ and D on Carlos,* who w ere supported by G erm any; the reaction in B ritain had H anoverian troops at its disposal; G erm an influence has led to the dism em berm ent of Belgium and th e establishm ent of a T h e rm id o rian rule th ere; in the

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very h eart of Russia G erm ans are th e mainstay o f th e one au tocrat and of the sm aller ones; all E u ro p e is flooded with sprigs o f the H ouse o f C oburg. Poland has been plundered and dism em bered and Cracow throttled with th e help o f G erm an s o l d i e r s .G e r m a n money and blood have helped to enslave and im poverish Lom bardy and Venice, and directly o r indirectly to stifle any m ovem ent of liberation th rou gh ou t Italy by m eans of bayonets, gallows, prisons and galleys. T h e list of sins is m uch longer, let us close it. T h e blam e fo r the infamies com m itted with the aid o f G erm any in oth er countries falls not only on the governm ents but to a large exten t also on the G erm an people. B u t for the delusions of the G erm ans, their slavish spirit, th eir aptitude as m ercenaries and benign jailers and tools of the m asters by divine righ t , the G erm an nam e abroad would not be so detested, cursed and despised, and th e nations oppressed by G erm any would have long since been able to develop freely. Now that the G erm ans are throw ing off th eir own yoke, th eir whole foreign policy must change too. Otherw ise the fetters with which we have chained o th e r nations will shackle o u r own new freed om , which is as yet hardly m ore than a presentim ent. G erm any will liberate herself to th e exten t to which she sets free neighbouring nations. T h in gs are indeed beginning to look brighter. T h e lies and m isrepresentations which the old govern m en t organ s have been so busy spreading about Poland and Italy, the attem pts at stirring'up enm ity artificially, the turgid phrases proclaim ing that G erm an h on o u r o r G erm an power is at stake all these form ulas have lost their m agic pow er. T h e official patriotism is effective only when these patriotic postures conceal m aterial interests, only am ong a section of th e big bourgeoisie whose business depends on this official patriotism . T h e reaction ary party knows this and makes use o f it. B ut the g reat mass of th e G erm an middle class and the w orking class u n d erstan d o r feel that the freed om of th e neighbouring nations is the g u aran tee o f th eir own freed om . Is A u strias w ar against Italys independence o r Prussias w ar against the restoration of Poland popular, o r on the co n trary do they not destroy th e last illusions about such p atriotic crusades? H ow ever, n eith er this u n d erstan d ing n o r this feeling is sufficient. If G erm an ys blood and money are no longer to be squandered, to h er own d etrim ent, in suppressing o th er nations, then we must achieve a really popular governm ent, and th e old edifice must be razed to th e grou n d . Only then can an
See this volum e, pp. 3 8 5 -8 7 and 3 9 5 -9 8 . Ed.

international policy of dem ocracy take th e place of th e sanguinary, cowardly policy of th e old, revived system. How can a d em ocratic foreign policy be carried th rou g h while d em ocracy at hom e is stifled? Meanwhile, everything possible must be d on e to p re p a re th e way for the d em ocratic system on this side and th e o th er side of th e Alps. T h e ItalittTis have issued a num b er of declarations which m ake th eir friendly attitude tow ards G erm any perfectly clear. W e would mention the M anifesto of th e Provisional G overnm ent at Milan'* addressed to th e G erm an people'* and the n u m erous articles written ija the sam e vein, which are published in the Italian press. W e have now received fu rth er evidence o f this attitude a private letter from the adm inistrative com m ittee of th e new spaper L Alba, published in Florence, to the editors of th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung. It is dated Ju n e 2 0 , and .says am on g o th er things:
We thank you sincerely for the esteem in which you hold our poor Italy. Meanwhile we whole-heartedly assure you that aU Italians know who really violates and attacks their liberty; they know that their most deadly enemy is not the strong and magnanimous German people, but rather their unjust, despotic, and cruel government; we assure you that every true Italian longs for the moment when he will be free to shake hands with his German brother, who, once his inalienable rights are established, will be able to defend them, to respect them himself and to secure the respect of all his brothers for them. Placing our trust in the principles to whose careful elaboration you have dedicated yourselves, we remain Your faithful friends and brothers (signed) L. Alinari"

T h e Alba is on e o f the few papers in Italy which firmly advocate dem ocratic principles.
Written by Engels on July 2, 1848 First published in the N e w Zeitung No. 33, July 3, 1848 Rheinische Printed according to the newspaper

II Govem o provvisorio alia Nazione Germanica, April 6, 1848. Ed. See this volume, pp. 11-12. Ed.

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M A R R A ST AND T H IE R S

from all exercise of pow er. R epublic and dynastic opposition will co n fro n t each o th er o n ce m o re, but the republic will n o longer win on the term s of February. T h e people will n o lon ger indulge in fancies. It will no longer hide its reven ge u n d e r a bushel as Caussidiere puts it and it will no longer fling its w rath into the torren ts of S tyx . Q ui vivra verra.
Written on July 2, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 33, July 3, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

W e have continuously drawn the attention of the readers of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung to the intrigues of the party of th e National, personified by Marrast. W e have investigated the underhanded m eans by which this party strives to seize th e dictatorship. A t the same tim e we have pointed out how the dictatorship of M arrast conjures up the dictatorship of T h iers. Several facts strikingly illustrate how m uch the party of the National, due to its victory, has already succum bed to th e party of T h iers which is now closely fused with the dynastic opposition.'*^ T h e ap pointm ent of Camot, a m an of th e National, as M inister has stirred up a violent u p ro ar in the National Assembly. Marie's cand id ature fo r th e presidency of th e N ational Assembly was rivalled by D ufaures cand id ature and, as the Debats rep orts, was only approved because he was known as the wisest and most m oderate m an of the old E xecutive C om m ittee ,* i.e. because he m ade the m ost concessions to the old dynastic party and because he d rafted the Bill on gatherings, the continuation o f the Septem ber Law s,^ ^ and sponsored and defended it in the N ational Assembly! T h e fact rem ains that M arrast and T h ie rs threw dice fo r the presidency of the National Assembly. T his does n ot satisfy, how ever, the dynastic opposition . O ne of the first laws that it is p rep arin g is a law con cern in g the municipal councils, a law which is directly aim ed against the au tocracy and influence of M arrast, the M ayor of Paris. And he will fall. In a few days th e entire National Assembly will te a r itself ap art. T h e reaction will p roceed until the party of th e National is excluded
Paris, 2 9 ju ille t. Journal des Dibat% Ju ly 30, 1848. Ed.

From Caussidicres speech in the National Assembly Rheinische Zeitung No. 31, July 1, 1848, supplement). Ed.

o r

Ju n e 27, 1848 ^Neue

170 T h e A greem ent Debates 171

T H E AG REEM EN T D EBA TES

A t the beginning of his p ro gram m e, H e rr H ansem an n has already said that he proposes to subm it new repressive laws fo r this purpose insofar as th e old (police state!) legislation does not suffice. T h a t is plain enough. T h e old despotic legislation does not suffice! T h e abolition o f th e poverty of the w orking class is n ot the province of the M inister of Public W orks o r th e M inister o f Finance but o f the M inister of W ar! First repressive laws, to be followed by grape-shot and bayonets indeed, th ere is n o m o re effective m ean s ! Perhaps H e rr Schreckenstein, whose m ere nam e accord in g to the \Aiestphalian address^ strikes te rro r into th e agitators, wants to continue his h eroic deeds o f T r ie r * and becom e a C avaignac on a reduced Prussian scale? B u t H en* H ansem ann has still o th e r m eans besides th e most effective one:
What is also necessary for this purfwse is to procure employment by public works projects o f genuine usefulness to the country.

Cologne, July 2. A fter the traged y the idyll, a fter th e th u n d er o f the Paris Ju n e days, th e beating of the d ru m s of the Berlin ag reers. W e had com pletely lost sight of th e gentlem en but now we learn that at the very m om ent when C avaignac shelled th e Faub ou rg St. A ntoine, H e rr Cam phausen gave a nostalgic farewell address and H err H ansem ann submitted th e p ro gram m e of th e new Ministry. First of all, we observe with pleasure that H err H ansem ann has taken o u r advice and has not becom e Prim e Minister.* H e has realised that it is g re a te r to make Prim e Ministers than to be one. T h e new G overnm ent, in spite of the borrow ed nam e (prete-nom) of Auerswald, is and rem ains th e Hansemann G overnm ent. It shows itself as such by presenting itself as the G overnm ent of Action and of accom plishing things. H e rr Auerswald has certainly no claim to be a M inister o f action! H e rr H ansem an ns p ro gram m e is well known. W e will not exam ine the points o f his political p ro gram m e since they have already provided feed fo r the m o re o r less petty G erm an newspa pers. T h e re is only o ne point that nobody has d ared to exam in e. W e want to m ake up fo r that omission so that H e rr H ansem ann should n ot feel neglected. H e rr H ansem ann declares:
T here is at present no more effective means to revive industry anti thus to eliminate the poverty of the labouring classes than to restore the weakened confidence in the preservation of law and order and to establish soon a firm constimttona) monarchy. By concentrating all our efforts on this aim, ive can best counteract unemployment and poverty."
Sec this volum e, pp. 111-12. Ed.

H e rr H ansem ann will thus o rd e r still m ore com prehensive work fo r th e good of all industrious classes of th e p eople than H e rr Patow. B u t he will do this
when the Government succeeds in removing the anxieties over the possible overthrow of the political system which are nourished by unrest and agitaiion and in mtoring-the general confidence necessary to obtain the required firuinces".

F o r the m om ent H e rr H ansem ann can n ot o rd e r any public works to be started because h e can n o t obtain any m oney. H e can only obtain th e m oney when con fiden ce is restored . B u t, as he himself says, when con fiden ce is restored , th e workers will b e em ployed and th e G overnm ent will no lon ger need to p ro cu re jobs fo r them . H e rr H an sem an n s m easures fo r th e abolition o f poverty are going rou nd in a circle which is by no m eans vicious but ra th e r very virtuous in a bourgeois sense. F o r th e m om en t H e rr H ansem ann has nothing to o ffe r th e w orkers but the Septem ber Laws** and a reduced version of Cavaignac. T h is is indeed a G overnm ent of Action! It is not o u r purp ose to exam in e th e recognition of th e revolution in his p ro gram m e. T h e w ell-inform ed G -corresp on d en t of the Kolnische Zeitung has already hinted to the public how far H e rr H ansem ann has saved the legal basis for th e benefit of the
* T h e name, literally translated, means terror-stone . Ed. Adresse der Krieger und W ehrmanner des Kreises Hagen vom 19. Jun i 1848" (\'eue Rheinische Zeitung 25, Ju n e 25, 1848, special supplement). Ed.

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neighbouring journalist.* As regard s th e revolution H e rr H ansem ann has recognised that it is basically no revolution. H e rr H ansem ann had hardly finished when Prim e M inister Auerswald rose, fo r he was obliged to say som ething as well. H e took o u t a written scrap o f p ap er and read approxim ately the following thoughts, only not in verse:
Gentlemen! I am happy today T o tarry at your meeting, W here many a noble kindred spirit Lovingly howls a greeting. My feelings at this very moment Are quite beyond all measure; And ohl these truly blissful hours All my life Ill treasure!**

W e want to em phasise that we have given th e most favourable interpretation to the somewhat unintelligible scrap of p ap er o f the Prim e Minister. H e rr Auerswald has hardly finished when o u r H ansem ann jum ps up again in o rd e r to prove by raising a question of con fiden ce that he has not changed his tune. H e dem ands that th e d raft addressd be re fe rre d back to com m ittee and says:
T h e reception which this first motion will find in the Assembly will be a measure of the amount of confidence that the High Assembly has in the new Ministry.

This was really too m uch. Deputy Weichsel, no doubt a re a d e r of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, angrily rushes to th e rostru m and protests emphatically against this everlasting m ethod o f th e question of confidence. So far, so good. B u t once a G erm an has begun to talk, it is hard to stop him , and so H e rr W eichsel let himself g o in a long discourse about this and that, about the revolution, th e year 1807 and the year 1 815, about a warm h eart beating beneath a shirt and several o th er topics. All this h e said because h e felt it necessary to get these m atters o ff his ch est . A dread fu l clam ou r, mingled with a few bravos from th e L eft, forced th e w orthy fellow to leave the rostrum . H e rr H ansem ann assured the Assembly that it was by no m eans the Ministrys intention to raise frivoloiis questions of confidence. It would not be w orth the trouble to discuss the issue fu rth e r since on
Marx and Engels frequently use this expression when referring to Karl Briiggemann, the editor-in-chief of the Kdlnische Zeitung. Ed. Heinrich Heine, Deutschland. E in Winlermarcken, Caput X II. Ed. See this volume, pp. 62-63. Ed,

this occasion it was not really a full question o f con fiden ce but only half a question. T h e re ensues debate such as seldom occurs. Everybody speaks at once and the debate w anders off into a m yriad trivialities. T h e question of confidence, the agend a, standing o rd ers, Polish nationa lity, ad jo u rn m en t, accom panied by bravos and clam ou r, all circulate fo r som e tim e. A t last H e rr Parriiiiis observes that H e rr H ansem ann has put a m otion on behalf of the G overn m en t, w hereas the G overnm ent as such can n ot put m otions but can only make com m unications. W err Hansemann replies that it was a slip of the tongue. T h e m otion was really n o m otion but m erely a request from the G overnm ent. T h e grandiose question of confidence is thus red u ced to a m ere req u est of the Ministers! H e rr Parrisius rushes to th e rostru m from th e left side, H e rr Ritz from the right. A t the sum m it they co n fro n t each o th er. A collision is unavoidable since n eith er of the two heroes wants to withdraw. At this point, the C h airm an, H e rr Esser, begins to speak and both heroes turn back. H e rr Zacharid adopts the G overn m en ts m otion as his own and dem ands an im m ediate debate. H e rr Zacharia, the obedient servant of this as well as th e previous G overnm ent, who had once before played the red eem in g angel by just at the righ t m om ent, proposing an am en d m en t to B eren d s m otion, could not find anything to say in su p p ort o f his m otion. W h at had been stated by the Finance M inister sufficed entirely. A lengthy debate now ensues with the indispensable am endm ents, interruptions, table-banging, blustering and sophistries about rules of p ro ced u re. It would be asking too m u ch of us to lead o u r readers throu gh this labyrinth. W e can m erely point out to them some of the m o re ch arm in g aspects of this confusion: 1. D eputy Wal(Uck enlightens us: the address can n o t be referred back to the com m ittee since th e com m ittee no lon ger exists. 2. D eputy H iiffer elaborates: th e address is not a reply to the Crow n but to th e M inisters. T h e Ministers who produ ced th e speech from th e th ro n e n o lon ger exist. How are we supposed to reply to som eone who does not exist any m ore? 3. D eputy d E ster draws th e following conclusion in the form of an am en d m en t: th e Assembly wishes to d rop the address. 4 . T h e am en d m en t is disposed o f by C hairm an Esser in the following m an n er: T his proposal seem s to be a new m otion and not an am endm ent.

174

Articles fro m th e Neue Rkeinische Zeitung

T h e A g reem ent Debates

175

T h a t is the whole skeleton o f th e debate. T o this m eag re skeleton, how ever, th ere adheres a mass o f bloated flesh in th e form o f speeches by the Ministers R odbertus an d K uhlw etter, the deputies Zacharia, R eich en sperger II etc. T h e situation is exceedingly strange. H e rr R odbertus him self says that it is
unprecedented in the history o f parliaments that a Government resigns while the draft o f an address is on the table and the debate about it is supposed to begin!

D uring its first six weeks o f parliam entary life, Prussia has on the whole had the good fo rtu n e o f en coun terin g events alm ost all of which w ere u n p reced en ted in the history of parliam ents . H e rr H ansem ann finds him self in th e sam e dilem m a as the C ham ber. T h e address, ostensibly a reply to th e speech from the th ro n e by C am ph ausen -H an sem an n, is in reality supposed to be a reply to th e H ansem ann-A uersw ald p ro gram m e. T h e com m ittee which was com plaisant tow ards C am phausen is th erefo re supposed to show similar com plaisance tow ards H e rr H ansem ann. T h e difficulty is m erely to convince people o f th e need fo r this dem and which is u n p reced en ted in th e history of parliam ents . All m eans are em ployed. R odbertus, th e Aeolian h arp of th e L eft C entre, m urm urs the most gentle sounds. Kuhlw etter makes soothing gestures in all directions: it is, o f cou rse, possible that a new exam ination of th e d raft address m ight convince everybody that no changes need now be made after all (!) but in o rd e r to win this conviction (!!) th e d raft ought to be retu rn ed o n ce m ore to the com m ittee! Finally, H e rr H ansem ann, who as always is bored by a long debate, cuts th e knot by stating bluntly why th e d raft should be retu rn ed to the com m ittee: he does n ot want the new changes to slip in th rou g h the back d o o r in the fo rm o f ministerial am endm ents, they should rath er, in the form of com m ittee proposals, stru t into the hall throu gh a large folding-door with w ide-open leaves. T h e Prim e M inister declares that it is necessary that
the Government should collaborate in a constitutional way in the drafting of the address.

H ansem an n s fo rm er disparaging rem arks about abstractions, use less quarrels o ver principles etc. against the very abstract p ro gram m e. DE ster called upon the G overnm ent of Action at last to proceed to action and to set aside questions of principle . W e have already m entioned above his proposal, which was the only sensible one that was m ade in th e cou rse o f th e day. H e rr H uffer, who m ost clearly expressed th e co rre c t point of view in relation to th e address, also form ulated it most clearly in relation to H e rr H an sem an n s request: the G overnm ent dem ands that we ^ o u l d have enough confidence in it to send the address back to the com m ittee and it m akes the continuation o f its existen ce dep en den t upon such a decision. T h e G overn m en t, how ever, can only dem an d a vote of confidence fo r actions which it carries out itself but not for actions which it requires of the Assembly. In sh ort: H e rr H ansem ann d em anded a vote o f confidence and the Assembly, to spare H e rr H ansem ann unpleasantness, gave an indirect vote of cen su re to its address com m ittee. U n d er the G overnm ent of A ction th e deputies will soon find o u t what the fam ous treasury-whip is.
Written by Engels on July 2, 1848 First published in the N ew Rkeinische Zeitung No. 34, July 4, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

Even a fter m uch cogitation, we a re unable to explain what this is supposed to m ean and which Constitution H e rr Auerswald has in mind, particularly since Prussia does not have a Constitution at all at this m om ent. Only two speeches from the side o f the opposition need be m entioned: those of H e rr d E ster and H e rr H u ffer. H e rr d E ster successfully ridiculed H e rr H an sem an n s p ro gram m e by using H err

Engels uses th e English term and adds a G erm an translation in brackets. Ed.

8 -S 4 17

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177

A R R E ST S

Ar r e st s

Cologne, July 3. U p to now th e G overnm ent o f Action has only proved itself as th e Ministry of th e Police. Its first a ct was the arrest o f H e rr Monecke and H e rr Fem bach in Berlin. Its second a ct was the arrest o f B o m b ard ier F u n k in Saarlouis. Now actio n is beginning to m ake itself felt h ere in C ologne too. T h is m orn in g D r. Gottschalk an d L ieu ten an t (ret.) A nneke w ere arrested . W e are reservin g o u r ju d g m en t since we a re still lacking definite inform ation about the reasons fo r their arrest and the m an n er in which it was carried out. T h e w orkers will be sensible en ou gh not to let them selves be provoked into creating a disturbance.
Written on July 3. 1848 First published in the N ew Rkeinische Zeitung No. 34, Juty 4, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

Cologne, July 4. W e prom ised o u r read ers yesterday that we would com e back to th e arrest of D r. Gottschalk and Anneke. U p to now we have only been able to obtain g re a te r details about A nnekes arrest. Six to seven policem en entered A nnekes residence between six and seven in th e m orn in g, im m ediately m altreated th e maid in the hall and then silently sneaked u p th e stairs. T h re e o f them rem ained in th e an teroom while fo u r invaded th e b ed room w here A nneke and his wife, who is in an advanced state o f p regnan cy, w ere asleep. O ne of these fo u r pillars of justice was already at this early h o u r somewhat unsteady, being filled with spirit , th e tru e fluid o f life: firewater. A nneke asked what they wanted. H e should go along with them ! was the laconic answer. A nneke asked that at least his sick wife should be spared and asked th e gentlem en to go into th e an teroom . T h e gentlem en of th e Holy Hermandad* declared that they would not leave th e b ed room . T h ey u rged A nneke to dress quickly and did not even perm it him to speak to his wife. O nce they found themselves in the an teroo m , the urgin g turned into assault d uring which o ne of th e policem en sm ashed a glass d oo r. A nneke was pvshed down the stairs. F o u r policem en led him o ff to the new gaol. T h re e of them rem ained with F rau A nneke to gu ard h e r until the arrival of the Public Prosecutor. A ccord in g to th e law, there m ust be at least one official of the court police (a police inspector o r similar person) presen t d u rin g an arrest. Why such formalities, how ever, since th e people possess two assemblies, one in Berlin and o ne in F ran k fu rt, to rep resen t their rights?

178

Articles from the Netie Rheinische Zeitung

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179

H alf an h o u r later. Public Prosecutor Hecker and Exam ining M agistrate Geiger cam e to search the house. Frau A nneke com plained that the Public P ro secu tor had left the arrest to police w hose brutality was unconstrained by the presence of any m em b er o f th e m unicipal authorities. H e rr H eck er declared that he had given no orders to commit brutalities. As if H e rr H eck er could o rd e r brutalities! F rau Anneke-. It seem s that the police w ere sent ahead alone so that the authorities would not have to assum e the responsibility fo r their brutality. Besides, the arrest was not carried out accordin g to legal p ro ced u re since none of th e police p rodu ced a w arrant. O ne of them m erely pulled a scrap o f p ap er o u t of his pocket which A nneke was n ot allowed to read. H e rr Hecker. T h e police were judicially commanded to proceed with the a rre s t. Does not the com m an d of a jud ge also fall u n d er the com m and o f th e law? T h e Public P ro secu tor and the Exam ining M agistrate confiscated a mass of papers and pam phlets, including Frau A nnekes whole briefcase, etc. Incidentally, Exam ining Magis trate G eiger has been designated as Police Superintendent. A nneke was interrogated fo r half an h o u r in the evening. A supposedly seditious speech that he m ade d u rin g the last popular assembly at the Giirzenich HalP^* was given as the reason fo r his arrest. A rticle 1 0 2 o f th e Code speaks o f public orations which directly incite to conspiracy against th e E m p e ro r and his family or which aim at disturbing th e public peace by civil war, the illegal use of arm ed fo rce o r open vandalism and looting. T h e C ode does not contain the Prussian excitem ent of dissatisfaction . F o r lack o f the Prussian law. A rticle 102 will be em ployed fo r th e time being w herever its em ploym ent is a judicial impossibility. A g reat show o f military force accom panied th e arrest. F ro m four o clock onw ards the troop s w ere confined to barracks. Bakers and artisans w ere allowed in but not let out again. T ow ard s six o'clock the hussars m oved from Deutz to C ologne and rod e th rou g h the whole city. T h e new gaol was occupied by 3 0 0 m en. F o r today, fo u r new arrests have been ann ou n ced , those of Jan sen , Kalker, E sser and a fou rth one. Eyewitnesses assure us that Jan sen s posters, in which he u rg ed the workers to remain calm, w ere tom down from the walls by the police yesterday evening. Was that d on e in the interest o f o rd e r? O r was som eone looking fo r a p retext to ca rry out carefully prep ared plans in the good old city of C ologne? C hief Public P ro secu tor Zweiffel is supposed to have inquired earlier at the Provincial C ou rt of A ppeal at A rn sb erg w hether he should arrest A nneke on the basis of his fo rm er conviction''* and

have him tran sp orted to Julich. T h e royal am nesty seems to have stood in the way of this well-m eaning intention. T h e m atter was referred to th e Ministry. Chief Public P ro secu tor Zweiffel, m oreover, is supposed to have declared that he would within a week put an end to M arch 19, the c l u b s , freed om of th e press and o th er outrages that the evil year 1848 had b rough t to C ologne on the Rhine. H e rr Zweiffel is not am ong the sceptics. Is H e rr Zweiffel perhaps com bining the executive with the legislative pow er? A re th e laurels of C hief Public P rosecutor supposed to cover the weak points of th e peoples representative? Once again we will scrutinise o u r m uch beloved stenographic rep orts and give the public a tru e picture o f the work of the peoples representative and C hief Public P ro secu tor Zweiffel.* T h ose are the actions of the Government of Action, the G overnm ent of the L e ft C en tre, the G overnm ent o f transition to an old aristocratic, old b u reau cratic and old Prussian G overnm ent. As soon ' as H e rr H ansem ann has fulfilled his transitory function, he will be dismissed. T h e Berlin L e ft, how ever, m ust realise that the old regim e is willing to let it keep its small parliam entary victories and large constitutional designs as long as th e old regim e in the m eantim e is able to seize all the really im p ortan t positions. It can confidendy recognise the revolution o f M arch 19 inside the C h am b er provided the revolution can be disarm ed outside of it. Some fine day the L eft may find that its parliam entary victory coincides with its real d efeat. Perhaps German devel^m ent needs such contrasts. T h e G overnm ent of A ction recognises th e revolution in principle in o rd er to ca rry out the cou nter-revolution in practice.
Written on July 4, 1848 f'irst published in the Nexu Rheinische Zeitung No. 35, July 5, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

See this volume, pp. 94-95. Ed.

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T h e A greem ent D ebates

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T H E A G R EEM EN T D EBA TES

Cologne, July 4 . T o d ay we will take u p the ag reem en t session of Ju n e 2 8 . T h e Assembly is co n fro n ted by a new President, a new set o f standing o rd ers and new Ministers. O n e can d ierefo re im agine how g re a t is the confusion. A fte r lengthy prelim inary debates about standing ord ers and o th er m atters, D eputy Gladbach was finally allowed to speak. A few days ago in Spandau, the Prussian soldiery forcibly disarm ed, and in som e instances even arrested , on th eir re tu rn fro m Schleswig-Hol stein, the m em bers o f th e 6th C om pany o f th e V olu n teer C orps which had been disbanded fo r republican sentim ents. It had n o legitim ate reason o r legal authority w hatever to ca rry o u t this act. In law, the arm y can n o t take such steps on its own initiative at all. Most of these volunteers, how ever, had form erly fou gh t on the barricades o f B erlin and the gen d em en o f th e guard h ad to get even with them . H e rr Gladbach questioned th e Ministry on this act of military despotism . ^ T h e M inister o f W a r, Schreckenstein, declares that he does not know anything about this m atter and that he must reserve th e right to dem and a rep o rt on it from the ap p rop riate authority. H ence th e people pay a M inister o f W a r so that h e does not yet know m Berlin on th e 28th what steps th e m ilitary took on th e 2 5 th a m ere three hours from Berlin, in Spandau, and so that, right in front of his eyes, as it w ere, a m ere th ree hours from Berlin, lieutenants of the gu ard should occupy the railway stations and seize the weapons fro m the arm ed nation (weapons which belong to the people, and
^ W ilhelm Grabow . Ed.

which they cap tu red on the battlefield), w ithout even deigning to h on o u r th e M inister of W a r with a re p o rt! B u t to be sure, Lieutenant-C olonel Schlichting w ho accom plished this h ero ic deed acted accord in g to instructions , which he probably receives from Potsdam , and it is probably also to Potsdam that he rep o rts! T o m orrow , th e w ell-inform ed M inister of W a r pleads, tom orrow I will perhaps be able to give an answer! T h e re follows a question by Zacharias: T h e Ministry had prom ised a Bill on the civic militia. Will this Bill be based upon th e principle of ^arming the whole nation? T h e new M inister o f the In terio r, H e rr Kuhlw etter, answers; Indeed, a civic militia Bill was u n d e r consideration, but it had not yet been discussed in the M inistry, hen ce h e could not say anythm g fu rth er about it. T h u s the new Ministry has been form ed so precipitously and has reached so little ag reem en t upon its guiding principles that even the burning question of the arm in g of th e nation has n ot yet been debated! . r- A second question by D eputy Gladbach co n cern ed th e definitive appointing of b u rgom asters and o th er officials by the authorities hitherto em pow ered to d o so. Since the en tire prevailing adm inistra tion will continue to exist only on a provisional basis, it will be able to fill the existing vacancies also only provisionally until it is d eterm ined by legislation how and by whom th e d ifferen t authorities are to be appointed. N evertheless, b u rgom asters and o th er officials have been appointed definitively. M inister Kuhlwetter expresses his general ag reem en t with H e rr Gladbach and will allow only provisional b u rgom asters to be appointed. President Grabow skilfully evades a further- question by H err Gladbach about the suspension of the m any o fficios hated by those they adm inister; d u rin g the initial flush of revolutionary a rd o u r a n u m b er of these officials, especially in the cou n try, having been put to flight. A fter som e debates on p ro ced u re, the question of Deputy Dierschke con cern in g the Koslin address*^* and its fu rth eran ce by the governm ents and the ru ral district adm inistrations was reach ed . B ut the deputy had com pletely forgotten that his question had been put on the ag en d a and h e had failed th e re fo re to b ring along th e papers necessary to substantiate his case. T h u s th ere was nothing left for him to do but to indulge in a few general phrases about the reaction, to accept a highly unsatisfactory reply fro m the M inister and to be told by the President that h e m ust surely be satisfied with it.

182

A rticles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

T h e A greem ent Debates

183

B u t he had still to put a second question: W h eth er o r not the Ministers intended to oppose th e reactionary schem es of the aristocracy and the party of th e officials. In this case, too, he seems to have forgotten th e necessary papers. O nce again he spouts declam atory phrases instead o f quoting facts and dem ands nothing better from the Ministry than that it issue a proclam ation against reaction. H e rr Kiihlwetter answ ers, of co u rse, that the views o f lords of the m an o r and of officials w ere not his co n cern , only their actions w ere. T h ese people had the sam e freed om as H e rr Dierschke, and besides, would H e rr Dierschke please cite facts. In duly dignified m an n er, he rejected the absurd idea of an en actm en t against reaction. H e rr D ierschke then cited the fact that in his district of Ohiau the Landrat had stated that the National Assembly would not be unanim ous until It was glued tog eth er with grape-shot, and that their deputy (Dierschke himself) had said that it would be a trifle to string up a Minister. T h e C hairm an deduced from this rem ark that H e rr D ierschke was now also satisfied in regard to the second question and H e rr Dierschke could not think of any objections to raise. H e rr Hansemann, how ever, is not satisfied. H e accuses th e speaker o f having digressed from the m ain question. H e
leaves it to ihe Assembly to judge the propriety of making personal accusations against officials when proof of these accusations is not supplied at the same time.

nst this treatm ent. T h a t .was the reason why he was not just ^ddressing himself to the M inister of W a r but to th e entire /-invernment. H e rr Auerswald: If dT.ster does not want an answ er to this specific se the G overnm ent is n ot interested" in replying. ^^Rcally, f^ ^ h e G overnm ent is not interested in replying to the uestion: W h at novelty! It is indeed custom ary to ask questions n r e c i s e l v in those cases in which th e G overnm ent is not a bit - tprested" Precisely because it is not interested in answ ering it, prc^sely fo r that reason , H e rr Prim e M inister, the G overnm ent is asked the question. 1 he Prim e Minister, by the way, m ust have believed that he was not am ong his superiors but am o n g his subordinates. H e attem pts to make the reply to th e question d ep en den t upon the interest shown not by the Assembly but by the G overnm ent. W e attribute it solely to the inexp erien ce of President Grabow that he did not call H e rr Auerswald to o rd e r for this bureau cratic arrogance. T h e Prim e Minister, by the way, gave th e assurance that the shaving of Poles would be vigorously cou n teracted but that he could not reveal any details until a later date. D Ester is very willing to ag ree to a delay but wants to know the date when Auerswald intends to answer. H e r r Auerswald, who must be h ard of hearing, replies: I believe rhat there is nothing in my declaration which indicates that the Ministry does not wish (!) to rev ert to this m atter at a later date. B u t he cannot yet fix the date. Behnsch and d Ester m oreover declare explicitly that they are also dem anding fu rth er inform ation about the fact itself. T h en follows d Ester's second question; W h at was th e m eaning of the military prep aration s in th e Rhine Province, particularly in C ologne, and did p erhaps the necessity arise to p ro tect th e fro n tier with France? H e rr Schreckenstein replies: F o r several m onths now no troop s have gone to the R hine with the exception of individual reservists. (T o be sure, brave B ayard , but there were already too m any troop s there.) Not just Cologne but all fortresses are being fortified so that the fatherland should not be endangered.* T h u s if the troop s are not d rafted into the forts at C ologne w here they have nothing to do and are in very p oo r q u arters, if the artillery units do not get any rifles, if the troop s do not receive bread for a
See this volum e, pp. 6 8 -7 1 . Ed.

A fter delivering this p ro u d challenge and being greeted by the resounding applause of the Right and the C en tre, H e rr H ansem ann sits down. D eputy Eisner puts an u rgent m otion. H e calls for the im m ediate ap pointm ent of a com m ittee o f inquiry into the situation of the spinners and weavers as well as of the entire Prussian linen m an u factu re. In a brief and striking speech H e rr Eisner tells the Assembly how the old G overnm ent had in every single case sacrificed the linen m dustry to dynastic and legitimist interests o r ra th e r notions. Spain, M exico, Poland and C racow served as proofs. Fortunately the facts w ere striking and affected only the old G overnm ent. T h e re fo re n o difficulties w ere raised by any side. T h e G overnm ent put itself at the disposal o f the com m ittee in advance and the m otion was passed unanimously. T h e re follows a question by d Ester co n c e rn in g the shaved Poles. D Ester declares that he does not just seek inform ation about the fact but specifically about the m easures taken by the G overnm ent

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Articles from the Netu Rheinische Zeitung

T h e A g reem en t Debates

185

week in advance and if th e infantry is n ot provided with live bullets and the artillery with g rap e and ball shot, the fath erlan d is in d an ger? T h u s, accord in g to H e rr Schreckenstein, the fatherland is only out o f d an g er when C ologne and th e o th er big cities are in d an ger! By the way,
"all troop movements must be left entirely to the judgment o f a military person, i.e. the Minister o f War, otherwise he cannot be responsible !

, rd of in the history of parliaments to embarrass the Ministry in such a manner unheard ot m ; discussed before the no. S here to erUan^e, the fatherland.'' (A ternble dm O ur Moritz has to get off the rostrum.)

Im perial B aron Roth von Schreckenstein o f th e terror-in sp irin g nam e sounds like a young girl whose virtue is threaten ed ra th e r than the Prussian pro tempore B ayard w ithout fear an d rep ro ach ! W hen Deputy d E ster, M.D., who truly is a dw arf by th e side of the m ighty Im perial B aron Roth von Schreckenstein, asks th e said Schreckenstein about the m eaning of o n e o r an o th e r m easure, the g reat Im perial B aron believes that th e little M.D. wants to take away his p rerogative freely to decide on th e disposition of troop s. In such an event he could o f co u rse no lon ger be responsible! In a w ord, th e M inister o f W a r declares that he must not be called to account; otherw ise-he would not be accountable at all. B y the way, what w eight does a d epu tys question carry com p ared with the ju d g m en t o f a military p erson, and particularly a M inister o f W a r ! Although d'Ester declares that h e is not satisfied, he nevertheless draws from Schreckensteins answ er th e conclusion that the military preparations are designed to p ro tect th e F ren ch frontier. Prim e M inister Auer&wald protests against this conclusion. If all b o rd er fortresses are fortified, it stands to reason that all frontiers are p ro tected . If all frontiers are p rotected , surely the French fro n tier, too, is p ro tected . H e rr Auerswald adm its th e correctn ess of th e prem ises but rejects the deduction in th e nam e o f th e G overn m en t . W e, on the o th er han d , assum e in th e n am e of com m on sense that H e rr Auerswald is not m erely hard o f hearing. D Ester a.nd jy a/i/p ro test at once. declares that Neisse,' the m ost significant Silesian fortress against the E ast, is not being fortified at all and that it is in a most sorry plight. W hen h e begins to give details, th e R ight supported by the C en tre makes a terrible racket and R eichenbach is forced to leave th e rostrum . H e rr Moritz:
Count Reichenbach has given no reason for addressing the Assembly (!). I believe that I may speak for the same reason (!1). I consider it to be unparliamentary and T h e name, literally translated, means terror-stone. Ed. T h e Polish name is Nysa. Ed.

""'neDUtv Esser I calm s th e tum ult by a disquisition, as th o ro u gh as it L o n r ia te on P arag rap h 2 8 of th e standm g ord ers. " ^ P ? r C t ' p o .e s ts ;\ e " h a d n ot in ten d ed to co rre c t a fact bu t ely w anted to speak fo r th e sam e reason as C ou n t R eich en S MT h e conservative faction supports him and gran ts him a loud ch^er, w hereas the ex tre m e L eft bangs on the tables. Auerswald:
- i s .1 appropriate to discuss in detail the defensive capacity of Prussia either m individual cases o r as a whole?

W e note in th e first place th at the discussion did n ot deal with the defensive capacity of th e state but ra th e r with th e defe^elessness of the state Secondly, what is in ap p rop riate is not should be rem in d ed of his duties but ra th e r that, h e should m ake military p reparations against dom estic opponents an d n o t agains ^"^The RighTis terribly b ored and calls fo r an end to th e debate. T h e President, in the midst of m uch noise, declares that th e m atter is '^ N e x t on the agend a is a m otion by Ju n g . H e rr Ju n g it appropriate to be absent. W h at a w onderful representation of the ^ ^ N ot' com es a question by D eputy Schoh. It reads literally as follows: :
Question to the Minister o f the Interior inquiring whether h e f le or i n c M to supply information on the inopportune introd^ctton o f constabUs in the districts.

Fresident: T o begin with I am asking w hether this question has been understood. (It has not been und erstood and it is read once again.) Minister Kuhlwetter: In d eed , I do n ot know what m form ation is dem anded of m e. I do not understan d th e question. President: Is th ere support for th e question? (It is n ot supported.) Schoh: I withdraw my motion fo r th e lime being. W e, too, are w ithdraw ing fo r today after this priceless scene which is unheard o f in the history of parliam ents .
Written by Engels on July 4, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 35, July 5, 1848
P rin te d a c c o r d in g to th e n ew sp a p er P u b lish ed in E n g lish fo r th e first tim e

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^^tfiorily- W ith what carefu l g uarantees th e C ode assures the f tv of the person! f 'dentally, the fact that the police did not p rod u ce th eir w arrant L s illegal. It also rem ains illegal that they, as we are pnuently inform ed , scrutinised documents even before th e ap p earof H e rr H eck er and his com panion. B u t above all the brutalities, ^ h^rh H e rr H eck er revetted, rem ain illegal. W e are am azed to see Tourt proceedings pending not against the poHce but against the n^^wsoaper that has d en ou n ced their im propriety. T h e insult could only refer to one of th e policem en of whom it was Taid that he was unsteady" at an early h o u r fo r m o re o r less spiritual or spirituous reasons. If th e investigation, how ever, as we do not doubt for o ne m om ent, should prove th e correctn ess of the evidence, namely the brutalities com m itted by the agents of th e public authority, then we believe that we shall have only acted in the interests of the gentlem en accused by us by carefully emphasising, with the com plete im partiality becom ing the press, the only extenuating circumstance . And this affable statem ent of the only extenuating circum stance is tran sform ed into an insult by the Public Prosecutor. And now as to the insult or defam ation of C hief Public Prosecu tor Ziveiffell . W e have simply rep o rted , and as we have ourselves indicated in the rep o rt, we have rep o rted rumours, rum ours which reached us from a reliable source. T h e press not only has th e righ t but the duty to keep a close watch on the con d u ct of th e peoples representatives. At the same time we pointed out that H e rr Zweiffel s past parliam entary activity seems to be in line with th e anti-popular remarks ascribed to him . Is it really th e intention to deprive th e press of the right to judge th e parliam entary activity of a representative of the people? W h at then is the purpose of the press? O r does not the press have the right to detect in the p eop les representative Zweiffel too m uch of th e C hief Public P ro secu tor and in the Chief Public Prosecu tor too m uch of the peoples rep resen ta tive? W hy then in Belgium , F ran ce etc. the debate on incom patibilities? As to the constitutional usage, one should read again how the Constitutionnel, the S ik le and the Presse d uring the reign of Louis Philippe judged the parliam entary activity of Hebert, Plougoulm etc. ai the time when these m en occupied the highest positions in the Public P rosecu tors office and at the same tim e served as deputies. O ne should read how the Belgian new spapers, particularly the strictly constitutional ones such as the Observateur, the Politicjue and

L E G A L PR O C EED IN G S A G A IN S T T H E N E U E R H E I N I S C H E Z E IT U N G

Cologne July 6. W e have just received th e following rejoin d er to the article printed m yesterdays [Neue] Rkeinische Zeitung dated AnnekL"^ ^ ^ schalk and

I declare it to be a falsehood that I answered the complaint of Frau Anneke roncernmg th^ arrest of her husband without the presence of a member of the municipal authorities m the following manner; I have given rw orders to commit brutalities.'

.he;itT;n\rrnL^sr;

^^

I furthermore declare it to be a falsehood to state that I used the expressionT h e fwlice w ere jvdictally commanded to proceed with the arrest I merely observed that the arrest was effected by virtue of a warrant to aooear in court issued by the Examining Magistrate < * warrant to appear m

PU.HC
evaluated m the legal proceedings which will be initiated on this count. Cologne, July 5, 1848 Hecker, Public Prosecutor

preced in g that the Neue R heinw ke Zeitung has gained a new con trib u tor of great prom ise the Public Prosecutors office. ^ n^ d^ T t need for an an arrest th ere is no official of the court police but m erely for an agent of the

See this volum e, pp. 177-79.__ Ed.

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th e Emancipatioti, barely a year ag o jud ged th e parliam entary activity of M. Bayay when he com bined in o ne person the office of deputy and Public P rosecutor-G eneral. A nd what was always allowed u n d er the G uizot Ministry and the R ogier M mistry should n ot be allowed u n d er a monarchy built on the broadest demo^atic foundation} A righ t which was not contested by any A dm inistration o f the F ren ch R estoration becom es a w rong u n d er th e Government of Aciion which recognises the revolution in principle? In ad en tally, the public has been able to convince itself from o u r special supplem ent o f this m orn in g just how co rrecd y we have jud ged th e cou rse o f events. Rodbertus has left the G overnm ent and Ladenberg has en tered it. T h e G overnm ent o f th e L e ft C en tre has transformed itself in a few days into a decidedly old-Prussian reactionary Government T h e Right has d ared a coup d etat, a n d the Left has wttkdraum with the threats. A n d is it not palpably clear that th e m ost recen t acts in Cologne w ere p art o f th e g reat plan of cam paign o f the Government o f Action ^ ju st now we are being inform ed that the N eue Rheinische Zeitung has been banned from th e house o f d etention. Do th e prison rules provide fo r such a prohibition? O r are th e politically accused condem ned to the penalty of having to read exclusively the Kolnische Zeitung?
Written by Marx on July 6. 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 37, July 7, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

th e

B E R L IN A G R E E M E N T D E B A T E S

roloene Tuly 6. W hile m inisterial crisis N o. 2 continues in Berlin, f,lH like fo r th e tim e being, in th e w ords of D eputy Matze, the h ith erto calm lake o f the greem ent debates. Say what you like, we have spent h ere m o re than one h o u r of genial ch eerfu ln ess
H ere, breeding and custom hold sway. And many a quiet pleasure blooms Amidst us to this day.

It is th e tu rn of th e session of Ju n e 3 0 . R ight from the beginning U o p t ^ w k significant an d very peculiarly ch aracten sttc o ccu r" w h o has not h eard of th e g reat cam paign of the from B erg and M ark who set out to save A e * ^ * e rla n d ? W h o d ^ not know with what defiance of death th.s cream philistinism, forsaking wives, children and business se out to step into th e breach to give battle to th e revolution m a figh to * ^ d e ^ in a w ord, to go to Berlin and present to th e M mistry a petiti ' x t L ' I ? p l d i n s then also p resented to the A g reem en t Assembly an address containing mild, reaction ary pious wishes. T h e address is read . A few gentlem en of the R ight wish a^so to have the signatures read . T h e secretary begins to read but is interru p ted by shouts ot E nough, e n o u g h ! Deputy Berg:
The document which has just been read must be either a motion is a motion I would like to know which member has J u/ith ii" be sent to the appropriate committee so that we may no longer be bored with * Heinrich Heine, Deutschland. E in Wintermarchen, Caput XXV. Ed. ^

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S . Z ] ; : 7 r 3 W anzleben-''* w ,.

^ eft. Deputy

did it

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^^ceA uinly

(R e n e w X ig h Je r f

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Whenever I think about this laughter My eyes shed sudden tears.^

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re j^ r ' U c t ^ t l t e ^ r l ' * ' ' " k "

stenographic

D eputy Ritz should speak as little as possible because his words are always follow ed by g reat h ilarity . It becam e revealed at once, how ever, how m u ch the wellm eaning intentions o f such worthies as H e rr Schultz from W anzleben and H e rr Ritz are inevitably m isunderstood in this wicked world. For President Grabow appointed th e scrutineers and am on g them were to be found n on e others than H e rr Schultz from W anzleben for the Left C en tre (laughter) and H e rr Brill fo r th e Right C entre (hilarity). C on cern in g H e rr Brill, o u r read ers should know that this deputy who belongs to th e extre m e L eft has seated him self in the Right C en tre smack into th e midst of th e U p p er Silesian and Pom eranian peasants w here, by his pop u lar o ratorical talents, he has defeated quite a num b er of the reaction ary p artys insinuations. T h e n follows the question o f H e rr con cern in g th e Russian N ote which is supposed to have caused th e withdrawal of W rangel from Jutland. Auerswald d en ies th e existence of this N ote despite the M orning Chronicle and th e Russian B e e } W e believe that H e rr Auerswald is right. W e do n ot believe that Russia has sent an official N ote to Berlin. B u t n eith er we n o r H e rr Auersw ald can know what Nicholas sent to Potsdam . H e rr Behnsch also puts a question on the N ote of M ajor W ildenbruch addressed to th e Danish Government'^ accord in g to which the Danish war was m erely a feigned w ar and a dalliance designed to w ork o ff superabundant patriotism .*' H e rr finds som e reason for noi answ ering this question. A fter a boring and confused discussion about th e com m ittee of experts th ere occurs finally a truly interesting parliam entary scene, a scene d uring which a certain am ount of indignation and passion victoriously rises above th e stereotyped dru m m in g of th e Right. W e owe this scene to D eputy G lad^ ch. T h e M inister of W a r had prom ised today to answ er his question on th e disarm ing and arrest of the retu rn ed volunteers.** As soon as th e President indicates that this subject is reached, Lieutenant-C olonel Griesheim, who is an old acquaintance of ours, rises and begins to speak. This bureaucratic-soldierly im portunity is, however, rejected at once by a vigorous interruption. T h e President slates that u n d er P arag rap h 28 of standing ord ers

great ktlartty during the previous s^scinn ^ tauon.) I do not consider our Assembly .. in the interefr o f c dignity of the sobriety.As.sembly's dignity I would recommend a certain

^ Wilhelm Grabow. (i Heinrich Heine, 'Der Tannhauser, Caput 2 .~ E tL

^ See this volume, pp. 42-44. E d A reference to the Russian periodical Severnaya Pckela (The B ee of the North). Ed. Heinrich Heine, Bei des Nachtwachters Ankunft zu Paris. In Zeitgedichte. Ed, See this volume, pp. 180-81. Ed.

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assistants to Ministers may only speak with the permission of the Assembly. Griesheim: I am h ere as representative o f th e M inister o f W ar. President: I have not been so informed. Griesheim: W ell, if th e gentlemen d o not want to listen to what I have to say.... (A ha! Agitation.) T h e g en tlem en ! F o r H e rr Griesheim the g entlem en surely ought to be the H igh Assembly ! T h e President should have called H e rr G riesheim to o rd e r because of his repeated disregard fo r all propriety. T h e Assembly wants to listen to H e rr G riesheim . First, how ever, H e rr Gladbach is given the floor to amplify his question. H e explains first of all that he has put the question to the M inister of W a r an d he dem ands that he be p resen t and u n d er standing o rd ers th e Assembly has th e right to dem an d this. T h e President, how ever, sets this aside and M r. G ladbach, bearing in mind th e u rgency of th e m atter, goes into th e substance o f his question. H e relates that the volunteers, a fter they had left th eir co rp s and retu rn ed h om e because o f the application of military despotism , had been branded in Spandau as vagabonds by the execrable police system that had crep t out of its hiding places overn igh t . H e relates that in Spandau they had been disarm ed, detained and sent hom e u n d er police o rd ers. H e rr Gladbach is th e first deputy who has succeeded in relating such an ignom inious deed with entirely ap p rop riate indignation. H e rr Griesheim declares that this m easure was taken upon the request of police h ead q uarters in Berlin. H e rr Gladbach now read s the honourable discharge of o ne o f the volunteers signed by Prince Fried rich of Schleswig-Holstein and contrasts it to the police pass, quite vagabond-like in tone, which was issued to th e sam e volunteer "upon ministerial decision" in Spandau. H e points to the arrest, forced labour and cash fines threaten ed in the police pass, gives the lie to H e rr G riesheim s assertion that this m easure originated with the C hief of Police by citing an official d ocum ent, and asks w hether p erhaps there existed a special Russian Ministry in Spandau. F o r th e first time the Ministry was cau g h t out in a direct lie. T h e entire Assembly becom es extrem ely excited. T h e M inister of the In terio r, H e rr Kuhlwetter, finally has to get up p erfo rce and stam m er a few apologies. A ll that had happened had been the disarm ing of 18 arm ed m en m erely an illegal act! One could not tolerate arm ed bands moving throu gh the countryside without permission 2 2 volunteers who are retu rn in g hom e! (W ithout perm ission!)

T h e initial words of th e M inister are received with unam biguous of displeasure. Even the Right is still too m uch u n d er the Henressing influence of th e facts not to keep at least quiet. B u t they non pull them selves tog eth er as they perceive how their u n fortu n ate Minister painfully m anoeuvres u n d er the lau gh ter an d the gru m bling of the L e ft, and g reet his lam e excuses with loud ch eers; p a rt of the C en tre joins in and H e rr Kuhlw etter finally gathers enough courage to say: N ot I, but my p red ecessor has o rd ered this m easure, but I herew ith d eclare that I fully ap p rove it and should th e case arise I would d o th e sam e. T h e Right and th e C en tre rew ard th e co u rag e of th eir h eroic Kuhlwetter with a thu n d erin g ch eer. Gladbach, how ever, does not let himself be intim idated. H e m ounts the rostru m am idst the noise and clam ou r of th e conservatives and asks once m o re: How is it possible that H e rr Schreckenstein, who was the M inister already before th e Spandau incident, did not know anything about it? How is it possible that four volunteers with good testimonials can en d an ger th e security of th e state? (In te rru p tio n th e gentlem en of th e C en tre raise points of o rd e r.) T h e question is not settled. How can one forcibly send these people hom e like vagabonds? (In terru p tion and noise.) I still have not received an answer to my question about the police pass. T h ese people h ave been m altreated. W hy does o ne tolerate a pack of Sunday-school heroes who to th e disgrace of the capital (loud noise) have arrived arm ed from W up p ertal? (Noise. C heers.) Kuhlwetter finally com es clean: this action had been taken u n d er the p retext of a doubtful p ro of of identity! T h u s an honourable discharge signed by th e G eneral Staff of Schleswig-Holstein is fo r the police b u reau crats of H e rr K uhlw etter p ro of of identity which is open to d ou b t ? W h at a strange bu reau cracy! Several m ore deputies speak against th e Ministers until the President finally drops th e m atter and D eputy Mdtze leads the Assembly fro m th e tem pests o f this debate to th e calm seas of th e life of a schoolteacher w here we leave them , wishing them th e most beautiful idyllic joys. W e are pleased that a deputy of th e L eft has at long last succeeded by a w ell-reasoned question and resolute d em ean ou r in forcing the Ministers to ru n th e gauntlet and in causing a scene which recalls F rench and English parliam entary debates.
Written by EngeK on July 6, 1848 First published in the Neui Rheinische Zeitung No. 37, July 7, 1848 Printed according to the newispaper Ptiblished in English for the first time

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195

T H E G O V E R N M E N T O F A C T IO N

T H E AG REEM EN T D EBA TE

Cologne, July 7. W e have a new ministerial crwi5. T h e Camphausen Ministry fell, the H am em ann Ministry faltered. T h e Government of Action had a life-span o f a week in spite o f all the little household rem edies, cosm etics, press trials, arrests, in spite of the arro g an t im pudence with which the b u reau cracy once again re a re d its docum ent-dusty head, hatching petty, brutal plots of vengeance for its d eth ron em en t. T h e Government of Action , com posed entirely of m ediocrities, was at the start of the A g reem en t Assemblys most recen t session still so deluded as to believe in its own im p ertu rb a bility. By the end of the session it was com pletely rou ted . This m om entous session convinced Prim e M inister von Auerswald that he should ten d er his resignation; n o r did M inister von Schreckenstein want any longer to rem ain as H ansem ann s train -b earer and thus the en tire Ministry yesterday betook them selves to the K ing at Sanssouci. W hat was decided th ere we shall learn tom orrow . O u r Berlin ^ co rre s p o n d e n t writes in a postscript:
Just now the rumour is spreading that Vincke, Pinder and Mevissen have been urgently sent for to help in the formation of a new Ministry.

Cologne, July 8. Simultaneously with the news of th e dissolution of the H ansem ann Ministry the stenographic re p o rt about th e ag re e m ent session of July 4 reached us. It was d uring this session that the resignation of H e rr R odbertus, th e first sym ptom of this dissolution, was an nounced, and at th e same tim e th e two con tradictory votes concerning the Posen com m ittee and th e exodus of the L eft have greatly accelerated the Ministrys disintegration. T h e announcem ents of th e Ministers regard in g the resignation of R odbertus published in th e stenographic rep o rt contain nothing new. W e shall skip them . H e rr Forstmann rose: H e had to protest against the expressions which H e rr Gladbach used on Ju n e 30^ in referrin g to the deputation of the most honourable m en of Rhineland and W estphalia . H e rr B erg: I have already a few days ago observed in connection with the standing o rd ers that the read ing of this petition is o u t of place h ere and that it bores me.^ (Exclam ation : It bores us!) Well then, us. I have spoken for myself and several others and the circum stance that we are being b ored today by a supplem entary observation does n o fin v alid ate this rem ark . H e rr Tiishaus, the ex p e rt adviser of th e cen tral section on the question of the Posen com m ittee, gives a rep o rt. T h e central section proposes that a com m ittee be form ed to investigate all questions con cern in g the Posen affair, and leaves open the question what funds shall be p u t at the com m ittees disposal fo r this purpose.
* Sec this volume, p. 193. Ed. Ibid., p . 189. frf.

If this ru m o u r is confirm ed we shall finally have com e from the G overnm ent of m ediation th rou g h the G overnm ent of A ction to the G overnm ent o f the coun ter-revolu tion. A t last! T h e very brief life-span of this ministerial counter-revolution would suffice to show to th e people in full life-size these dwarfs who raise their diminutive heads at the slightest stirring of reaction.
Written by Marx on July 7, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 39, July 9, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

July 4, 1 848, f d .

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197

H e rr W olff, H e rr M uller, H e rr R eich en sp erger II and H e rr Som m er have proposed am endm ents which have all m et with support and are down for discussion. H e rr Tiishaus adds to his re p o rt a few com m ents directed against the idea of a com m ittee. T h e tru th , in this case, too, was evidently to be found as always in the m iddle and a fter long and con tradictory rep o rts one would m erely arrive at the conclusion that both sides w ere to blam e. W ith that o ne would be exactly w here o ne is at present. O ne should a t least first ask fo r a detailed re p o rt by the G overnm ent and then decide what to d o fu rth er. W hy did the cen tral section select a re p o rte r w ho speaks against his own rep o rt? H e rr Reuter explains th e reasons which caused him to p u t the m otion to appoint th e com m ittee. Finally he rem ark s that he had no intention o f m aking an accusation against the Ministers and that as a jurist he knew only too well that u p to now all ministerial responsibility was illusory so long as th ere existed n o law con cern in g this point. H e rr Reichensperger I I rises. H e protests his boundless sympathies for Poland and hopes that th e day may not be far when th e G erm an nation pays o ff its old debt of h o n o u r to th e gran dch ild ren of Sobieski. (As if this debt of h o n o u r had not been paid o ff a long time ago by th e eight partitions of Poland, by shrapnel, lun ar caustic and canings!)
We must, however, also maintain the calmest circumspection since German interests must always come first.

How touching! H e rr B a u e r fro m K rotoschin is so taken u p with sympathy fo r th e fu ture o f th e Polish people that h e wants to draw a veil over its past, over th e barbarities of the Prussian soldiery, the Jews and the G erm an Poles. T h e m atter should be d ro p p ed in the interest of th e Poles them selves!
What does one hope to gain from such depressing discussions? If you find the Germans guilty will you, therefore, be less concerned for the preservation of their nationality, and the safety of their person and their property?

T h a t was, indeed, a m agnificent show of can d o u r! H e rr B au er from K rotoschin adm its that the G erm ans could possibly be w rong, but even so G erm an nationality m ust be supp)orted at the exp en se of the Poles!
I am unable to perceive how digging through the rubbish of the past can produce anything beneficial for a satisfactory solution o f these difficult questions."

(T h e G erm an interests are, of cou rse, to keep as m uch as possible of this territo ry.) A n d H e rr R eichensp erger is especially opposed to th e appointm ent o f a com m ittee to investigate th e evidence:
This is a question which should be dealt with expressly by /lisiory or the courts.

Has H e rr R eichen sp erger forgotten that h e him self declared d uring the debate on the revolution that th e gentlem en were h ere fb make h i s t o r y " H e concludes with a juridical sophistry about the position of th e deputies. W e shall retu rn later to th e question of com petence. Now, how ever, H e rr Baiier fro m K rotoschin, him self a G erm an Pole, rises to d efend the interests of his com m unity.
I would like to ask the Assembly to draw a veil over the past and to occupy itself solely with the future of a people that has every right to lay claim to our sympathy.
See this volum e, p. 84. Ed T h e Polish nam e is Krotoszyn. Ed.

T h e re certainly would not be anything beneficial in store fo r the G erm an Poles and th eir ferv en t allies. T h a t is why they are so m uch oppdsed to it. H e rr B a u e r then seeks to intim idate the Assembly: such a com m ittee would inflam e th e minds o f people o n ce again, incite fanaticism anew, and m ight lead to a new bloody clash. T h ese philanthropic considerations p rev en t H e rr B a u e r fro m voting for the com m ittee. N o r can he vote against it since that m ight create the im pression that his m andataries have reason to fe a r th e com m ittee. T h u s out of consideration fo r the Poles h e is against th e com m ittee and out o f consideration fo r th e G erm an s he is fo r k , an d to m aintain his p erfect im partiality in this dilem m a, h e does n ot vote at all. Bussmann of Gnesen,* an o th er deputy fro m Posen, reg ard s his m ere presence as p ro of that G erm ans, too, live in Posen. H e wants to prove statistically that there are whole masses o f G erm an s who live in his region. (In terru p tio n .) F u rth e rm o re , over tw o-thirds o f the entire p ro p erty is supposed to be in G erm an hands.
On the other hand I believe that I can provide the proof that we Prussians not merely conquered Poland uiilh our weapons (!?!) in 1815 but that we have conquered it a second time by our intelligence (of which this session offers samples) through 33 years of peace. (Interruption. T h e President asks H err Bussmann not to digress from the question.) I am not op|>osed to a reorganisation; but the most sensible reorganisation would be# system o f local government with election of officials. Such a measure combined with the Frankfurt decisions for the protection of all nationalities would offer Poland every guarantee. I am, however, very much opposed to the line of demarcation. (Interruption. A second reprimand.) Well, if I must not digress from the subject, I am against the committee because it is useless and provocative: incidentally.
T h e Polish nam e is G niezno. E d

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Articles from th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung

THE MINISTERIAL CRISIS

I am not afraid of it and I shall support the committee if it comes to the point.... (Interruption: He is therefore speaking in favour o f it!) No, I am speaking against it.... Gentlemen, in order that you may at least understand why the insurrection came about I will explain to you in a few words.... (Interruption. Disagreement.)

Cieszkowski: D on t interru pt! L et him finish speaking! President: I am asking the speaker again to speak strictly to the question. Btissmann: I have spoken o u t against the idea of a com m ittee and I have nothing fu rth e r to a d d ! W ith these angry words the en raged G erm an-Polish lord of the m an o r leaves the rostru m and hurries back to his seat to th e ringing lau gh ter o f the Assembly. H e rr Heyne, the deputy from the B ro m b erg district, tries to save the h on o u r of his cou n trym en by voting for the com m ittee. N ever theless, he can n o t refrain eith er from accusing the Poles of deceit, frau d etc. H e rr Baumstark, also a G erm an Pole, is likewise against the com m ittee. T h e reasons are always the same. T h e Poles abstain fro m the discussion. Only Pokrzywnicki speaks fo r the com m ittee. It is well known that the Poles have all along pressed fo r an investigation while it now becom es ap p aren t that the G erm an Poles, with one excep tion , have all protested against it. H e rr Pohle is so m uch a Pole that he reg ard s all Posen as p a rt of G erm any and declares the b o rd er between G erm any and Poland to be a dividing wall run n in g throu gh G erm an y . T h e defen d ers o f th e com m ittee w ere mostly long-winded and their argu m en ts betrayed little acum en. Ju st like their opponents, they repeated themselves over and over again. T h e ir argum ents were mostly of a hostile and trivial n ature and m uch less entertaining than the biassed protestations of th e G erm an Poles. T o m o rrow we shall com e back to the attitude of the Ministers and officials in regard to this question and to the well-known question of com petence.
Written by Engels on July 8, 1848 First published in the Nexie Rheinische Zeitung N o. 39, July 9, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

C o l o m July S.*"* W ith g reat tenacity, the H am em ann Ministry ostpones its dissolution by a few days. T h e Finance M inister ^sDccially seem s to be .too p atriotic to leave th e adm inistration of the e x c h e q u e r in unskilled hands. F ro m a parliam entary point of view rhe Ministry was dissolved, and yet it continues to exist in fact. It seems that it has been decided in Sanssouci to m ake o ne m ore attempt to p rolon g its life. T h e A g reem en t Assembly itself, on the point of adm inistering th e d eath blow to the Ministry at any m om ent, recoils the n e x t, frightened by its own desires, and the m ajority seems to surm ise that if th e H ansem an n Ministry is not yet a M mistry ro its liking, a Ministry to its liking would at th e sam e time be a Ministry of crisis and of decision. H en ce its vacillations, its inconsistencies, its w anton invectives and its sudden turns to rem orse. A nd th e Government of Action, with unshakeable, almost cvnical equanim ity, accepts this b orrow ed, hum iliating life which at any m om ent may be called into question and which only feeds on the alms of weakness. . . Duchatel! D uchatel! T h e inevitable demise of th e M mistry, laboriously postponed by only a few days, will be as inglorious as its existence. T o m o rro w s edition* will present to o u r read ers a fu rth er contribution to th e evaluation of this existence by o u r Berlin ^ co rresp on d en t. W e can sum m arise th e ag reem en t session of July 7 in a few words.** T h e Assembly teases the H ansem ann" M inistry, it takes pleasure in inflicting partial defeats u p on it; th e Ministry bows its head half smiling, half frow ning, but at the leave-taking, th e H igh Assembly calls after it: No harm m ea n tr and th e stoic trium virate Hansemann-KUhlwetter-Milde m u rm u rs in response: Pas si betel Pas si
Written by Marx on July 8, 1848 First published in the special supplement to the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 39, July 9. 1848, and in ihe Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 40, July 10, 1 8 4 ^ Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

W ilhelm Grabow. Ed.

The version printed in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 40 has: Todays edition". Ed. For a more detailed report see this volume, pp. 216-22 and 226-31. Ed. ^ In the original a play on the words hanseln (to tease) and Hansemann. Ed. We arc not that stupid! Ed.

200
, . hop

T h e A g reem en t Session o f Ju ly 4

201

Przyluski to th e M in isters/ T h ese d ocu m en ts fo r the m ost have n o official ch aracter, but th eir authors are p rep ared to

T H E A G R E E M E N T SESSIO N O F J U L Y 4
(SECOND ARTICLE)

P ove the tru th of th eir statem ents. ^ ^ ^ .u T h e two kinds o f rep o rts totally con trad ict each o th er and the rnm m ittee is supposed to investigate w hich side is right. T h e com m ittee, e x ce p t in a few instances, can only d o this by travelling to the spot in o rd e r to clear up at least the m ost significant Doints by the h earin g of witnesses. If it is forbidden to do this, its entire activity becom es illusory. It m ay practise a certain historicalnhilological criticism and it m ay d eclare that o ne o r an o th er re p o rt is m ore trustw orthy, but it will n ot be able to resolve anything. T h u s th e en tire im p ortan ce of th e com m ittee d epends on its authority to question witnesses, hen ce the eagern ess o f all the Polonophobes in th e Assembly to rem ove this authority by d l sorts of subtle and ingenious argu m en ts, hen ce also th e cou p d etat at the end of th e session.*"^ . . r r t i i D eputy Bloem said in th e debate on the 4 th [ot Juiyj.
Does one genuinely seek the tnith if, as a few amendments want it, the tnith is to be derived from documents submitted by the Government? Most Whence did the government documents origmate? For the most part from A e reports of officials. W hence did the officials originate? From the old system. Have th e officials vanished? Have new LandraU been appomted through i ^ , elections By no means. Do the officials inform us about the true mood? T h e old offidals r e p L today just as they did formerly. It is therefore, apparent that a mere examination of ministerial records will lead us nowhere.

Cologne, July 9. T h e series of articles'* based upon authentic docum ents, which we started th ree days ago, clearly show that the appointm ent o f an investigation com m ittee with unrestricted p o ^ r s IS an u rg en t and necessary act of justice tow ards th e Poles. ^ e old-Prussian officials, who from th e outset assumed a hostile attitude towards th e Poles, saw th eir existen ce threaten ed by the prom ises o f reorganisation. T h ey sensed d an g er in th e smallest act of justice tow ards th e Poles. H ence the fanatical fury with which supported by th e unrestrain ed soldiery, they fell upon the Poles broke th e conventions, m altreated th e most harm less people and perm itted o r sanctioned th e greatest infamies m erely to force the Poles to a fight in which the Poles w ere bound to be crush ed by vastly su p erior forces. T h e C am phausen Ministry, which was not only weak, perplexed and badly m form ed but rem ained deliberately, on principle inactive allowed everything to go its own way. T h e most horrifying barbarities were p erp etrated , and H e rr C am phausen did not stir W hat reports are now available on the civil w ar in Posen? O n th e o ne han d th ere are the biassed, slanted rep orts o f the onginators of this w ar: th e officials and th e officers, and the data based on th eir evidence which the Ministry can quote. T h e Ministry tUelf is biassed as long as it includes H e rr H ansem ann. T h ese docum ents are biassed, but they are official. On the o th er han d th ere are the facts collected by th e Poles, their written com plaints to th e Ministry, especially th e letters of A rch Rheinische Zeitung Nos. 38-40, July 8-10, 1848.__Ed.
p/. - n i e p re u ssisc h e P a d f id r u n g u n d R e o rg a n isa tio n P o s e n s ", Nerie

Deputy Richter goes even fu rth er. H e sees f t th e behaviour of th e Posen officials only th e m ost ex tre m e , but inevitable, result of the preservation of th e old system of adm inistration and th e old officials in general. Similar conflicts between th e duties an d th e interests o t the old officials could also o ccu r at any time in o th er provinces.
Since the revolution we have had a new Ministry and even a second one but a Ministry is, of course, only the soul which has to set up a umform orgamsatjon everywhere. In the provinces, however, the old admmistrative org^isation has remained the same everywhere. Do you expect a different piaure? One does not ^ u r new wine into old rotten skins. Accordingly we have the most terrible complaints m the Grand Duchy. Should we not therefore form a committee even if ofily to show how very necessary it is in the other provinces as well as m Posen to replace the o organisation by a new one suited to the times and circumstances?

Deputy Richter is right. A fter a revolution, the first necessity is to replace all civil and m ilitary officials as well as p a rt o f the ju d ia a ry .
Leon Przyluski, ["Die Korrespondenz des Erzbischofs von Posen, Przyluski, mit dem Berliner Kabinett,] Neue Rheinische Zeitung Nos. 5, 7, 10, 14, 38 and 39, June 5, 7, 10 and 14, and July 8 and 9, 1848. Ed

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Articles from th e Neue. Rheinische Zeitung

T h e A greem ent Session o f Ju ly 4

203

and especially officials in the Public Prosecutors office. Otherw ise the best m easures of the C entral A uthority fail th rou g h the obstinacy o f subordinates. T h e weakness o f the F ren ch Provisional G overnm ent and the weakness o f the C am phausen Ministry are th e bitter fruits o f just such a situation. In Prussia, how ever, w here fo r forty years a thoroughly organised bureaucratic hierarch y has dom inated the adm inistration and the m ilitary with absolute force, in Prussia w here that very same b u reau cracy was th e chief enem y that was vanquished on M arch 19, th ere the com plete rep lacem en t o f all civil and m ilitary officials was infinitely m ore u rgent. T h e G overnm ent of m ediation, of course, did not feel called upon to carry through revolutionary necessities. It had adm ittedly the task not to do anything and th erefo re left the real pow er fo r th e time being in the hands o f its old enem ies, the bureaucrats. It m ed iated between the old b u reau cracy and the new conditions. In return th e b u reaucracy throu gh its m ediation presented th e Ministry with the civil war in Posen and the responsibility fo r barbarities such as have not occu rred since the T h irty Y ears War.'^* As h eir to th e C am phausen Ministry, the H ansem ann Ministry was forced to take o ver all th e assets and liabilities of its testator, that is not only the m ajority in the C h am b er but also the events and officials m Posen. T h u s the Ministry had a d irect interest in m aking the com m ittees investigation as illusory as possible. T h e speakers rep resentin g the M ini^rys m ajority, especially the jurists, used their en tire stock of casuistry and sophistry to discover a p rofou n d , principled reason fo r prohibiting th e com m ittee from questioning witnesses. W e would stray too far afield if we allowed ourselves to be mvolved h ere in adm iring the ju risp ru d en ce of a R eich en sp erger etc. W e have to limit ourselves to bringing to light the painstaking disquisition of M inister KUhlwetter. H e rr KUhlwetter, leaving entirely aside the m aterial question, begins with the declaration that the G overnm ent would be extrem ely pleased if such com m ittees w ere to assist it in p erfo rm in g its difficult task by clarifications etc. In deed, if H e rr R eu ter had not had the fortu n ate idea of p roposing such a committee,^ H e rr K uhlw etter him self would undoubtedly have insisted upon it. O ne should give the cotnm ittee the m ost far-reachin g tasks (so that it may never finish its business); he entirely agreed that any scrupulous weighing o f its actions was unnecessary. L et the com m ittee include the entire past,

resent and fu ture o f the Province of Posen in the scope of its activity; th e Ministry would n ot scrupulously exam in e th e com m itrees com p etence insofar as it was only a question of clarifications. O n e could, of cou rse, go too far, but he would leave it up to the wisdom of the com m ittee w hether it w anted to take into its scope, for exam ple, the question of the dismissal of the Posen officials as well. So m uch for th e introd uctory concessions of the M inister which, embellished with a few philistine declam ations, were given several \igorous cheers. H ow ever the buts" w ere to follow.
"But sinc it has been remarked that the reports about Posen cannot possibly slicd accurate light because they came only from officiaU, and moreover old-time nffirials I consider it to be my duty to defend an honourable profession. If it be nroved true that indiridual officials have neglected their duty, then let us punish the individuals who neglect their duty but officialdom as such must never be denigrated just because a few individuals have violated their duty.

W hat a bold stand H e rr K uhlw etter has taken! T o be sure a few individual violations of duty have taken place but on the whole the officials have done th eir duty honourably. And, indeed, the mass of Posen officials have d on e th eir d u ty , their duty to th eir official o a th , to th e en tire old-Prussian system of b u reau cracy and to th eir own interests which co n cu r with this duty. T h ey have fulfilled th eir duty by using every m eans to destroy the 19th of M arch in Posen. It is exacdy for that reason, H err K uhlw etter, that it is y ou r d u ty to dismiss these officials en masse. . B ut H e rr K uhlw etter speaks of a duty which is d eterm ined by pre-revolutionary laws, w hereas h ere it is a m atter of an entirely different duty which arises a fte r every revolution and which consists of interpreting correctly th e altered conditions and of fu rth erin g their developm ent. T o ask of th e officials to rep lace th e bureau cratic with the constitutional standpoint and to support th e revolution in the same way as th e new M inisters, that means, accordin g to H e rr Kuhlwetter, to d en igrate an honourable profession. H e rr Kiihiw etter also rejects th e general accusation that favourit ism was shown to p arty chiefs and that crim es rem ained unpunished. Specific cases should be cited. Does H e rr Kuhlw etter perhaps m aintain in all seriousness that even a small p art of th e brutalities and atrocities com m itted by the Prussian soldiery, tolerated and supported by the officials and cheered by the G erm an Poles and Jews, have been punished? H err Kuhlwetter states that he has not yet been able to exam in e the colossal am ount of m aterial in all its aspects. In deed, he seems at the most to have exam ined it in one aspect alone.

See this volume, pp. 5 7 -6 1 , Ed.

204

Articles from the Nexie Rheinische Zeitung

T h e A g reem en t Session o f July 4

205

It is now that H err K uhlw etter takes u p the m ost difficult and delicate question, namely the forms in which th e com m ittee should transact its business. H e rr K uhlw etter would have liked to have this question discussed m ore thoroughly, for,
as has been rightly remarked, this question contains a question o f principle, the question o f the droit d enquete"

mole th e Belgian Constitution is cited, Article 4 0 of which eives th e C ham bers th e droit d enquete. e x p re ss ly ^ is th ere in Prussia legally and factually a ion of pow ers in the sense that you in terp ret it, i.e. in the *^P^7tutionaI sense? Is n o t th e existing separation of pow ers he trim m ed o ne which corresp on d s to th e absolute, the linuted, m onarchy? How then can one use constitutional Erases fo r it before it L s been refo rm ed constitutionally? How can E ssTa have an A rticle 4 0 of a Constitution as long as this J^^.fitution itself does not yet exist at all? Let us sum m arise. A ccord in g to H e rr K uhlw etter the nf a com m ittee -with unlim ited authority is an m frin gem ent on the " L s S o n a l separation of pow ers. T h e constitutional separation of p o w e r s does not yet exist at all in Prussia; hen ce th e re can also be no I t W o s e T t o 'be introd uced , how ever, and accord in g to H e rr Kuhlwetter it m ust be reg ard ed as already exMting d u n n g the nrovisional revolutionary state of affairs in which we live. If H e rr Kuhlwetter w ere righ t we would surely also have to presum e the of c o n s L t i o n a l e x c e p t M And these constitutiona exceptions surely include th e righ t of legislative bodies to carry out ' 'B m H err^K uhlw etter is by no m eans right. O n th e co n tra ry : the provisional revolutionary state o f affairs consists in th e fact that the separation of pow ers has been provisionally abolished ^ n d *e legislative authority seizes executive pow er o r th at the authority seizes legislative pow er fo r th e tim e being. It does n^t make any difference w hether th e revolutionary dictatorship (and it is a dictatorship no m atter how feebly it is en forced ) is in the hands of the C row n or o f an Assembly o r b oth . F ren ch history since 17 provides plenty of exam ples of all th re e cases if H e rr K uhlw etter wants them . , . T h e provisional state of affairs to which H e rr Kuhlw etter appeals actually speaks against him . It gives th e Assembly yet ot er a ttn u es besides th e m ere righ t of investigation; it even em pow ers it, i be, to tran sform itself into a court of justice and to ju d g e w ithout laws. H ad H e rr Kuhlw etter been able to foresee these results, he m ight perhaps have been m ore carefu l in speaking of th e recognition ot the revolution . B ut he may rest assured;
Germany, pious nursery, ^ Is not a Roman cutthroats den. Heinrirh Heine,*Zur Benihigung . In Zeilgedichte. Ed.

H e rr Kuhlwetter now blesses us with a longish discourse about th e separation of powers in the state which surely contains m uch that is new fo r the U p p er Silesian and Pom eranian peasants in the Assembly. T o h ear in the year o f o u r L ord 1 8 4 8 a Prussian Minister, and a Minister of action at that, solemnly in terp retin g M ontes quieu from the rostrum makes a strange im pression. T h e separation of powers which H err Kuhlw etter an d o th e r g reat political philosophers reg ard with th e deepest reveren ce as a sacred and inviolable principle is basically nothing but the p rofan e industrial division of labour applied for purposes of simplification and con trol to the mechanism of the state. Ju st like all sacred , eternal and inviolable principles it is only applied as long as it suits existing conditions. Thus, for exam ple, in a constitutional m on arch y, the ru ler possesses both legislative and executive pow er; in the C ham bers, furtherm ore, legislative power mingles with control over executive power etc. This indispensable limitation on th e division of labour in the state is expressed by political sages o f the calibre o f a M inister of action in the following m an n er:
T h e legislative power, inasmuch as it is exercised by popular representation, has its own organs; the executive power has its own organs, and the judicial power no less so. It is therefore (!) inadmissible for one branch to lay claim to the organs of another unless such power has been transferred to it o special law."

A divergence from th e separation o f pow ers is inadmissible unless it is dictated by a special law. A nd th e o th e r way ro u n d : the application of the dictated separation o f pow ers is similarly inadmissible unless it is dictated by special laws ! W h at profundity! W hat revelations! H e rr Kuhlwetter does not mention the case o f a revolution w here th e separation of powers com es to an end w ithout a special law . H e rr Kuhlwetter now argues at great length that th e au th ority of the com m ittee to question witnesses u n d er oath , to sum m on officials etc., in short, to see with its own eyes, is an infringem ent upon the separation of powers and must be established by a special law. As
T h e right of investigation. Ed.

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Articles from th e Neue Rheiniscke Zeitung

T h e Agreem ertt Session of July 4

207

M d Messrs. the ag reers may sit as long as they like, they will never becom e a L o n g P arliam en t .' ' W e find, by the way, a significant d ifferen ce when we co m p are the b u reau cratic d octrin aire of the G overnm ent o f Action with hisd o ctn n aire predecessor, H e rr C am phausen. H e rr C am phausen a t any rate, possessed infinitely m o re originality. H e alm ost aD,* p roach ed Guizot w hereas H e rr Kiihlw etter does n ot even reach the tiny L o rd Jo h n Russell. W e have sufficiently adm ired the state philosophical wealth of KuhJwetter s oration. L et us now exam in e the purpose, the actual practical reason fo r this m oss-covered wisdom, for this entire separation theory d la M ontesquieu. F o r H e rr Kuhlw etter now com es to the results o f his theory. T h e Ministry, by way o f excep tion , is inclined to instruct the authorities to comply with the requirem ents o f the com m ittee. It m ust, how ever < oppose th e com m ittee giving direct instructions to the au th o rities*' I.e. the com m ittee, which has no d irect connection with the authorities and which has no pow er over them , can n ot fo rce them to convey oth er inform ation to it than they consider ap p rop riate. In addition there is th e tedious routine and th e endless h ierarch y of appeals au thon d esl It is quite a p retty trick to re n d e r the com m ittee illusory u n d er th e p retext of the separation of powers!
G overnm entr ^ committee the entire job o f the

a n d with its constant co-op eration ! H e rr K uhlw etter is n ot at all

H*mbarrassed to let it be known that he would find it desirable to have the com m ittee u n d er his control and not the o th er way rou nd .
I f on the other hand, the committee should want to assume an isolated position, rhe Q u estion must arise whether the committee wants to and is able to assume the Lsponsibility which rests with the Government. It has already been obsei^ed with ^ m u c h truth as intelligence that the inviolability of the deputies is mcompatible with

this responsibility."

T h e question is n ot o n e of adm inistration but m erely of establishing facts. T h e com m ittee is to receive th e authority to employ the m eans necessary fo r this purpose. T h a t is all. It g ^ s without saying that the com m ittee will be responsible to the Assembly for eith er the neglect o r the excessive use of these means. T h e whole m atter has as little to d o with m in ister!^ responsibility and deputies irresponsibility as with tru th and intelligence . In short, u n d er the p re te x t of th e separation of powers H e rr Kiihlwetter warm ly recom m en d s these proposals to th e a g reers fo r the" solution of th e conflict w ithout, how ever, m aking a precise proposal. T h e G overnm ent o f A ction feels th at it stands on uncertain grou n d . , r-. u t W e can n o t go into th e debate which ensued. T h e results of the voting are known: the d efeat of th e G overnm ent in th e roll-call vote and th e co u p d etat of th e R ight which adopted a m otion after it had already been defeated. W e have already rep o rted all that." W e only add that am on g the Rhinelanders w ho voted against giving unlimited authority to the com m ittee we noticed th e nam es of: A rntz, L L . D., Bauerb an d , Fren ck en , Lensm g, von Loe, R eichensperger II, Simons and last but not least o u r C hief Public P rosecu tor Zweiffel.
Written by Engels on July 9, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 41, July 11, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

As if anybody intended giving the com m ittee the righ t to govern}

" In additim to the committee, the Government would have to continue nqu.ry mto the underlying causes o f dissension in Posen" (it is exactly b S ^ T u S k h ^ already mquired for such a long time without finding m t a n y th i4 that there is reason enough to exclude it now altogether from such an inquiry) and since this t^ m ? r often be unnecessary waste of time and effort and conflicts could hardly be avoided. ^

A cco rd in g to all h ith erto existing p recedents, the com m ittee would certainly spend m u ch unnecessary time and e ffo rt if it were to ag ree to H e rr KuhJw etters proposal for th e p rotracted h ierarch y of appeals authorities. In this way, conflicts would also o ccu r much m o re easily than if the com m ittee w ere to deal direcdy with the authorities and could immediately clear up m isunderstandings as well as pu t down b u reaucratic obduracy.
It seems therefore (!) to be in the nature o f things that the committee will seek to achieve its purpose in agreement m th the Ministry and with its constant co^ eration ."

It gets b etter and b etter! A com m ittee which is supposed to control the Ministry is also supposed to work in ag reem en t with it

See this volum e, p. 188. Ed

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Legal Proceedings against th e Neue

Zeitung

209

Let us consult th e Penal C o d e . P arag rap h 3 6 7 reads: L E G A L PR O C E E D IN G S A G A IN S T T H E N E U E R H E I N I S C H E Z E IT U N G

ot nnhlic D laces ... or in an authentic and public document, or in a at ^ b h c j)^ o f writing which has been posted, sold or distnbtited. printed or unpnn p ^ ^ ^^e prosecution of the accuses som eone^f the contempt and
W h oso ev er

accused hatred of Paragraph 370.

gujhy of the offence of defamation, fact which forms the subject of the accusation should. originator of the accusation shall go Only proof which is derived from a verdu:, or some o * e r . ,, .

authentic document is regarded as legal.

In o rd e r to elucidate this p arag rap h we shall still add P arag rap 368 .Co,uentV H Cologne, July 10. Y esterday com positors of o u r new spaper as well as H e rr Clouth w ere sum m oned to ap p ear as witnesses before th e exam in m g m agistrate on T uesday, July 11. It is still a question of lindm g the au th o r o f th e incrim inatory article. W e recall that at the time o f the old Rkeinische Zeitung, the tim e o f th e censorship and the A m im G overnm ent, when they tried to find out who had sent in the fam ous M arriage Bill , there w ere neith er house searches n or w ere exam inations o f com positors and th e p rintshop ow n er resorted to. In th e m eantim e, o f cou rse, we have exp erien ced a revolution which had the m isfortune to be recognised by H e rr H ansem ann. ^ W e have to revert once again to the July 5 ^rejoinder" of Public P ro secu tor Hecker. In this rejoin d er H e rr H eck er accuses us o f />mgwith respect to one o r an oth er rem ark which, we ascribed to him . Perhaps we have now th e m eans a t o u r disposal to co rre c t the co rrectio n , but who will vouch that d u n n g this unequal battle we will not once again be a n g e r e d with P arag rap h 2 2 2 o r P arag rap h 3 6 7 o f th e Penal C ode? H e rr Hecker^s rejoinder en d s with th e following w ords;
T he defamations and insults contained in this article" (dated Cologne lulv 4) ^ rected ag^ n st Chief Public Prosecutor Zweiffel and the police who ca rte d ou^the arrest, will be evaluated in the legal proceedtngs which will be initiated on this count.

w 'n o 'J T r h r n 'r e r r ^ ^ ^

E l c c u S o n , which g.ve rise .o the prosecution were

copied or extracted-from foreign papers or other printed matUr.

T h e ,im p e ria l era with all its crafty despotism rad iates fro m th ese ^^Ac^cOTding to ordtnflryhuman understan din g, som ebody if he is ch arged with fictitious evidence. A cco rd in g to the T 7 understanding o f th e Penal C od e, how ever, h e is d ia re e d with real facts that can be proved h u t not in - m a n L r , n ot by a verdict o r by an official document fo r the m iraculous pow er of verdicts and official which have been judged in court, only officially documented are trw and genuine facts. H as th ere ever been a penal cod e w hich has m o re maliciously defamed th e m ost ord in ary com m on sense. H as ^ y b u reau cracy ev er throw n up a simUar Chinese Wall betw een i ^ f and the public? C overed with th e shield of this p arag rap h , o f f ia ^ and deputies are immune like constitutional kings. T ese gen m ay commit as m any facts as they d eem p ro p e r which w ll e x ^ s e them to the h atred and con tem pt of th eir fellow citizens , b u t these facts m ust not be p ron ou n ced , w ritten o r printed on pen ty o o of civil rights in addition to th e inevitable prison sentence and h ne. L on g live th e freed om o f th e press and free speech m od erated by Paragrap hs 3 6 7 , 3 6 8 ,a n d 3 7 0 ! Y o u are arrested illegally. T h e press denounces this illegality. Result: the denunciation is evaluated in legal p roceedings because of the d efam ation of the venerable official who has com m itted th e illegality, unless a m iracle occu rs an a verdict has already been re n d e re d yesterday about the illega i y which he com m its today.
All italics in the quotations from the Penal Code are by Marx. Ed.

^ Evaluation! H ave the black-red-gold colours been evaluated in the which w ere initiated by the Kamptz G overn^ See this volume, pp. 177-79. d. ibid., p. 186. In the Neue Rheinische Zeitung: July 6 " , which is a misprint.

210

A iticlcs from ih e ^^e^^e Kheinische Zeitung

Legal Proceedings against the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

211

N o w onder that the Rhenish jurists, am ong them the peoples a Zwetffel voted against a Polish commission with absolute authority! F rom their point of view, the Poles ought to have been ^ n te n ce d to loss o f their civil rights and also m andatory im prisonHiW hTeld H irschfeld, Schleini^ the -defamation' of Colom b, S t e i L k e r , Pom eranian arm y reserve and the

If one or more officials from the administrative or judicial authorities during the erci'^e o f their official duties o r as a result o f these duties suffer any verbal insults which aim an attack upon their honour or delicacy of feeling, the person who insults them in (his way shall be punished with imprisonment o f from one month to two years."

i ' peculiar pacification of Posen would be m ost gloriously crow ned. A nd what a contradiction it is to use these p aragrap hs of the Penal M rio r u ru m o u r o f the threat of getting rid of M arch 19 the clubs and freed om o f the p ress a " d e flm a M n . As l l V l P f ^graphs 3 6 7 , 3 6 8 and 3 7 0 of the Penal Code against ttan of definitive destrucnon of M arch 19, clubs and freed om of th e press! W hat is a club without freedom of speech? A nd what is freed om of speech with P aragrap hs 3 6 7 , 3 6 8 and 3 7 0 of the Penal C ode? A nd what is M arch 19 without clubs and freed om o f speech? T h e suppression of Dr?of"that T T f striking deed? R fables about the intention of th i! deed? Bew are o f s.gnm g the address which was draw n up yesterday G ^ - n - h H a ll.- T h e Public P ro secu tors o f f iL 3 appreciate y ou r address by initiating - l e g a l p r o c e e d in g s " on the
M M ^ te r s h e d H a n s e m a n n and A u e r s w a ld . O r may only

W hen the article ap p eared in the N eue Rheinische Zeitung, H e rr '/weiffel was acting as people's representative in B erlin and by no m eans as an official of the judicial authorities in Cologne. It was indeed impossible to.insult him in the exercise of his official duties o r as a result of these duties since h e was not p erform ing any official duties. T h e h on o u r and delicacy of feeling of th e gentlem en of th e police, however, could only then com e u n d e r the protection of this article if thev had been insulted in words (par parole). W e have written, however, and not spoken, and par ecrit is not par parole. T h u s, what is there left to do? T h e m oral is to speak with m ore circum spection of the lowest of policem en than of th e forem ost of princes and in particular not to take liberties with th e most irritable gentlem en of the Public P ro secu tors office. W e rem ind th e public once m o re that similar prosecutions have been started simultaneously in different places such as C ologne, Diisseldorf and Koblenz. W h at a strange method o f coincidence!
Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

Written by Marx on July 10, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 41, July 11, 1848

"en ch P e l f r Dithv s t r ^ ^ n P lic e S

r '* *

'> > < = <-f the p o lid a l slavery carved in such a responsible Ministers and irresponsible

u j ^ 'n t article can be evaluaUd by the H e l^ l "defamation in a juridical sense", a defam ation m the sense o f despotic fiction which is an o u trag e to com m on sense. All that can thereby be evaluated are purely and simply the accom plishm ents o f the M arch revolution, ^hat L the whilh tb h cou nter-revolution and th e recklessness with which the b ureau cracy may revive and en fo rce w eapons still to be lifr-ThTs us^ legislation against the new political life. This use o f the calum ny p aragrap hs in attacks upon the p eo p le's r e p r e s e n ta tiv e s is a m arvellous m ethod of shielding these gentlem en depriving the press o f the protection of the 1^* y dy^Lcriii* '^ 1 ch arg e of defamation to th e ch arg e of insult. H ere P aragrap h 2 2 2 is applicable; it reads as follows:
See this volume, p. 179. __Ed.

212

Germ an F oreig n Policy and th e Latest Events in Prague

213

w h G erm an y has d ish o n o u red h e r new era . As a co n trib u tio n

? G ER M A N F O R E IG N P O L IC Y AN D T H E L A T E S T E V E N T S IN P R A G U E
T h , Deutsche Altgermine Zeitung of the 22nd [of this month] contains an article; u oqsemblv of Germans held in Aussig on the 18lh [of this month] in which , w?re TMde which show such ignorance of our recent events and, in part, to s p e e c h e s we ^iHineness to heap abusive accusations upon our mdependent [this] writer considers it his duty to correct these errors as far as this is now .n d to confront these thoughtless and malicious persons with the f.rmness of ir c L e s as a surprise when a man like "the founder of the League to Preserve truth. East ' exclaims before an entire assembly: T here can be no ^ I k o f forgiveness so long as the battle in Prague continues and, should the inctory be we S iist make full use of it in future." What victory then have the Germans L h ^ved and what conspiracy then has been crushed? Whoever, of course, lends Sedence to the correspondent of the Deutsche Allgemeiru, who. it seems is always only suoerficially informed, and whoever trusts the pathetic catchwords o f a small-time P ^ b n o p h o b e and Francophobe or the articles of the perfidious Frankfurter Journal which ^eeks to incite Germans against Bohemians just as it stirred up Germans against Germans during the events in Baden, such a person will never obtain a clear view of the situation here. Everywhere in Germany the opinion seems to p re v ^ that the ^ td e in the streets o f Prague was aimed solely at the suppression of the German element and the founding of a Slav repubHc. W e will not even discuss the latter suspiaon, for it is too naive; in regard to the form er, however, not the smallest trace o f a nv^ry between nationalities could be observed during the fighting on the lim e a d e s . Germans and Czechs stood side by side ready for defence, ^ d I myself frequendy requested a Czech-speaking person to repeat what he had said in <>rman, which was always done without the slightest remark. One hears it said that the outbreak o f the revolution came two days t , early; thU would itnply that there m m t ^ready have been a certain degree of organisation and at least provisions made tor the supply ot ammunition; however, there was no trace of this either. T h e barricades grew out o the ground in a haphazard way wherever ten to twelve people happened to be together; incidentally, it would have been impossible to raise any more barricades, tor even the smallest alleys contained th re e 'o r four of them. T he ammunition was mutually exchanged in the streets and was exceedingly sparse. There was no question whatsoever of a supreme command or o f any other kind of command. T h e defenders stayed where they were being attacked and fired without direction and command from houses and barricades. No thought o f a conspiracy could have had any foundation in such an unguided and unorganised resistance, unless this is suggested by some official declaration and publication of the results of an investigation, T he Government, however, does not seem to find this appropriate, for nothing has transpired .from the castle that might enlighten Prague about its bloody June days. With the exception of a few, the imprisoned members of the Svornost have all been released again. Other prisoners are also being released, only Count

in lie h te n m e n t we publish th e follow ing re p o rt by a German in even th o u gh it reach ed us belated ly:

Prague, June 24, 1848 (delayed)

P rag u e

CologTte, July 11. Despite the patriotic shouting and beating of the drum s o f alm ost the en tire G erm an press, the Neue Rheinische Zeituhe from th e very first m om ent has sided with the Poles in Posen th e Itahans in Italy, and th e Czechs in B ohem ia. F ro m th e very first . m om en t we saw throu gh the m achiavellian policy which, shaking in Its foundations in the interior o f G erm any, sought to paralyse d e m c jra tic energies, to deflect attention fro m itself, to dig conduits fo r the fiery lava o f th e revolution and fo rg e th e w eapon of suppression within the cou n try by calling forth a narrow -m inded nattonal hatred which runs co u n te r to th e cosm opolitan ch a ra cte r of m e G erm ans, and in national wars o f u n h eard -o f atrocity and indescribable barbarity trained a brutal soldiery such as could hardly be found even in th e T h irty Y ears W ar.* W hat deep plot it is to let th e G erm ans u n d er th e com m an d of th eir govern m ents un d ertake a cru sad e against the freed om of Poland, Bohem ia arid Italy at the same m om ent that they are struggling with these sam e governm ents to obtain freed om at hom el ^^^at an historical p arad ox! G ripped by revolutionary ferm ent, G erm any seeks relief in a war o f restoration, in a cam paign for the ^ n so lid atio n of the old authority against which she has just revolted. Only a ufor against Russia would be a war o f revolutionary Germany, a war by which she could cleanse h erself o f h e r past sins, could take co u rag e, defeat h e r own autocrats, spread civilisation by th e sacrifice of h e r own sons as becom es a people that is shaking off th e chains of long, indolent slavery and m ake herself free within h e r borders by bringing liberation to those outside. T h e m ore th e light of publicity reveals in sharp outlines th e most recent events, the m o re facts con firm o u r view of th e national wars

1848

Aussig, 18. Ju n i", Deutsche Allgemeine Zdlung. supplement to No. 174, June 22, -Ed. The C7ech name is U.sti. E d Johann Wuttke. F.d

212

Germ an Foreign Policy and th e Latest Events in Prague

2 l3

^ G ER M A N F O R E IG N P O L IC Y AN D T H E L A T E S T E V E N T S IN PR A G U E

u- h G erm any has dishonoured h e r new era. As a contribution Pnliehtenm ent we publish th e following rep o rt by a German in
Prague, June 24, 1848 (delayed)

Prague even though it reached us belatedly:

Cologne, July 11. Despite th e patriotic shouting and beating of the drum s o f alm ost the en tire G erm an press, the Neue Rheinische Z e it u ^ trom th e very first m om ent has sided with the Poles in Posen, the Italians in Italy, and the Czechs in Bohem ia. F ro m th e very first . m om en t we saw throu gh the m achiavellian policy which, shaking in Its foundations m the m terio r o f G erm any, sought to paralyse d em ocratic energies, to d eflect attention fro m itself, to dig conduits fo r the fiery lava o f th e revolution and fo rg e the w eapon o f suppression within th e cou n try by calling forth a narrow -m inded nahonal hatred which runs co u n ter to th e cosm opolitan ch a ra cte r o f ^ e G erm ans, and in national wars o f u n h eard -o f atrocity and indescribable barbarity trained a brutal soldiery such as could hardly be found even in the T h irty Y ears W ar.* W hat deep plot it is to let th e G erm ans u n d e r th e com m and of ^ e i r govern m en ts u nd ertak e a cru sad e against th e freed om of i'oland, Bohem ia and Italy at the sam e m om ent that they are stm ggh n g with these sam e govern m en ts to obtain freed om at hom e! > ^ a t an historical p arad o x! G ripped by revolutionary ferm ent, G erm any seeks relief in a war of restoration, in a cam paign for the ^ n so h d a tio n of th e old authority against which she has just revolted. Only a war against Russia would be a w ar of revolutionary Germany, a w ar by which she could cleanse herself o f h e r past sins, could take cou^rage, defeat h e r own autocrats, spread civilisation by th e sacrifice o t h e r own sons as becom es a people that is shaking off th e chains of long, m dolent slavery and m ake herself free within h e r borders by bringing liberation to those outside. T h e m o re th e light of publicity reveals in sharp outlines th e most recent events, the m ore facts con firm o u r view o f th e national wars

The Deutsche AUgemeine Zeitung of the 22nd [of this month] contains an article^ K assembly of Germans held in Aussig** on the 18th [of this month] m which about the a ignorance of our recent events and, m part, to speeches w willingness to heap abusive accusations upon our mdepcndent P'"' fthisl writer considers il his duty to correct these errors as far as this is now Jnd to confront these thoughtless and malicious persons with the firmness of as a surprise when a man like the founder of the League to Preserve Tnterests in the East exclaims before an entire assembly: There can be no f t n ? foreiveness so long as the batde in Prague continues and, should the ^ctory be ^ r s we must make full use of il in future. What victory then have the Germans S v e d and what conspiracy then has been cmshed? Whoever, of course, lends ^edence to the correspondent of the Deutsche AUgemeine, who, u seems is always only ^uoerficially informed, and whoever trusts the pathetic catchwords of a small-time pXnophobe and Francophobe or the articles of the perfidious Frankfurter Jou rn al which ie k s to incite Germans against Bohemians just as it stirred up Germans against Germans during the events in Baden, such a person will never obtain a clear view of the situation here. Everywhere in Germany the opinion seems to prevail that the battle in the streets of Prague was aimed solely at the suppression of the German elemetit and the founding of a Slav repubBc. We will not even discuss the latter suspiaon, for it is too naive: in regard to the former, however, not the smallest trace of a nv^ry between nationalities could be observed during the fighting on the lim ead es. Germans and Czechs stood side by side ready for defence, and I myself frequently requested a Czech-speaking person to repeat what he had said in ( ^ m a n , which was always done without the slightest remark. One hears it said that the outbreak of the revolution came two days too early; this would imply A at there must ^ready have been a certain degree of organisation and at least provisions made tor the supp y o ammunition; however, there was no trace of this either. The barricades grew out o the ground in a haphazard way wherever ten to twelve people happened to be together; incidentally, it would have been impossible to raise any more barricades, tor even the smallest alleys contained th ree'o r four of them. The ammunition was mutually exchanged in the streets and was exceedingly sparse. There was no question whatsoever of a supreme command or of any other kind of command. The defenders stayed where they were being attacked and fired without direction and without command from houses and barricades. No thought of a conspiracy could have had any foundation in such an unguided and unorganised resistance, unless this is suggested by some official declaration and publication of the results of an investigation. The Government, however, does not seem to find this appropriate, for nbthing has transpired irom the castle that might enlighten Prague about its bloody June days; With the exception of a few, the imprisoned members of the Svornost have all been released again. Other prisoners are also being released, only Count

Aussig, 18, ju n i" , Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung. supplem ent to N o. 174, June 22, Ed. ^ T h e Czcch name is L'sti. Ed Johann W u trke, fi

214

Articles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

G erm an Foreign Policy and the Latest Events in Prague

215

Buquoy, Viilany and a few others are still under arrest, and one fine morninK we w. perhaps read a poster on the walls of Prague according to which it was all b m isunderstanjng. The operations of the commanding general do not sum ' protection of Germans against Czechs either; for in that case, instead of winning side by explaining the situation to them, storminR th^ C .ech , and Germ an, to for bonrbVand M e e l t n e w fn Government

u n a b le T u n ^ lh ^ ^ ^ ^

W n v "S ed

concerning the electoral law while the whole r f l

, then not to take it, however, until it was abandoned by its defenders ^ e n t y n ^ " " / " l % , e r e was no hand-to-hand fighting except in a few msunces J^ound rior strength was on the side of the grenadiers T o judge by the th ere the super largely cleared by devastation of A whether or not it takes great defiance of death to clear a arullery. and ^ defenders with can^ter-shot. broad avenue o a ^ according to C o n c e r n i n g the ^ are acting for foreign interests, that is presumably which ^ 3* i the L L of the independent pres, of Prague that this comment Russian. I . ^ an j-e of ignorance or an infamous calumny whose absurdity has is either an a proved by the attitude of our newspapers. Prague s free been and will ^j^fended any other goal than the preservation of Bohemia s press has ne ^ nationalities. It knows however, very well independe . ^ seeking to rouse a narrow-minded nationalism just as m Posen d inTtTl^partly in order to suppress the rei^olution in the interior o f G erm any and partly tr^ n th/soldiery fo r civil war.
W ritte n on July U , 1848

Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

First published in the Nue Rheinische Zeitung No. 42, July 12, 1848 d ^ tio n of a d ep u ., of i own for F r w f r . : " ^ r S : . r h i : e r S r a 1 ^ .

the (> rm an fatherland. Only die result o f the investigadon will

not escape his punishment, and the grief of the Prince w^s surely no greater than that

were being adminisiered'o t S f c r ^ d ''b ^ Z T m ^ .r r r a

w e lf"rh a d 'S

t b 'S r s Z e ^;oya7a"nd' f " ' ? ^ * ' barricade w i t r ^ n t a e r T o t and grenadiers thought it proper to fire for half an hour *'*ot t*-pounder, at di.s barricade which was defended by at most The Czech name is Vltava. Ed. Maria Eleonora Windischgratz.__ E d

The Czcch name is Teplice. E d

216

T h e A greem ent D ebates o f Ju ly 7

217

Auersujald: I d o not consider this question suitable fo r an T H E A G R EEM EN T D EB A TES O F JU L Y 7 this Assembly. ^ g w er n Relieve H e rr Auerswald. T h e only reply that he ''^ lib lv give would be None , or, if you want to be precise; coula p several regim ents from th e Russian fron tier to the only thing that surprises us is that th e Assembly allowed reply o f H e rr A uersw ald, this appeal to th e car tel est pass, w ithout m uch ado, with m erely som e hissing proposes that th e g rad uated incom e ta x of th e lowest "ifv el should^be^emitted for th e last six m onths of 1 8 4 8 and that T r ^ r c i v e m easures to collect the a rre a rs fo r th e first six m onths at fhe same level should be discontinued imm ediately. T h e motion goes to th e relevant com m ittee. H err Hansemann rises and declares that such financial m atters o u e h t to be very thoroughly exam in ed. O n e could, incidentally, wait the m ore readily as n e x t week he proposes to table several financial Bilfs am ong which will be o ne re fe rrin g to the g rad uated incom e tax. H err Krause asks th e M inister o f Finance w hether it would be possible to replace the milling and slaughter taxes as well as the graduated incom e ta x with an incom e ta x by th e beginning of 1 8 4 9 . H err Hansemann has to get u p again and d eclare irritably that he, had already stated th at he will table th e financial Bills n ext But his ordeal is not yet over. Only now H e rr Grebel rises and submits a lengthy m otion every word of which must be a sta through H err H ansem an n s h eart: Considering that it was by n o m eans sufficient to m otivate the prospective com pulsory loan by merely asserting that th e treasu ry and finances w ere exh austed; Considering that fo r th e debate on th e com pulsory loan itseli (against which H e rr G rebel p rotests as long as a C onstitution is n ot in force which fulfils all pronuses) an exam ination of all books and records of th e state budget was necessary, H e rr G rebel submits: that a com m ittee be appointed which will inspect all books and V records con cern in g the adm inistration of th e finances and the treasury since 1 8 4 0 and rep o rt on the m atter. But even worse than H e rr G rebels m otion are his argu m en ts in support of it. H e m entions th e m any ru m ou rs about th e squandering and unlawful spending of the state treasu ry that alarm public
Y ,

until late last night that we received rep ort about the ag reem en t session o f July 7. T h e stenoffraohS^ reports, which usually arrived h ere not m ore than 2 4 hours a fte r th e' epistolary rep o rts a re constantly arriving later instead of earlier ' ^ * 1 1 ^ rem edied is dem onstrated by the speed With which the F ren ch and English newspapers carry the rep orts o f th eir legislative assemblies. T h e sessions of th e E n rfs h ^ Parliam ent often last until fo u r o clock in th e m orn in g and ye"& h ou rs later the sten ograp hic rep o rt o f the session is printed in T h e ^ i[p ^ n s o f L on d o n . T h e F ren ch Cham ber, which seldom began its sessions before o ne o clock, term inated them ^ tw e e n five and six and yet already aro u n d seven o'clock the ^ r / t h a n d ro ' Y v ^ dehberations taken down in wor7hv S? / f new spaper offices. W hy can n ot the praise w orthy Staats-Anzeiger get ready just as quickly? the th e 7th , the session d u rin g which which w K 'h e protests which were submitted immediately at the start, d E ste rs motion 4th 'h e end o f the t ^ on th e agend a) and several o h e r m otions which were on the agend a. W e shall begin righ t away raining h " * "u disagreeable m otions which today were raining dow n-upon the Ministry. speak. H e asked th e Ministry what m easures had been taken to p ro tect o u r borders against Russia.
See this volum e, p. 2 07.__ Ed

whTch S d o r b ^

s"sS ro ?? h

* *^ecause this is our will (the closing phrase of royal edicts introduced by Louis ^ i). Ed.

218

A rticle s fro m -th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung

T h e A g reem ent D ebates o f July 7

219

opinion. In th e i n t e r e s t of th e people, he dem ands to know w h e - . the m oney has g o n e that it has paid d u rin g 30 years o f p e a ce ^ ' declares that th e A ssem b ly could not vote a single penny as such an e x p la n a tio n is not given. T h e c o m p u ls o ^ l o L has an en orm ou s s e n s a tio n . T h e com pulsory loan con d em n s th e entk hitherto existing fin a n c ia l adm inistration. T h e com pulsory lo J?? the penultim ate s t e p tow ards th e bankruptcy of th e stTte ^ com pulsory loan s u r p r is e d us all th e m o re since we w ere a ccu sto iS the t h a t th e financial situation was excellent and tj the state treasu ry w o u ld m ake unnecessary any loan even in th eeH ansem ann him self had estim ated at i nited Diet that t h e state funds must am ou nt to at least 3 0 millit This of co u rse, w a s only to be exp ected since not only w ere th e sat high taxes paid as d u n n g the w ar years, but the am ou nt of th e ta il was constantly in c r e a s in g . T h en suddenly, t h e r e cam e th e news of th e intended c o m p u ls o ii sank o n t o ' z e r o . ' '" * ' co n fid e n ^

r , will advance money even at usurious rates of interest and Hansemann sees no oth er alternative than the com p u k ory H '"'' ^ last resort of b an krupt states. And all the while H e rr O'*"' soeaks of rising state cred it because th e governm ent ^ T 'h a v e laboriously crep t upw ard by two to th ree p e r cen t to the stocks have^ receded ! And how th e stocks will ^ ^ ^h lfw h en the com pulsory loan is p u t into effect!) Hei^ B/insch.urges th e appointm ent of the proposed financial T h e relief of want from state funds was not worth L n i n g and if freed om has cost us m oney, it has up to now " r t a nW not cost the Government anything. O n the co n trary, the G o " ie n t has ra th e r spent money in o rd e r that freed om may not i r a d d k i m t o o u r know ledge that there was nothing left in the state'treasu ry, we are now being inform ed that it has been empty for a long tim e. T h is piece o f news is new p roof of th e need to appoifit a com m ittee. H err Hansemann has to get up once m ore:
- I h ave n e v e r said th a t th e r e is n o th in g a n d th a t th e r e h a s n o t b e e n a n y th in g in th e state t r J L u , y . O n th e c o n tr a r y , I d e c la r e th a t th e sta te tre a su ry h as sig n ifican tly in creased d u rin g th e p ast six to sev en y e a rs.

T h e only m e a n s o f resto rin g con fidence was the immediate^ u n re se n ^ d e x p la n a tio n o f th e financial situation of th e state -U a **mpted to sweeten th e b itte d L T h e T r n ''* '' T lo^n by a h u m o w i S nevertheless to adm it that a com pulsory loai-* would p ro d u ce an u n p le a s a n t im pression. H e rr H ansem ann an sw ers; It goes without saying that if thc^ Ministry requests m o n e y , it will also give all the necessarw^ s p e n r V o T s h o IH h e m oney that has so far been raised w S s X , should w a i t until I subm it the financial Bills which I have already m entioned tw ic e . A s to th e ru m o u rs, it is in correct that th re d d e d c o n ta in e d en orm ou s sums and that they have beetf DosiMnn h r f '* = ' '^ ^ e llL t financial J in e the r i r tran sform ed into a critical one. consider-* ] B^s han? < 1 'h e cu rren t political crisis which' ^ goes hand in h an d w ith u n p reced en ted econom ic stagnation.
bank ^ D trl^ 'vn compulsory loan will be a precursor o f the states I

a d le s s

{Com pare H e rr H ansem an n s m em oran d u m to th e U nited Diet with the speech from th e th ro n e and now we shall all the less know where we stand.) . Cieszkowski: I am in favour of G rebels m otion because H e rr Hansem ann keeps m aking us prom ises and yet every time when financial m atters com e up fo r debate, he refers us to elucidatitms that he will m ake in th e n ear fu ture but that are never given. This dilatoriness is th e m ore incom prehensible as H e rr H ansem ann has now been a M inister for over th ree m onths. H err Milde, the M inister of T ra d e , at last com es to th e aid o t his hard pressed colleague. H e im plores th e Assembly not to appoint the committee. H e prom ises the greatest frankness on the p art of the Ministry. H e protests that it will be given a detailed accou n t of the Slate of affairs. B u t now the G overnm ent should be left alone, fo r at the m om ent it is busy steering the ship of state o u t of the difficulties in which it finds itself at present. T h e Assembly will surely lend a helping hand. (Cheers.) H err Baumstark, too, attem pts to som e exten t to com e to H e rr H ansem anns aid. T h e M inister of Finance, how ever, could n ot have found a worse and m ore tactless d efen d er:

d e o L ri?*'

h e effect of the com pulsory loan upon credit

uX unH edT H ansem an n !) How unfounded these a p p re h e n s io n s are is shown by the rise o f the

am the fin L ci^ l SIL which 1 am herew ith p r o m is in g you for th e fou rth time. (H en ce the cred it o f th e Prussian state is in such bad shape that no

220

A rticles from th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung

T h e A greem ent D ebates o f Ju ly 7

221

we

e i jh consider h i . a

.what increase. I do not want to see these h o p e s di^ppointed and it is my *onviction that I did well not to tabU these Bills at an earlxer daU.

S L tro " /p r " % r

W hat disclosures! H e rr H ansem an n s financial Bills which were

u p p o s e d to shore u p th e state credit are of such a n atu re that they

Reichmbach: W h at has happened to the w onderful days o f the g reat debates, of questions o f principle and of confidence? In those eX * fo r nothing m o re than to be able to e n te r th e fray and now. when he has the opportunity to do so, and in his own field at that he is evasive! In deed, the Ministers keep making T h e m h principles fo r the sole purpose of violating them a few hours later. (C om m otion.) H e rr Hansem ann waits to see w hether anyone will rise to defend ?h ^ - ^ w U h h o or L h H lJn ? h-^ B aum stark is n sing and in o rd e r to prevent him from he quickly takes the W e exp ect the torm en ted Lion D uchatel, pricked by needles and tugged by the whole opposition, to rise to his full stature to crush his o pponents m short, to ask fo r a ,e of confidence in the G o lZ m e r^ l Alas there is n oth ing left o f his original firm ness and d a n n g M e the h a r d " ? * ? aU m elted away just like th e state treasury d uring h ard t.m es! T h e g reat financier stands bent, broken and m isu n d erstw d ; things have com e to such a pass that he has to give reasons! A n d what reasons, to boot!

^ r T th reat to th e state credit!

H e r r H a n s e m a n n d e e m e d it b e t te r to k e e p th e fin a n c ia l s itu a tio n

f the cou n try a secret fo r the tim e being! If the state^inds itself in such a situation, it is irresponsible o f H e rr H ansem ann to m ake such a vague statem ent instead of oresenting the state of th e finances frankly and by letting the facts S f k for them selves, vanquish all doubts and ru m ou rs. In the English Parliam ent, such a tactless u tteran ce would im mediately be followed by a vote of no confidence. H e rr Siebert:
Tin to now we have done nothing. All important questions, as soon as t^hey

rri's n ':s n 'a':rera

um ain at the helm for another week?

t " ;

.If. 7:..Vd

H e r r Parrisius moves an am en d m en t accordin g to which H err H ansem ann is called upon to present within a necessary docum ents on the adm inistration of th e ^ treasury from th e y ear 1 8 4 0 to an auditm g co m m , tee o 16 m em bers to be elected im m ediately. H e rr Parrisius explam s * a t this .s a special m andate from his electorate- they want to know what has happened to the state funds which had am ounted to o ver 4 0 'am en dm ent, which is stro n ger than th e original m otion, will sting th e weary D uchatel into action! Surely he will now nut the Question of confidence in the G overnm ent! On the co n trary! H e rr H ansem ann who opposed the m otion has no objections w hatsoever to this am en d m en t with us limit! H e m erely observes that the m atter will require an astonishing am ount of tim e and expresses his sym pathy for u n fortu n ate m em bers of th e com m ittee who will have to take on this laborious T h e re follows a debate about the voting d uring which a few m ore unpleasant com m ents are m ade con cern in g H e rr H ansem ann. T h e the vote is taken, the various m otivated and unm otivated dem ands to proceed to th e o rd e r of th e day are rejected and th e Parrisius am en d m en t, which is supported by H e rr G rebel, is almost unanim ously adopted.

B u t w ho is dem an d in g a th o ro u gh discussion? W hat has been r e q u it e d o f H e rr H ansem ann first of all has been an answer a simple yes o r n o con cern in g the question of taxes. F u rth erm o re he
f u o f a com m ittee to investigatethe a d m iW f botT State treasu ry etc. up to now. W hen heTefused both, referen ce was m ade to th e con trast between his fo rm er prom ises and his p resent reticence

T h e com m ittee should start its work imm ediately precisely because it takes tim e to discuss financial affairs and the many figures which occu r in th em . ^
ft r at an earlier date longer I haThop ed thaT A countrys position if I waited a little ger. had hoped that the peace o f the country and with it the state credit would

222

A rticies from the Neiu^ Rheiniscke Zeitung

223

H ER R

FO R STM A N N

O N

T H E

ST A T E

C R E D IT

It ill beseems the sons O f Germany to mock the fallen Great with heartless puns'
T T ie s c c o n d h a l f o f t h e s e s s in n k m e s e s s i o n w iJI b e r e p o r t e d t o m o r r o w .

Written by Engels on July 12 , 1843 Printed according to the newspaper Zeitung No. 44, July 14, 1848 Rheinische Published in English for the first time

Cologne, July 13. D uring the ag reem en t session of th e 7th [of this m onth], H e rr Fprstmann knocked down all doubts of th e unprinci pled Left con cern in g th e imperturbability of the Prussian state credit by the following irrefutable argu m en t:
Please decide whether the confidence in Prussias financc.s sank to zero when yesterday^n the Stock Exchange a sVj2 per cent government security stood at 72 per cent while the rate of discount was 5 /a per cent.

Heinrich Heine, Der Tambou

rm ajor. In Zeitgedichte. Ed.

O ne can see that H e rr Forstm an n is no m ore a speculator on the Stock E xch an g e than he is an econom ist. If H e rr Forstm an n s hypothesis that the price of govern m en t securities stands always in an inverse relationship to th e price of m oney were co rre ct, then the quotations of th e Prussian SVs p er cen t securities would indeed be unusually favourable. In that case, with a discount rate of 5 /a per cent, they should be listed not at 72 p er cen t but only at 63V u . But who has told H e rr Forstm an n that this inverse relationship exists at every particular m om en t of a business slump and not as an average over 5 to 10 years. O n what does the price of money depend? It depends on the relationship of supply and dem an d at a given time and upon the currently existing scarcity o r abundance of m oney. On what does the scarcity o r abundance o f m oney depend? It depends on the state of industry at the p articu lar tim e and on the stagnation o r prosperity of com m erce in general. On what does th e price of govern m en t securities depend? It depends likewise on th e relationship of supply and dem and at the time. B ut on what does this relationship d epend? It depends on Ttany circum stances, which in G erm any, in particular, are extrem ely com plicated.

224

Articles from the Neue Rkeinische Zeitung

H e rr Forstm ann on th e State Credit

225

State credit is o f decisive im p ortan ce in Fran ce, England, Spain and in general in those countries whose govern m en t securities are traded on the world market. State credit plays a secondary role in Prussia and the sm aller G erm an slates whose securities a re quoted only on the small local exch an ges. H ere m ost govern m en t securities are not used fo r speculation but for the safe investm ent of capital and to secure a fixed rent. Only a disproportionately small part reaches the stock exchanges and is trad ed. Alm ost the en tire national debt is in the hands of small pensioners, widows and orp han s, boards of guardians, etc. A fall of the exch an g e quotations d ue to the decrease of the state credit is an additional reason for this type of state creditors not to sell their stocks. T h e interest is just enough for them to get by. If they sell these stocks at a heavy loss, they are ruined. T h e small nu m ber o f securities which circulates on th e few small local exchanges cann ot, of cou rse, be subject to th e enorm ous and rapid fluctuations of supply and dem an d , o f rise and fall like the enorm ous mass of F ren ch , Spanish etc. securities which are mainly designed fo r speculation and a re traded on all th e w orlds g reat stock exchanges in large quantities. Hence it happens only rarely in Prussia that capitalists, through lack of m oney, are forced to sell their bonds at any price and thereby push down the exch an ge prices, while in Paris, A m sterdam etc. that is an everyday o ccu rren ce, which particularly after th e February revolution affected the incredibly rapid fall of th e F ren ch gov ern ment securities m uch m ore than th e diminished state credit. In addition, fictitious purchases {marches d terme),^^^ which m ake up the bulk of the stock exch an ge transactions in Paris, A m sterdam etc., are prohibited in Prussia. This entirely different com m ercial position of the Prussian securities based on local exchan ges and th e F ren ch , English, Spanish etc. securities which are trad ed on the world m arket, explains the fact that the prices of th e Prussian securities do not reflect the most m inute political com plications o f th eir state in anything like the measure in which this is the case with Fren ch etc. securities, that the state credit has not by a long shot the decisive and rap id influence on the market price of the Prussian stocks that it has upon the securities of other states. In the m easure in which Prussia and the small G erm an states are pulled into the m aelstrom of E u rop ean politics and in which the domination of the bourgeoisie is developing, in the sam e m easure governm ent securities, just like landed p roperty, will lose this patriarchal, inalienable ch aracter, will be draw n into circulation, become an ordinary, frequently exchanged article of co m m erce, and

perhaps even be allowed to lay claim to a m odest existen ce on the world m arket. Let us draw from these facts th e following conclusions: Firstly: It is n ot contested that the m arket price o f govern m en t securities will on average over a lengthy period rise everyw here in the same ratio as th e rate of interest falls and vice versa, given that the state cred it rem ains u n changed. Secondly: In F ran ce, England etc. this ratio prevails even d u n n g shorter periods because th e re th e speculators own th e largest part of the govern m en t securities and because, d ue to sh o rtage o f m oney, people are frequently com pelled to sell and this govern s th e daily ratio between the exch an g e price and th e ra te of in terest. H en ce, this ratio often really prevails even at a particular m om ent. Thirdly: In Prussia, on th e o th e r han d , this ratio exists only on average over relatively long periods because th e am ou n t of disposable govern m en t securities is small and th e stock exch an ge business is lim ited; because sales d u e to sh ortage of m oney, which actually govern this relation, o ccu r only rarely; because th e prices of securities at these local stock exch an ges are prim arily d eterm in ed by local influences w hereas the price of m oney is d eterm in ed by the influence o f th e w orld m arket. Fourthly: If thus H e rr Forstm an n wants to draw conclusions fo r the Prussian state cred it from th e ratio of th e price o f m oney to the m arket price o f th e govern m en t securities, he only p r o v p his total ignorance o f these relations. T h e quotation of 72 fo r th e 3/ 2 p e r cent stocks, with a discount rate o f 5Va p er cen t, d em onstrates nothing in favour of th e Prussian state cred it, and th e com pulsory loan speaks entirely against it.
Written on July 13, 1848 First published in the Neue Rkeinische Zeitung No. 44, July 14. 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

226

T h e A greem ent Debates

227

T H E A G R EEM EN T D EBA TES

Cologne, July 14. T o d ay we com e to the second h alf o f the ag reem en t session of th e 7th [of this m onth]. A fte r th e debate about the financial com m ittee, which was so painful for H e rr H ansem ann, th ere o ccu rred yet an o th er series o f small woes fo r the m inisterial gentlem en. It was a day o f u rg en t m otions and questions, of attacks on and em barrassm ent fo r the Ministry. D eputy Wander proposed that any official who o rd ers the unjust arrest o f a citizen should be obliged to m ake full rep aratio n and besides should be jailed fo r a period fo u r times as long as the person he arrested. T h e m otion, as not u rg en t, is sent to the relevant com m ittee. M inister of Justice A/ar/tr declares that the adoption o f this m otion would not only fail to strengthen the legislation h ith erto in force against officials who ca rry o u t unlawful arrests, but that it would actually weaken this legislation. (Cheers.) T h e M inister of Ju stice only fo rgot to observe that accord in g to the laws hitherto in force, particularly the old Prussian Law, it is hardly possible fo r an official to arrest anybody unlawfully. T h e most arbitrary arrest may be justified by the p aragrap hs of th e most tim e-honoured Prussian Law. W e want to call attention, by the way, to the most unparliam entary m ethod which the Ministers have fallen into the habit of using. T h ey wait until a m otion is referred to th e relevant com m ittee o r section and then they still continue to discuss it. T h ey are then certain that nobody can answer them . T h u s H e rr H ansem ann acted in the case o f H e rr B o rries motion and now H e rr M arker follows suit.
See this volume, p. 2 17. Ed.

M inisters trying to get away with such parliam entary im proprieties in England and F ran ce would have been called to o rd e r very differently. B u t not in Berlin! H e rr Schulze (from Delitzsch); A m otion to request th e G overnnient at once to hand over to th e Assembly fo r debate in com m ittee the already com pleted o r soon to be com pleted constitutional Bills. This m otion again contained an indirect rep ro o f o f th e G overn ment for its negligence o r intentional delay in submitting Bills to supplem ent the Constitution. T h e re p ro o f was the m ore painful as during that sam e m orning two Bills had been subm itted, including rhe Bill on the civic militia. T h u s, had the Prim e M inister shown any energy, he would have decisively rejected this m otion. B u t instead he makes only a few general rem ark s about the G overn m en ts desire to meet all just wishes of the Assembly in every possible way and the motion is adopted by a large m ajority. H e rr Besser asks th e M inister of W a r about the absence of service regulations. T h e Prussian arm y is the only one which lacks such regulations. H ence there exist in all arm y units down to com pany and squadron level the greatest differences of opinion about the most im p ortan t service m atters, particularly about the rights and duties of th e various ranks. T h e re exist, to be sure, thousands of ord ers, ordinances and instructions but they are worse than useless precisely because of th e ir countless nu m b er, th eir confusion and the contradictions which prevail in them . Besides, every such official docum ent is m ixed up and ren d ered unrecognisable by as many different corollaries, elucidations, m arginal notes and notes to the m arginal notes as th ere are interm ediate authorities throu gh which it passes. T h is confusion naturally works to the advantage of the superior in all kinds of arb itrary acts w hereas th e subordinate only reaps th e disadvantage of it. T h e subordinate, th erefo re, knows no rights but only duties. T h e re used to be service regulations called the pigskin regulations, but they were taken away from those individuals who had a copy of them d uring the 1820s. Since then no subordinate may cite them to his advantage w hereas th e higher authorities are allowed to cite them constantly against th e subordinates! It is the sam e with the service regulations of the gu ard corp s which are never com m u n i cated to th e arm y or m ade accessible to subordinates who are nevertheless punished u n d er them ! T h e staff officers and generals naturally only profit from this confusion which allows them to exercise the m ost ex tre m e arbitrariness and the harshest tyranny. T h e subaltern officers, non-com m issioned officers and soldiers, how ever, suffer u n d er it and it is in their interest that H e rr Besser questions G eneral Schreckenstein.

228

A rticles from th e N ew Rheinische Zeiiung

T h e A greem ent Debates

229

How H e rr Schreckenstein must have been astonished when he had to listen to this lengthy "quill-driving to use a pop u lar term from th e year 18 1 3 ! W hat, th e Prussian arm y does n ot have service regulations? W h at absurdity! H onestly, th e Prussian arm y has the best, and at the sam e tim e the shortest, regulation in the world consisting of only two w ords: "Obey orders! If a soldier o f this u n b eaten arm y is cu ffed, kicked and struck with rifle-butts, if he has his beard o r nose pulled by a lieutenant not yet of age and just escaped from o fficers training school, and if he should com plain, it is; ^Obey orders!" If a tipsy m ajo r a fter din n er and fo r his special am usem ent m arches his battalion into a swamp up to th e waist, and th ere lines them u p in square form ations, and a subordinate dares to com plain, it is: " Obey orders! I f oH icers a re forbidden to visit on e o r an oth er cafe and they take th e liberty to com m en t, it is: Obey orders! T h is is the best service regulation, fo r it fits every occasion. O f all the Ministers, H e rr Schreckensteinis th e only o ne who has not yet lost heart. This soldier who served u n d er N apoleon, w ho fo r thirty-three years has practised th e senseless Prussian spit and polish and has h eard many a bullet whistle, will certainly not be afraid of ag reers and questioners, particularly not when the g reat Obey o rd e rs! is in d an ger! G entlem en, h e says, I am bound to know better. I ou g h t to Icnow what c h ^ g e s have to be m ade. It is h e re a question o f tearin g down, and tearing down m ust not be allowed to prevail since rebuilding is vej7 difficult. T h e military organisation has been created by b charnh orst, G neisenau, Boyen and G rolm ann, it com prises 6 0 0 0 0 0 arm ed and tactically trained citizens and offers a secure fu tu re to every citizen as long as th ere is discipline. I shall m aintain it and that IS all I have to say. H e rr Besser: H e rr Schreckenstein has not answ ered th e question at all. It seems evident, how ever, from his rem ark s that he believes service regulations would slacken discipline! H e rr Schreckenstein: I have already stated that I will do what is exp edien t fo r th e arm y and benefits the service. H e rr Behnsch: W e can at least dem and that the M inister answers yes o r no o r declares that h e does n ot wish to reply. U p to now we have only heard evasive phrases. H e rr Schreckenstein, annoyed: I do not consider it in the interest of the service to discuss this question any further. T h e service, always the service! H e rr Schreckenstein believes that he is still the co m m an d er of a division and that he is speaking to his officer corp s. H e imagines that as M inister of W ar, too, he only needs be con cern ed with the service and not with the legal relations

. _ e e n the individual ranks of th e arm y, least of all with the lations of th e arm y to the state as a whole and its citizens! W e are dll living u n d er Bodelschw ingh; th e spirit o f th e old Boyen seem s to vail unbroken at the Ministry of W ar. H err Piegsa asks about th e m altreatm en t of Poles at Mielzyn on '^'^Herr Auerswald declares that he must first wait fo r full reports. T h u s an entire month of 31 days a fte r th e event H e rr Auerswald is n n t vet fully inform ed! W hat a w onderful adm inistration! H err Behnsch asks H e rr H ansem ann as to w hether at the oresentation of th e budget h e will give a survey of th e adm inistration of the S e e h a n d l u n g since 1 8 2 0 and of the state treasu ry since 1840 H e rr Hansemann declares am idst resounding laugh ter that he will be able to reply in a weeks tim e. H e rr Behnsch once again inquires about govern m en t support ot H ^rr Kiihlwetter replies th at this is a G erm an affair and refers H e rr Behnsch to A rch d uk e Jo h n . H e rr Grebel asks H e rr Schreckenstein about the officials o t the Military Adm inistration w ho are simultaneously officers of th e arm y reserve and w ho do active service d uring the arm y reserve exercises thereby depriving o th er officers of th e arm y reserve of the opportunity to p erfect th eir training. H e moves that these officials be released from service in the arm y reserve. H e rr Schreckenstein declares that he will do his duty and even take the m atter into consideration. H e rr Feldhaus asks H e rr Schreckenstein about th e soldiers who lost their lives on the m arch fro m Posen to G logau on Ju n e 18 and the m easures taken to punish this barbarity. H e rr S ch reck ^ tein : T h e m atter has taken place. T h e re p o rt ot the regim ental co m m an d er has been submitted. T h e re p o rt of the G eneral C om m and which arran ged th e stages of the m arch is still lacking. I can n ot yet say, th erefo re, w hether th e o rd e r of m arch was transgressed. Besides, we are in this case passing jud gm en t on a staff officer and such judgm ents are painful. It is to be hop ed that ' the H igh G eneral Assem bly (!!!) will wait until th e rep orts have arrived. . u u H e rr Schreckenstein does n ot consider this barbarity a barbarity, he m erely asks w hether th e m ajor in question has obeyed orders . W h at does it m atter if 18 soldiers die miserably like so many heads of catde on a cou n try road so long as orders are obeyedl
T h e Polish nam e is Glogow. Ed.

230

Articles from th e Neue Rheinmhe Zeitung

T h e A greem ent Debates

231

H err Behnsch who had asked the sam e question as H e rr Feldhaus says: I withdraw my question which has now becom e superfluous but I dem and that the M inister o f W ar fixes a day on which he will answ er. T h re e weeks have already passed since this incident and the rep orts could have been h ere long ago. H e rr Schreckenstein: W e have not wasted a m om en t; the reporta from the G eneral C om m and w ere requested im mediately. T h e President wants to skip over th e m atter. H e rr Behnsch: I am only asking the M inister o f W ar to give an answer and to fix a day. President: W ould H e rr Schreckenstein.... H e rr Schreckenstein: It is not yet possible to surm ise when that will be. H e rr Gladbach: P aragrap h 28 of standing o rd ers lays the obligation upon Ministers to fix a day. I also insist upon it. President: I am asking the M inister once again. H e rr Schreckerutein: I cann ot fix a specific day. H e rr Gladbach: I insist upon my dem and. H e rr Temme: I am of the sam e opinion. President: W ould the M inister o f W a r p erhaps in a fortn igh t.... H e rr Schreckenstein: T h a t could very well be. I shall answ er as soon as I know w hether o r not o rd ers have been obeyed. President: All right th en , in a fortnight. This is how the M inister of W ar carries out his d u ty to the Assembly! H err Gladbach has yet an oth er question, directed to th e M inister o f th e In terio r con cern in g the suspension of u n p op u lar officials and the m erely tem p orary , provisional filling of vacancies. H e rr Kiihlwetters answers are m ost unsatisfactory and fu rth er rem arks of H e rr Gladbach are drow ned a fter brave resistance by the m uttering, shouting and hissing of the Right which is at last m oved to fury by so m uch insolence. A motion by H e rr Berends to place th e arm y reserve, which has been called u p fo r dom estic service, u n d er th e com m an d of th e civic militia is not recognised as u rg en t and is thereup on withdrawn. T h e re a fte r a pleasant conversation begins about all sorts o f subtleties linked to the Posen com m ittee. T h e storm of questions and u rgen t motions has passed and th e last conciliatory sounds of th e fam ous session of July 7 fade away like the soft w hispering o f zephyr and the pleasant m urm uring of a m eadow brook. H e rr H ansem ann returns

ie with th e con solation th at th e b lu sterin g and table-ban gm g of h R ight has woven a few flow ers into his crow n of th o rn s, and H e rr ScluL'^'kenstein sm ugly twirls his m oustach e and m u rm u rs: Obey
o r d e r s ! Written by Engels on July 14, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische ZeUungSo. 45, July 15, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

W ilhelm Grabow . Ed.

232

T h e D ebate o n Jacobys Motion

233

T H E D E B A T E O N JA C O B Y S MOTION^

. Federal Diet recognises th e election, p retend in g, as it w ere, t nnlv its confirm ation makes th e election vahd. ^ 's e rra tio n s are nevertheless m ade by H anover and even by p yssia and it is th e Prussian reservation that has caused the debate This d'me, A e re fo re , it is not so m uch th e fault of th e C h am b er in rlin" that the debates are vague and hazy. T h e irresolute, Ik k n e e d , ineffectual F ran k fu rt National Assembly itself is to blfme for th e fact that its decisions can only be described as so m uch introduces his m otion briefly and with his usual precision. He makes things very difficult for the speakers of th e L e tt, because L says everything that can be said about th e m otion if o ne is to avoid S g i n g u ^ n t L origin of the C en tral A uthority, whose history is S O discreditable to th e N ational Assembly. In fact the deputies of th e L eft who follow him advance hardly any new a r g u m e n t s , while those of th e R ight fare m uch w o r s e -th e y lapse eith er into sh eer twaddle o r juridical hair-splitting. B oth sides endlessly rep eat them selves. , Deputy Schneider has th e h o n o u r of first presenting the case for the Right to the Assembly. , u He begins with th e g ran d arg u m en t that the m otion is self contradictory. O h th e on e han d , the m otion recognises the sovereignty of th e N ational Assembly, on th e o th e r ^ upon the A g reem en t C h am b er to cen su re the N ational Assembly, thus placing itself above it. Any individual could express his disapproval b u t not th e C ham ber. This subtle arg u m en t, of which th e Right seems to be very proud seeing that it recu rs in all th e speeches of its deputies, advances an entirely new theory, A ccord in g to this t h e o r y , t h e C h am b er has few er rights with re g a rd to the N ational Assembly than an individual. This first grand arg u m en t is followed by a republican o n ^ Germany consists fo r th e most p art of constitutional m onarchies, and must th erefo re be h eaded by a constitutional, irresponsible authority a n d ,n o t by a republican, responsible on e. T h is arg u m en t was rebutted on the second day by H e rr Stein, who said that G erm any, under h er federal constitution, had always been a republic, indeed a very edifying republic.
We have been given a mandate, says H err Schneider, to agree on a constitutional monarchy, and those in Frankfurt have been given a similar mandate, i-e, to agree with the German governments on a Constitution for Germany.
^ T h e Prussian National Assembly. Ed.

[Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 48, July 18, 184f

CologTie, July 17. A gain a g reat d eb ate, to use an expression ot ] H e rr C am p h ausen , has taken place, a debate which lasted two full days. T h e substance of th e debate is well known the reservations the' G overnm ent advanced regard in g the im m ediate validity of the decisions passed by the National Assembly and Jacob y s motion assertm g the Assemblys righ t to pass legally binding decisions without havm g to await anyones consent, and at th e sam e time objectm g to th e resolution on the C entral A uthority. T h at a debate on this SMbject was possible at all may seem incom prehensible to o th e r nations. B u t we live in a land o f oaks and lime-trees^ w here nothing should surprise us. T h e people send th eir representatives to F ran k fu rt with the m andate that th e Assembly assume sovereign pow er over th e whole o f G erm any and all h er governm ents, and, by virtue of the ^ v e re ig n ty th e people have .vested in the Assembly, adopt a Constitution fo r G erm any. Instead of im m ediately proclaim ing its sovereignty over the separate states and the Federal Diet,'* the Assembly timidly avoids any question relating to this subject and maintains an irresolute and vacillating attitude. Finally it is co n fron ted with a decisive issue the ap pointm ent of a provisional C entral A uthority. Seemingly independent, but in fact guided by the governm ents with the help o f G agern , the Assembly elects as Im p erial R egen t a m an whom these governm ents h ad in advance designated fo r this post.^
^ Hemnch Heine. Zur Beruhigung , In Zeitgedichle. Ed. Archduke John of Austria. Ed.

234

Articles from the N ew Rheinische Zeitung

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T h e reaction indulges in wishful thinking. W h en , by o rd e r of so-called P rep arh am en t ^ an assembly having no vaHd man date th e trem bling Federal Diet convened th e G erm an N ation' Assembly, there was no question at the time o f any ag reem en t; t\ National Assembly was then considered to be a sovereign pow er Bi now things have chan ged . T h e Ju n e events in Paris have revived hopes of both the big bourgeoisie and th e supporters of tl overthrow n system. Every squire from the backwoods hopes to the old rule of the whip re-established, and a clam ou r fo r ai agreed G erm an Constitution is already arising from th e Im peria C ou rt at Innsbruck to th e ancestral castle of H en ry L X X I I Th< F ran kfurt Assembly has no one but itself to blam e fo r this.
In electing a constitutional supreme head the National Assembly has therefon acted according to its mandate. But it has also acted in accordance with the will of hi ^ constitutional monarchy. Indeed, had the Nationi^;! Assembly come to a different decision, I would have regarded it as a misfortune N J T l republic; in principle I admit that the republicand I have! hn ,n ^ " if 7 " r form ofstaU,' but m reality we are still very far from it. We cannot have the form unless we have t h i spirit. We cannot have a republic while we lack republicans, that is to say noble mind* capable, at all times, with a clear conscience and noble selflessness, and not only in a fit ot enthusiasm, of subordinating their own interests to the common interest.

Ijinuy, for it would be anarchy under the desecrated name of republic, despotism the cloak of liberty."

On the co n trary , as H e rr Vogt (from Giessen) said in the National .embly t h e G e r m a n s a r e r e p u b l i c a n s & 3 in a fw r , a n d to e d u c a t e his hildren in the repubUcan spirit C incinnatus-Schneider could do no hprter than bring them up in the old G erm an tradition of propriety. odesty and G od-fearing piety, the plain and honest way in which Z himself grew up. N ot anarchy and despotism , but those cosy hPi-r-swilling proceedings, in which C incinnatus-Schneider excels, would be b rough t to th e highest perfection in th e republic of worthies. F a r rem oved from all th e atrocities and crim es which defiled the First Fren ch Republic, unstained by blood, and detesting the red flag, the republic of w orthies would m ake possible som ething hitherto unattainable: it would enable every respectable b u rgh er to lead a quiet, peaceful life m arked by godliness and propriety. W ho knows, the republic of worthies m ight even revive th e guilds tog eth er with all th e am using trials of non-guild artisans. This republic of worthies is by n o m eans a fanciful d ream ; it is a reality existm g m Brem en. H am b urg, Liibeck and F ran k fu rt, and even m som e parts of Switzerland. B u t its existence is everyw here threaten ed by the contem porary storm s, which bid fair to engulf it everyw here. T h erefore rise u p , C incinnatus-Schneider, leave y ou r plough and turnip field, you r b eer and ag reem en t policy, m ount y ou r steed and save the threaten ed republic, your republic, th e republic of worthies.

Can anyone ask for b etter p ro of o f th e virtues rep resented in the Berlin C ham ber than these noble and m odest words of Deputy ^ h n e id e r. Surely, if any doubt still existed about the fitness of the G erm ans to set up a republic, it must have com pletely vanished in face o f these exam ples of tru e civic virtue, of th e noble and most m odest self-sacnfice of o u r Cincinnatus-Schneider! L et Cincinnatus pluck up co u rag e and have faith in him self and th e n u m erous noble citizens of G erm any who likewise reg ard th e republic as th e most noble form of state but consider them selves bad republicans they are ripe for the republic, they would en d u re th e republic with the same h eroic equanimity with which they have en d u red th e absolute m onarchy. T h e republic of w orthies would be th e happiest republic that ever e x i s t e d - a republic without B ru tu s and Catiline, without M arat and upheavals hke those o f Ju n e, it would be a republic of well-fed virtue and solvent morality.* , How mistaken is C incinnatus-Schneider when he exclaim s:
create absolutism; it is not possible to

[Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 49, July 19, 1848]

Cologne, July 18. H e rr W aldeck takes th e floor after H e rr Schneider, in support of th e m otion.
T he present position of the Prussian state is surely quite without precedent, and otie really cannot conceal the fact that it is also someui/iat precarious.

This beginning is likewise somewhat precarious. W e get the itnpression that we are still listening to D eputy Schneider:
It must be said that Prussia was destined to exercise hegemony in Germany.

grandchildren m this way. At present I would regard a republic as the greatest Modified quotation from Heinrich Heines Anno 1829 . In Romanzen. Ed.

This is th e ^ m e old-Prussian illusion, the cherished d ream of m erging G erm any in Prussia and of declaring Berhn the G erm an Paris. H e rr W aldeck, it is tru e , sees this cherished hope dwindlm g, but he hankers a fte r it with painful feelings, and he blames both the previous and the present G overnm ent for th e fact that Prussia is not at the head of G erm any.

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A rticles fro m th e Neue Rheinwhe Zeitung

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U n form n ately the fine days have passed when the Customs: U nion paved th e way fo r Prussian hegem ony in G erm any, days^ when provincial patriots could believe that th e B ran d en b u rg stock has d eterm ined the fate of G erm any fo r 2 0 0 y ears and will continue to do so in the fu ture, th e fine days when the disintegrating G erm any of the Fed eral Diet could reg ard even the Prussian bureaucratic^ strait jacket as a last m eans of m aintaining som e sort of cohesion.
T he Federal Diet, on which public opinion has passed judgment tone since is disappeanng and suddenly the Constituent National Assembly in Frankfurt em ereei before the eyes o f an astonished worldl"

this respect. H e rr R eich en sp erger is quite righ t: it is n o t w orth o u r hile to com e to th e aid of an Assembly which has forsaken itself! But it is touching when H e rr R eich en sp erger says:
- l l is therefore unstatesmaidike to di^uss such questions of competence; what ,Tiatters is simply to solve practical questions as they arise.

T h e "w orld was naturally astonished when it saw this Constituent National Assembly. O ne need only read th e Fren ch English and Italian newspapers to u nd erstand this. H e rr W aldeck then explains at some length that he is against the idea of a G erm an em p ero r and gives up his place on th e rostru m to H e rr R eich en sperger II. H err Reichensperger I I declares the su p p orters of Jacob y s m otion to be republicans and desires them to state th eir aim s as candidly as did th e republicans in F ran kfurt. T h en he too asserts that G erm any is not yet m possession of the
full measure o f civic and political virtues which have been described by a great political scientist as the essential precondition for a republic.

It is indeed unstatesm anlike to dispose of these practical miestions once and fo r all by m eans o f a fo rcefu l decision; it is unstatesm anlike if, in the face of reactionary attem pts to halt the movement, th e revolutionary m andate w ere asserted, a m andate which every Assembly that has com e into being as a result ot barricade fighting possesses. Crom well, M irabeau, D anton, Naooleon and the en tire English and F re n ch revolutions w ere indeed exceedingly unstatesm anlike , but Basserm ann , Biedermann Eisenm ann, W iedenm ann and D ahlm ann behave in a very statesmanlike m anner! Statesm en disappear altogeth er when a revolution takes place, and th e revolution m ust be tem porarily dorm ant for statesm en to re-em erg e, and, m oreover, statesm en ot the caliber o f H e rr R eich en sp erger II, the deputy for th e Kem pen district.
" If vou depart from this system, it will be diffict.lt to avoid conflicts with the German National Assembly and with the governments of individual [German] states at any "ate you will u n fo rtu U e ly promote discord and, as a result of d - o r d ana^hy will raise its head and nothing will then save us from civil war. CivU however marks the beeinning o f still greater misfortune.... It is not out of the question that c L s a y J r d e r has been restored in Germany, by our Eastern and Western friends!

If R eich en sperger, th e patriot, says this, G erm any m ust be in a bad way! H e rr R eich en sp erger continues, th e G overnm ent has m ade no reservations (!) but m erely expressed wishes. T h e re was reason enough for this and I also hope that the N ational Assembly will not always ignore th e opinions of governm ents when making decisions It IS outside o u r com p eten ce to lay down th e sp h ere of com p etence of the Fran k furt National Assembly; th e National Assembly itself has refused to advance theories con cern in g its own com p eten ce; it has acted in a practical m an n er when necessity has d em anded action. In o th e r w ords, at the tim e when the F ran k fu rt Assembly was om nipotent, it failed d u rin g the revolutionary agitation to setde the inevitable conflict with the G erm an governm ents *with one decisive stroke. It has p referred to postpone th e decision and to fight small skirmishes with one o r an oth er G overnm ent over each individual resolution, skirmishes which weaken the Assembly the fu rth er it recedes from the tim e o f th e revolution and th e m o re it com prom ises itself in the eyes of the people by its feeble actions. And
M ontesquieu. Ed.

H e rr R eich en sp erger may be righ t. If th e Assembly engages m a discussion of co m p eten ce, it may give rise to clashes, possibly leading to a civil w ar an d intervention by th e F ren ch and th e Russians. If the Assembly does n o t discuss this, how ever, and, in fact, it has not done so, a civil war is even m ore certain . T h e conflicts which, at the beginning of th e revolution, w ere still fairly simple, every day become m ore involved, and th e lon ger th e decision is delayed, the m ore difficult and th e m o re bloody will be th e solution. A country like G erm an y, which is forced to work its ^ a y up from indescribable fragm en tation to unity, which, if it does not want to perish, needs th e m ore stringent revolutionary centralisation, the m ore divided it has been u p to now, a cou n try which contains twenty Vendees which is sandwiched between the two m ost pow erful and most centralised states of th e C ontinent and su rrou n d ed by num erous small neighbours, with whom it is on strained term s, if not

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A rticles from the Neue Rhfinische Zeitung

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at war such a coun try cann ot, in th e p resen t period o f univers revolution, avoid either civil war or war with other countries. T h ese wai which we will certainly have to face, will be th e m ore perilous an, devastating, the m ore irresolute is th e con d u ct of th e people and ii leaders and the longer the decision is postponed If Hen R eichen sp ergers statesm en rem ain at th e helm , we m ight w i t n J , an oth er T h irty Y ears War.' B u t, fortunately, th e force o f e v e n 3 the G erm an people, the E m p ero r o f Russia and th e Fren ch peopj also have a say in th e m atter.

-h .r then does from outsid e" m ean? It m eans th e constituents, i.e. neople who create th e legislative body. If o ne is no longer supposed to obtain su p p o rt by influencing these constituents. I h e r e is o ne to gain support? a,re th e speeches of H ansem an n , R eichensperger, von B erg and so delivered m erely for th e benefit o f the Assembly o r also fo r the nliblic to whom they are presented in stenographic rep orts? A re not Fhese speeches likewise m eans by which this party within a I p a i s l a i i v e b od y seeks, o r hopes, to obtain support from outside r I n short, H e rr B e rg s principle would lead to the abohtion of a! political p ropagan d a. F o r p ropagan d a is simply the practical duplication of th e im m unity of advocates of freedom of the press and freedom of association, i.e. of freedom s which legally exist m Prussia. W h eth er these freedom s lead to civil ^Var o r not is not our concern. It is sufficient that they exist, and we shall see w here it le a d s , if they continue to be infringed.
Gentlemen, these efforts of the minority to find strength and recognition outside the legislative authority did not begin today or yesterday, they date from the irst da> of the German uprising. T h e minority expressed its objections and left the Preparliament, and the result was civil war.

[Neue Rkeinische Zeitung No, 53, July 23, 184j

Cologne, July 2 2 . C u rren t events, Bills, arm istice proposals etc. last allow us once m ore to retu rn to o u r beloved ag reem en t debate On th e rostru m we see D eputy von B erg from Julich, a m an in whomi we are m terested fo r two reasons; first, because h e is a Rhinelander,! and second, because h e is a ministerialist of very recent date. H e rr B erg has several reasons for opposing Jacob ys m otion The* first IS this: ^ > T he first part of the motion, which requires us to express our disapproval of a
decision made by the German Parliament, this first part is nothing but a protest made m the name o f a mmonty against a legal majority. It is nothing but an attempt by > party which has been defeated withtn a legislative body to obtain support from outside: it it an attempt whose consequences are bound to lead to civil war.

M r. C obden, with his motion to abolish the C orn Laws, also be longed to the m inority in the H ouse o f C om m ons from 1 8 4 0 to 1845; H e belonged to a party which had been defeated within a legislative b od y . W hat did h e do? H e sought support from outside . H e did not simply state his disapproval o f parliam entary decisions, he went m uch fu rth er; h e set up and organised the A nti-C orn Law L eag u e and the A nti-C orn Law press, in short, the whole en orm ou s agitation against th e C orn Laws. A cco rd in g to H e rr B erg , this was an attem pt that was bound to lead to civil w ar . T h e m inority m the erstwhile U nited Diet likewise sought support from outside . H e rr C am phausen, H e rr H ansem ann and H e rr Milde had no scruples w hatever o ver this. T h e facts that stand as p ro of o f this a re well known. It is obvious that th e consequences o f ^ accord in g to H e rr B e rg , were bound to lead to civil war . T h ey led not to civil war, how ever, but to th e Ministry. W e could cite a h u n dred m ore such exam ples. *^inority in a legislative body, if it does not want to bring about civil war, must not, th erefo re, seek support from outside. But

First, as regard s Jacobys m otion, th ere is no question of a minority objecting and leaving . Secondly, the efforts of the m inority to find recognition outside the legislative au th ority did. it is tru e, n ot begin today or yesterday , for they date from th e m om en t when legislative a u t h o r i t i e s and m inorities cam e into being. _ Thirdly, it is not th e fact that the m inority expressed its objections a n d left the Prep arliam en t which led to civil w ar, but H err M itterm aiers m oral conviction that H ecker, Fickler and their associates were traitors to th eir co u n try , and th e m easures which the G overnm ent of Bad en consequently took and which were dictated b^ the most abject fe a r. T h e civil w ar arg u m en t, which is, of cou rse, apt to throw the G erm an b u rg h er into a d read fu l state of alarm , is followed by the argu m en t about the absence of a m andate.
'Wc have been elected by our constituents in order to establish a Constitution in Fi ussia; the same constituents have sent other citizens to Frankfurt, to set up a Central Authority there, h cannot be denied that the constituent who pves the mandate is fertaiiilv entitled to approve or disapprove the mandatary s actions, but ronstituents have not authorised us to speak on their behalf in this respect.

This weighty arg u m en t has been greatly adm ired by the legal experts and legal dilettanti in the Assembly. W e have no m andate.

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Articles fro m the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

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N evertheless, two minutes later, the sam e H e rr B e rg asserts that c Fran k fu rt Assembly was convoked in o rd e r to create th e futuj Constitution of G erm any, in co n cert with the G erm an govei ments , and it is to be hoped that the Prussian G overnm ent will n in this case, ratify it w ithout consulting th e A g reem en t Assembly th e C ham b er which is to be elected u n d er the new C onstitution T h M inistry has nevertheless im m ediately inform ed th e Assembly o f h recogn iu on o f the Im perial Regent,* as well as o f its reservatioi thereby inviting the Assembly to p ro n o u n ce its decision. It IS th erefo re precisely the point of view expressed by H e rr B e re I his own speech and H e rr A uersw alds inform ation which lead to the! conclusion that the Assembly certainly has a m an d ate to deal with the* F ran kfu rt resolutions. W e have n o m andate! H ence, if the F ran k fu rt Assembly^ reintroduces censorship, if it sends Bavarian and A ustrian troop s to Prussia to support th e Crow n in a conflict between the C h am b er and the C row n, then H e rr B erg has n o m an d ate ! W hat m an date has H e rr B erg ? Literally only this; to ag ree with the C row n upon the C onstitution . By no m eans has h e, th erefo re a i m andate to put down parliam entary questions, and to a g ree to laws ! on im m unity, on the civic militia, on redem ption and to all o th e r laws ? not m entioned in the Constitution. This is what reactionaries daily ' assert. B erg him self says:
Every step beyond this mandate is a breach o f faith, it is an abandonment of the mandate or even a betrayal!

p^erstand either, what benefit a Berlin repubKc would be to us. We might prefer ^ republic in Cologne.

W e shall not discuss at all th e idle speculations about what we might p re fe r if Prussia is tu rn ed into a Berlin republic , n or the theory about the conditions of existence o f th e Prussian state As Rhinelanders, we simply p rotest against the statem ent that ^ we have com e u n d e r th e jurisdiction of th e Prussian C row n . O n the co n trary the Prussian C row n has com e to us. T h e n e x t speaker against the m otion is H e rr Simons from E l b e r f e l d . H e rep eats everything that H e rr B e rg has said. He is followed by a speaker fro m th e Left and th en by H err Zacharia. Zacharia rep eats everything that H e rr Simons has said. Deputy Duncker repeats everything that H e rr Zacharia has said, but he also adds a few o th er things, o r lie expresses what has been said before in such an extre m e way, that we find it advisable to deal briefly with his speech.
Do we. the Constituent Assembly of 16 miUion Germans, reinforce the authority of the German Central Government and the authority of the German Parliament in the minds o f the people by thus censuring the Constituent Assembly of all Germans? Do we not thereby undermine the willing obedience which the mdividual nationalities must [accord] it. if it is to work for Germanys unity?

Nevertheless, u n d er th e fo rce o f necessity, H e rr B e rg and the en tire Assembly constantly abandon th eir m an d ate. T h e Assembly must do so d ue to th e revolutionary, o r rath er, at present, reactionary, provisional state o f affairs. Because o f this provisional state everything serving to safeguard th e achievem ents o f th e M arch revolution falls within the com p eten ce o f th e Assembly and if it can achieve this by exertin g m oral influence on th e F ran k fu rt Assembly, then the A g reem en t C h am b er is not only entitied, but even obliged to do so. T h en follows th e R henish-Prussian arg u m en t, which is of special im p ortan ce fo r us Rhinelanders, because it shows how we are rep resented in Berlin.
We I^inelanders and Westphalians and the inhabitants o f other provinces as well have no bond with.Pmssia other than the fact that we have com* under the jurudiction o f the Pmsstan Crown. I f we dissolve this bond, the state disintegrates. I do not understand at all, and I beUeve most deputies from my province do not Archduke John of Austria. Ed.

A ccord in g to H e rr D uncker, the authority o f the C entral G overnm ent and th e N ational Assembly and this willing obedi ence exist; th e obedience consists in th e people submitting blindly to this authority, w hereas the individual governments m ake reservations and, when it suits them , refuse to obey.
What is the point of making theoretical statements in our time, when the force of fact is so immense?

R ecognition of th e sovereignty of th e F ran k fu rt Assembly by the representatives of 16 million G erm ans is thus m erely a th eo reti cal statem en t !?
If. in future, a resolution passed in Frankfurt were to be regarded by the Government and Parliament of Prussia as impossible and impracticable, would there then be any possibility of carrying through such a resolution?

H ence, th e m ere opinions, the viem held by th e Prussian G overnm ent and Parliam ent are supposed to be capable of making 'h e resolutions of th e N ational Assembly impossible.
Todav. we may say whatever we like, but the Frankfurt resolutions could not be t:arried through, if the entire Prussian people, if two-fifths of Germany, refused to svibmit to them. *

H ere we have again all th e old Prussian arro gan ce, the Berlin national patriotism in all its old glory, with th e pigtail and crooked

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Articles from the .\eue Rheinische Zeitung

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stick of old F r itz / It is tru e, we are only a minority, only two-fifri (and not even that) but we will certainly show th e m ajority that we ai masters in G erm any, that we are Prussians! W e do not advise th e gentlem en of the Right to provoke a conflic of this kind between tw o-fifths and three-fifth s . T h e numeric^' balance may prove to be quite differen t, and many a province ma^ rem em ber that it has been G erm an from time im m em orial, but t h i !t has been Prussian fo r only thirty years. H e rr D i^ c k e r has a rem edy, how ever. T h o se in F ran k fu rt musf^ along with us, pass only those resolutions that express the*i reasonable collective will, the tru e opinion of the public, so that th e ^ can be approved by th e m oral consciousness of the n ation i e resolutions after Deputy D unckers own h eart. '
If we. and those in Frankfurt, pass such resolutions then we are and ihev are^' sovereign, otherwise we arc not sovereign, even if we decree it ten times over '

penetrating thoughts and b righ t ideas expressed by the

*^^Deputy A 6 g g opened t h e second day of the debate^ with a t h r e a t

A fter this p rofoun d definition of sovereignty, which is in keeping^' with his m oral consciousness, H e rr D uncker heaves a sigh; In any case, this belongs to the fu tu re , and thus concludes his speech prevents us from discussing the speeches o f on the sam e day. N evertheless, even from the presented h ere, o u r readers will have realised that H e rr Parrisius was not entirely mistaken when he moved th e ad jou rn m en t because the tem p eratu re in the hall has risen so high that It IS impossible to m aintain absolute clarity of thought ! fh . I Left

[Ntue Rheinische Zeitung No. 55, July 25, 1848]

Cologne, July 2 4 . A few days ago, when the pressure of world events caused us to in terru p t o u r accoun t of the debate a neighbouring journalist was kind enough to carry on the re p o rt in o u r stead. H e has already draw n the attentiot> of the public to Ihe ^ thoughts and bright ideas and to the fine and healthy feehng fo r tru e freed o m displayed by the speakers of the m ajority , and especially by o u r incom parable liaum stark d u rin g this great debate, which lasted two days ^ W e m ust bring o u r rep o rt of th e debate to a hasty close, but cannot re fra in from presenting a few exam ples from the p ro fu sion
^ King Frederick II of Prussia. Ed. Karl Brtiggemann. Ed.

the Assembly: to get to th e bottom of this m otion, o ne would have r e p e a t all th e F ran k fu rt debates in their entirety and th e High A ssem bly is obviously not entitled to do this! T h e ir constituents with th eir practical tact and practical sense would never approve o f this! Incidentally, what is to becom e of G erm an unity, if (now follows a particularly p en etratin g th o u g h t) people do not simply c o n f in e them selves to m aking reservations", but express th eir firm approval o r disapproval o f th e F ran k fu rt resolutions . In this case nothing rem ains but purely form al submissiveness ! O f cou rse, purely form al submissiveness can be evaded by reservations and, if need be, even directly denied that cannot harm G erm an unity; but to ap p rove o r disapprove of these resolutions and to ju d g e them with reg ard to th eir style, logic or usefulness th ats th e limit! , r u H e rr A begg concludes with th e observation that it was fo r the Frankfurt Assembly, and not th e Berlin Assembly, to com m en t upon the reservations p resented to th e Assembly in Berlin, not that m Frankfurt. O n e ou g h t not to anticipate th e F ran k fu rt deputies as this would surely be an insult to them ! _ _ T h e gentlem en in Berlin are not com p eten t to express an opinion on statem ents m ade by their own Ministers. L et us skip the idols of the small people, such as Baltzer, Kampf and Graff, and m ake haste to h e a r th e h ero of th e day, the incom parable Baumstark. Deputy Baumstark declares that he would never p ro n o u n ce himseit incom petent, unless h e is forced to adm it no know ledge of the m atter in h a n d - a n d surely eight weeks of debate can n o t leave one with no knowledge of th e m atter? i u Consequently, Deputy B aum stark is competent. Nam ely, in the following m an n er:
1 ask whether, as a result of the wisdom we have shown so far, we are fully entitled'' (i.e. competent) to confront an Assembly, which has attracted general interest in Germany, and the admiration of the whole of Europe, thanks to its noble-mindedness, its high intelligence and its moral political standpoint, that is thanks to everything that has made the name of Germany great and glorious throughout history? I submit to it (i.e. I declare myself incompetent) and wish that the Assembly, sensing the truth (!!), would likewise submit" (i.e. declare itself incompetenty.
J ul y 12,

]84H. F.d.

244

Articles from th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung

T h e D ebate o n Jacob y s Motion

245

Gentlemen, continues the com petent Deputy Baumstark, it was stated yesterdays session that there has been talk of a republic etc. which is unphilosophic^f But it cannot possibly be unphilosophical to describe the responsibility of the persoiil who heads the state, as a characteristic feature o f the republic, in the democratic senje ' Gentlemen, it is certain that all political philosophers, from Plato down to Dahlmann'il (Deputy Baumstark could indeed not go further "down"), have expressed this vie^r and we must not contradict this more than a thousand-year-old truth (!)and histoi * fact, without very special reasons, which have yet to be adduced.

which were infected with the poison of French demoralisation (the right of S s t night had in fact been gradually buried by French demoralised li ation!) he was generally acclaimed by the people, deeply imbued with the j;^ ;r f e e l in g that this gave strength to the German, and especially the Prussian, f edifice.

H err B aum stark thinks, th erefo re, that sometim es th ere can be^ very special reasons to con tradict even historical facts . Indeed, the gentlem en of the Right usually have no scruples in this respect. *; H e rr B aum stark, m oreover, declares himself once again incompe tent, by pushing th e com p etence on to the shoulders o f all political philosophers, from Plato down to D ahlm ann . H e rr B au m stark, of course, does not belong to this category of political philosophers.
Let us consider this political edifice! One Chamber and a responsible Imperial Regent, and this on the basis o f the present electoral law! Further examination will show that it is against all common sejue."

One has to adm ire th e deep m oral feeling of th e B ran d en b u rg nhilistines of th e seventeenth century who, profoundly moved by Their profits, acclaim ed th e E lector when he attacked th eir enem ies, he feudal lords, and sold privileges to th e p h ih s tin e s-b u t one has to a d m ire even m ore th e com m on sense and b n g h t ideas of H e rr B a u m s t a r k , who regard s this acclam ation as an expression of popular sovereignty !
\t that time, everybody, without exception, paid homage to the absolute monarchy" (since otherwise he would have been flogged) and the Great Frederick 3 d never have achieved such importance had he not been supported by popular sovereignty.

T h e n H e rr B au m stark makes th e following p en etratin g p ro n oun cem en t which, even on th e closest exam in ation , will not be against all com m on sense.
Gentlemen, a republic requires two things, popular opinion and leading personalities. If we make a closer examination of our German popular opinion, we shall find that it contains very little about ^is republic (namely that of the Imperial Regent previously mentioned).

T h e pop u lar sovereignty of flogging, serfdom and soccage services is, for H e rr B au m stark, genuine pop u lar sovereignty. An artless admission! _ , From genuine pop u lar sovereignty, Hv-rr B aum stark now goes on to consider false pop u lar sovereignties.
But there followed a different period, that of constitutional monarchy.

T hu s, H err Baum stark once m ore declares him self incompetent, and this tim e, in his place, it is popular opinion that is com p eten t to jud ge the republic. Popu lar opinion, th erefo re, has m o re knowl e d g e about the m atter than D eputy Baum stark. A t last, how ever, the speaker proves that there are also m atters about which h e has some know ledge , and first and forem ost am on g these is p op u lar sovereignty.
Gentlemen, history I have to return to rhis^proves that we have had popular sovereignty since <itne immemorial, but it has assumed different forms under different conditions.

This is then proved by a long constitutional to cut a long story short, he asserts th at, from 1811 to 1 8 4 7 , the people of Prussia called continuously for a Constitution, and never for a Republic (!). T h is is naturally followed by th e rem ark that the people has tu rn ed away in indignation from th e recen t republican insurrection in Southern G erm any. ,, , e ^ F rom this it follows quite naturally that the second kind of popular sovereignty (although it is no longer the genu in e one) is the constitutional sovereignty p ro p e r .
"This is the kind of popular sovereignty which divides political power betweeri the King and the people, it is divided popular sovereignty (let the poimcal philosophers, from Plkto down to Dahlmann, tell us what this ^pposed to mean) which the people must receive unimpaired and uncor^itionally (!-) but wuhout depriving the King of any of his constitutional power (what laws define this power in Prussia L e e the 19th March?). This point is quite clear (especially ,n Deputy Rciumstark-s mind); ^the concept has been determmed by the ^e ronstitutional system and no one can still entertain any doubts about it ^ when one reads Deputy Baumstarks speech that, unfortunately, doubts anse again).

TTien follows a series of extrem ely p en etratin g thoughts and bright ideas about Brandenburg-Prussian history and popular sovereignty causing the neighbouring journalist to fo rg e t all worldly sufferings in a fit of constitutional ecstasy and doctrin aire bliss.
When the Great Elector disregarded, and indeed (I) crushed (to crush somethmg is certainly the best way of disregarding it), the decaying elements of the Frederick William of Brandenburg. fd .

246

A rticles from th e Nev Rheinische Zeitung

T h e D ebate on Jacobys Motion

247

f ^ o f popular sovereignty, the democratic-repubHca kind, which 'S ^ P ^ s e d to rest on the s o o lle d broadest basis. What an unfortunM expression is broadest basisV' umuriunat

T h en H e rr B aum stark raises a w ord against this broadest basia^ This basis leads to th e dechne o f countries, to barbarism ! W e have n i Cato, who could give the republic a m oral foundation. Heri^ Baum stark then begins to blow M ontesquieus old horn of reoubK 1 can virtue a horn which has long been out of tu n e and full o l' dents and to blow it so loudly that the neighbouring journalist V in transp orts o f adm iration, chim es in likewise and, to th e astonishes m en t o f all E u ro p e, d em onstrates brilliantly that it is p reciselv l re p u b li^ n virtue ... which leads to constitutionalism ! M eani while, H e rr B aum stark changes his tune and also com es to con stitutionalism but through the absence of republican virtue T h e re a d e r can im agine the splendid effect of this duet w hen, a fte r a series o f the m ost h eart-rendingly discordant notes, the two voices finally unite to p ro d u ce the conciliatory ch ord of consti tutionalism. A fter a lengthy arg u m en t, H e rr B aum stark com es to the conclusion that the Ministers have actually m ade no real reserva tion at all, but m erely a slight reservation con cern in g the fu tu re ' and, m the end, he finds him self on the broadest basis, since h e , considers only a democratic and constitutional state to be G erm anys salvation. H e IS so overw helm ed by the p rosp ect of G erm anys ruture that he gives vent to his feelings by crying:
m onarcry! popular-constitutional, hereditary German

the profusion of p en etratin g thoughts and b n g h t ideas H the healthy feeling for tru e freed o m displayed by the speakers the m aioritv in this debate are fa r from m atching the depth and penetration of th e thoughts of the neighbouring journahst!
T ..a e e d ,

.Vritien

by

Engels

between

July

17

P r in te d

according to the newspaper

and 24. 1848 published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitvng^os. 48, 49. 53 and 55. July 18, 19, 03 and 25. 1848
Published in fu ll in English fo r the firs t tim e

He was indeed quite right when he s a i d - th i s u n fortu n ate broadest basis! Several speakers from both sides then take the floor but, after Deputy Baum stark, we dare not present them to o u r read ers. W e shall just m enuon D eputy Wachsmuths declaration that his principal tenet is the point m ade by the noble Stein: T h e will o f free men is the unshakeable support of every throne.
n ,stnke right to the core o f the m atter!" exclaims our enraptured neighbounng journalist^ -Nowhere does the will o f free men prosper more than In the shelter o f the unshakeable throne, and nowhere does the throne rest more securely than on the intelligent love o f free m enl ' >
Karl B riiggem ann . Ed.

248

T h e Suppression o f the Clubs in Stuttgart and H eidelberg

249

But now even this has com e to an end. T h e clubs are nrom patible with the preservation of o rd e r . In o rd e r that "confidence may be resto red it is urgently necessary to put an end T H E SU P P R ES S IO N O F T H E C L U B S IN S T U T T G A R T AND H E ID E L B E R G tn the subversive activities of th e clubs. . Yesterday we related that the Wurttemberg G overnm ent d ow nnght i,rohibited the D em ocratic District Association in Stuttgart by a royal ordinance.* O ne does not even b oth er any longer haul th e leaders nf the clubs before a co u rt but instead falls back upon the old oolice m easures. Y es, the gentlem en Harppreckt, I^ v em oy and Ifaucler who countersigned this ord in an ce go even fu rth er: they nrescribe extra-legal penahies fo r the violators of this prohibition, penalties of u p to one-year im prisonm ent. T h ey devise penal laws, without the C ham bers approval, and exceptional penal laws at that, merely on the strength of P arag rap h 89 of th e Constitution . It is n o better in Baden. T o d ay we re p o rt the prohibition ot the D em ocratic Student U nion in H eidelberg. T h e re , generally, the right of association is not so openly contested excep t in the case ot the students, on the strength of the old, long abolished special laws o the Fed eral Diet,'" th e students are threaten ed by th e penalties prescribed by these invalid laws. W e shall now probably have to exp ect the suppression of o u r W e have a N ational Assembly in Fran k fu rt so that th e g o v ern ments may take such m easures in com plete safety w ithout m c u m n g the w rath of public opinion. T h is Assembly wii!, of cou rse, pass oyer these police m easures to th e agenda just as lightly as over the revolution in M ainz.' .u a Kut T h u s it is not in o rd e r to achieve anythm g m th e Assembly but merely in o rd e r to fo rce th e m ajority of th e A s s e m b l y , to proclaim once asain before all G erm any its alliance with reaction that we call upon the deputies of th e ex tre m e L eft in Fran k fu rt to p r o p o ^ : T h a t the originators of these m easures, particularly H err H arp p rech t, H e rr D uvernoy, H e rr M a u d e r and H e rr M a th ^ im p Z h ^ d for violating the fundam ental rights o f th e G erm an people. B u t there was o ne thing left to you, upright G erm an, the d u b s' You were able to attend the clubs and to complain to the public about the pohtical swindles o f the last few months. You could p ou r out your heavy heart to like-minded fellow citizens and find consolation m the words o f like-m inded, equally oppressed patriots'
Heinrich Heine, An Georg Herwegh. In Zeitgedichte. -E d Ibid. Ed.
W roclaw. Ed.

Cologne, July 19.

My Germany got drunk with toasts, You, you believed them all. And every black-red-golden tassel As well as each pipe-bowil

A nd that, upright G erm an , has indeed been you r fate once again. You believe you have m ade a revolution? D eception! You believe that you have overcom e the police state? D eception! You believe that you possess freedom o f association, freed om of the press, the arm ing of th e people and o th e r beautiful slogans which were bandied about on the M arch barricades? D eception, nothing but deception!
Bur when the blissful glow wore off, Reloved friend, you stood bewildered.*^

Bew ildered about you r indirecdy chosen, so-called National Assemblies, bewildered about th e renew ed expulsions o f G erm an citizens from G erm an cities, bewildered about the tyranny o f the S. M h "" A ach en, M annheim , Ulm, and Prague,

Written by Engels on July 19, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 50, July 20, 1848

Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first dme

^ Stuttgart, 15. Juli, N .u . Rheinische Zeitung 49 July ^ Heidelberg, 17. Juli, Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 50. July 20, 1848. See this volume, pp. 17-19. d.

. .

250

T h e Prussian Press Bill

251

U'C find it p ro h ib ite d -o n pain of im prisonm ent fro m three ihs to th ree vears to m ake a ch arge agam st anybody which m ake him punishable by law o r m erely expose him to public T H E PR U SSIA N PRESS BILL^ ; : i m p f . w e find It P

ed

V in c e s share in the advantages of Rhenish legislation! ' nraeraDh 10 of th e Bill tops all th ese regu lation s: in th e case of cJu m ifv d irected at state officials in resp ect to th e exercise of th eir f?ch l duties the ord in ary pu n ish m en t may b e increased by half

.k .

Cologne, July 19. W e had thought that today we m ight be able to am use o u r readers once again with the agreem en t debates, in particular to present to them the brilliant speech of Deputy Baumstark, but events prevent us from doing so. C harity begins at hom e. W hen the existence of the press is th reaten ed , even Deputy Baum stark is abandoned. H e rr H ansem ann has submitted to the A greem en t Assembly a provisional press law. T h e paternal solicitude o f H e rr H ansem ann to r th e press calls for im m ediate consideration. fo rm er times the Code Napoleon was beautified by the most e d if^ n g headings o f the Prussian Law. Now, after the revolution this has been changed ; now, the Prussian Law is enriched by the m ost frag ran t blossoms of the C ode and the Septem ber Laws Duchatel, o f cou rse, is n o Bodelschwingh. several days ago given the main points of the press Bill. N o sooner had a defam ation trial given us the chance to prove that Articles 3 6 7 and 3 6 8 of the Code penal stand in starkest contradiction to freed om o f th e press,' than H e rr H ansem ann proposes not only to exten d them to the entire kingdom 'but also to make them th ree times worse. W e rediscover in the new d raft all that has already becom e d ear and valued to us by practical exp erien ce:

T auon

H e rr

hT h

tran sform ed this article into the th re 'x e rcise to

above-m entioned P arag rap h 10. In the !:, T h \ T /lu T e ^ '."s e c o '^

tli" t y w M L ' B t b L ^ o m e l l l ^ V u s s i a n officials may ^clax If H e rr Pfuel brands Polish hands and ears with l u n a r caustic

ir e n th ou gh it IS know n th at they are n ot th e righ t ones and th e pre inoug fart fou r and a half m onths to fo u r and a halt v e rr rim p ris o n m e n t! If Landrdte tu rn themselves into commis w . r T r reaction an d ' collectors of signatures to r royal.s a l f e s s e s and the press unm asks these g e n tle m e n -f o u r and a half months to four and a half y e a r s im prisonm ent! From the dav when this Bill becom es law, officials, may witn impunity carry out any arbitrary act, any act T h ey may calmly adm inister beatm gs o r o rd e r ^hem, a y e s t a detain ^ On^^^^ w h r/th is^ B iU becom es has been ren d ered ineffective. On the day wnen i becom e law. the b u reaucracy may celebrate a festival: m ightier, less restrained and stron ger than it was m the pre M arc ^ ' i T d t d what rem ains of freedom of the press if t o w h i c h public contem pt can no longer be held up to pubhc con tem p .

v o I u m r p p ^ 2 4 2 -^ 7 V - S '^ ^ 1848

24, 1848 (this

(Pressgesetz), \'eue Rheini.sche Zeitung No. 4'T. July 17, See this volume, pp. 209-10. Ed.

252

253
Articles from th f S'eue Rheinischp. Zeitiing

A ccording to th e laws hitherto in force the press could at least adduce facts to back up its general assertions and accusations This W.II now com e to an end. T h e press will n o lon ger report, it will be n in n ll f SO that well-meaning p ople from H e rr H ansem ann down all the way to the b eer-p arlo u f p oh tican s wni have the n g h t to say that the press is m erely reviling and IS not frovm g anythm g! Precisely for this reason the press if being prohibited from offering proofs' W e recom m en d, by the way, that H err H ansem ann make the followmg addition to his w ell-m eaning d raft. H e should also declare It punishable to expose the officials to public ridicule besides Otherwise b e painfully regretted . This omission might

T H E F A E D R E L A N D O N T H E A R M IS T IC E W IT H D EN M A R K *

o rT h e *r!< T T p aragrap hs dealing with obscenity r th e regulations con cerning confiscations etc. T h ey surpass the m m e o f the press legislation of Louis Philippe and the Restoration u n d er Paragrap h 21 the ^ q u est the confiscation not only of materials already printed but even of a manu.cr.pt which has o n ly just been handed over fo r p n n tm g ,, { its contents con d on e a crim e o r offence that liable to official prosecution! W hat a wide field of activity fo r phi lanthropic p rosecutors! W hat a ch arm in g diversion to be able to go at any um e to new spaper offices and dem and to be shown for orfn'rinT ^ o ffeL e! m anuscript which has just been handed over for " ndoned a crim e
P ur

C olo^e, July 2 0 . In o rd e r that the fatherland m ay see fo r itself that the so-called revolution with its N ational Assembly, Im perial R egent etc. accom plished nothing m o re than a thorough^revival of the fam ous Holy R om an E m p ire of th e G erm an nation, . following article fro m the Danish Faedreland It is to be hop ed that the article will suffice to prove to even the m ost trusting friends of the established o rd e r that forty million G erm ans have once again been duped by two million Danes with the assistance of English mediation and Russian threats just as hapi3ened all the tim e u n d er the constant au gm enters of th e E m p ire . T h e Faedreland, M inister O rla L eh m an n s own new spaper, speaks about the arm istice as follows";
If one looks at the armistice solely from the vantage point of our own hojKs and w iXes one canno., of co u e , be sa,i,fied with it; ,f Government had the choice between this arm.si.ce and f Germans from Schleswig with Swedish and Norwegian aid, Denmark's rieht to settle the affairs of this duchy m conjunction with us in h a b ita n t^ tL n . indeed, one would have to admit that the irresDonsibly by agreeing to the armistice. This choice, however, to assume that both England and Russia, the two great powers which have the most d ir: interest in tL s controversy and its settlement, demanded the ^ an armistice as a condition for their fu tu *y*nP"'hy T / Z at a oeaWfu" Swedish Norweffian Government has likewise demanded that an attempt at a peaceful arrangement be made before it decides to render any effecuve aid such aid only with the delimitation set out at the very beginning, must not serve a reconquest of Schleswig but merely the defence of Jutland and the * Archduke John of Austria. Ed. Part of the title of the Holy Roman Emperors. d. No. 179 of July 13, 1848. d.

seems the solemn p aragrap h o f the N atioiV 5 Fundam ental Rights of the G erm an N ation which read s: T/ie censorship can never again he restored
Written by Marx on July 19, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 50. July 20, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

254

Articles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

T h e Faedreland on th e Armistir.c with Denmark

255

islands. Thus the alternative was as follows: on the one hand the train nf to await the course of events abroad o fa re s p ite s o j^ organisation at home; on the other hand the political and m ilita ^ against superiorstrength; even if ourarm y which is h ^ a ^ a s"-ro ^ rT h were to have launched an assault uoon the advanr. ^ would have been as good as i m i l o l s E n 7> , I * positions of the enemy, i g
led ,0 , h . o c c u p , d S T , r e e T r f p n s u k 'b ! the Swedish-Norwegian fo rce , a V ,

provisional G overnm ent are annulled and the sta tu s q u o a n t e M arch j 7 is restored .
Thus we have examined the most essential conditions of the armistice from a J h ^ i n t of v i L . Now, for a change, let us try to take the German pomt of view. ^ All A at Germany is demanding is the release of the ships and the hftmg of the
block ad e.

cZh^,

' J ''''

* ,1 S 1 ? " ^

^ u g h ,. . e l e . victories and at worst held L T t pr'"o: ; , : ,

defence forces and a humiliating peace."

' tfif exhaustion of all our

.y

a r . y w h .h up to o

s u ffe re d o d e f e

,s strong enough to maintain its positions agamst an army twice as strong t^ n d lr whtch was solemnly announced the Federal Diet and confirmed hy the National Assembly s admission o f the

I,V

'^ T S r d i r * ' ^ S ^ ' G . . , which it recognised a , legitimate and with "* 'TourtUy'*e'scW eiiig-HoIstin fiarty, whose demands, which were supported by , . c w h o r o V c e r m a n y , have not l e n ratified hut referred to the dec.s.on of " " 'w t h T t h r A u g u s t e n b u r g pretenders," to whom the King of Prussia had personally pledged his support but who are not mentioned at all m the armistice, uhn have been assured of neither amnesty nor asylum, . , ua Finallv the cosU caused by the war, which are borne m part by " pan by the Confederation, but which will be refunded insofar as they were borne by Denmark return of the seiztd sh^pt'howev^^^ m ay 'p " haps h ale^ '" certain individuals. It must be r e m e m b e L t rather a means o f coercion to deter the f ^apture of German ships was by no mean.s the purpo.se of enrichine ourselv^-t frontier, and had property; moreover, the value o f these ships is not n foreign private to believe. I f these ships wore to c o m e ^ u X rhe ^ stagnation both in our own and in Fnir*r^^^ ^ j hammer during the present most fetch i'/, million, i.e. the cost n f t h f ! generally, they would at the very these ship.s we obtain the evacuation of bot^ ^ h d u ch ierb r^ h compensation for the eoods rent;,sJti-.^ : t .. j ^ Germans as well as have used has fulfilled its purpose and its J means of coercion we to us that the evacuation o f three countip<: h h halted is quite in order. It .seems evicting by our owTsr4th3^^^^^^^^^^ might have derived from the sale of the seized ships*" that the state seems to us that our overwhelmingly strong enemies have much more to find with in this armistice than we, the small, despised nation.

fauk

Schleswig has had the Cicrinan. It is quite in o rd e r that it should be left in the T o m o rrow we shall carry

incom prehensible desire to that it should be punished for that and lurch by G erm any. ^ the te x t of the armistice.
Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first

Written by Engels on July 20, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinvicke Zeitung No. 5 ! , July 21, 1848

i = = f i = 'i S ! S = SS= H H |S
5 3 1
en tire m s u rre c .o n ,s expressly disavowed, all dec.sions o f the
^ Duke Christian August and Prince Frederick of Schleswig-Holstein--Erf. See this volume, pp. 266-69. Ed. T he Danish names are Fyn and Als.- -A V i

256

T h e Civic Militia Bill

257

.h o u ld m oreover arouse th e royal displeasure, a

"suspend it from service fo r fo u r weeks (P aragrap f, 4).^ If it royal d ecree may

T H E C IV IC M IL IT IA B IL L

[N e iie R h ein isch e Z e ilu n g N o . 5J, July 21, 1848]

Cologne, July 2 0 . The civic militia is disbanded, that is the chief paragraph of th e Bill on the establishm ent of a civic militia even through this p aragrap h appears at the very end o f it as P araerao h 121, m the m odest fo rm : ^
By the establishm ent o f the civic m ilitia u n d e r this law, a ll arm ed units w h ich at present e ith e r b e lo n g to o r exist side by side w ith th e civic m ilitia , are h e re w ith disbanded.

order its suspension'^ for six m onths , o r even disbandm ent , h ereupon it shall be re-form ed only after six m onths have passed / P a r a g r a p h 3). T h u s there shall exist a civic mihtia in e v e ^ com m unity of th e kingdom " (Pacagraph 2), that is insofar as the Reeierungsprdsident o r th e King does not find it necessary to o rd e r the exfct opposite in every com m unity. W h ereas m atters o f staU are not within The co m p eten ce of th e civic militia, the civic inihtia, on the contrary, is "within the com p etence of th e M inister i e the Police Minister who is its natural su p erior and who by the nature of his function is th e faithful E ck art of constitutional freed om (P aragrap h 5). In so far as th e civic mihtia is not ord ered by the Regierungsprdsident and th e o th er officials P rotect constitu tional freed o m , i.e. to ca rry out the jud gm en t of th e authorities, i.e. to be co m m an d eered fo r its specific life s work is to im plem ent a set of service regulations designed l y a royal colonel. This set of service regulations is its M agna C arta* = for whose protection and execution it was, so to speak, created . L on g live th e service regulaiionsl Finally, en rolm en t m the occasion to m ake every Prussian after com pletion of his 2 4 h and before th e com pletion of his 5 0 th year of life swear the followmg oath'.
1 swear loyalty and obedience to th e K in g , the C o n s titu tio n and the laws o f the kin g d o m .

T h e disbandm ent of th e units which do not belong directly to the CIVIC militia has started without m uch ado. T h e disbandm ent of the CIVIC militia itself can only be brough t about u n d er th e p retext of reorganising it. Legislative p ropriety necessitated the inclusion of th e conventional constitutional phrase in Paragrap h 1:
o r d e r ' o f the civic m ilitia ro protect constitutional freedom and la w fu l

In o rd e r to live u p to the nature of this function", how ever, tfie civic militia may neither think n o r speak of public affairs n o r consult or decide about them (Paragrap h I), neither assemble n or arm (Paragrap h 6), n o r show any sign of life excep t by permission of the ^ p e n o r authorities. It is not that the civic militia p ro tects the Constitution from the authorities but rath er th e authorities protect the Constitution from th e civic militia. T h u s th e civic militia has to obey blindly the dem ands o f th e authorities (Paragrap h 4) and to abstain from all in terferen ce in the activities o f com m unal adm inistrative o r judicial authorities , and must also abstain from all argum ents. If it refuses to obey passively, the Regierungsprdsident

T h e p oo r Constitution! How cram p ed , bashful, civilly m odest and with what submissive attitude it stands betw een the K .ng and th e law^ First th ere is th e royalist oath , th e oath of the d ear faithful ones, then the constitutional oath and finailf an oath which does nm make any sense at all unless it be a legitimist one i n d i c a t i n g that besides th e la derived from the C onstitution th ere are still o th er laws which originate from royal authority. A nd now th e good ^".^tizen be ongs from head to foot to th e com p eten ce of th e Ministry In ^ n o r^ o rth received weapons and uniform on

condition that he first of all relinquish his prim ary pohtical rights, the right of association, etc. H e fulfils his task to p ro tect constitu tional freed o m , according to th e n atu re of the function , by blindly carryin g out the o rd ers of the authonties, by exchanging usual civil liberty which was tolerated even u n d er the absolute m onarchy for the passive, autom atic and disinterested obedience of the soldier. A fine school, as H e rr Schneider said in the A greem en t

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T h e Civic M ilitia Bill

259

Assembly to b n n g up the republicans of the future! W hat ha.= become of o u r cHzen? A hybrid between a Prussian policeman an Enghsh constable! Y et for all his losses he is con soled by ,h e " e t ^ f servue regula ,ons and th e knowledge that he is obeying o r d e r , / S r than t L r to n dissolve h " ? ' " rather the arm y in the nation^ truTyL ? r ^ " d e . ^ he arm^ y

It would be easier to recognise the G reeks in the shape of the animals into which C irce tran sform ed them than to recognise the Constitutional institutions in the fantastic im ages into which they have been tran sfigu red by Pnissianism and its Government of Action, T h e Prussian reorganisation of Poland is followed by the Prussian reorganisation of the civic militial

phrase, into Prussian facts .s a

[Neue Rhtiniscke Zeitung No. 52, July 22, 1848]

If Prussianism condescends to becom e constitutional m n stitutionahsm ougiit surely to take th e trouble to becom e Priissian' fK ong that the most solemn promises were not fulfilled Soon they will have only one fear, the fear o f seeing the fulfilment of these solemn prom ises! The nation is punished par ou il a peche^ You have ^ Publ r p"r punished by freedom of th e censorship w ithout censors, censorship by the

^na L of "h r ' f by a law that discovers in the ature of the function of the press that it m ust be con cern ed with everything excep t the authorities, the infallible authorities the censorship of prison sentences and fines. As th e h a rt panteth after w ater brooks, so you are to pant a fter th e good old m u c r "'u ch -m isu n d erstoo d cen sor, the last o f the Rom ans u n d er whose ascetic providence you led such a com fortable and safe You dem anded a peoples militia} You will aef ^ r.f r e g u l a t ^ Y o u will be put at the disposal of t L a u t h l u L s 'v o u eyes w L S Passive obedience until your

Colosne Tuly 2 1 . W e have seen that the general stipuladons of the civic militia Bill am ou nt to th e following: the civic mihtia has ceased to exist. W e shall touch very briefly upon yet some oth er sections of the Bill to distil from them the spirit of the G overnm ent ot A ction , and h ere, too, we have to be selective in handling the raw materials of the pseudonym ous institute. A g reat num ber ot paragraphs presuppose new com m unity and district regulations a new adm inistrative division of the m onarchy etc all con d u ct th eir hidden lives, as is well known, m the se c^ t-p re g n a n t womb of the G overnm ent of Action. W hy then has the of Action issued th e Bill on the reorganisatiori of th e civic mihtia before the prom ised Bills on the com m unity and district regulations In Section III we find two service lists: the list of the respectable people serving in the civic militia and the list of citizens who are Supported from public funds (P aragrap h 14 [and Paragrap h 16]). T h e host of officials, of cou rse, is not included am ong the people who are supported from public funds. It is generally known t h ^ in Prussia these officials constitute th e productive class p ro p er. Ih e poor, how ever, like the slaves in ancient R om e ^ r e ^ called up u n d e r extraord in ary circum stances . lo ^ e c t civil d ep en den ce th e p oo r are as n ? -H h e v constitutional freed o m as the laztarom in Naples, do they deserve to occupy a subordinate position m this new institute ot ^ X ^ a rt'"fro m "th e ' p oo r, we find a far m ore im p ortan t distinction between the solvent and insolvent people on the active list of the militia. B ut first an oth er observation. U n d er P aragrap h 5 3 :
Throughout the country, the civic militia must wear the same simple uniform prescribed by the King. T h e uniform must not be of such a kmd that it gives occasion for confusion with the army.

" I * " Still m ore constitutional dem ands! Still

. . f a e . constitutional

m ore

eve y d t m r n d ^ * freedom"^.' of t h % l n ' ^ ; o r t L n S r " "

A ction. W e have an act lo r constitutional -P

See this volume, pp. 233-;^5.__ Ed Ry its sins. Ed.

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A rticles from th e Neue Rlieinische Zeitung

T h e Civic Militia Bill

261

O f cou rse! T h e cloth in g must be o f such a kind that the armv distinct from th e civic militia and th e civic militia from th e peon k and that no confusion can o ccu r on such occasions as hand-to-han! com bat, shooting and sim ilar w ar m anoeuvres. T h e service uniform s as such IS, how ever, as indispensable as the service list and th e servk^i regulations. It is precisely the servue uniform which is the livery freed om . T his livery causes a significant rise in th e cost of equipping' a civic m ihtiaman and th e increased cost of this equipm ent gives the welcome excuse fo r creatin g an infinite abyss between bourfeois a n i proletarian m em bers of the civic militia. Listen to this;
Paragraph 57: "Every member of the civic militia must pay out o f his own Pocket for uniform (,n case one .s rcqofred). service badges and w eapons/rhe c ^ m u n U v however, is o b lig ^ to provide these items at its expense in the quantities required for paragraph 59: T h e community retains the right of possession of the items of ^ m p m en t that it has supplied and it can keep these in special stores when not in service

., Ha lust as this proletariat, that is th e largest part of the tation have uniform s and weapons only on loan, so they have populat.on existence as icfm e n is only on loan and f-eati possidentes. blessed are the *^oner^ed' k e m oral uneasiness with which ^ borrowed garb P S o d s an individual, particularly in the case of soldiers w here the r J r o w e d uniform flits successively from o ne body to an oth er, this oral uneasiness is, of cou rse, the first requisite fo r R om ans called S ^ ^ o p ro tect constitutional fre e d o m ". By con trast, however^wil n o " the proud self-esteem of th e solvent civic militia grow , and what A nd'even t h ^ ^ i p u l a t i o n s , which ren d er th e righ t to b ear arm s llusorv fo r the g r e L r p a rt of the population, are encased m still m L e novel and m o re restrictive stipulations, m the " rest of the p ropertied section of th e population, the privileged cap F o r th e com m unity needs to have in stock m erely enough items of e n u S m e m required by that p a rt of th e insolvent servicem en who are L active service . U n d e r P arag rap h 15, the conditions for "active service are as follows:

Para^^rTnh W T iT '

T hu s all those who can n ot equip them selves militarily from top to toe and that is the g re a t m ajority o f the Prussian population, the entire w orking class and a large p art of the middle class, are all ^gally disarmed excep t d uring the period of service , w hereas the bourgeois section of th e civic militia rem ains at all tim es in possession of Its weapons and uniform s. Since in the guise o f th e com m u n ity the sam e b o u rg ^ is ie can keep in special stores the item s of equipm ent that it has supplied , it is not only in possession of its oa;n weapons but in addition, is in possession o f th e w eapons o f the proletariat of th e civic mihtia. and it can and ^xviir refuse to hand out these w eapons even fo r S erv ice use" if political collisions o ccu r which are n ot to its liking. T h u s the political privilege o f capital has been restored in its most inconspicuous but most effective and decisive fo rm . Capital has the privilege o f possessing arm s as opposed to those who own little, just as medieval feudal barons over against their serfs. In o rd e r that this privilege should o p erate in its full exclusiveness i'arag rap h 5 6 states that
m the countryside and in towns of less than .5,000 inhabitants it suffices to arm b Z'' swords, and with this kind o f armament only a service badge to be determined by the colonel need be worn in place o f a uniform".

the right to limit

h e r r to

d o w n

rosteHn such a way that

^ a lT u p ^ th T ^ m e ^ e t contained in each group.

.he available number of civic m.Mamen

And now one should try to calculate for what tiny fraction of the proletariat of th e civic militia and th e total population these items of < = niiinm ent are really provided by the com m unity. r . > Tn v sterdays article we observed how the Government o A m m is reorganising the constitutional institution of th e civic mihtia along the Hnes of the old-Prussian. bureau cratic state. Only today we see t at t h r h e i g h t of its mission and observe how it is form ing this institution of th e civic militia along the lines of the J u l y revolution and Louis Philippe and in the spirit of th e epoch which crown capital and pays hom age
With drums and trumpets T o its youthful splendour.^
^ ^ t i e d q u o ta tio n fro m H e in ric h H e in e ', poen, B erg -Id y lle . In D

In all towns of more than 5 ,0 0 0 inhabitants th e uniform must enlarge the property qualification, which alone enables a m an to b ear arm s, and with it increase the num bers o f the proletariat in the civic

UnrzTeUie. Ed.

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T h e Civic Militia Bill

263

Hansem ann-Kuhlwetter-M ilde Governm ent A t h " p L n "m e' t'? " "

T h u s th e "d ire c t elections, too, are only so-called d irect elections.

passa,^ 'Two. JndiTect elections.

Paragraph 48. T h e battalions m ajor is elected with an absolute majority of , , J s by^he captain., platoon leaders and corporals of the respective compan.es.

SstFTfSrF'?
contradictory task, it sees that the rule o f Z b o u r g " o ls i e whfch h

Passage Three. Combination of indirect elections with royal appointment.

Paraeraph 49 T h e colonel is appointed by the K ing from a list of three .andidaS^s elected by the leaders of the respective battalions down to and includmg ,hc platoon leaders.

Passage Four. Combination oj indirect electixms with appointment by the commanders.

Paragraph 50. T h e respective commanders will appoint adjutants the plafodn leaders, battalion clerks from among the corporals and battahon drum-majors from among the drummers.

Passage Five. Direct appointment by bureaucratic means.

U 'SO T h e sereeant and the clerk of a company are appointed by the .apLTn ie ^ e rg e a n t-m a jo r and the clerk of a squadron by a cavalry captain and the coi'poral by the platoon leader.

tA^ Rheinische Zeitung No. 54, July 24, 1848]

T h u s if these electoral m ethods begin with adulterated direct elections, they end with th e u n ad ulterated cessation of ail elections namely with th e discretion of th e captam s, cavalry captains and platoon leaders. F in i. coronat opus. This labyrinth has its ap ex, its 'T h e c r y s t a ls - r a n g in g fro m th e e ffu lg e n t colonel p th e in sign ifi can t c o r p o r a l w hich a re p recip itated in this com p licated chem ical process, settle fo r six years.
Paragraph 51. "Elections and appointment, of leaders are made for i t . years.

wirh**th^p

7 ^ ^ Section of th e civic militia Bill which deals

of the labyrinth.
derted hy the J v k l ! - Kt ! amJ o'^ raptai ns, arc

It is h a rd to u n d erstan d why after such p recautionary m easures the G overnm ent of A ction needed to com m it an oth er gaffe by shouting in th e face of the civic militia, in the ' gen eral r e g u la ti^ s . You are to be tran sfo rm ed from a poUhcal m to a purely police institution and you are to b e reorganised as a nursery fo r old-Pmssian drill. W hy take away the illusion? , . , T h e royal ap pointm ent is so like a canonisation that m the section on Citric Militia Courts" we find n o co u rts fo r ^ colon^ls for ranks up to major. How could a royal colonel possibly com m it a "^"in^contrast, the m ere existence as a militiaman is to such an extent a profanation of th e citizen, that a w ord from his su p erior officers, a
The end crowns the work. Ed.

Side passage. T h e civic militiamen on active service constitute Pa a / r a o T P aragrap h 15 - ' le-bodied p e r L n r e l. C om pa e and o u r article o f the day before yesterday.

T h e N ,w RHeiniscI,, Zei.un^ ha. Paragraph 2.5" . evidently a i , p r i , . - i U

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A rticles from th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung

T h e Civic M ilitia Bill

265

word from the infallible royal colonel, o r even from the first chan that com es along who has been appointed sergean t by the captain or co rp o ra] by the platoon leader, is enough to rob the militiaman of his personal freedom fo r 2 4 hours and to have him arrested .
Paragraph 81. "Every superior may reprimand his subordinate while on service- h * arrest and imprisonment fo r 24 hours if the subordinate i ! guilty of drunkenness while on duty or some other gross violation of service regulations.

ap ocryp h al

rrv oh al district rep resentation , give rise to a new specimen ais p paragrap h 82 and the subsequent

^p:;agraphs)^ It goes

T h e su p erior, of co u rse, decides what constitutes some other gross vK^ation of service regulations and th e subordinate h^s to obey ord ers T h u s if the citizen at the very beginning of the Bill m atures tow ards th e ^ n atu re o f his fu n ction , the protection of constitution al freed om , by ceasing to be what accordin g to Aristotle is the function of m an a zoon pohttkon", a political anim al ^ h e only f ^7 su rrend erin g his freed om as a citizen to the discretion of a colonel o r a co rp o ral. T h e "Government o f A ction" seems to subscribe to some peculiar oriental-niystical notions, to a so rt of Moloch cult. T o p ro tect the co n stitution ^ freed o m of Regierungsprasidenten, burgom asters o f f id a l s " o f " ;h e T ' law P ^ se c u tio n , presidents o r directors of ^ w -cou rts exam m m g m agistrates, justices o f the peace, village m ayors, M misters, clergym en, military personnel on active service fron tier, custom s tax, forestry and postal officials, s u p e r i n t e n d o fftrrT T f ^ institutions, the executive security officers and o f the people u n d er 2 5 and o v er 5 0 years o f a g e all of them persons w ho accord in g to P arag rap hs 9, 10, and 11 do not W o n g to the CIVIC m i l i t i a - t o p ro tect the constitutional fre e d o m o f this eh te o f th e n atio n , th e rest o f th e n atio n m ust let its con stitu tio n al free d o m and even p erson al free d o m d ie a bloody n aurais pas tnvente celal Pends-toi.Figaro!
t

m en tio n ed , is exempt fro m any cou rt. T h e adm irable Bill ends with the following p arag rap h .

are r e e d .o r the law army.

.he o r g a i..io of the . ,

In o th er w ords: the old army reserve continue to exist side by side m th

because o f this Bill an d th e p ro jecte d arm istice with D en m ark .

Written on July 20-23, 1848 First published in the N ew Rheinische Zeitun^Nos. 51. 52 and 5 4 Ju V 21. 22 and 24. 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

It is hardly necessary to m ention that the section dealing with peimlties has been worked out with voluptuous thoroughness T h e entire institution, m accordance with th e n atu re o f its fu n ction is of cou rse, to be purely a penalty for the desire o f the praisew orthy itizenry to have a Constitution and a civic militia. W e m erely observe that m addition to the legally determ ined crim inal cases, the service regulations, th e M agna C arta of the civic militia, devised by the royal consultation with the m ajor and with the permission of th e
^ Aristotle, Politica, I, I, 9. d. from S a u m a r c W i f M T om Beaumarchais L a folle pum Se, ou le m anage de Figaro, Act quota,i. S cen e 8 . ) - Fd.

266

T h e A rm istice with Denm ark

267

T H E A R M IS T IC E W IT H D E N M A R K '

vanquish only Alsen.^ F u rth e rm o re , m the event of the am iistice ' intr called off, the Danes are to advance to th e positions they held ' . l i n e 2 4 , in oth er w ords they are to occupy a six lo seven miles ide stretch of N orth Schleswig without fin hg a shot a stretch from hich they were driven o u t-w h e r e a s th e G erm ans are allowed ' advance only to Apenrade* and its environs. T h u s the h on o u r of G erm an arm s I p reserved and N orth Schleswig d b ecau ^ was deluged with troop s fo u r times, is prom ised a possible fifth and ''" " B u t^ h a rrn o t ail. A part of Schleswig is to be occupied by Danish . oops even d u rin g th e arm istice. U n d er Clause 8, Schleswig is to be ircupied by regim ents recruited in the duchy, i.e. partly by soWiers ^rom Schleswig who took part in the m ovem ent and ^y soldiers who at that lime w ere stationed m D enm ark and fought .he ranks of th e Danish arm y against .the Provisional ' They are com m an d ed by Danish officers and are in every respect Danish troop s. T h a t is how the Danish papers, too. size u p the
'iitu ation.

Co/og:n July 2 1 . As o u r readers know, we have always resard ed the Danish war with g reat equanimity. W e have joined n eith efin the ^ a rln n^'ionalists, n o r in the will-worn tune o ? t t sham enthusiasm fo r sea-girt Schleswig-Holstein.' W e knew ou r E v e ^ lsT >^hat it m eans to rely on G erm any. Events have fully borne out o u r views. T h e unim peded c a p t L e of to Tm hnd f he cou n try and the m arch to Ju tlan d , the retreat to th e Schlei. the rep eated cap tu re o f the duchy up to K on igsau > '-th is utterly incom prehensibfe con d u ct of the w ar from first to last has shown the Schleswigers what sort of protection they can exp ect from th e revolutionary, g reat strong united etc. G erm any, from the supposedly sovereign L L n oi forty-five million. H ow ever, in o rd e r that they lose all desire to S ^ rX le to T e "' ' r - P P - - i n f i n i t e l y m ore G e r^ rn n ln i" nam e o f the nrim ? ^ f n e g o t i a t e d the arm istice of which we print today a w ord-for-w ord translation. tw arm?es the custom , when signing an armistice, for the o arm ies to maintain their positions, o r at most a narrow neutral Tesuk'^of t h T " ^ " * arm istice, the first esuk of the prowess of Prussian arm s , the victorious Prussians Z L e a 7 th T ? e f .T 'n Lau en bu rg, h ereas the defeated Danes maintain their positions at Kolding and

T h e Faedreland o f July 13 writes:

T h e presence in the duchy of troops from Schleswig will

misfortunes.

On top of that we have th e m ovem ent in Schleswig-Holstein. T h e Danes call it a riol, and the Prussians (r^ l it a, a riot. Provis.OT^^^ G overnm ent, which has been recognised by Prussia and th e G erm an C onfederation, is mercilessly sacrificed; all laws, j;' alier Schleswig becam e independent, are abrogated ^ *c' hand, the repealed Danish laws have again com e into the reply con cern in g Wildenbruch's fam ous N ote, a reply h ich He A u e r s L ld refused to give,' can be found h ere m Clause 7 of the proposed arm istice. Everything that was revolutionary m the Inovement is ruthlessly destroyed, and the G overnm ent created b> the revolution is to be replaced by a legitim ate adm inistration nom inated by th ree legitim ate m onarctis. T h e Schleswig are again to be commanded by Danes and tlnashed b) Danes. the ships of Holstein and Schleswig are to rem ain Dansk-F.iendom as before despite the latest o rd e r of th e Provisional G overnm ent.
The Danish name is Als. Ed. ^ T he Danish name is Aabenraa. See this volume, p. 191- Danish property. Ed.

F r i e d f X c h S ! ; ? n 7 '^ S
The Danish namo is Kongeaa.__ Ed.

Ed.

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T h e Arm istice with D enm ark

269

T h e new G overnm ent which they intend to set up puts th. finishing touch to all this. T h e Faedreland^ declares:
Though in the limited electoral district from which the Danish-eferr

^alf. T h a t is the result of all th e boasting by ou r national papers, ou r lu fs^ d ^ h a ^ L ^ r^ m istic ^ will not be concluded. G eneral W rangel n fouraged by Beseler, has definitely refused to sign it. despite 'pneated requests by C ount Pourtales, who b rough t him Auerswald s rd er to sign it. and despite n u m erous rem inders that it was his duty ! a Prussian general to do so. W rangel stated that he is above aU hordinated to the G erm an C entral A uthority, and the latter wil not app rove o f th e arm istice unless the arm ies m a m W i n ^ e i r positions and th e Provisional G overnm ent rem ains in office unti *'^ThVs\hep tl a n p roject will probably n o t be carried out but it is ,e T e r"h d e ss interesting L a dem onstration of how Prussia, when she takes over th e reins, defends G erm anys h on o u r and interests.
Written by Engels on July 21, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 52, July 22, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

prevents us gm ng them secretaries and assistants born and residing in other parts o f ^ i courit^. In selecting these secretaries and administrative advisers one can be L id eH ^

consider such a post an honour under the present circumstances

This semi-official p ap er thus prom ises th e duchies that they will be swamped not only with Danish troops but also with Danish civil servants. A partly Danish G overnm ent will take up its residence in C o n ld e r f tio n . recognised territory o f th e G erm an

ThT^X^n? ^h ich th e arm istice brings Schleswig. Th^e advantages fo r G erm any are just as g reat. T h e admission o f ^ h lesw ig to th e G erm an C onfederation is not m entioned at all On the co m rary th e decision o f the C onfed eration h flatly repudiatedhy the com position of th e new G overnm ent. T h e G erm an C on fed era tion chooses the m em bers for H olstein, and the King of D enm ark chooses those fo r Schkstvig. Schleswig is th erefo re u n d er Danish and not G erm an, jurisdiction. G erm any would have ren d ered a real service in this Danish w ar if f r7 to the Sound ta x , a form o f old feudal robbery. ' T h e G erm an seaports, h ard hit by the blockade and the seizure o f their ships, would have willingly b orn e th e burden even longer if it led to the abolition o f th e Sound ta x T h e governm ents also m ade it known everyw here that th e abolition of S a stfu ll^ 'e?? % about. A n d what cam e o f all this boastfulness. Britain and Russia want the tax kept, and o f cou rse G erm any obediently acquiesces. It goes without saying that in exch an ge fo r the retu rn of the ships, e goods requisitioned m Ju tlan d have to be refu n d ed , on the prm ciple that G erm any is rich enough to pay for h e r glory hese are the advantages which the H ansem ann Ministry offers to the G erm an nation in this d raft arm istice. T h ese are th e fruits o f a war waged fo r th ree m onths against a small nation of a miUion and a
* No. 180, Ju ly 14. 1848. Ed.

270

271

t h e a r m is t ic e

"N E G O T IA T IO N S

T H E C O N C O R D IA O F T U R IN

S S B = - E ;r ; S =
from' w raneeTs C open hagen , while from Berlin and

ns7n: d r ^ t r ^ f

Cotoene Tulv 2 3 . W e have recently m entioned th e new spaper V A l l l Z c i ap pears in F lo ren ce and which has held o u - t s f r ^ hand to us across th e Alps. It was to be exp ected that an oth er journal, La Concordia in T u rin , a new spaper of opposite lours, should declare itself in an opposite, though by m anner. In a fo rm e r issue La Concordia expressed th e opm ion that the N eue Rheinische Zeitung backs any grou p as long a* oppressed" T h e p ap er was led to this not very sensible invention by o u V jud gm en t of the events in P rag u e and o u r sym pathy fo r the d em ocratic forces against the reaction ary W m dischgratz and Co. Perhaps the T u rin jburna! has becom e m ore enhghtened m eantim e about the so-called Czech m ovem ent. Lately how ever. L a Concordia'' felt induced to devote a m o re or less doctrin aire article to th e Nuova o u r new spaper th e p ro g ram m e fo r the W ork ers ^ o n ^ s h ic h is to be convened in Berlin and the eight points ' f h i c h a r e t o b e discussed bv the w orkers are disturbing it to a significant d egree. A fter faithfully translating the whole, it begins a sort of cnticism with the following w ords:

p e tT X T o r e c ir r t^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^
Printed according to the newspaper First published in the Neu^ Rheini^che Zettung No. 54, Jufy 24. 1848 Published in English for the first time

There is much that is true and just in these proposals, but the Concordia would betray its mission if it did not raise its voice against the errors of the socialists.

^ See this volume, p. 167. Ed. I.a Concordia No. 161, July 7, 1848. d. See this volume, pp. 91-93 and 119-20. Ed. ^ L a Concordia No. 168. July 15, 1848. <i. * Neue Rheinische Zeitung. Ed.

272

A rticles from Ih e Neue Rheinxsche Zeitung

273

W e on o u r p art protest against the e r r o r o f th e Concordia whi wl consists m mistaking the program m e issued by the S p ^ ^ c o m m m . fo r the W orkers Congress, and which we S ep orted , fo r our own. W e are nevertheless ready to e n te r upon d^cussion on pohtlcal econom y with the Concordia as soon as fhrnn offers Something m ore than a few well-known p h i W ^ th rcp ic phrases and picked-up free trad e dogm as
Written on July 2S, 1848 First pubfished in the Neut Rheinische Zettung No. 55, July 25, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the fir time

T H E A G R E E M E N T D E B A T E S ON T H E D IS T R IC T ESTATES
(AGREEMENT SESSION OF JULY 18)

Coi<. luly 2 5 . A m on g the m any c o n f u s e d purposeless and p u r e i r i r l o n a l d o c u m e n t and negotiations that occu r at the beeinniiSg of each session, we want to stress P u ^ ; e d T h r first one is th e declaration by ex-M im ster Rodbertus, submitted in lritin rto ^ and r e p L te d fro m the ro stru m : It is m e that h e had put his nam e down as a speaker ogaimt Jacoby s " 0 " but for all t L t . had w anted to speak only against its first p a n , w h i * disaooroves o f th e F ra n k fu rt decision, and at the sa-ne time against the resoective declaration of the Ministry m ade on July 4. As is known, the Je b 'S e was broken o f /b e f o r e H e rr R odbertus h ad the opportunity xC s'^ eco n d point is a declaration by H e rr B r o d o m k i in th e nam e of

P ro v S

Estates, provoked by th e K ing, agm nsdts admission m to

17 0

rhe C o n fed e ra tio n / "'

I do not know of a subsequent i . , . / b e c a u s e on it.

T h e n follows th e final debate on * e address, Sd address was rejected am id shouts of the L e ft. Tw ice repeated question of co n fid en ce! and general laughter. Now it was th e tu rn of the m otion of 9 4 deputies to rescind the authority of th e D istnct Estates ro levy taxes.
See this volum e, p. 2 3 2 . Ed.

274

A rticles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

T h e A greem ent Debates on th e District Estates

275

W e are going into this m atter deliberately. It m akes us recall ono again a piece o f genuine old-Prussian legislation, and th e mountin* reaction m ore and m ore holds u p this legislation to us as a faultle* m odel, while the G overnm ent of A ction , not w anting to represei the G overnm ent o f transition, becom es every day m o re of unabashed eulogist fo r the Bodelschw ingh Ministry. ^ By a series of laws, all o f which are o f m o re recen t d ate than 1840 he D istnct Estates have been authorised to decide upon taxes withbinding effect for th e inhabitants of th e districts. T h ese D istnct Estates are a m arvellous exam p le of old-Prussian landow ning peasants of the district send three d ep u u es . A s a rule, every town sends one; but every squireis a member of the District Estates by virtue of his birth. N ot at ^ rep resented are the w orkers and p a rt of the petty bourgeoisie in the owns, and th e small p ro p rietors and non-established inhabitants in ^ e countryside, who tog eth er fo rm th e overw helm ing m ajority T h ese n on -rep resen ted classes a re nevertheless ta x ld by the Fst^rprh ^ gentlem en w ho are m em bers of the District

re able also to understand such detailed measures although they are that much further removed from local needs.

The

proposal was th e m ore co m m en d ab le since it was n ot

constructive but m erely destructive.

I, cannot be denied that up to now the Assembly has not been fortunate in its for the time being more to destructive activity.

T h e speaker suggests accordingly that especially the reactionary laws issued since 1 8 1 5 should be abolished. j ij This was too m uch. T h e re p o rte r had not only denounced old Prussianism, b u reau cracy and th e District Estates, he had even cast an ironic side-glance at th e products o f th e agreem en t debates so far. H ere was a favourable opportunity fo r th e Ministry^ In any case, even out of consideration fo r th e C ou rt, it could not adm it that only the laws issued by th e present K in g would b e rescm ded. H e rr Kiihlwetter th erefo re rises.
The District Esutes are constituted in such a way that their constitiition will

se e T re se m ly ' T h ese D istnct Estates, who m oreover are entitled to dispose quite independently of th e district assets, are in decisions on taxation bound by the permission eith er o f th e Oberprdsident o r o f th e K ine and additionally, when they are divided and o n e estate votes in a d ifferen t way, by the decision o f th e M inister o f th e In terio r O n e can see how cunningly the old Pnissianism knew how to p reserve the ves ed n g h ts of the big landow ners, but at the sam e t L e ak o the n gh t of su p en n ten d en ce o f the bureaucracy. e x S ^ o n l v i'n * " ' ^ P ^ r i ^ndenc e o f th e b u reaucracy Sts only in o rd e r to prevent any en cro ach m en t by th e District th h e officialdom and not in o rd e r to p rotect the inhabitants o f th e district, particularly those who a n t represented at all. from en croach m en ts by the District Estates has been expressly recognised by th e rep o rt of the cen tral commiss'ion. th J i v y the D istnct Estates to levy taxes. h e laws which entitle

however n ?m atter how many manors it may contain, is entitled to send only one deputy i n s District Estates and \ he rural communities are represented by only three

who gave th e rep o rt, speaks to the m otion. Precisely e m b k tte d T ' D istnct Estates which most oppressed and em bittered th e n on -rep resen ted ones, had been singled out bv the local governm ents fo r confirm ation. ^ ^
It IS precisely a curse of the police state, which in principle has been abolished hut (Tf a ? f r I continues to exist to this day, that the higher the standing official or authority m this hierarchy of mandarins, the more they feei that the?

' ' " l T u s tak e a lo o k at th e h id d en plans o f th e G o v ern m e n t o f Action T h e estate system had to be abohshed in the central national representation , that could not be avoided In the sm aller areas of representation , how ever, that is in th e local distncts (perhaps also in the provinces?), the attem p t will be m ade to preserve the representatton by eL te s by d oing away with only the m ost egregious advantages of the squirearchy over th e b u rgh ers and peasants, ^ h ^ ^ Kiihlw etters explanation can n ot be in terp reted in any o th er way em erges from the fact that th e re p o rt of th e central commission directly refer to the application of the principle of equahty before the law in th e district rep resentation . H e rr Kuhlw etter, how ever, passes over this point in deepest silence. H e rr K u h lw etter has no o b jectio n to th e content o f th e m otion . H e is m erely asking w h eth er it is necessary to give validity to th e m otion by way o f legislation .
T he danger that the District Estates may abuse their right to tax is surely not so great T h e Governments right of supervision is by no twans 5o tlJusoi^ as has been presented; it has always been exercised conscientiously and in that way the lowest clas. of tax payers has been relieved from contributions as much as possible
* Fred erick W illiam IV . Ed.

276

A rticles frop i the Neue Rkeinische Zeitung

T h e A g reem ent Debates o n the District Estates

277

O f course! H err Kuhlw etter was a b u reau crat under Bodelschwingh and even at the risk of com prom ising the entir.;''^ G overnm ent of A ction he has to d efend the past h eroic deeds of the^ I Bodelschw ingh b u reau cracy. W e notice that H e rr H ansem an n was absent when his colleague Kuhlw etter m ade him fraternise so m uch' with H e rr Bodelschw ingh. H e rr K uhlw etter declares that h e has already instructed all the local governm ents not to con firm any m ore taxation by the District and with that the purp ose is surely H e rr Jentzsch spoils th e M inisters gam e by observing that it is the District Estates custom to assess the turnpike tolls, which benefit the m anorial estates m ost, in accord an ce with the principles of the graduated tax from which the estates o f the aristocracy are eniireh exempted. ^ H e rr Kuhlwetter and H e rr von Wangenheim, w ho is an interested p arty, attem p t to d efend the District Estates. In particular von W angenheim , a Ju stice o f the C ou rt o f Appeal, District Estate of Saatzig, d eh v ep a long eulogy on this laudable institution. Deputy Montz, how ever, again thw arts the effect. W h at good is H e rr K iihlw etters instruction? If th e Ministry should one day have to resign the local govern m en ts would disregard th e instruction. If we have laws as bad as these, I cann ot see why we should not rescind them . A nd as far as the denied abuses are con cern ed ,
not only have the District Estates abused their authority to levy taxes by sbowine personal favountxsm, by deciding upon expenditures which were not for the commo^ good o f the distnct, but they have even decided upon highway construction in the interest of certain individuals, of a privileged class.... T h e district town of Ruppin was Dass^ I f ^ Hamburg-Berlin. Instead of letting the highway P lo u g h the town o f Wusterhausen, the local Government refused to let J i s highway m n through this small, impoverished town even though this town declared that it would pay the additional cost from its own funds and on the conf V highway was to run through three estates o f one and the same lord oj the m anor ll

T h e Assembly adopts the m otion of th e central com m ission thereby th e laws authorising th e District Estates to levy taxes and d is p o se of th e district assets are rescinded, with the ad d en du m :
decisions of the District Estates taken on the basis of these decrees notwithstanding.

It is obvious that the acts of th e G overnm ent of A ction consist of nolice-type attem pts at reaction and p arliam entary defeats. " (T o be continued) *
Written by Engels on July 25, 1848 First published in the Neue Rkeinische Zeitung No. 56, July 26, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first

H e r r Reichenbach calls attention to th e fact that th e Ministrys instruction has n o effect w hatsoever upon the district assets which are entirely at th e disposal of th e District Estates. T h e Minister replies with a few lame phrases. H e rr Bucher declares that in his opinion th e M inister is by no m eans entitled to issue instructions, which in effect rescind e x ab om legislation could an im p rovem en t be b rough t H e rr Kuhlw etter stam m ers yet a few m o re incoh eren t words to defend himself, and then a vote is taken.
" See Engels article T h e Agreement Debate about the Valdenaire A ffair (pp. 301-04 of this volume).

278

T h e Bill o n the Com pulsory Loan and Its M otivation

279

W hen you comixni a capital, you bring it into circulation. If you do not bring it into circulation, the state will corisum^ it in o rd e r to bring ir into circulation. . t A cotton m an u factu rer em ploys 100 workers for exam p le. He pays to each of them 9 silvpr groschen daily. T h u s every day W Oliver sro sch e n , i.e. SO talers, m igrate from his pocket into the pockets of th e workers and fro m th ere into the pockets of th M i e r s ,' landlords, shoem akers, taUors etc. This m igration of the 3 0 iilers is known as iheir circulatton. F ro m th e m om en t when the m an u factu rer can sell his cotton m aterial only at a loss o r ^ot at all, he ceases to p rod u ce and to em ploy his w orkers, and with the cessation of p roduction the m igration of th e 3 0 ^ e r s i.e. their nrculation, ceases. W e shall create circulation by force! H ansem ann. W hy does the m an u factu rer let his m oney he idle? W hy does he n ot let it circulate? W h en the w eather is fine m any people circulate in the open air. H ansem an n drives the people outside and forces them to circulate so as to create fine w eather. W h at a great w eather-m aker! ^ , . i n_ T h e m inisterial and com m ercial crisis robs the capital of bourgeois society of its interest. T h e state helps society to its legs by takm g away its capital as well. ^ In his book on Circulation^ th e Jew Pinto, the fam ous eighteenthcentury stock exch an ge speculator, recom m ends speculating m stocks. H e states that although speculation does not Produ ce rirculation, it prom otes circulation, that is th e m igration of wealth from o ne pocket into an oth er. H ansem an n is tran sform in g the exch eq u er into a wheel of fortu n e upon which the p roperty of the citizens circulates. H ansem an n -P m to! , In his -preamble- for th e Bill on the Com pulsory Loan H a n s e m a n / is encou n terin g one g reat difficulty. W hy has the voluntary loan not produced th e required sums. T h e unreserved con fiden ce which the p resen t G overnm ent eniovs is well known. Also well known is the rap tu rou s patriotism of the big bourgeoisie whose main com plaint is that a few agitators have the indolence not to share its confidence. T h e loyalty declarations from all the provinces are well known. B u t for a that and a tha , H ansem ann is com pelled to tran sfo rm the poetic voluntary loan into the prosaic com pulsory loan! F or exam p le, in the district of D usseldorf, aristocrats have
Grocers. Ed. , ^ Isaac Pinto, Traite de la circulation el du credit.t a . ^ ^ Quoted from Ferdinand Freiligraths translation ( 1 rotz alledem. ) of Robert Burns poem For a that and a that . Ed.

T H E B IL L ON T H E C O M P U L S O R Y LO A N AND IT S M O T IV A T IO N

[Neue Rkeinische ZHtung No. 56, July 26, 1848]

Cdogne, July 25 A notorious rogu e o f L o n d o n s blessed district of St. Giles ap peared before the Assizes. H e was accused of having reheved the chest o f a notorious City m iser of 2 ,0 0 0 . fo, s r ' " ' t

T h e econom ist of St. Giles resides in V an D iem ens L an d - and ? o u n t . ^ r e n " " " ' of liis fellow

H e did not live in vain, how ever. His principles form th e basis of Hansem ann s compulsory loan

This word is in English in the German original d Now Tasmania. From 1803 to 1854 a British penal c o lo n y .- d .

280

A rticles from th e N ew Rheinische Zeitung

T h e Bill on th e Com pulsory L oan and Its Motivation

281

contributed 4 ,0 0 0 talers and officers 9 0 0 talers, and w here does' m ore confidence reign than am ong the aristocrats and officers o f distnct of D usseldorf? W e will not even m ention th e contributions oPJ the pn n ces of the Royal H ouse. ^ B u t let H ansem ann explain this phenom enon to us.
Up to now volun^ry contributions have come in slowly. This is probably to ascnbed le^ to a lack o f confidence in our state of affairs than to the uncertainty about the J permissible to wait and see i f and to ^ sts T h T lt ' T t ^ his circu L ta n u rh t V l l , a! . contribute voluntarily according to his abiUty o n ct the duly to contnbuU has been demonstrated to be an imperative necessity."

1 is ability . By now even the m ost obdurate dou b ter m ust have lost his uncertainty and must have gained th e conviction t h ^ the state m thority is really serious about its need for m oney. T h e entire m isfortune, as we have seen, lay Just in this em barrassing u n certain,v If vou do not give, it will be taken from you, and th e takm g will rause both you and us inconvenience. W e hope, th erefo re, that your confidence will lose som e of its exag gerated ch a ra cte r and will express itself in w ell-ringing talers instead of hollow -sounding

T h e state, fm dm g itself in dire need, appeals to patriotism It politely asks patnotism to deposit 15 million talers on th e altar o f the fetherland. and m o reov er n ot as a gift but only as a voluntary loan O ne possesses th e greatest confidence in the state but turns a deaf ear tow ards its cry fo r help! U nfortunately o ne finds oneself in such a state o t uncertainty about the real needs of th e state that one decides after th e greatest spiritual torm en t not to give th e state anything fo r th e tim e being. O n e has, indeed, th e g reatest confidence m th e state authority, and the honourable stale au th ority claims that the state needs 15 million talers. It is certainly d u e to confidence that one does not trust th e assertions of th e state au th ority and rath er views its clam ou r fo r 15 million as a m ere frivolity. T h e re is a fam ous story about a stout-hearted Pennsylvanian who never lent a dollar to his friends. H e had such con fiden ce in their orderiy m ode o f life, and h e gave such credit to th e ir business that to th e day of his death he n ever gained th e certain ty that they were in r lfh rl ^-egarded th eir im p etu ous dem ands as ra th er a test of his confidence, and the co n fid en ce o f this m an was unshakeable. T h e Prussian state authority found the entire state inhabited by Pennsylvanians. ' H e rr H ansem ann, how ever, explains this stran ge econom ic p henom enon by yet an oth er peculiar circumstance". T h e people did not contribute voluntarily because they believed it permissible to wait and see if and to what extent their monetary resources might be drawn upon". In o th er w ords: nobody paid voluntanly because everybody waited to see if and to what extent he would be forced to pay. W h at circu m sp ect patriotism ! W hat most canny confidence! It is upon this 'Circumstance", nam ely that ehm d the blue-eyed, sanguine voluntary loan th e re stands now the sinister, hypochondriacal com pulsory loan, that H e rr H ansem ann rests his hope that everybody will contribute voluntarily accordin g to

nhrases. Est-ce cla ir}' _ M uch as H e rr H ansem ann is basing his hope^ upon this circumstance", he has nevertheless him self becom e infected by the brooding tem p eram en t of his Pennsylvanians ^nd h e feels m d u ced to look aro u n d fo r yet stro n g er incentives to confidence. T h e confi dence indeed exists but it does n ot want to reveal itselt. It needs incentives to drive it o u t of its latent state.
In order to create an even stronger motive" (than the prospect o f the compulsory loan) for voluntary partidpauon, however, Paragraph I projects an 3 cent for the loan, m d a date (October I) "is left open up to which voluntary loans are to be accepted at 5 per cent."

T h u s H e rr H ansem ann puts a prem ium of iVa p er cen t upon voluntary loans, and now, to be sure, patriotism will flow freely coffers will jum p open and th e golden flood of con fiden ce will stream into th e exch eq u er. u * 12 / H e rr H ansem an n naturally finds it just to pay th e big shots 1 h per cen t m ore th an he is paying the little people who will p a rt with their essentials only u n d er duress. In addition they will have to b ear the cost of the appeal as punishm ent for th eir less com fortable circum stances. u i,;r T h u s th e biblical saying is reahsed. F o r w hosoever h ath , to him shall be given; but w hosoever h ath not, from him shall be taken away even that h e hath.**
[Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 60, July 30, 1848]

Cologne, July 2 9 . Ju st as Peel once invented a sliding ^ a le " " for the duty on co rn , H ansem ann-Pinto has invented o ne fo r involun tary patriotism .
A progressive scale will be employed for the obligatory contributions/ our Hanseman? says in his preamble, since the ability to supply money obviously rises m arithmetical progression with the amount of a persons wealth. Is that clear?Ed. Matthew 13:12. Ed.

282

Articles from th e Neue Rheinische Zeihmg

T h e Bill o n the Com pulsory Ix>an and Its Motivation

283

T h e ability to supply money rises with wealth. In o th er w ords- tWi m ore m oney one has at o nes disposal th e m o re m oney one has tJ dispose of. So far, it is undoubtedly co rrect. T h e fact, how ever th ifi the ability to supply money rises only in arithmetical progression eveiil If the v an o u s am ounts of wealth are in geometrical proportion is || discovery by H ansem ann which is bound to earn him g re a te r fam^i with posterity than Malthus gained by the statem ent that food su d d h I grows only m arithm etical progression w hereas population grows iri geom etn cal progression.^ ^ T h u s, for exam p le, if different am ounts o f wealth are to each oth er as I, 2, 4, 8, 16, 3 2 , 6 4 , 128, 2 5 6 , 5 1 2 ,

.nrs lawyers etc lors, lawyers eic

can only be ta k e n in to consideration a/ter t/i subtraction o/ ; ^^^ts, sfnce the net income can

this way. For the same reason the working capital must be disregarded if the r l n contribution which is calculated from income exceeds that calculated from the working

tapital.

^ e n , a c c o rd in g to H e r r H a n s e m a n n 's d iscovery, th e ability to su p p ly m o n e y gro w s in th e ra tio o f

1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. In spite of the ap p aren t grow th of th e obligatory contribution the ability to supply m oney, accordin g to o u r econom ist, decreases to the same d egree that wealth increases. In a sh ort stoiy by Cervantes'* we find the chief Spanish financier m a lunatic asylum. T his m an had discovered that the Spanish national debt would vanish as soon as
the Cones approve a law that ali vassals of His Majesty between the ages of 14 and 60 areobhged to fast on bread and water fo ro n ed ay duringeach month^ and that on a day freely to be chosen and decided. T h e monetary value o f the fruits, vegetables

Nous marchons de surprise en surprise.' T h e incorne can only be taken into consideration after the subtraction of the workmg capital since the com pulsory loan can and ou g h t to be nothing but an form of income tax. A nd th e o peratin g costs belong as h tie to the incom e of an industrialist as th e stem and ro o t of a tree belong to its fruits. H ence for the reason that only th e incom e is to be ta x e d and n working capital, it is precisely the working capital that .s axed and not the incom e if this first m ethod seem s ' J exchequer. T h u s it is a m atter of com plete in d iffe rm ce to He H ansem ann in which way th e net incom e is found . H e is ookm g for th e way in which the greatest incom e is found to r the

I,

H e?r''H ansem ann who lays hands on the w orking capital itself can be c L p a r e d to a savage who cuts down a tree in o rd e r to seize hold of its fruits.
TK if ^Art 9 of the Bill) the loan contribution to be calculated

H ence the exch eq u er m ay base its dem ands upon wealth rath er than incom e w henever it chooses. . T h e people dem ands inspection of th e m ysterious Prussian exch eq u er. T h e G overnm ent of A ction answers this tactless dem and bv reserving th e right to m ake a th orou gh inspection of 'edger*, J aU m e r c L n ts a L an inventory of th e wealth of everybody . T h e constitutional era in Prussia opens not with * e eontro of th^ finances of the state by the people but >-ather by lett ng th e a te control th e wealth of th e people so as to open the d o o r t the brazen intervention of th e b u reau cracy into private relationships. In Belgium , too, the *tate has had recou rse to com pulsory loan, but there it modestly hmited itself to ta x records a n ^ m o r t L g e deeds, i.e. to available public doc^uments. T h e G o v e r Z e L of Action on the o th er han d introduces the Spartanism of the Prussian arm y into the Prussian national econom y. H a n s e m L n , to be sure, attem pts in his pream ble to appease the citizen by all sorts of mild phrases and friendly persuasion.

sp?r.;rtz
t l u " " VAw shLll f h S

.s
accord an ce with the w ords: seek and ye

i t h o u t 2 0 talers. A ccording ^ just a ^ u t all consum ption fo r 4 0 days. If they can n ot find the 2 0 ^ e r s between A ugust and Septem ber, a bailiff will look

L et us fu rth er exam ine th e ^preamble' which the Prussian N ecker rcv3ls to us*
"Any in co m e ," he instructs us, derived from industry in the widest sense o f rhe
-> h e r it is su bject to a bus7ness tax i t . f e cTse w^h

^ [Th. R. Malthus.] A n Essay on the Principle,o f Population, pp. 2 5 -2 6 Uervantes, Novelas ejemplares: Coloquio de los perrosEd Matthew 7:7; Luke 11:9.

We go from one surprise to another.

284

A rticles from th e N ew Rheinische Zeitung

T h e Bill o n th e Com pulsory Loan and Us Motivation

285

T h e distribution of the lo an . he whispers to him , will be based upon self-assessment All recrim in ation is to be avoided.
reou^ld T h / r r ? property will be

appropriate contributions^by w^y of* a m l Z e L x h " o V s " ^ a n d 3 r th

^he Finance Minister or an authonty acifng on his behalf .

T h u s th e appointment m ade by the Finance M inister o r the authority acting on his behalf form s the founda.t,on p ro p er " lf"ih rse "f-a s se s sm e n t varies from th e ' estimate' m ade by the district or town com m ission appointed by the 5 "' self-assessor is called upon to give an ejtfiatialt(m (A rt 15). H e m y aive an explanation o r n ot, it all depends w hether it su/Zices fo rth Commission appointed by the Finance M inister. If it does not suffice,
"it is the duty of the commission to determine the contribution by its and to inform the contributories thereof .

Self-assessment! Not even a summary listing of th e individual parts of o n e s pro p erty ! Amicable exhortations! Appeal!
Tell me, what more do you want?^

L et us start at the end, with the appeal. A rticle 16 lays down;

T hu s first com es th e execution, the appeal notw ithstandine and afterw ards the justification, the execu ti notwithstandingr ih e r e is m ore to com e!

First the contributory assesses himself and th ereof T h e n th e official makes an assessment and inform s the contributory th ereof. W h at has becom e of th e self-assessment . T h e foundation has fou n d ered . W hereas th e self-assessment on y rives n s f L a serious "exam in atio n of the contributory the L se ssm e n t by a stran g er tu rn s at once into execu tion . F o r A rt. decrees:

b e" t h r Sloser. s e r ^No ^ what "I. oe tne No m m atter the n atu re of the aoneal ^ f.n e^ .ts tnseparable shadow. L et us have every respe^t^ i f 't h e w i l i x re s^ to : U n d er A rt. 13 rT o T n "' * ' uf the

S ^ u t io n ^ u n d e r the regulations governing the colleaion of [...] taxes.

W e have already seen that all is n ot roses with the appeals. T h e anr>eak nath hides still o th er thorns. Firstly T h e regional commission which exam ines the appeals c o S l s pf deputfes who are elected by the delegates etc. elected u n d er th e law of April 8 , 1 8 4 8 . _ , B u t the com pulsory loan divides th e entire state into two hostile cam ps the cam p of th e obstructionists and th e cam p of the m en of good will against whose ren d ered o'-, objections have been raised by th e district mav onlv be elected from th e cam p of th e m en of good will (A rt. 1 1). S e c o X A com m issioner appointed by the Finance M mister will preside; an official m ay be attached to him fo r his assistance T h e regional com m ission is authorised to order special of " f . r . / o r incomes and for this purpose is entitled to d r a .

.he

H err H ansem ann's arch itectu re is such that o ne can n ot deduce the fu rth er outline o f his stru ctu re from its foundation ^ O r rath er the voluntary declaration which, in the form of a ^ t a ^ n t . IS 'to be filed with officials appointed b y the Finance "len". in

ap p 3

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Articles from th e Neue Rkeiniscke Zeitung

287

up inventories o r order the inspection o f com m ercial ledgers I f th

m easures do n ot su ffice, th e appellan t may be requ ired to swear a ffid a v it [A rt. 19]. T h u s w hoever refu ses to accep t w ithout reservation th e asses, m en t o f th e officials ap p ointed by th e F in an ce M inister, m ay, a s * penalty, have to reveal all his finan cial affairs to two b u reau crats and 15 co m p etito rs. T h o rn y path o f appeal! T h u s H an sem an n onlv m ocks his public w hen h e says in his p ream ble;
" T h e distribution of the loan is based upon self-assessment. In order to make sure that this is in no uay offemtve, not even a summary listing o f the individual parts o f one's property will be required." ^ '

A R M IS T IC E N E G O T IA T IO N S W IT H D E N M A R K
bro ken o ff

Not even th e penalty fo r p e rju ry o f C erv an tes p ro je c t d esigner

IS lackm g m th e p ro je c t o f th e M inister o f action.

In stead o f to rm en tin g h im self with his sham arg u m en ts, o u r H an sem ann would have d o n e b ette r to jo in th e ch a ra cte r in the com edy who says:

Colosne luly 2 7 . W e have just received letters fro m Copenhagen

At this m om ent, how ever, when Prussia, atten d in g to h e r particularist m terests, is seeking to co m m it a treach ery against G erm an y and to reb el against th e C en tral A u thority, it is th e duty o f every patnot to re fu se to co n trib u te a single p en ny voluntarily to the com p ulsory loan O nly by persistent d eprivation o f n o u rish m en t can rru ss ia be fo rced to su rre n d e r to G erm an y.
Written on July 25 and 29, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung Nos. 56 and 60, July 26 and 30 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

been ratified o n th e Prussian and D anish sides, Wrangel s refusal

treaties that history has ever known.

Written by Engels on July 27, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 58, July 28, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first

Cervantes, Novelas ejemplares: Coloquio de los perros. Ed.

Elias Lagerheim and Henry Wynn. -Ed. ^ Frederick William IV. Ed. Archduke John of Austria. Ed.

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Dissolution o f D em ocratic Associations in Baden

289

11 /-.f f t^rmanv which had originated at th e D em o" ''n f c o n g r e T s in Frankfurt.^^* T h is C ongress is alleged to have T H E D IS S O L U T IO N O F T H E D EM O C R A T IC A S S O C IA T IO N S IN B A D E N
as Us goal e s b lis h .e fohibitedO and h a t IS m ean Y de b e ls expressed in those

T h ere follow th e resolutions of th e C ongress con cern in g the organisation associations of B ad en are to

Cologne, July 27. T h e reactionary p>olice m easures against th e right' of association follow each oth er in rapid succession. First it was the: D em ocratic Association in S tu ttgart that was abolished, then it was the tu rn of the Association in Heidelberg.^ Success m ade th? gend em en of the reacdon bold; now the B ad en G overnm ent has banned all d em ocratic associations in Bad en . All this occu rs at the sam e m om ent when th e soi-disant National Assembly in F ran k fu rt is occupied with the task of securing fo r all time the righ t of association as one o f th e fundam ental rights of the G erm an p eople . T h e prim ary condition fo r the right of free association m ust be that no association and no society can be dissolved o r prohibited by the police, that such m easures can only be taken after a co u rt sentence has established th e illegality of th e association o r o f its actions and purposes and the originators o f these actions have been punished. T h is m eth od , of cou rse, is m uch too p ro tracted fo r th e disci plinarian im patience o f H e rr Mathy. Ju st as it was too m u ch trouble for him first to obtain a w arran t o f arrest o r at least to have him self appointed as a special constable, before, in virtue o f th e policem an in his n atu re, he arrested Fickler*^ as a traito r to his co u n try , just so contem ptible and im practical the judicial and legal path ap p ears to him now. T h e motives fo r this new police violence are m ost edifying. T h e associations had allegedly affiliated to an organisation o f d em ocratic

associations^^ organising them selves accord m g to this m odel. W ell, of course!

one does it legally! A nd if th e pow er * W e t 1 f a U i n V r ; m o r u p o n 'h T N a t i o n a l Assembly to indict He^r M athy a, L e e if it does not want to lose all prestige.
W en W Ege,s on July 27, I84 F .r,t published in the Nene Zeitung No. 58, July 28, 1848

Printed according to the newspaper

P u ^ e d in Enghsh for the f.rs,

-----^ ----------, U 1. KarKruhe 23 TuU. Ernst der Regierung, die A ;h r .:r d e r d L ^ ^ S L t v e r ^ ^ ^ e n i . , Z eU .n , No. .0 6 , Ju l,
See this volum e, pp. 2 4 8 -4 9 .

26, 1848. d.

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T h e B ill Proposing th e A bolition o f Feudal O bhgations

291

T H E B I I X PR O PO SIN G T H E A B O L IT IO N O F F E U D A L OBLIGATIONS*''

Reading the Bill, it seems at first glance that o u r M inister of Agriculture H e rr Gierke, on the o rd ers of H e rr H ansem an n has b r o u g h t o ff a terrifically bold strok e ,^ has done away with he M td d i A ges by a stroke of the pen, and of cou rse quite ^ B u t when o ne looks at the Bills motivation, o ne di^^overs that it sets oui s lZ ig h t away to prove th at in fact no feudal obligations rohaiever ought to be abolished w ithout com pensation, that is to s a ^ it Starts with a bold assertion which directly contradicts th e bold ' ^ T h f M inisters practical timidity now m anoeuvres warily anti nrudently betw een these two bold postures. O n th e left th e genera welfare' and th e dem ands of th e spirit of o u r tim e ; on the established rights o f th e lords of th e m an o r ; m th e m iddle the praisew orthy idea of a fre e r developm ent of ru ral relations represented by H e rr G ierkes sham efaced em b arrassm en t what a I n T h ort, H e rr G ierke fully recognises that feudal obligations in general ou g h t to be abolished only against com pensation. T h u s the most onerous, th e m ost w idespread, th e principal obhgations are to c o n tin u e o r, seeing that th e peasants have in fact already done away with them , they are to be reimposed. B u t, H e rr G ierke observes,
if nevertheless particular relations, whose intrinsic justification is insuffiaent or whoie continued existence i, incompatible with the and the eeneral welfare, are abolished compematxon. then the persons a t ^ c t ^ b ^ l h i ' X l d appreciate .h a. they are m ating a few i l but also in their own well-understood mterests, m order that relations b f ween w h o have cla im s and those who have duties shall be peaceful and fnendly thereby helping landed property generally to maintam the political status which b it for the good o f the whole .

Cologne, July 29. If any R hinelander should have forgotten whap he owes to the foreign ru le , to the yoke o f th e Corsican tyrant^s he ought to read th e Bill providing for th e abolition w ithout com pensation of various obligations and dues. T h e Bill has been submitted by H e rr H ansem ann in this year of g ra ce 1 8 4 8 fo r th e consid eration o f his a g re e rs.** Seigniory, allodification ren t, death dues, h eriot, protection m oney, legal dues and fines, signet m oney, tithes on live-stock, bees etc. what a strange, what a barbaric ring these absurd term s have for o u r ears, which have been civilised by the Fren ch Revolutions destruction of feudalism and by the Code Napoleon. How incom prehensible to us is this farrag o of medieval dues and taxes, this collection of m usty junk fro m an antediluvian age. N evertheless, put off thy shoes from off thy feet, G erm an patriot, for the place w hereon thou standest is holy grou n d . T h ese barbarities are th e last rem nants of C hristian-G erm an glory, the last links o f the historical chain which conn ects you with your illustrious ancestors all the way back to the forests of the Cherusci. T h e musty air, th e feudal m ire which we find h ere in th eir classic unadulterated form are the very own products of o u r fatherland, and every tru e G erm an should exclaim with the poet:
For oh, this is the wind of home on my cheeks and caressing my hand! And all this country highway d in is the dirt of my fatherland! In the ongmal Besthaupt and Kurmede are used, which are regional variants of the German expression for heriot. Ed. Heinrich Heme, Deutschland. E in Wintermarchen, Caput V III. T he Engli.sh iranslation is taken from Heinrich Heine, Germany. A Winters Tale, I.. B. Fischer New York, 1944. Ed.

T h e revolution in th e countryside consisted in th e actual abolition of all feudal obligations. T h e G overnm ent of A ction, which recognises th e revolution, recognises it in the countryside by destroying it surreptitiously. It is quite impossible to restore th e old status quo com pletely; th e peasants would prom ptly kill th eir feud l o r d s --e v e n H e rr G ierke realises that. A n impressive list of insignificant feudal obligations existing only m a few places are rfe fo ^ b u ? the principal feudal obligation, simply epitomised in the term compulsory labour, is rein trod u ced .

T h e expression ein kiihner G riff (3 bold stroke) was first used by Karl Mathy and H e i n l h von^^Sgern in the Frankfurt National Assembly in 1848 andquickly became popular. Ed.

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293

As a result of all th e rights that are to be abolished, the aristocracy will sacrifice less than 5 0 ,0 0 0 talers a y ear, but will thereby save several million. Indeed th e Minister hopes that they will thus placate the peasants and even gain th eir votes at future parliam entary elections. This would really be a very good deal, provided H e rr Gierke does not miscalculate. In this way the objections of the peasants would be rem oved, and so would those o f th e aristocrats, insofar as they correctly understand th eir position. T h e re rem ains th e C ham ber, the scruples o f th e legal and radical pettifoggers. T h e distinction between obligations that a re to be abolished and those that a re to be retain ed which is simply the distinction between practically worthless obligations and very valuable obligations m ust be based as reg ard s the C h am ber on som e sem blance o f legal and econom ic justifica tion. H e rr G ierke m ust prove that the obligations to be abolished 1. have an insufficient inn er justification, 2. a re incom patible with the general w elfare, 3. are incom patible with the dem ands of the spirit of o u r tim e, and 4 . that their abolition is fundam entally no infringem ent of p ro p erty rights, no exp rop riation w ithout com pensation. In o rd e r to prove th e insufficient justification o f these dues and services H e rr G ierke delves into the darkest recesses o f feudal law. H e invokes th e en tire, originally very slow developm ent of the G erm anic states o ver a period of a thousand y ears . B u t what use is that to H e rr G ierke? T h e d eep er h e digs, the m o re he stirs up the stagnant m ire o f feudal law, the m ore does that feudal law p rove that th e obligations in question have, not an insufficient justification, but from th e feudal point of view, a very solid justification. T h e hapless M inister m erely causes general am usem ent w hen he tries his h ard est to induce feudal law to m ake o ra cu la r pronouncem ents in the style o f m o d ern civil law, o r to m ake th e feudal lord o f the twelfth cen tury think and jud ge like a bourgeois o f th e nineteenth century. H e rr G ierke fortunately has inherited H e rr von Patow s principle that everything em anating from feudal sovereignty and serfdom is to be abolished w ithout paym ent, but everything else is to be abolished only against paym ent of com pensation.* B u t does H e rr G ierke really think that special perspicacity is required in o rd e r to show that all and every obligation subject to repeal em anates from feudal sovereignty ? It is hardly necessary to add that for th e sake of consistency H e rr
S e c this volum e, pp. 117-18. Ed.

G ierk e constantly insinuates m odern legal con cep ts into feudal legal rLffUlations, and in an extrem ity he always invokes them . B u t if H e rr Gierke evaluates som e of these obligations in term s of th e m odern ideas of law, then it is incom prehensible why th e sam e should n ot be done with all obligations. In that case, how ever, com pulsory labour s e r v i c e , faced with th e freed o m of th e individual and of p roperty, would certainly com e o ff badly. H e rr G ierke fares even w orse when he advances th e arg u m en t o public welfare and th e dem ands of th e spirit of o u r tim e m support of his differentiations. Surely it is self-evident that if these insignificant obligations im pede th e public welfare and are incom patible with the dem ands of th e sp in t of o u r tim e, then this applies in still g re a te r m easure to such obligations as labour service, the c o ^ e e , lieffe money* etc. O r does H e rr G ierke consider that the righ t to pluck th e peasants geese (Clause 1, N o. 14) is o u t of d ate, but the rich t to pluck th e peasants themselves is not? T h e n follows th e dem onstration that the abolition of th(we particular obligations does not infringe any p roperty rights. U t cou rse, only spurious argu m en ts can be adduced to prove such a glaring fa ls e h ^ d ; it can indeed only be d on e by reckon m g u p these rights to show th e squires how worthless they are fo r them , t h ^ g h this, obviously, can be proved only approxim ately A n d so H e rr G ierke sedulously reckons u p all th e 18 sections of Clause 1, and does not notice th at, to th e exten t in which h e succeeds in proving the given obligations to be worthless, he also succeeds in proving hts Zoposed l e g i s L o n to be worthless. V irtuous H e rr G ierke! How it pam s L to have to destroy his fond delusions and obliterate his A rch im p dean -feu d alist diagram s. . B u t th ere is an oth er difficulty. B oth in previous com m utations ot th e obligations now to be abolished and in all o th er com m utations, the peasants w ere flagrantly ch eated in favour of th e a n s t^ r a c y by co rru p t commissions. T h e peasants now dem an d th e revision of all com m utation agreem en ts concluded u n d e r th e previous G overn m ent, and they are quite justified in doing so. B u t H e rr G ierke will have nothing to do with this, since form al right and law are opp osed to it; such an attitude is altogether opposed to any progress, since every new law nulhfies som e old form al right and law.
T h e c o n s e q u e n c e s o f th is , it c a n c o n fid e n tly b e p r e d ic te d , will b e th a t, m o r d e r to se cu re a d v a n ta g e s to th o se u n d e r o b lig a tio n s b y m e a n s th a t r u n c o u n te r to th e e te rn a l L S p r in c ip le !" (re v o lu tio n s , to o . r u n c o u n te r to t h e e te r n a l le g a l p n n c .p le s ) -in c a k u la b le dam age m u s t b e d o n e to a v e ry la rg e se ctio n o f la n d e d p r o p e r ty m th e sta te , a n d h e n c e (! ) to th e s ta te itself.

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A rticles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

T h e B ill Proposing the A bolition o f Feudal O bligations

295

proced^u?r^*^^

proves with staggering thoroughness that suci

French^^people, in a single day, got the b etter of the feudal luly n 1 8 4 8 , fo u r m onths after th e M arch barricades, the feudal obligations got the b etter of th e G erm an people. Teste Gierke .urn Hansemanno.^ . . , T h e F ren ch bourgeoisie of 1 7 8 9 never left its alhes the peasants, the lurch It knew that the abohtion of feudalism in the untryside and the creation of a free, landowning peasant class was
th e

w ould call in q u e stio n a n d u n d e rm in e th e e n tir e legal fra m e w o rk o f lanA* p ro p e rty an d th is to g e th e r with n u m e ro u s law suits a n d th e g re a t e x p e n d it^ ! inv olved w ould c a u se g r e a t d a m a g e to la n d ed p ro p e rty , w hich is t h e ^ r i S fo u n d a u o n o f n a tio n a l w e lfa re ; th a t it w ou ld b e a n e n c ro a c h m e n t o n t h e T p r in a p le s u n d e rly in g th e valid ity o f c o n tra c ts, a n a tta c k o n th e m o st in d u bitah l.^ co n tra c tu a l r e k t io n s th e c o n se q u e n c e s o f w h ich w ould sh a k e all c o n fid e n c e i ^ ^ l S ^ o u r l M! ^ ^ ^ t u t i n g a g ra v e m e n a c e to th e w h o le o f co m m e i

H err G ierke thus sees in this an infringem ent o f the rights property, which would u n d erm ine all legal principles. W hy is th * : abolition of th e obligations u n d er discussion without co m p en satioS indubitable c o n tra c tu ^ relations, but claims that were invariably m et and not contested since time im m em onal, whereas the dem and for revision co n cern s con tracts that are by no m eans uncontested, since the bribery and swindling are notorious, and can be proved in m any cases. I can n ot be denied th at, though the abolished obligations a r4 qm te insignificant, H e rr Gierke, by abolishing them , s e c u r S advantages to those u n d er obligation by m eans that run co u n ter to the eternal egal principles and this is directly opposed to form al underm ines th e entire legal fram ew ork of

basis of its rule. . , u * T h e G erm an bourgeoisie of 1 8 4 8 unhesitatingly betrays the peasants, who are its natural allies, flesh of its own flesh, and without whom it carm ot stand u p to th e aristocracy. * T h e p erpetuation of feudal rights and th eir en d orsem en t in he form of th e (illusory) com m utations such is the result of the G erm an revolution of 1 8 4 8 . T h a t is m uch ado about nothing.
W ritten by M a rx on Ju ly 2 9 , 1 8 4 8 F irst p u b lish ed in th e N e u e R h ein isch e /.eitu n g 'N o . 6 0 , Ju ly 3 0 , 1 8 4 8 P rin te d a c c o r d in g to th e n ew sp ap er

results?

SO to all this trouble grievous sm in o rd e r to achieve such paltry

P rop erly-tha t is quite indisput able but it IS feudal p ro p erty he attacks, not m o d ern , bourgeois ^ D e r ' v wV * = b ou rfeois p roperty which arises on the ruins of feudal p rop erty. T h e only com m utation agreem en ts revised is because by m eans o f these agreem en ts feudal p roperty relations were converted into bourgeois ones, and consequently he cannot revise them without at the same tim e formally infringing bourgeois asT n yi y is, of cou rse, as sacred and inviolable feudal property is vulnerable a n d - d e p e n d i n g on the require-

m en ts a n d c o u ra g e o f th e M inisters vioiable.
W hat in b n ef is th e significance of this lengthy law? It IS the most striking p ro of that th e G erm an revolution of 1 8 4 8 is m ^ e ly a parody o f the French revolution of 1789. On A ugust 4, 1 789, three weeks after the storm ing of the Bastille

T e s tifie d by G ie r k e a n d H a n se m a n n . d .

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T h e Kolnische Zeitung o n th e Stale o f A ffairs in England

297

bourgeoisie has reach ed such a high level as in Englan d ; no oth er country presents such glaring contrasts between extre m e poverty and im m ense wealth yet w here is th ere any trace o f h atred against T H E K O L N IS C H E Z E IT U N G ON T H E S T A T E O F A F F A IR S IN EN G LA N D '"" the bourgeoisie? Obviously, th e associations o f w orkers, set u p secretly before 1 8 2 5 and openly a fte r 1 8 2 5 , ' associations n o t fo r just one day against a f,ingle m an u factu rer, but p erm an en t associations directed against entire grou p s of m an u factu rers, w orkers associations of entire industries, entire towns, finally associations uniting large num bers of workers th rou g h o u t England, all these associations and their num erous fights against th e m an u factu rers, th e strikes, which led to acts of violence, revengeful destructions, arson, arm ed attacks and assassinations all these actions just prove th e love o f th e proletariat for the bourgeoisie. T h e entire struggle of th e w orkers against th e m an u factu rers oyer the last eighty years, a struggle which, beginning with m achine wrecking, has developed th rou g h associations, th rou g h isolated attacks on th e p erson and p roperty of th e m an u factu rers an d on the few w orkers w ho w ere loyal to th em , th rou g h bigger and sm aller rebellions, th rou g h the insurrections of 1 8 3 9 and 1842,* has becom e th e m ost advanced class struggle th e world has seen. T h e class w ar o f th e Chartists, th e organised party of th e proletariat, against th e organised political pow er o f the bourgeoisie, has not yet led to those terrible bloody clashes which took place d u rin g the Ju n e uprising in Paris, b u t it is waged by a fa r la rg e r nu m b er of people with m u ch g re a te r tenacity and on a m u ch larger territo ry this social civil w ar is of cou rse reg ard ed by the Kdlnische Zeitung and its W olfers as n oth in g b u t a long d em onstra tion o f the love of the English proletariat fo r its bourgeois em ployers. , i_ 1 N ot so long ag o it was fashionable to p resen t Englan d as th e classic land o f social contradictions an d struggles, and to d eclare that F ran ce, co m p ared with E n glan d s so-called u n n atu ral situation, was a happy land with h e r Citizen King, h e r bourgeois parliam entary w arriors and h e r u p righ t w orkers, who always fou gh t so bravely for the bourgeoisie. It was not so long ago that th e Kolnische Zeitung kept h arp in g on this well-worn tu n e and saw in th e English class struggles a reason fo r w arning G erm any against protectionism and the u n n atu ral hothouse industry to which it gives rise. B u t th e Ju n e days have ch an ged everything. T h e h o rro rs of th e Ju n e battles have scared th e Kolnische Zeitung, and th e millions of Chartists in L on d on, M anchester and Glasgow vanish into thin air in face of th e forty thousand Paris insurgents.

Cologne, July 31.

Where is it possible in England to discover any trace o f hatred against the class which m France w called the bourgeoisie} This hatred was at one lime directed against the aristocracy which by means of its corn monopoly imposed a heavy and unjust tax on industry. T he bourgeois m E nglan d enjoys no privileges, he depends on his own diligence; in France under Louis Philippe he depended on monopolies, on

This g reat, this scholarly, this veracious proposition can be found in H e rr W olfers leading article in th e always well-informed Kolnische Zeitung. It is indeed strange, England has the most n u m erous, the most con cen trated, the most classic proletariat, a proletariat which every five o r six years is decim ated by the crush in g misery of a com m ercial crisis, by h u n ger and typhus; a proletariat which fo r half its life is redu n d ant to industry and unem ployed. O ne m an in every ten in England is a p auper, and o ne p au p er in every th ree is an inm ate in one of th e P oo r Law Bastilles. ^ T h e annual cost of p oor-relief in England alm ost equals the en tire exp en d itu re of th e Prussian state. Poverty and pauperism have been openly declared in England to be necessary elem ents of the present industrial system and the national wealth. Y et, despite this, w here in England is th ere any trace of h atred against the bourgeoisie? T h e re is no o th er cou n try in the worid w here, with the huge grow th of th e proletariat, the contradiction between proletariat and

Zeitung No. 211, July 29, 1848 Zd,

Koln, 28. Juli. Die europaische Revolution und die Handelsfreiheit, Kolnische

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T h e Kolnische Zeitung on the State o f A ffairs in England

299

F ran ce has becom e the classic cou n try as regard s h atred o f bourgeoisie and, accord in g to the present assertions of th e KoYnisl Zeitung, this has been the case since 1 8 3 0 . How strange. F o r th e lf ten years English agitators, received with acclam ation by th e ei proletariat, have untiringly preached fervent h atred of tl bourgeoisie at m eetings and in pam phlets and journals, w hereas A Fren ch w orking<lass and socialist literature has always ad vocatl reconciliation with the bourgeoisie on the grou n d s that th e e l l antagonism s in F ran ce w ere far less developed than in England t f men at whose very nam e th e Kolnische Zeitung makes th e triple si'fi Caussidiere an Ledru-K olhn, have, for m any years before and a fte r the Februai revolution, preached peace with the bourgeoisie, and they generalfe did It de la meilleure foi du monde.^ Let the Kolnische Zeitung l o 3 throu gh any of the writings o f these people, o r throu gh th e Refornu the Populaire, o r even the w orking<lass journals published durinl the last few years like the Union, th e Ruche bopulaire and thc^ F raf^ rn if^ -th o u g h it should be sufficient to m ention two w orl^ i which everybody knows, Louis B lan cs en tire Histoire de dix vX m es de la revolution frangaue in twp] s I ? ) i

nd com pelled them , when the A n ti-C orn Law League'^ was at the L ig h t of its fam e, to hold their m eetings in secret and to adm it only who had a ticket. T h e people with bitter irony com p ared the '^actice of th e Free Traders'* with their fine w ords, and fully ^ e n t i f i e d th e bourgeois with the F re e T r a d e r. Som etimes the Erjglish people were even forced tem porarily to seek the support of rhe aristocracy, th e monopoHsts, against the bourgeoisie, e.g. in their fi^ht for the ten -h ou r day.'^"* A nd we are asked to believe that the people who were so well able to drive th e F re e T ra d e rs off the robtrum at public m eetings, that it was these English who originally conceived th e ideas of Free T ra d e ! T h e Kolnische Zeitung, in its artless simplicity, not only repeats m echanically the illusions of the big capitalists of M anchester and Leed s, but lends a gullible e a r to their deliberate lies. T h e bourgeois in England enjoys no privileges, no m onopolies. But in Fran ce things are differen t:
The worker for a long time regarded the bourgeois as the monopolist who imposed a tax of 60 per cent on the poor farm er for the iron of his plough, who made extortionate profits on his coal, who exposed the vine-growers throughout France to death from starvation, who added 2 0 .4 0 , 50 per cent to the phcc of everythmg he sold rhem....

B ut the Kolnische Zeitung is not con ten t with m erely assprting as a fact that no h atred exists in England against the class which in F ran ce is called th e bourgeoisie" (in England too, o u r well-informed colleague, cf. th e Northern Star for th e last two years) it also explains why this must be so.

Peel saved the English bourgeoisie fro m this h atred by repealinif I the m onopohes and establishing F re e T ra d e . ^
A in England enjoys no privileges, no monopolies; in France he ''" fr o ehe m o w a l li n g u X ? a r

By doing away with the monopoly o f th e aristocracy. Peel saved the bourgeoisie from th e th reaten in g h atred o f th e p roletariat, according to the am azing logic o f the Kolnische Zeitung.
onlvTI'n English people day by day increasingly realise that only from fr e e Trade can they expect a solution of the vital problems bearing on all lm!d fM 3 solution which was recently attempted

T h e only m onopoly which the w orthy Kolnische Zeitung knows is the customs m onopoly, i.e. th e m onopoly which only appears to affect the w orkers, but actually falls on the bourgeoisie, on all industnahsts, who do not profit from tariff-p rotection . T h e Kolnische Zeitung knows only a local, legally created m onopoly, the m onopoly which was attacked by the F re e T ra d e rs from Adam Smith to C obden. B u t the monopoly of capital, which com es into being w ithout the aid of legislation and often exists despite it, this monopoly is not recognised by the gentlem en of th e Kolnische Zeitung. Y et it is this monopoly which directly and ruthlessly weighs upon the workers and causes the struggle between the proletariat and th e bourgeoisie^ Precisely this monopoly is the specifically modem m onopoly, which produces th e m od ern class contradictions, and the solution of just these contradictions is th e specific task of th e nineteenth century. B ut this monopoly of capital becom es m ore pow erful, m ore com prehensive, and m ore threaten in g in proportion as the other small and localised monopolies disappear. T h e freer com petition becom es as a result of th e abolition of all m onopolies , the m ore rapidly is capital con cen trated in th e hands
Here and below these two words are given in English in the German original. Ed.

T h e English people! B ut the English people" have been fiehtinc the Free T ra d e rs since 1 8 3 9 at all th eir m eetings and in the press,
In good faith. Ed.

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Articles from th e Neiie Rheinische Zeitung

301

of the industrial barons, th e m ore rapidly does th e petty b o u rg eoisii becom e ruined and th e faster does the industry of England, t] coun try of capitals m onopoly, subjugate the neighbouring cou tries. If the m onopolies of th e F ren ch , G erm an and I ta li;^ bourgeoisie w ere abolished, G erm any, F ran ce and Italy would reduced to proletarians co m p ared with th e all-absorbing E n g l i^ bourgeoisie. T h e pressure which the individual English b o u rg e o exerts on th e individual English proletarian would then be m atched by the pressure exerted by th e English bourgeoisie as a whole on' G erm any, F ran ce and Italy, and it is especially the petty bourgeoisie" of these countries which would suffer. T h ese are such com m onplace ideas that today they can no longer^ be exp ou n ded without causing o ffen ce to anyone but the learned^ gentlem en of th e Kolniscke Zeitung. T h ese profoun d thinkers see in F ree T ra d e the only m eans by which F ran ce can be saved from a devastating war between the workers and the bourgeois. T o red u ce th e bourgeoisie of a cou ntry to th e level o f the proletariat is indeed a m eans of solving class contradictions which is w orthy of th e Kolniscke Zeitung.
Written by Engels on July 31, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung'f^o. 62, August 1. 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

t h e ag reem en t a bo u t t h e

D EBA TE V A L D E N A IR E A F F A IR

Cologne. A ugust 1. O nce again we have to catch up with a cpuple of agreem en t sessions. , m otion calling fo r the During th e session of July 18 the ( n^niitv Valdenaire was discussed, i n e ce n iia r = d t & o n , ^

P ro s 'u tt^ H e rs irn o 'n T w a r a p p a re ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^

V a ld en a ire an d f o r th e ju d ica tu

quickly decided

th e la tte r should o ccu r

Jd b . exceedingly desirable that the whole case is no. .hen puUed apan so that judgment is not delayed .

AS far as H e rr Sim ons is

^ f f r t d ^ a n d ' t h e itnj^.nit7 of the P t r : ^ p r H e rr decl"r Simons * e n .-J u ^ o n V ^ L /a ir "

n aires

hfmself. H e

tra T th e Assembly would not be deprived o f any talent by

See this volum e, pp. 9 4 -9 5 . d.

302

A rticles from the Neue Rheinische Zeiiung

T h e A greem ent D ebate about the V aldenaire A ffair

303

his absence. H e then proceeds to p ronou n ce him unfit to sit in' Assembly as long as h e is n ot com pletely cleared of every susnir of having plotted against the G overnm ent o r rebelled a ? a in n arm ed forces. As far as talent is co n cern ed , one could, a cc o rd in g H e rr Sim ons logic, arrest nine-tenths o f the praisew orthy A s se i5 ' just as well as H e rr Valdenaire and still not deprive it of any tali whatever. As far as the second arg u m en t is co n cern ed , it does indi red oun d to H err Sim ons h on o u r that h e has never hatched plots against absolutism n o r been guilty of "rebellion against public auth ority on th e M arch barricades. A fter V aldenaires substitute, H err Grafj, had irrefutably provi that n either was th ere the slightest suspicion against V aldenaire nt had the action in question been unlawful (since it consisted in ha\ helped the legally constituted civic militia, which was occupying barricades o f T n e r with the approval o f the M unicipal C ouncilin tne? execution o f its functions), H e rr B au erban d rises to support the^ Public P ro secu tors office. H err Bauerband also has a very weighty scruple:
summoning of Valdenaire prejudice the future judgment ofifi# !

lition of capital punishm ent, a decision should be m ade on this ^^^rion within a week. . Rit^ is of th e opinion that such a precipitous p roced u re not be p a r lia m e n t a r y . r , u u ^ r r B r i l l : If we shall in th e n ear fu ture, as I certainly hope, bolish the death penalty it would certainly be very u n p a r lia m e n t a r y fn decapitate som ebody T h e President would inular H e rr B a u m s t a r k glances and his
exclaim s:

in the m eantim e. like to term inate th e discussion but the has already m ounted th e ro stru m . Casting face flushed with noble indignation, he

Gentlemen, permit me to say a wordl T h e subject here in question is not of ,ho kind that should be treated lightly from this rostrum by referring to decapitation ^ a n unparliamentary matter! (The Right, which looks upon de<^fPitat.on as he hcieht of parliamentarism, bursts into tempestuous shouts of bravo.) It is a subject of ?h Irc a te s t. most serious significance (it is well known that H err Baumstark says this of etery topic he discusses). Other parliaments ... the greatest men o legislation and science" (i.e. all political philosophers, from Plato down to Dahlmann ) have ^cupied themselves with this problem for 200 to 300 years" (each of them?) and if you want us to be blamed for having passed over such an important question with such ievitv. .. (Bravo!) Nothing but my conscience impels me ... but the question is too serious ... one m ore week will not make any difference!

Profoundly thoughtful doubts which are m ade still m ore insolubfe by the simple rem ark of H e rr Borchardt: W h eth er th e non^ m m o n in g of Valdenaire would n ot likewise p rejud ice th e jury? T h e dilem m a is really so profou n d that a thinker of even g reater m ental force ^ a n H e rr B au erb and m ight spend years trying in vain to resolve it. T h e re is p erhaps only one m an in the en tire Assembly who has en ough strength to solve the riddle: D eputy B a u m s ta rk / H e rr Bauerb an d continues to plead fo r a while in an extrem ely verbose and confused m an n er. H e r r Borchardt answers him briefly. A fter him , H e r r S t u ^ gets up in o rd e r to say also so m uch against Valdenaire that he had in every respect nothing (!) to a d d to the speeches o f Simons and B au erb an d . All this is, of cou rse, enough reason fo r him to continue speaking until h e is interru p ted by shouts calling for th e closure o f th e debate. H e rr R eich en sp erger II and H e rr W encelius speak briefly in favour o f V aldenaire and. as we know the Assembly decides to sum m on him . H e rr V aldenaire has p l^ e d a trick on the Assembly by not obeying the sum m ons. H e rr iJorc/iardi puts the following m otion: In o rd e r to prevent the im pending executions o f the death penalty before the Assembly has given its decision on H e rr Lisieckis m otion which advocates the
T h e name, literally translated, means as strong as a tree, i.e. very strong d.

Because th e subject is of th e g reatest, most serious significance the serious w ords of the noble D eputy B aum stark becom e th e rashest frivolity. Is th e re , indeed, g re a te r frivolity than H e rr B aum stark s apparent intention to discuss th e abolition of capital punishm ent for the n ext 2 0 0 to 3 0 0 years and in th e m eantim e to let decapitations continue at a sm art pace? Surely, one m ore week will n ot make any d ifferen ce" and th e heads which will roll d uring this tim e will not make any difference either! . Incidentally, the Prim e Minister^ declares that it is not intended to carry o u t death sentences fo r the tim e being. A fter H e rr Schulze from Delitzsch has expressed a few ingenious scruples con cern in g rules of p ro ced u re, B o rch a rd ts m otion is rejected O n th e o th er han d , an am en d m en t by H e rr N ethe, which recom m ends g re a te r dispatch to th e cen tral com m ission, adopted. Deputy H il d e n h a g e n proposes th e following m otion Until the relevant Bill has been submitted, the President should term inate every session with the following solemn p ronou n cem en t:
We, however, are of the opinion that the Ministry should work most zealously on the submission of the new municipal laws.

Rudolf von Auerswald. Ed.

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A rticles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

303

This edifying proposal was unfortunately not designed fo r n bourgeois tim es. '
We are not Romans, we smoke tobacco

T h e attem pt to carv e from th e raw m aterial of President Grab th e classical figure o f an Appius Claudius and to apply the solei Ceterum censeo to th e municipal legislation failed u n d e r hu< m irth . A fte r D eputy Bredt of B arm en has asked th e M inister o f T i th ree fairly mildly-worded questions on the unification of G erm any into a custom s union and into a m aritim e league wi| navigation diities, and finally on provisional protective tariffs, a a fter h e has received similarly mild, but also ra th e r unsatisfacfoianswers to his questions from H e rr Milde, H e rr Gladbach is th e las speaker o f the session. H e rr Schiitze o f Lissa^ h ad intended to moy that he be called to o rd e r because o f his vigorous langu age ( the debate over th e disarm ing of the volunteers.*^ H e decidecC* how ever, to withdraw his m otion. H e rr G ladbach, how ever, quit^" uncerem oniously challenged th e brave Schiitze and the en tire Righf and to the g re a t annoyance o f the hidebound Prussians related th am using an ecd ote o f a Prussian lieutenant who, having fallen asleep on his horse, rod e into the m idst o f th e volunteers. T h ese troops g reeted th e o fficer with the song Sleep, Baby, Sleep and fo r this offen ce they w ere to be court-m artialledi H e rr Schutze stam m ered ^ few w ords which w ere as indignant as in coh eren t and th e session was term inated.
Written by Engels on August 1, 1848 First published in the N eue Rheinische Zeitung No. 63, August 2, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

T H E M IL A N B U L L E T IN

Milan was simultaneously

l l e

which have nu m erous

c o m m r r c i a r T d 'c l o s e g e o g ra p h ic a l evaluating in n

Augsburg

paper

that

had

j h . s ^ ^ ^ X ^ ta ,ia n 7 re a y

c o m p a riso n of th e re p o r ts o t b
did win a victory, but that this v.ctory was ihe advance of fresh A ustrian troops. If anything
* Heinrich Heine, Zur Beruhigung. In Z eilgedichu . Ed. "C eterum censeo. C arihagin em esse delendam " (As for the rest, Carthage must be destroyed) the words with which Cato the Elder usually concluded every speech in the Senate (from 157 B . C. onwards). ^ T h e Polish name is Leszno. Ed.
See this volume, pp. 180-81 and 191-93. Ed.

fro m th e m by
Z

"

NO. 155 (speci^.1 supplem ent), June 3, 1848. p. 4. and

No. 1.56, June 4. 1848. pp. 2^8(1-2487.

306

307 A rticles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

astray, it would have been that ambitious but totally * individual Charles Albert, about whom we have already r expressed o u r opinion. Despite all the bad qualities o f this Italy , the possibihty still existed that at least o ne o f his ^ favoured by such uncom m only advantageous positions miol possessed the military skill to claim th e victory fo r the It^ ia n ^ Reality shows that this has not happened. A nd therewith r A lbert s fate is sealed. Even his presen t th ron e, not to menti. visionary o ne o f the whole of Italy, m ust shortly collapse A ? he could have looked forw ard to gratifying his ambition fo r a i vanquished, h e will very soon be tossed to one side as a useless t) the Italians them selves. A fter m any bloody sacrifices, Italy willii trium ph and show that it has no n eed of that w retched individi K ing of Sardinia to achieve its freed om and national indepenc Written by Engels on August 1, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 62, August 2, 1848 Printed according to the n< Published in English for time

T H E R U SSIA N N O T E '^

the

ColosTif August 1. Russian diplom acy has invaded G erm any for d m e being not with an arm y, but with a N ote m the form of a to all Russian Embassies. T h is N ote found the official organ of th e G erm an Im perial A dm m istration at Frankfurt- and it was soon also well h er official a^d unofficial newspapers. T h e m ore extraord in ary it is that Mr Nesselrode, the Russian Foreign Mi>tister, should m dulge in this sort of public statecraft, th e m ore im p ortan t it is to subject this action to closer inspection. , . During the happy period preced in g 1 8 4 8 , G erm an censorship . to it that no word could be printed which m ight incur th e displeasure of the Russian (Jov ern m en t, not even u n d er th e heading ot G reece or Turkey. j Since the evil M arch days, how ever, this convenient exp edient is unfortunately no longer available. N esselrode th erefo re bccom es a journalist. .r u According to him it is th e "G erm an press, whose h atred to r Russia seemed for a m om ent suspended , which with respect to th e Russian security m easures along th e fron tier had seen fit to m ake the most unfounded assum ptions and com m en taries . A tte r this restrained introduction th ere follow stron ger words which read :
'.T h e G o rm an press is daily sp re a d in g th e m ost ab su rd ru m o u rs arid th e m ost 'malicious calu m n ies ag ain st u s."

^ Oio ru ssisch e N o te F r a n k fu r ter O berpostam ts-Z eitu n g N o. 2 1 0 (se co n d su p p le-

Julv 28, ISAH.-Ed.

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Articles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

T h e Russian Note

309

Soon, how ever, there is talk of raving declam ations , madm enJ and perfidious m alevolence . I A t the n ext press trial, a G erm an Public P ro secu tor may well the Russian N ote in his evidence as an authenticated docum ent. And why is the G erm an, especially the d em o cratic press to bej attacked, and if possible, to be destroyed? Because it m isjudges the^ Russian E m p e ro rs benevolent as well as unselfish sentim ents a n d his openly peaceful intentions ! <
H a s G e rm a n y e v er h ad to ro m p la in a b o u t u s? asks N e sselro d e o n b e h a lf o f his ru le r. D u rin g th e e n tir e tim e w h en th e C o n tin e n t h ad to e n d u r e th e o p p ressiv e n iU o a c o n q u e r o r , R ussia sh ed h e r b lood to k e lp G e rm a n y preserve h e r integrity and ' in d ep en d en ce. T h e R u ssian te rrito ry h ad lo n g b e e n lib era ted w h en R u ssia stiU ' co n tm u e d to fo llow h e r G e r m a n allies to all th e b a ttle fie ld s o f E u ro p e , an d to assist

. -.h lv D raised by M r. N esselrode. A few N apoleonic d ecrees would !!lv e com pletely destroyed the en tire medieval chaos: the com pullabour services and tithes, exem ptions and privileges, the entir pa^archafs^^^^^ which still to rm e n t us fro m end to I of o u r fatherlands. T h e rest of G erm any would long since have rh ed th e level which the left bank of the R hine reach ed soon a fter T f t o revolution; we would have n eith er U ck erm ark ' f J Z L n o r a Pom eranian V erid ee- and we would no lon ger have fo inhale th e stuffy air of the historical and C hristian-G erm anic

"r.r=

In spite o f h e r num erous and well-paid agents, Russia is labouring u nd er the gravest delusion if she thinks that in th e year 1 8 4 8 she can arouse sympathies by evoking the m em ory of th e so-called wars of liberation. A nd are we to believe that Russia shed h e r blood for us G erm ans? A p art from the fact that before 1812 Russia su p p orted G erm anys m tegrity and independence by an open alliance and N aj^Ieon, she was later sufficienUy indemniried fo r h e r so-called aid by robbery and pillage. H e r aid was for the princes who were allied to her, h er assi.stance, in spite of the Proclam ation of Kalisch,^** for the representatives of absolutism, by the g race of G od , against a ru ler who h ad em erged from the revolution. T h e Holy Alliance and its unholy works, the bandit congresses o f Carlsbad, Laibach, V eron a e tc .,^ the R ussian-G erm an persecutions o f every enlightened w ord, as a m atter o f fact all politics since 181 5 which w ere guided by Russia ought indeed to have im pressed upon o u r m em ories a p rofou n d sense of gratitud e. T h e H ouse o f R om anov, along with its diplom ats, m ay rest assured; we will never fo rget this d ebt. As fo r Russias aid d u rin g the years 1 8 1 4 and 1 8 1 5 , we would sooner be susceptible to any o th e r feeling than that of g ratitud e fo r that aid paid fo r with English subsidies. T h e reasons a re obvious fo r discerning minds. If N apoleon had rem ained victor in G erm any, he would have rem oved at least three dozen beloved fathers of their p eop le with his well-knoWn energetic form ula. F ren ch legislation and adm inistration would have created a solid base fo r G erm an unity and spared us 3 3 years of humiliation and the tyranny of the Federal Diet which is, of course,
^ Nicholas I. Ed.

i i i n " .

" i * l " 11.

hnr.^es! in soite of the confidential outp ou rin g of h e a rt and bi L a L s t Ihe G erm an people by Abramowicz, Chief of Pohce m W arsaw, and in spite of o r ra th e r because of th e 'h re a te m n g an successful Notes from P etersb u rg. Russia perseveres in p y peaceful and defensive attitu d e . In the N esselrode circu lar, Russia fs portrayed as patience personified and as a p.ous, m uch-m ahgned w " t " r : t e som e of G erm any's

T f o r ^ r p a t e r n a l h eart of'^.ur d e a r b j - h e r - i n - aw^And to t , ^ a this execrable disease called fever of change ! This is actually the first, albeit in this case the second, ^readfulness, F r o ^ ^ to t Russia bestows an oth er kind of disease upon us. th e ch olera Be that as it may! Not only is this fever of ch a n g e contagious but it often
N iclw las I is re p o rte d to have addressed these w ords to his
i n f o r m e d th a t th e F ebruary 1848 re v o lu tio n had taken place in Fran

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Articles from the Neue Rheinhche Zeitung

T h e R ussian Note

311

reaches such a virulent intensification that highly-placed p e rso n ^ are easily com pelled to m ake hasty dep artu res for Englandl^ W a G erm an fever o f ch an g e perhaps one of th e reasons dissuadm g Russia from an invasion in M arch and A p riP T h e thi. cn m e : T h e Prep arliam en t of Frankfurt^* has represented ^ against Russia as a necessity of th e tim e. T h e sam e has happened associations and new spapers and is all the m ore unpardonable s accord in g to the clauses of the Holy Alliance and the la te r treat between Russia, A ustria and Prussia, we G erm ans a re only suppol to shed o u r b ood in the interest of the princes and not in o u r interest. 4 T h e re has been talk in G erm any o f reconstituting Poland withm h er tru e borders o f 1772.^^^ T h e knout over you a then o ff to Siberia! But no, when N esselrode w rote his circu lar J had not yet h eard of the F ran k fu rt Parliam en ts vote on the questio o f in corp oratin g Posen. Parliam ent has atoned fo r o u r sins a n d miJd, forgiving smile now how ers upon the lips o f the T sa r. T h e 5tli cn m e o f G erm any; H e r regrettab le w ar against a N ord ic m o n a r-' chy. In view o f the success o f the m enacing N ote from Russia die rapid retre a t of the G erm an arm y o rd ered by Potsdam and tke declaration issued by the Prussian A m bassador in C op enhagen on the motives and purposes o f the war,^^ G erm any deserved a m ilder punishm ent for h e r im pertinence than would have been admissible without these circum stances. 6. O pen advocacy of a defensive and offensive alliance between G erm any and F ra n c e . Lastly 7 T h e reception given to the Polish refugees, their free trips o n the railways and th e insurrection in the Posen reg io n . If the diplom ats and similar persons had not received the gift of an gu age "so as to conceal their th o u gh ts* ^ both N esselrode and T would have em braced us with shouts o f joy and thanked us ardently for having lured so m any Poles from Fran ce, England, Belgium etc. to the Posen region and fo r having m ade I t easy for them to be tran sp orted there only to have them mowed down by grape-shot and shrapnel, branded with lunar caustic, slaughtered, sent o ff with shorn heads etc., and, on th e o th er hand, to exterm in ate them in Cracow by a treach erou s b om bard m ent, II possible com pletely. And Russia, faced with these seven m ortal sins of G erm any has nevertheless rem ained on the defensive and not taken th e offensive? Yes, that s how it is, and it is for this reason that th e Russian diplom at
r e v o l^ d o n - f T
^ W ords a ttrib u te d to T a lle yra n d .

sking the world to admire the love of peace and the moderation of

th e p o lm cal a p d

h ic h h a s n o l a tta c k ed h .m O n th e

, d r a n c e o n * ''* H , r r e D e l an v e n c ro a c h m e n t u p o n h is ow n m te rn a l , e r h a n d h e ,s < i e rm m e d o ^ J p e r ,s an y w h ere n ^ : : ; a o r ' J l t e r e t t h T w ^ n o f h e d o n e a . th e e x p e n s e o , o u t ow n le g .t.n ta te

to com plete freed om W c H ^ t their po

and social exp erim en ts , ^^^^jure was not his

bul thal of^he Polish revolution of 1 8 3 0 ^ 'which gave his plans a' d ifferent direction. ^0 " 'h ereafter^ w e saw " u ; ; r o f ^ D T n S r l o s ^ / D ^ ^ ^ 1842 the King of Prussia wanted to issue a^

com fortable

tesp ect to the T e T o ;:r h " p P - .

invades th e co u n try .

n atu re of th e application of this ^

S e W o expand its te rrito ria l lim its by

own deduction unnecessary. It reads.

So lo n g as the

England during the Marrh

F.m peror w ill also respect its independence.

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Articles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

T h e R ussian Note

311

reaches such a virulent intensification that highly-placed net-eJ are easily com pelled to m ake hasty d ep artu res fo r England!* W G erm an fever of ch an g e" perhaps one of the re a so ^ dissuading Russia from an invasion in M arch and April? ' ^ 3 crim e: T h e Preparliam ent of Fran kfurt^* has re p re s e n r ^ agam st Russia as a necessity of th e tim e. T h e sam e has h a o n 2 associations and newspapers and is all th e m o re unpardonahW accord in g to the clauses of the Holy Alliance and the later between Russia, A ustria and Prussia, we G erm ans a re only su to shed o u r blood in the interest of the princes and n ot in oi interest. 4 . T h e re has been talk in G erm any o f reconstituting Poland within h e r tru e b orders o f 1772.2^ T h e knout o v e r then off to Siberia! B u t no, when N esselrode w rote his c i i x :u r had not yet heard of the F ran k fu rt Parliam ents vote on the ou. o f in corp o ratin g Posen. Parliam ent has atoned fo r o u r sins mild, forgiving smile now how ers upon the lips o f th e T sa r. T cn m e of G erm an y: H er regrettab le w ar against a N ordic chy. In view of the success of th e m enacing N ote fro m Russia rapid retreat of the G erm an arm y o rd ered by Potsdam and declaration issued by the Prussian A m bassador in C op en h a the motives and purposes of the war,^^ G erm any deserved a nn punishm ent fo r h e r im pertinence than would have been ad m ai w ithout these circum stances. 6. O pen advocacy of a d e fe n siw j offensive alliance between G erm any and F ra n c e . Lasdy 7 reception given to the Polish refugees, their free trips on the r " and the insurrection in the Posen reg io n . If th e diplom ats and similar persons had not received the language so as to conceal their th o u gh ts* both N esselrode j brother-in-law Nicholas would have em braced us with shouts o# and thanked us ardently for having lured .so m any Poles Fran ce, England, Belgium etc. to th e Posen region and for h m ade it easy fo r them to be tran sp orted th ere only to have w mowed down by grape-shot and shrapnel, branded with ^ caustic, slaughtered, sent off with shorn heads etc., and, on th e ot' h an d , to exterm in ate them in Cracow by a treach ero u s bom m ent, if possible com pletely. And Russia, faced with these seven m ortal sins of G erm any, nevertheless rem ained on the defensive and not taken the offensi Yes, that s how it is, and it is fo r this reason that the Russian diplo
A n allu sio n to th e flig h t o f th e P rin c e o f P ru ssia to E n g la n d d u rin g th e Mre v o lu tio n . E d. W o rd s a ttrib u te d to T a lle y ra n d . f:rf.

^ig the world to admire the love of peace and the moderation of
hi" [a n E m p ero r's rule of p ro ced u re f -" h k h he has s The R ; ; ; ; d 'f o r o ne m o m en t , according to M r, N esselrode,

L L T . tc h r w u ll ;
in te r e s ts ."

be

. Che expense f o , ow n legi.in.a.e

forgets to add th e illustrative exam ples. A fter

T h e R ussian N o te o r g e t s ^ r o r ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ l e d a n a rm y a lo n g th e
^ ^ r o ^ i e r s o a s allied with his faithful followers in G erm any, western fron tier so as, ^ nations ,0 give practical p ro of to the exp erim en ts';,

c o m p le t e

freed om

p ro ced u re was not his

r V b ,

o ( , h r P i L r v l u ,i o n o f 1 8 3 0 ^ which gave his p U s

L'cordJ n g 'to the e s "a s p rin cip le, on '^ e most h istorical basis, which had placed such an adm trab e role w respect to the Patents of 1 8 4 7 , ^ tt f wot.Id not tolerate it and thus ch eated us C h nstian G erm an out of the joy of having these Patents for several years. H e d-d ^1' th.s, N esLlrode s a y s because Russia n e v e r interferes ^ th e intern a organisation of a co u n try . W e hardly need to m ention C cow ^ Le us merely recall th e m m t recent sample of th e ^ procedure , the W allachians overthrow th e old replace it provisionally by a new one. T h ey want to .h o se of entire old system and create an organisation p attern e a ' , civilised nations. So as now to let them effec^ their social experim ents in com plete freed om a Russian ar y p __ invades th e c o u n t r y ^ A ft e r that anybody can guess the n atu re of t e ica i "rule of p ro ced u re to G erm any. B u t the Russian N ote makes ou r own deduction u nn ecessary. I t reads:
So long as th e Confederation, no m a tte r w hat new forms neighbouring states untou ch e d , and does n o t seek to exp a ii o r t r y ^ o assert its la w fu l a u th o rity beyond__the Urmts set by the f^^nipcror %vill also r e s p e c t its i n t e r n a l independence.
tre a tie s

Hmits by the

312

Articles from th e Neue Rheinviche Zeitung

T h e Russian Note

313

T h e second passage which refers to th e sam e subject m ore clearly:

If Germany should actually succeed in solving her organisational without detnment to h e r internal calm, and without the new forms impress#.? nationality being of a kind which endanger the tranquillity of other states Oill sincerely congratulate ourselves on that for the same reasons which m ade us her strength and unity under her previous political forms.
n ie th o rf

g r e a t e r in f l u e n c e u p o n t h e p a s s iv e a n d w a tc h fu l

f t h e R u s s ia n G o v e r n m e n t w as u n d o u b te d ly t h e c o u r s e o f
,a n y p r o p e r u p to t h e p r e s e n t. ^ N ic h o la s in p e r s o n h a v e t a k e n b e t t e r c a r e o f h .s a f f a ir s a n d h i s i n t e n s i o n s s o o n e r t h a n h a s u p t o n o w b e e n d o n e .n d am in I n n s b r u c k , i n V i e n n a a n d P r a g u e , m F r a n k f u r t and S in a lm o s t e v e r y o t h e r c o sy c o r n e r o f o u r f i l l e d w ith R u s s i a n m o r a l u n i t y ? H a v e n o t C o lo m b a n d t h e s h r a p n e l g e n e r a l' in P o s e n a n d

H anover
a n d in fa th e r la n d r,
n o t

But the following passage sounds m ost clear and rem oves possible doubt; h ere the circu lar speaks o f Russias incessant effc to recom m end and preserve h arm on y and unity in G e rm an y - " O f course, we are not referrin g to that m aterial unity o f which a democracy addict* levelling and ag g ran d m n g process is dream in g today, and which, if it could re a S

i n P r a g u e w o r k e d s o w e ll a s t o e n r a p t u r e t h e T s a r s W in d is c h g r a tz r e c e iv e a b r illia n t le t t e r o f c o m m e n v ia P o ts d a m fr o m th e h a n d s o f y o u n g j g e n tle m e n H a n s e m a n n -M ild e \ K as fa r as B a s s .'t d o m in th e N ic h o la s d a tio n ^ M r. M e y e n d o rf? S c h re c k e n s te in L ic h n o w s k is 1 m ta rn

ambitious theories as it interprets them, would inevitably sooner or la te r Germany into a state of war with all adjacent states, but rather to the moral unU sin c e re conformity of views and intentions in all political questions which the G (-onfederation had to negotiate in external affairs. . . policy had only one aim: to preserve this unity and to strengthen the which link the German governments with.each other. That which we wanted in those days, we still desire today.

B erk n

? k f u r t X l ^ m e n t f o r m a s o o t h in g b a lm f o r m a n y a p a in o f th e F ra n k fu rt . ^ c u m s t a n c e s R u s s i a n d i p l o m a c y d id n o t

r".^ : t n t lith S discussed Note!

to Tnvad

It is perfe'cdy righ t to be

As one can see from the preced in g passage, the Rus G overnm ent most willingly allows us moral unity, only no maU, unity, no replacem ent of th e present Federal Diet by a cent authority, not the m ere sem blance o f cen tral authority, but a genti and seriously effective central authority based on pop u lar soverei ty. W hat m agnanim ity! T h at which we wanted in those days (before February ll we still desire tod ay. T h at is the only phrase of th e Russian N ote which nobody willi m question. B u t we should like to tell M r. N esselrode that desire fulfilment are still two separate things. T h e G erm ans now know exactly w here they stand as fa r^ s Rus is co n cern ed . As long as the old system, painted over with IK m odern colours, persists, o r if o ne obediently moves back agaitt^ th e Russian and historical track a fter having strayed from it u m om ent of intoxication and exu ltation , Russia will rem ain opei peaceful . T'he internal conditions of Russia, th e raging cholera, the insurrections in individual districts, the revolution plotted Petersburg which was, how ever, prevented just in tim e, thCj conspiracy inside the citadel o f W arsaw , the volcanic soil of Kingdom of Poland,^ all these are at any rate circum stances which^ have contributed to the T s a rs benevolent as well as unselfi*^| .sentiments tow ards G erm any.

passive and watchful m eth o d , and the just

Printed according to the newspaper

Written on August 1, 1848 First published in the Neue Zeitung No. 64, August 3, 1848

Alexander Adolf von Hirschfeld. Ed. the G erm an word An allusion to the deputies Bicdermann and Bassermann; ^ederkeit means respectability". Ed. '

314

315

M ISC ELLA N EO U S^'*

BAKUNIN^

^ defam ation along entirely new lines will b Jaid before the C ham ber. O u r criticism o f the article o f th e Code. Napoleon in connection with H eck ers suit against the Neue Rheinische Zeitung was evidently only too well founded.
Written by Marx on August 2. 1848 First published in the N eu e R k e in isc h e Z eitu n g No. 64, August 3, 1848 Printed according to the newspaperj Published in English for the first time

In num ber 3 6 , of this paper, we com m unicated a ru m o u r orcu latin g in Paris, according to which G eorge Sand was stated to be D o s s e s s e d of papers which placed the Russian refu gee, B akunm , in The position of an agent of th e E m p e ro r Nicholas. W e gave p u b lic ^ to tMs statem ent, because it was com m unicated to us sim ultaneous > ,v tw o orresp on den ts wholly unconnected with each oth er. By so oing we only accom plished the duty of th e public press, which has 'everdv to watch public ch aracters. A nd, at th e sam e time we gave to Mr Bakunin an opportunity of silencing suspicions throw n up hnn certain Paris circles. W e reprir,ted also from he Oder Zeitung Mr. B akunins declaration, and his letter addressed to S o r f t a n d without waiting for his request.^ W e pubhsh now a litera? translation of a letter addressed this a ff a ir" Rhenish Gazette, by G eorge Sand, which perfectly settles this attair.
"To the editor ' " 'u nd er ,he date line P a ri. July 3, you have published ,he
a . n .a .io n o U h e ^ .e v .^ ^ ^ ^

Z ^ r r a H e r h id . . a p o , evidence in P p o n .he ..p u .a u o ^ ,ou seek to make against Mr. Bakunin, who was banished from ^ derhronod K ingd I have therefore never had any warrant for the shghtest doum about ,h f s ,n "eS.y of Mr. Bakunin's character a.td the honesty of h.s views. Yours etc.
G eo rg e S a n d

Bakunin. N e u e R k e in isc h e Z eiirm g N o . ."56, July 6, 1848. Ed. Bakunin. ErkJarung", N e u e R k e in isch e Z eitu n g No. 46 (supplement), Ju >

" ' T h f passage is given iu Marx's own translation as printed in THe M .r ,n g

See this volume, pp. 2 0 8 -1 1 .

A dvertiser, September 2, 1853. Ed. Louis Philippe. Ed.

$16

Articles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

317

in y o u r X ' r a p e 7 " "

I.a Chatre (Dept. Indre), July 20, 1848 Written by Marx on August 2, 1848 First published in th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 64. August 3. 1848

T H E H A N SEM A N N G O V E R N M E N T
Printed according lo the newspaper Published In Englisli for the fir time
a n d t h e o l d -p r u s s i a n c r im in a l b il l

rnloffne A ugust 3. W e have already often said that th e H ansem ann Cologne, A g Bodelschw ineh Ministry m every possible
n tio ^ n o ftt

;:n

n d " t! phrase read th e following an iC e of th e latest

Preussische Staats-Anzeigei^.
S .U .,
reported m us unofficial part as a survey of death sentences passe (inclusive) with the exception investigation. This . between the years 1826 and 1843 so-called demagogical . P , miijsation of documents of the ^^ould c b i . the the

i '.t r e s V t . According to the survey, aforementioned period of time: 1 , , the Rhine P ^vince 189 death sentences were p a , d . 2. In the other provinces altogether 237 426 death sentence, were passed, ^6 100

confirmed confirmed,

_________________ _________ ____________

of which, however, four were not carried out because of flight or death of the "th e Bill on the new Penal Code of 1847 had been in force during that period there would have been:
1, I th e Rhine Province only 53 death sen ten ce, passed, 5 confirm e

2. In the other provinces only altogether 187 death sentences passed,

75 81 confirmed.

Fd.

318

319 Articles from th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung

According to the survey, there were annually on the average; 1. In the Rhine Province 10/i8 death sentences passed and 2. In the other provinces 13

/i8 5U

confinae^j

T H E KO LN ISC H E ZEITU N G O N T H E C O M P U L S O R Y LO A N

If. however, the Bill had been in force at the time, there would have been ann lu on the average: 'cen annualjy 1. In the Rhine Pro vince only 2^ /i8 death sentences passed Z. In the other pro vinces only 7 / | g

and

"/I8

c o n firm e d

' m . 'W -M

4^18 And now ad m ire th e m ildness, th e ex cellen ce an d th e glory o f the Royal Prussian C rim inal B ill o f 1 8 4 7 ! P erhaps as m uch a f o ^ en tire death sen ten ce less would have been carried o u t in th e R h in e P rovince in 18 years! W hat advantages B u t th e in n u m erab le d efen d an ts who would have b een deprived ju ry and sen ten ced and ja iled by royal ju stices, th e d isgracefu ! co rp o ra l p u nishm ents which h ere on th e R h in e would h ave been carried out with old-Prussian rods, here, w here we freed ourselves th e rod fo rty years ago; th e d irty p roceed in gs co n seq u en t upon been u th e C od e, w hich would have been co n ju re d u p again by th e d epraved h aem o rrh oid al im agination ^ ^ in ex o ra b le c o n f L io n o f J co n cep ts, and finally th e in n u m era b le political trials co n seq u en t upon th e desp otic and insidious regu latio n s o f T h a con tem p tible patchw ork, in a w ord, th e P m s s ia n L g o f t L en d re R h in e P rovince; do th e R h en ish reneg ad es in B erlin really believe I rs\ 7ear H b ran ch H e r ; H head? H an sem an n , th ro u g h his ag en t in th e ju d icial

cologne, A ugust 3. N u m b er 2 1 5 o f th e K o ln ^ f.. Zung carries th e

follow ing appeal to R h en ish p atn o t.sm :
As we have just been reliably rontributions to the voluntary P been received here m the c ty of now have not contributed to this gov as citizens within the next ten days \ have expected that persons who up to will recognise and fulfil their duty advantage is bound to August 1 0 -r a th e r than

1,
imiff/if are /ocJstng.

/ . - ^
tVip

A total o f 1=/, p e r ce n t p rem .u m patriotism o f th e t^ p a y e r s ; r c r c a n "irT s " o u r dm ; C

c est inconcevable.\ A

B odelschw lnl^^ was beyond B^odelschwingh. H e really wants now to brin g into fo rce th e th orou ghly hated old -Prussian crim inal B ill. At the sam e time we learn that the jury system will onlv be in tro d u ced in B eriin , and even th ere only on an exp erim en ta l b L is T h u s: not th e in tro d u ction o f R henish law to th e o ld -P ru ssia n sb u t

patriotism resist this rin gin g

exp lain this w on d erful p h en om en o n to o u r ^ t en o u g h , as m eans H L A nd by what

qZ l a '

r lV lt

""h '" ^ '" ^ " d o u s

th e R h in elan d ers is th e g reat a ch iev e m en t o f th e M arch revolution!

Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

beloved fellow new spaper. By w hat m eans does th e :5'/3 p e r cen t? By new taxes. A n is to b e ex p ectcd by a new No- " i "
from Ferdinand
F r e i l i g r a t h 's

Written on August 3, ,8 4 8 First published in the Neue Rkeinische Zettung No, 65, August 4, 1848
* N othing but that. <i.

translation (T rotz alledcm l". <.l Koben

Rums poem For a that and a' that . - E d .

^ T h i s is i n c o m p r e h e n s ib le . t a -

320

Articles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

321

com m ands that the road w hich the Prussian G o v ern m en t k - V . not b y " U takr^ f r 't h T H ' ' " J * 'enjoying =>n ex tra d eb t o f 10 miUlo talers fo r he H unm sh war m Posen. T h u s a voluntary loan o f f i f t i ! m ilhon talers would only b e a bill o f in dem n ity fo r th e in trig u e s!.^ th e secret cabm et in Potsdam ^" w hich, against th e o rd ers o f th^e w ea^ in th e in terests o f th e Russian ^ reaction. T h e ju n k e r co u n ter-rev o lu tio n condescend u ficiently to appeal to the p u rse o f th e tow nsm en and peasants whJ afterw ards m ust pay fo r its h e ro ic deeds. A nd th e L r d ^ e a n S ru ral inhabitants resist such co n d escension ? T h e G o vern m en t o f ' y o u 'd o m oney fo r th e constabulary bminess ^nd you do not possess th e co rre ct in sig h t in to th e b le iin g s o f th e & , v S n m e L * r f A The the m n n T f u you an d you re fu se to give it the money fo r the gags? W hat a strange Jack o f insight! ^ in te r e s t? T th T n r k p articular ZZi u u U ckerm ark prevail against G erm an unity. A n d the al inhabitants o f th e adm inistrative district o f C olo g n e are U ck erm arrP o m er - p er c e ^ j Wh r r k """ nationality m spite o f th e prem iu m o f iV , p e r cen t. W hat has b eco m e o f patriotism ? fo r g e tffn ks arrf " h '^>'ich th reaten s "execution" forgets in its ard o u r that th e com p ulsory loan has n ot yet b een voted y th e A g reem en t Assembly^ and th e m inisterial B ills have th e sam e fo rce o f law as editorials o f th e Kdlnische Zeitung.
Written on August 3, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinm he Zeitung No. 65, August 4, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

P R O U D H O N S S P E E C H A G A IN S T T H IE R S

P a r is A u g u s t 3 . T h e d a y b e f o r e y e s t e r d a y w e w e r e a b l e t o r e n d e r
P r o u d h o n s sp eech

o n ly

p ie c e m e a l

W e w ill n o w

e n te r u p o n

th o r o u g h d is c u s s io n o f i t * M . P r o u d h o n s ta r ts w ith t h e e x p la n a tio n th a t t h e F e b r u a r y r e v o lu tio n w as n o t h in g b u t t h e e m e r g e n s o c M s m w h i c h a t t e m p t e d t o a s s e r t i t s e l f i n a ll t h e f o l l o w i n g e v e n t s a n d p h a s e s o f th is r e v o lu tio n .

You want to finish with socialism. Oh well, just watch. I will lend you a helping

labour and privilege.

M. P ro u d h o n d e m o n stra te s in s te a d th a t M. T h ie r s has o n ly a tta c k e d a n d s la n d e r e d h is p r iv a te life .

If we proceed on that level, I would suggest to M. Thiers: let us both go to confession! You confess your sins, and I will confess mine.
The p o in t a t is s u e w a s t h e r e v o lu t io n . T h e f in a n c ia l c o m m it t e e p ro p e rty had r e g a r d e d t h e r e v o lu tio n as a fo r tu ito u s e v e n t, as a s u r p r is e , w h e re a s Te P r o u d h o n , h a d t a k e n i t s e r i o u s l y . I n t h e X p a id its d e b t t o t h e r e p u b lic b y p a y in g a t h ir d xes^ T h e d e v o lu tio n o f 4 8 m u s t r e m a in in a p r o p o r tio n a l r e la t io n s h ip . n t h e y e a r 9 3 t h e f o e s h a d b e e n d e s p o t i s m a n d f o r e i g n c o u n t r i e s , t h e y e a r 4 8 , p a u p e r i s m w a s t h e f o e . W h a t is t h i s r ig h t to w o rk ?

droU au travail , t h i s

31.

JuIi..,-Nauonal-Vcrsammlung",

R hein iscke Zeitung K o . 64.

T h e Prussian National Assembly i U

August 3. 1 S 18, pp.

S-4. Ed.

Articles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

Prou dh ons Sp eech against T h iers

323

^ h a i I m e a n i f t h e p r o p e r t y o w n e r s w ill n o t l i q u i d a t e v o l u n t a r i l y , I f t h e d e m a n d f o r la b o u r w e r e g r e a t e r t h a n t h e s u p p ly t h e r e

w ill c a r r y

would

h -

fo r a n y p r o m is e s o n th e p a r t o f th e s ta te . T h is , h o w e v e r , i^ n o t t h e c a s e .s v e r y lo w . T h e sto re s are fu ll o f g o o d s and .h e p o o r are

C on

,lh

th is liq u id a tio n .

naked! a S v"'
10
K n o w h,

c o u n tr y h a s a g r e a t e r p r o p e n s ity to c o n s u m e th a n F r a n c e ? I f in s te a d o f w e r e g .v e n 00 . e , 7 5 f r a n c s p e r h e a d a n d p e r d a y , w e c e r t a u .I y w o u ld c o n s u m e It, ( H ila r it y in t h e C h a m b e r .)

s e v e r a l v o ic e s : W h o

lu n a tic .o

a s y lu m

at

C h a re n to n .

a c c l p a n . e d b y th u n d e r

T h e rate o f interest is supposed to be the basic cause of people s ruin. T h e creation of a national bank of two milliards wj would lend Its m oney without interest and g ran t the free use of land and o f houses would b n n g im m ense advantages (V leo interruptions.) vvijjo
I f WC s t i c k t o reah sm

n J be ari''S
, say

id e n t if y m ^ l/ w ith t h e p r o le t a r ia t a n d y o u w ith t h e b o u r g e o is ie ."

M 7 "
^

P r o u d h o n t h e n e n t e r s u p o n t h e s p e c if ic a t io n o f h is " ;b \ r P r o X n f w e i r d s b 'e c o m e r h ^ P n g t h irt th is

this

S;?L .m irrd ed Chamber^g^^^^^^^

(la u g h te r ), if t h e fe tis h is m (re n e w e d o f m oney w e r e s u D D l a n t ,.H K la u g h t e r ) , t h e n t h e r e w o u ld e x is t

boldne.

o f g r a tific a tio n

la b o u r . L e t th e d u tie s o n th e in s tr u m e n ts o f la b o u r b e a b o lis h e d a n d y o u a r e ^ th e y b e c a lle d G ir o n d is ts o r M o n ta g n a rd s

T h t r s ' P W hen

" t

h a s p ro v e d h is p r a c tic a l fin a n c ia l d is c e r n m e n t

h i - d m i n i s t r a t i o n , t h e s t a t e t r e a s u r y d e c r e a s e d w h .l e h . s [ r e T h a m ^ e f p a id

little a tte n tio n t o P r o u d h o n s fu r th e r

t h e m a jo r i t y o f th e C h a m b e r w as

now becom es enm eshed in a lengthy discourse ab rfr\ interest and how th e rate o f interest could m .inf^ on weak grounds as long as m aintam s this econom ic point of view even though he creates ^ im m ense scandal in this bourgeois C ham ber. B u t w henever, excitea^' by just this scandal, he adopts th e proletarian point of view, thc^ C h am b er seems to g o into nervous convulsions. ,i '
G e n t le m e n , m y id e a s a r e d if f e r e n t fr o m fig h t b X Je ^ 'n S e r e l e th e r b" y o u r s . I r e p r e s e n t a d i f f e r e n t D o in r r f began on F e b r u a r y 2 4 w ith liq u id a tio n w ill

a rg u m e n ts, h e d e c l a r e d b lu n tly th a t h e w o u ld
t l e a s t */4 o f a n h o u r. W h en ^ .e r e u p o n g e t tin g r e a d y to le a v e h e p r o c e e d e d o n c e a g a .n to d ir e c t a tta c k s u p o n p r o p e r t y .
By th e F e b n ia r y r e v o lu tio n a lo n e y o u h a v e a b o lis h e d p r o p e r ty !"

O n e c o u l d a l m o s t sa y t h a t t e r r o r k e p t t h e p e o p l e g l u e d t o t h e i r s e a ts e v e r y t i m e t h a t P r o u d h o n s a id a n y t h i n g a g a i n s t p r o p e r t y .
B y r e c o g n is in g in t h e C o n s titu tio n o f th e a b o litio n th e r ig h t to w o rk , y o u h a v e p r o c la im e d th e

th t

a c f o m

'^ ^ i s

be

c o g n itio n

o f p r o p e r ty .

L a r o c h e ja q u e le in a s k s w h e th e r o n e h a s t h e r ig h t to s te a l. O t h e r d e p u tie s d o n o t w a n t to le t M . P r o u d h o n c o n t m u e .
Y o u c a n n o t d e stro y th e c o n s e q u e n c e s o f th e ; d r s "^ r a r ? h r p r l'^ ^ ^ t t ir o S n te t w ilu '

d is c e r n m e n t o f th e b o u r g e o is ie a n d

its g r e a t e r o r l e s s e r r e s i s t a n c e .

of ot property tTat^ S

elaborate his idea of the abolition . H e does not intend to abolish p roperty all at once but journaJ-

- r d e r : E v e t r b o d y is o h H g e d

7 a m

n o f s a y L g th a t t h e lia b ilitie s h a v e b e e n r e p e a le d b u t t b o s e w h o a r e tr y m g to h ere a r e d e s tr o y in g th e ii -r u ^ n o w e r w h ic h g a v e u s

g r r d S y ab o H l"
t h e b o u r e o !l^ e -T h a ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ .h e m e a n in g o f t h e F e b r u a r y r e v o lu tio n to

d e fe n d th e m

W h a t a re w e, re p re se n ta tw e s? N o t h i n g , f o r t e ^ e s p o t i s m
p o w e r la c k e d p r in c ip le and b a s is .

a n d t he

U n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e is a n a c c i d e n t o r g a n is a tio n . W e a r e A p r il 1 6 th , v fh ic h a r e ^ re th e s tro n g e r

liq u id a d o n S o r L tT h ^ h o ld it s e lf r e a d y fo r iq u id a tio n a rtd s o t h a t t h e p r o p e r t y o w n e r s m a y b e h e ld r e s p o n s ib l e f o r t h e i r r e f u s a l .

m ig h t o f th e s t r o n g e r , (N e w e r u p tio n a n d in o r d e r t h a t it m a y g a m s ig n if ic a n c e , it n o t r u l e d b y la w o r ju s t i c e . W e a r e r u l e d M ay 1 5 th , Ju n e 2 3 r d , 2 4 th by h is to ry ^ and 2 5 th are

w^Apthunderous ro ar arises from several sides: responsible in what

le g itim is e d "

R e b e ls a r e th o s e w h o h a v e n o o th e r r ig h t

t l :; o f^ u p V r^ 'r m i g h . b t i U n o t r e c o g n i s e t h i s r i g h t f o r o t h e r s . I K n o w t h a t . v

L e R ep resen tan t d u P eu ple. Jo u r n a l q n o lid ien des Irav ailleu rs.

-E d .

324

A rticles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

325

motion will not be accepted. But you are in a position where you can only esc.n by accepting my motion. It is a question of crcdits and labour. Confidence w M ? return, nay. it is impossible for it to return.... (Horrible!) For all that you m that you are trying to create a respectable, moderate republic, capital does n S T show >tse^ under a republic which has to hold demonstratiom in f a v Z workers. While capital is thus waiting for us .so as to liquidate us, we are waid capital so as to liquidate it. February 24 has proclaimed the right t r w o r k ^ ^ eliminate this right from the Constitution, you proclaim the right to insurrecti ^ P ace yourselves for ever under the protection o f bayonets, prolong the s t siege for ever: capital will still be afraid and socialism will keep its eyes on i t "

D R. G O T T S C H A L K

Ko7ni5c/i^ Zeitung know M. P ro u d h o n o f vor/^ M. P ro u d h o n who, acco rd in g to th e reason in g o f th e ag en d a * stT ^ h e " '''7 p ro p erty , was n ot so long still th e acclaim ed h ero o f th e Kolnische Zeitung. P ro u d h o n so-called social-econom ic system was th orou gh ly g lo rified i articles fro m co rresp o n d en ts in Paris, in feu illeton s and in le n g th *^ treatises. Ail social re fo rm s w ere to p ro ceed fro m P r o u d h ^ n S l d eterm m ation o f value. T h e story o f how th e Kdlnische Zeitung m a d ? ' d an gero u s acq u ain tan ce does n ot belo n g h e re . B u t how stran ge! T h e very new spaper which in those days looked u pon P roud hon as saviour, now ca n n o t fin d en o u g h invective to abel h im an d hi^

.A n r ro rrsch alk h a d h is th r e e first interrogations

The latter was not willing to take

W hat we w ere attack in g in M. P ro u d h o n s theory was th e utopian T n d ^ lalo u r antagon ism betw een capital and lab ou r, betw een p ro letariat and bourgeoisie.^ W e shall com e ex rL f b an k in g and his en tire when bu t a p etty-bourgeois illusion. Now, h en to realise this, pale illusion h e is com p elled to speak as a b o u rgeo is C h a m b er an d is ex p ressin g this antagonism in h arsh term s, th e C h a m b er cries o f o tte n c e against m orahty and prop erty.
Written on August 3, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 66, August 5, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

r g S ? u :t r - s r y ^ :'A 7 & than before is being kept on him.

^uspicious as found, a much closer watch

Public tarpceedings in th e R h in e Province are a sh eer

it s a y . has restored confi<ier.e onc^^^^^^^^ a p p r o a c h i n g festivities a r S

^ n d these same

Citizens o f C olo g n e fro m a 5 /Government has h an d ed over citizens o f C o lo gn e, to w hom th e G o v ern m en t ^ ^eful Gottschalk and th e C a t h e d r a l festiv.^s^^thjse^sa^^^^^^ r a com pulsory loan! as U staiSm ers th e first word about

time

Published in English for the first

M.

o f PUlosophy. A n m er to ,he -PhUcophy o f P o n f by

1848). K.61n". ibid., No. 20, August 3, 1848. td. Deutsche Zeitung. <1, . Colocne Cathedral in August Celebration of the 600th anniversary of the C.ologn 1848. Ed.

326

Articles from the N ew Rheinische Zeitung

327

T h e arrest of G ottschalk and A nneke, the press trials, and have restored confidence. In the city, confidence is th e basis o f * credit. T h e re fo re lend th e Prussian G overnm ent money a s r e J of m oney, and it will lock up even m ore people, stage e ^ press tnals, m an u factu re even m ore confidence. M ore arrests press tnals, m ore reaction from the G overnm ent. B ut in hm exch ange mark this well m ore m oney, m ore and m ore mo from the citizens! W e advise th e Prussian G overnm ent in its financial difficulties take r ^ u g e in a m easure tried and tested u n d er Louis X IV a cachet. as a m eans of restorin g con fiden ce and filling up Prussian treasu ry! ^
Written on August 4, 1848 First published in the Neue R hein w ke Zeuung No. 66 . August 5, 1848
L e ttr e s

d e b a t e

a b o u t

t h e

e x is t in g

r e d e m p t io n

l e g is l a t io n

Printed according to the newspa Published in English for the fi time

bkck-w hite knighthood becom es daily m ore m solent, such revela-

.;:x S.

ir r

nr on annlication by one of th e interested parties,

itself already takes advantage of th e peasant.

.Cpe.ado for corvee- (compulsor, a very partial manner. It has not een a en groschen, corresponded to which in form er centuries were stipulated ^ c o n d i^ n s of the times and that the then prevailing prtcei of natural pro uce ^ that neither rhey represented, therefore an advantage. A free the lords of the manor nor the serfs ,i,^er groschen per day. If labourer, however, must now pa relationship requests redemption he now one of the interested partners of j 3 differential will have to pay, after first convertmg iii amount to a yearly rent (based amount of at least 3 silver groschen per day, which payments since he upon 50 days) of 4 to 5 of land and cannot find sufficient often possesses barely a quarter ol a morgc opportunity for work elsewhere. ^ Oierschke used the word Ro^>otd^ensie (corvee). Engels has inserted Frondm.^t^ (compulsory labour) in brackets. E<i. i^raliries between 0 2 :> and An old German land measure, varymg m different locaht.es betwe 1.23 hectares.

328

A rtides from the Neue Rheinmhe Zeitung

D e b a te a b o u t th e E x is tin g R e d e m p tio n L eg islatio n

329

This passage o f H e rr Dierschke's speech leads to all -"lig h te n e d legislation of , 8 0 7 ? . j n one of which m ade it ap p ear in a very favourable light *' First of all, It IS evident from this that the com pulsory hK services (especially those in Silesia of which H e r f D i e X h ^ speaking) are certainly not a rent or fee which is paid in kind and H e r ^ r H e rr " are nothing but an o utcom e of seigniorv serfdom and hen ce ought to be aiolished without J m t e Z a r * acrord in g to the very mvn principles o f these g reat statesman W herein consisted th e obligation of the peasant? In nl!.
1" M

has increased on the average by only 2 silver grosch en for the vears T h e n th e gracious landlord will have earn ed a tul past .^00 y w orker. T h e interest on 5 0 0 talers over 3 0 0 1'' " '. 5 p er cen t will be 7 ,5 0 0 talers. A ltogether h e will have m ade ta le rs o ft one w orker, and that according to an estim ate whi ot take into accou n t half th e actual position! . deduction can be m ade from all this? A ren t ought to be paid

"l'2i*hansTo\bySrteidt^^^^^^^

Statu te wages and tre

L , . e T and free wages. It is exactly because th e peasant has g jjffp rp n re fo r so long by his gracious

e m ^ l h :::f ;h \ ^ r d i d ? o r t V t ;:r 'T r

o M , a ! r no t ' s t - s S

b ^ T
^ ; r , u t ^ i ^ o T ^ : S s i r v r

If Patow, G ierke and C o. want to be consistent, th ere is no doubt must b r a r r T ' " ^ must be abolished w ith o u t c o m p e n s a tio n these labou r services

a c c lu n t f

''

into

T h : u "p ^V ^^ t h a f p L S " : t n

have to pay from 4 to 5 talers

did"?be u services rem ained th e sam e and so did th e wages for these services. B u t the price o f food i n c r e a s e d l d so did the wages for free labour. T h e com pulsory s e r " w c h a t the beginning brought equal econom ic advantage to both parties and ^ I d u d i r b " " " '' h p e a s a n f H S r d a p the m ore prosp erous t ,';^ s land as prem ium fo r th e skill :J oJ : nave d efrau d ed the

cons.ste^nl

! Ir T n s f o ^ n ' o f T e u S a l Z
^ Matthew 13:12. Ed.

steadily grow ing part of their wage so that they finally received only a upplv o n l ^ r ' " " V 'f a L r m s te a d is obHged'^^: upply only one w orker for only 50 days a year and that the daily

bourgeois p roperty and of se.gniorv

330

A rticles from th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung

Debate about th e Existing Redem ption Legislation

331

into capital means in every case a new crass d efrau d in g of t bondsm an to the advantage of th e feudal lord. T h e bondsm an m/ purchase his freed om every time and he must buy it dearly TK bourgeois state acts accordin g to the principle: only death gratuitous. r r 7 ^cdcn j T h e theory of redem ption, how ever, proves even m ore As D eputy Dane observes, th e inevitable result of these enorm<^^ dem ands upon the peasants is that they fall into th e hands usurers. Usury is the inevitable com panion of a class of free snv peasants as has been dem onstrated in F ran ce, the Palatinate and th Rhine Province. T h e Prussian science of redem ption m anaged to le he small peasantry of the old provinces p artake of the joys o f beinifJ ^ u e e z e d by usurers even before they w ere freed . T h e P r u s s ia S G overnm ent, m general, has always had a knack fo r subjecting ^ oppressed classes to the pressure o f feudal and o f m odern b o u r l e ^ conditions at the same tim e, thus m aking the yoke twice as hfavy^ O ne has to add to this an o th er m atter, to which Deputy Dane also calls attention: the trem en d ou s costs which m ount in proportion ^ term*^^ m aptness of the com m issioner who is paid by th e

nen u ty Moritz defends the land com m issioners. H e r r Dierschke I can state that th ere are very m any am on g them ho aU rTsard th e interests of the peasants 1 myself have even fw fhe investigation of som e of them and I can give p ro of of th.s if M t o i l e t Gierke, of cou rse, appears again as d efen d er of the Id Prussian system and the institutions which have e m erg ed fro m it. "t[ com m issioners m ust, of cou rse, also be praised agam :

And H e rr Dierschke is offering proofs! Since how ever his Excellency G ierke seems to be of th e opinion rhat noiorious facts can be knocked down by ministerial ^^sertiom we shall shortly submit a few p roofs which will show that H err Dicrschke, far from exag geratin g , has not by a long way condem n . the con d u ct of the land com m issioners sufficiently strongly. So m uch fo r th e debate. T h e am endm ents submitted w ere so num erous that the re p o rt accom panied by them had to be refer bac^ to th e central L t i o n . T h u s th e defmitive decision of the ^ T m o n 'g I k " s r a m : n : th ere is o ne by H e rr Mor^*z which ca^ls attention to a fu rth er edifying m easure of th e G overnm ent. He proposes th e cessation of all F o r when in the year 1 8 1 0 it was decided to abolish the feudal D r e r o g a tiv e s and banalities.'^'' a commission w a s appointed simu taneou slT to com pensate the millers for th e fact that they were now cxnosed to free*^ com petition. T his was already a p arad oxica decision. W ere the guild m asters com pensated their privileges? B u t th ere are special circum stances in this case. 1 he mills paid extraord in ary dues lives L d banalities. Instead of simply abolishing ^ 7 Kiven a com pensation and th e dues w ere paradoxical but th ere rem ains at least a semblance of justice

Even m ore telling p roof is provided by the practice o f redem ption. i he land com m issioners, continues H e rr D ierschke, i.e. the officials who p rep are the redem ption, . u ic urnciais

o i

? H

of compensation. T h ey often carry out their task^n a verv

'

'

which are derived f Z

,o ca!

"Finally there is the fact that the land commissioners do nol enjoy the confidence

"""it'so happens, how ever, that in the provinces added since 1 8 1 5 , the mill d u l have been kept, the feudal have been abolished and yet no " I ' ' * * ' 7 " old-Prussian equality before th e law. T h e industrial abolishes all business taxes but u n d er th e tra d e and th e law on com pensation all mill dues y e in ^ regarded not as business taxes but as land taxes.

redemntion^ Th^- hP? t 1 capacity as attorney-at-law in cases involving tf-tTinv,r^ -ri, d'ttatorial power of the land commissioners must therefore be and j judge n Tand ^w X Ta m person cannot be justified either, uge in in V one the same witness

sur

332

A nicles from th e Neue Rheinische Zeilung

333

^ s e s have resulted from this jum ble and these violations of th e I:. T h e law-courts have contradicted each o th er in their sentences T even the Suprem e C ou rt has p ronou nced th e most c o n tr a d ic t^ judgm ents. Ju st what was form erly regard ed by th e e x -le e isla r^ pow er as land tax em erges from a case cited by H e rr M o ritz-a m Saxony to w hich belongs, excep t fo r th e mill buildings only w ater pow er bu t not the land, is bu rd en ed with a la n d T a i of wispels^ o f g ra in ! ^ In d eed say what you like, Prussia has always b een th e m ost wiselv most justly and best ad m inistered state!
Written by Engels on August 4, 1848 First published in the Neue R keinm he Zeitung No. 67, August 6, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

th e

M O D E L S T A T E O F B E L G IU M

C O . , . . August 6. L e . u . - c e ^ a g ^ n
C X r l Z r a ' i . s i t th e university o f th e B e rlin statesm en and the p rid e o f th e .n u A -p r r e d p o S c o n s tit^ jo n only con d ition s o f w hich th e

In the province of " "

Luxembourg Namur Antwerp Liege Limburg Hainaut Eastern Flanders Brabant Western

inhabitant

out

of

69 receives 17 16 7 7 6

support

e l o U e i r civil e q ^ ^ ^ s

b u rd en l e m

r.ppr?mie. /3 6

aux E .a - n i, de V A .e n .u e d N o rf". L , July 30. 1848, p. 2074. Ed.

N.>. . . 2 ,

334

Articles from th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung

T h e Model State o f Belgium

335

at an increasing rate. T o the sam e exten t, how ever, that pauperism increases crime increases and th e life sou rce o f th e nation itself the youth, IS dem oralised. T h e years 18 45, 184 6 and 184 7 o ffer sad docum ents on that score. T h e nu m b er o f young boys and girls u n d er 18 years of a e e who were in judicial confinem ent: 1846
Boys Girls Sum Sum totaJ 2,146 429 2,575 17,813 4,607 1,279 5,886

W e quote a few exam ples*:

T irs t six m o n th s 1847 F ir s t six m o n t h s 1848

1847
7,283 2,069 9,352

Coal (in metric to n s)............................. P ig iron ........................ Cast iron w ares ........... Iron, rails.................... Wrought iron wares.... N ails ............................. Total:

869,000 56,000 463 3,489 556 3,210

549,000 35,000 172 13 434 3.618

932.718

588.237

T h u s th e total decrease of these th ree types of articles for th e first six m onths of 1 8 4 8 am ounts to 3 4 4 ,4 8 1 tons which is som ew hat m ore than VsW e com e to the linen industry.
F ir s t six m o n t h s 1846 F ir s t six m o n t h s 1547 F ir a i six m o n t h s

T h u s starting with 184 5 there is an approxim ately annual doubling of th e num b er of juvenile delinquents under 18 years of age. A cco rd m g to this ratio, Belgium would have 7 4 ,8 1 6 juvenile dehnquents in the year 18 5 0 and 2 ,3 9 3 ,3 1 2 in the year 1 8 5 5 i e m ore than th e num b er of young people u n d er 18 years of age she has and m ore than half h er population. By 1 8 5 6 all Belgium would be in gaol the unborn children included. Could the m on arch y hope to r a broader d em ocratic basis? Equality prevails in gaol. Both types of M orison pill have been tried in vain on the national econom y; on the one hand free trad e and on the o th e r hand protective t j i f f s . Pauperism in Flan ders was born u n d er the system ot free trad e, it grew and becam e stro n ger u n d e r the protective tanffs against foreign linen goods and linen yarn. T hu s while pauperism and crim e grow am on g the proletariat the up as th e recently published com parative tabulation of the Belgian foreign trad e d u n n p h e first six m onths o f th e years 1 8 4 6 , 1847 and 1 8 4 8 proves With the exception of arm s and nail factories, which have been exceptionally favoured by circum stances, th e cloth factories which maintain their ancient renown and th e zinc production which com p ared to overall production is insignificant, th e whole o f Belgian industry is in a condition of decay or stagnation W ith a few exceptions, th ere is a considerable decrease in the exjyorl of the products of the Belgian mines and metalworks.

L im n yam [in kilo grams] . . - Linen fabric . . Total:

1.017.000 1.483.000 2,500,000

623,000 1,230,000 1.853,000

306.000 681.000 987,000

T h e decrease of th e first six m onths of 1 8 4 7 co m p ared with those of 1 8 4 6 am ounted to 6 5 7 ,0 0 0 k i l o g r a m s the decrease 1848 co m p ared with that in 1846 am ounts to 1 ,6 1 3 .0 0 0 kilogram s ^ ^ ^ ^ e x p o r t of books, crystal ware and window glass has decreased en^m ous"!^ So has th e e x p o rt of raw and dressed fiax. tow, tree hark and m anu factu red tobacco. , , , , i. T h e spreading pauperism , the u n p reced en ted hold that ^ rm e has over young people, and th e system atic deterioration T n X s t T f o r m the m aterial basis of th e following constitutional e a ie tie ? T h e p ro -g ov ern m en t jou rn al Independance num bers over l o o o subscribers as it never grows ti^ed of PJ'^^^'"^Ys^coIfrnerto Mellmet, the only general who saved niiarters and in a few days will ap p ear before the Assizes in Antwerp.** T h e lawyer Rolin from G hent, who conspires against
T h e figures are quoted from E x p o r t a t i o n s . Marchandises beiges". Le 213, 31, 1848 pp. 2 0 8 5 -2 0 8 7 .-id . See this volume, pp. 404-06. Ed.

c on juvenile delinquency are taken from; Edouard Ducpetiaux Memoirc sur I organisation des ecoUs de reforme, pp. 4-5.__Ed.

336

A rticles from th e N ew Rheinische Zeitung

337

Leopold in the interest o f th e O ran g e family and conspires against his later allies, the Belgian liberals, in the interest of Leopold of C oburg, this Rolin, the double apostate, has obtained th e portfolio of Public W orks. T h e ex-p ed lar C ha-a-azal, Fransquillon,^ B a ro n and M inister of W ar, swings his large sabre and saves th e E u rop ean equilibrium. T h e Observateur has augm ented the p ro gram m e of th e Septem ber Day Celebrations^' by a new am usem ent: a procession, an Ommeganck General, in h on o u r of the Doudou o f Mons, the Houplala of A ntw erp and the M annequin Pisse o f Brussels. T h e Observateur, th e jou rn al of th e g reat Verhaegen, is perfectly in earnest. Finally, what com pensates fo r Belgium s suffering is th e fact that it has risen to becom e th e university of B erlin s M ontesquieus o f a Stupp, a G rim m , a H ansem ann and a Baum stark and that it enjoys the adm iration of the Kolnische Zeitung. Oh happy Belgium !
Written by Marx on August 6, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No, 68. August 7, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper l*ublished in English for the first
tim e

T H E F R A N K F U R T A SS E M B L Y D E B A T E S T H E P O L IS H Q U E S T IO N '*'

\Seue Rhfinische Zeitung No. 70, August 9, 1848]

Colosne A ugust 7. T h e F ran k fu rt Assembly, whose d e b a r s even during th e most excited m om ents were conducted m a truly G erm an spirit of geniality, at last pulled itself tog eth er ^ h e n th^e Posen question cam e u p . On this question, th e grou n d fo r which had been prep ared by Prussian shrapnel and the docile resolutions of the Federal Diet, the Assembly had to pass a clear-cu t re so b tio n . N o middle cou rse was possible; it had eith er to save G e r m a n y s h on o u r or to blot it once again. T h e Assembly acted as^we had exp ected ; it sanctioned th e seven partitions o f Poland, and shifted th e disgrace o 1 7 7 2 , 1 7 9 4 and 1 8 1 5 f r o m th e shoulders of th e G erm an princes to its own shoulders.^^*^ , T h e Fran k fu rt Assembly, m oreover, declared that the seven partitions of Poland were benefactions wasted on the the forcible intrusion of the Jew ish-G erm an race lifted Poland to a level of cu lture and a stage of science which previously never d ream ed of? Deluded, country had not been partitioned you would have had to ask this favour yourselves of the F ran k fu rt Assembly. c u ff Pastor Bonavita Blank of the Paradise monastery near S ch atthausen trained magpies and starlings to fly in and out He had cut away th e lower part of th eir hill so that they were unable to get their own food and could only receive it from his hands. Th^e phihstines who from a distance saw th e birds alight on the R everend s shoulders and seem to be friendly with him, adm ired his g reat ^^Iture and learning. His b iograp her says that the birds loved thetr benefactor.

A Belgian name for an admirer of everything French.__ Ed.

[F. G. Benkert.] Joseph Bonavita Blank's ... kur^ Lebens-Besckreib^m g.-Ed.

338

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Y e t the fettered, m aim ed, bran ded Poles refuse to love their Prussian benefactors! W e could not give a b etter description of th e benefactions which Prussia bestowed on the Poles than that provided by the re p o rt which the learned h istoriograp h er H e rr Stenzel submitted on behalf of th e C om m ittee fo r International Law, a rep o rt which form s th e basis of the debate. T h e rep o rt, entirely in the style of the conventional diplom atic docum ents, first recounts how the G rand Duchy of Posen was set up in 1815 by in corp o ratio n and m erg in g . T h e n follow the prom ises which at the same tim e Fred erick William III m ade to the inhabitants of Posen, i.e. th e safeguarding of th eir nationality, language and religion, the ap pointm ent of a native g ov ern or, and participation in the fam ous Prussian Constitution.^^* T h e exten t to which these prom ises w ere kept is well known. T h e freedom of com m unication between the th ree fragm ents o f Poland, to which the C ongress of Vienna could th e m o re easily ag ree th e less feasible it was, was of cou rse never put into effect. T h e m ake-up of th e population is then exam in ed. H e rr Stenzel calculates that 7 9 0 ,0 0 0 Poles, 4 2 0 ,0 0 0 G erm ans and about 8 0 ,0 0 0 Jew s lived in the G rand D uchy in 1 8 4 3 , m aking a total of almost 1 ,3 0 0 ,0 0 0 . H err Stenzels statem ent is challenged by the Poles, notably by Archbishop Przyluski, accordin g to whom th ere are considerably m ore than 8 0 0 ,0 0 0 Poles, and, if o ne deducts th e Jew s, officials and soldiers, hardly 2 5 0 ,0 0 0 G erm ans, living in Posen. Let us, how ever, accept H e rr Stenzels figures. F o r o u r purposes it is quite sufficient. T o avoid all fu rth er discussion, let us con ced e that there are 4 2 0 ,0 0 0 G erm ans living in Posen. W h o are these G erm ans, who by the inclusion of th e Jews have been brought up to half a million? T h e Slavs are a predom inantly agricultural people with little aptitude fo r urban trad es in the form in which up to now they were feasible in the Slav countries. T h e first cru d e stage of co m m erce, when it was still m ere hawking, was left to Jewish pedlars. W ith the grow th of cu lture and population the need for urban trad es and urban concentration m ade itself felt, and Oermans m oved into the Slav countries. T h e G erm ans, who a fter all had their heyday in the phUistinism l Kleinbiirgerei] of the im perial cities of the Middle Ages, in the sluggish inland trad e co nd u cted in caravan style, in a restricted
Leon Przyluski, [Die Korrespondenz des Erzbischofs von Posen, Przyluski, mit 7. 10 and 14. and July 8 and 9, 1848.
d e m B e r lin e r K a b in e tt ,] iVeit J?/wm c/ieZunffN os. 5 , 7 , 10 14 3 8 a n d SP lu n p fi

m aritim e tra d e , and in the h an d icraft workshops of the fou rteen th and fifteenth cen tu ries organised on guild lines the G erm ans dem onstrated th eir vocation as th e philistines o f w orld histoiy by the very fact that they still to this day fo rm th e co re of the petty bourgeoisie th rou g h o u t E astern and N orth ern E u ro p e and even in A m erica. M any, often m ost of the craftsm en , shopkeepers and small m iddlem en in P etersburg, Moscow, W arsaw and Cracows m Stockholm and C op en h agen , in Pest, O dessa and Jassy, m New Y o rk and Philadelphia are G erm ans o r of G erm an extractio n . All m ese cities have districts w here only G erm an is spoken, and some of them , for exam p le Pest, are alm ost entirely G erm an. This G erm an im m igration, particularly m to th e Slay countries, went on almost uninterruptedly since th e twelfth and thirteenth centuries. M oreover, fro m time to time since th e R eform ation, as a result of the persecution of various sects large grou p s of Germains were forced to m igrate to Poland, w here they received a friendly w elcome. In o th e r Slav countries, such as B oh em ia and M oravia, the Slav population was decim ated by G erm an wars of conquest, w hereas the G erm an population increased as a result of invasion. T h e position is clearest in Poland. T h e G erm an philistines living there fo r centuries never reg ard ed them selves as politically belong ing to G erm any any m ore than did th e G erm ans in N orth A m erica; just as th e F ren ch colony in Berlin and th e 1 5 ,0 0 0 F ren ch m en in Montevideo do not regard them selves as belonging to F ran ce. As ta r as that was possible d uring th e days of decentraUsation in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, they becam e Poles. G erm an speaking Poles, who had long since ren oun ced all ties with the m other cou n try. ^ , j But the G erm ans b rough t to Poland cu lture, education and science, co m m erce and t r a d e s .- T r u e , they b ro u g h t retail trad e and guild crafts; by their consum ption and the limited intercou rse which they established they stim ulated production to som e exten t. U p to 1772 Poland as a whole was n ot particularly well known to r h er nign standard of education and science, and the same applies to A ustrian and Russian Poland since th en ; o f the Prussian p a rt we shall speak later O n th e o th er han d , the G erm ans in Poland p revented the form ation of Polish towns with a Polish bourgeoisie. By th eir distinct language, their separateness from th e Polish population, their nu m erous d ifferen t privileges an d urban ju d ici^ systems, they im peded centralisation, that m ost potent of political m eans by 'vhich a cou n try achieves rapid developm ent. A lm ost every t ^ n had its own law; indeed towns with a m ixed population ^ d , and often still have, d ifferen t laws fo r G erm ans, Poles and Jews. T h e G erm an Poles

j uneo.

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rem ained at the lowest stage of industrial developm ent; they did n ot accum ulate large capitals; they w ere n eith er able to establish large-scale industry n o r control any extensive system o f com m erce. T h e Englishm an Cockerill had to com e to W arsaw fo r industry to strike ro ot in Poland. T h e entire activity of the G erm an Poles was restricted to retail trad e, the h andicrafts and at m ost the co rn trad e and m an u factu re (weaving etc.) on the smallest scale. In considering the m erits of the G erm an Poles it should not be forgotten also that they im ported G erm an philistinism and G erm an petty-bourgeois narrow -m indedness into Poland, and that they com bined the w orst qualities of both nations w ithout acquiring their good ones. H err Stenzel seeks to enlist the sym pathy of th e G erm ans fo r the G erm an Poles:
When the kings ... especially in the seventeenth century, became increasingly powerless and were no longer able to protect the native Polish peasants against the severest oppression by the nobles, the German villages and towns, too declined and many of them became the property of the nobility. Only the larger royal cities kept some o f their old liberties (read; privileges).

theory of disputes" and claim s , which, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, served th e purpose of co v en n g up th e naked com m ercial interests and th e policy of rou nd in g off on e s lands? W hat m eaning can it have in 1848 when th e bottom has been knocked o u t of all historical justice and injustice ? Incidentally, H e rr Stenzel ou g h t to b ear in m m d that accordm g to this iunk-heap d octrin e th e R hine borders between F ran ce and G erm any have been an object of dispute fo r millennia , and that Poland could assert h er claims to suzerainty over th e province oi Prussia and even over Pom erania. In short th e N etze district becam e part of Prussia and hence ceased to be an object of dispute . Fred erick II had it coloni.sed by G erm ans, and so th e "Netze brethren", who received such praise in connection with the Posen affair, cam e m to being. T h e stateprom oted G erm anisation began in 1 7 7 3 .
'Accordine to all reliabU information, all the Jews in the Grand Duchy are Gernrians and uianJ to be Germans. .. T h e religious toleration which used to prevail ^ d and the possession of certain qualities which were lacking m the Poles, lews in the course of centuries to develop activities which penetrated deep into Pol, h life" (namely into Polish purses). As a rule they have a thorough command o f both languages, although they, and their children from the earhest years, speak Cerman at

Does H e rr Stenzel perhaps dem and that the Poles should have p rotected the G erm ans (i-6. G erm an Poles, who are m oreover also natives ) b etter than them selves? Surely it is obvious that foreigners who im m igrate into any cou n try must exp ect to sh are th e good and bad with the indigenous inhabitants. L et us pass now to th e blessings for which the Poles a re indebted to th e Prussian G overnm ent in particular. Fred erick II seized th e Netze district^ in 1 772, and in the following year th e B rom b erg canal was built, which m ade inland navigation between the O d er and Weichsel*^ possible.
T h e region, which for centuries was an object of dispute between Poland and Pomerania, and which was largely desolate as a result of countless devastations and because of vast swamps, was now brought under cultivation and populated bv numerous colonists.

T h e u n exp ected sym pathy and recognition which Polish Jews have lately received in G erm any has found official expression in this passage M aligned w herever the influence o f th e Leipzig fair extends L the very incarnation of haggling, avarice and sordidness, they have suddenly becom e G erm an b reth ren ; with tears of joy the honest G erm an presses them to his bosom , and H e rr Stenzel lays claim to them on behalf of th e G erm an nation as G erm ans who want to rem ain G erm ans. In deed, why should not Polish Jews be genuine G erm ans? Do not they, and their children from the earliest years, speak G erm an at h om e ? A nd what G erm an at that! Incidentally, we would point out to H e rr Stenzel that he m ight just as well lay claim to the whole of Europe, one half of A m crica and even parr of Asia. G erm an , as everyone knows, is the universal lantiuage of the Jews. In New Y o rk and C:onstantinople, in St. Peters burg and Paris the Jews, and their children from the earliest years, speak G erm an at h om e , and som e of them even a m ore classical G erm an than the Posen Jews, the kindred allies oi the Netze b re th re n . , , . .u * T h e re o o rt goes on to present the national relations in term s that are as vatrue as possible and as favourable as possible to the half a million G erm ans consisting of G erm an Poles, Netze

T h u s, th e first partition of Poland was no robbery. Fred erick II m erely seized an area which fo r centuries was an object of dispute . B ut since when has th ere no lon ger existed an independent Pom erania which could have disputed this region? F o r how m any centuries were in fact the rights o f Poland to this region no longer challenged? A nd in general, what m eaning has this rusted and rotten
After the name o f the River Netze (the Polish name is Notec). ^ T h e Polish name is Vistula. Ed.

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b re th re n , and Jews. It says that G erm an peasants own m o re land chan the Polish peasants (we shall see how this has com e to pass), and that since the first partition o f Poland enmity between Poles and G erm ans, especially Prussians, reached its highest d egree.
By the introduction of its exceptionally rigidly regulated political and administra tive orders (what excellent style!) and their strict enforcement, Prussia in particular seriously disturbed the old customs and traditional institutions of the Poles.

-T h e founding of the Grand Duchy of Posen, too, was not conducivc to the establishment of cordial relations, since ... at that time the Kmg of Prussia could not possibly agree to have any single province set up as an entirely mdependeiit unit, thus turning his state, as it were, into a federal state.

T h u s accordin g to H e rr Stenzel, the King of Prussia could not possibly a g ree to keep his own prom ises and th e treaties ot Vienna!
When in 1830, the sympathies which the Polish nobility showed for the Warsaw uprising caused anxiety, and after systematic efforts were subsequenUy ^ ^ ^ e by means of various arrangements (I)^notably by buying up ; V ^ "lt.tn rte t S dividing them and handing them over to the G erm ans-gradually to eliminate the Polish nobility altogether, the latters resentment against Prussia mcreased.

Not only th e Poles but also the o th e r Prussians, and especially we from th e Rhine, can tell a tale about the rigidly regu lated and strictly en fo rced m easures o f the w orthy Prussian bureau cracy, m easures which '"disturbed not only the old custom s and traditional institutions, but also the entire social life, industrial and agricultural p roduction, co m m erce, mining, in short all social relations without excep tion . It is, how ever, not to th e bu reau cracy of 1 8 0 7 -4 8 that H e rr Stenzel refers h ere but to that of 1 7 7 2 -1 8 0 6 , to th e officials of the most genuine, dyed-in-the-w ool Prussianism, whose baseness, corruptibility, cupidity and brutality were clearly evident in the treach erou s acts of 1806.^^^ T h ese officials are supposed to have p rotected th e Polish peasants against th e nobles and received in retu rn nothing but ingratitude; of cou rse the officials ou g h t to have understood that nothing, not even the good things gran ted o r im posed, can com pensate fo r th e loss of national sovereignty . W e too know th e way in which quite recently th e Prussian officials used to g ran t o r im pose everyth in g . W h at R hinelander, who had dealings with recently im ported old-Prussian officials, did not have an opportunity to adm ire th eir inimitable, im pertinent obtrusive ness, their im pudent m eddlesom eness, th eir overriding insolence and com bination of narrow -m indedness and infallibility. T ru e , am ong us, in most cases, these old-Prussian gentry soon lost some o f th eir roughness for they had at th eir disposal n o Netze b re th re n , no secret inquisition, no Prussian law and no floggings which last deficiency even brough t som e of them to an early grave. W e do not have to be told what havoc they w rought in Poland, w here they could indulge in floggings and secret inquisitions to th eir h e a rts content. In short, the arbitrary Prussian rule won such popularity that already after the battle of Jen a, the h atred o f th e Poles found vent m a general uprising and th e ejection of the Prussian officials . This, for the time being, put an end to the b u reaucratic rule. B ut in 1815 it retu rn ed in a som ew hat modified form . T h e best , re fo rm e d , ed u cated , incorru ptib le officialdom tried its hand at dealing with these refractory Poles.

By m eans of various arran g em en ts ! By prohibiting Poles from buying land b rough t u n d er the h am m er, and similar m easures, which H e rr Stenzel covers with th e eloak of charity. W h at would R hinelanders say if am on g us, too, the Prussian G overnm ent w ere to prohibit Rhinelanders from buying land put up for sale by o rd e r of th e co u rt. Sufficient p retexts could easily be found, nam ely: in o rd er to am algam ate the population of th e old and new provinces; in o rd e r that the natives of th e old provinces could share in the blessings of parcellation and of th e Rhenish laws; in o rd e r that Rhinelanders be induced to em igrate to th e old provinces and im plant their industries th ere as well, and so on. T h e re are enough reasons to bestow Prussian colonists on us too. How would we look upon people who bought ou r land fo r n e x t to nothing while com petition was exclu d ed , and who did it m oreover with th e support of th e G overn m en t; people who w ere thrust upon us for th e exp ress purpose of accustom ing us to th e intoxicating m otto W ith God fo r King and F ath erlan d *? A fter all we are G erm ans, we speak the sam e language as th e people in th e old provinces. Y et in Posen those colonists w ere sent m ethodically, with relentless persistence, to th e dom ains, th e forests and th e divided estates of the Polish nobility in o rd e r to oust the native Poles and th eir language from th eir own cou n try and to set up a truly Prussian province, which would surpass even Pom eran ia m black-and-white fanaticism . . , r. In o rd e r that the Prussian peasants in Poland should not be lelt without their n atu ral m asters, they were sent th e flower of Prussian knighthood, m en like Tresckow and Liittichau, who also bought landed estates for n ext to nothing, and with the aid of govern m en t
= These words are taken from the decree on the establishment of an army reserve issued by Frederick William III on March 17, 1813. rf.

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loans. In fact, after the Polish uprising of 1846,^^ * a joint-stock com pany was form ed in Berlin, which enjoyed th e gracious protection of th e highest personages in the land, and whose purpose was to buy up Polish estates fo r G erm an knights. T h e p oor starvelings from am on g th e B ran d en b u rg and Pom eranian arist(x:racy foresaw that trials instituted against the Poles would ruin num erous big Polish landow ners, whose estates would shortly be sold off d irt-ch eap . This was a real godsend fo r m any a debt-ridden Don R anudo from the U ck erm ark . A fine estate for n e x t to nothing, Polish peasants who could be thrash ed , and what is m ore, a good service ren d ered to K ing and F ath erlan d what brilliant prospects! T h u s arose the third G erm an im m igration into Poland, Prussian peasants and Prussian noblemen settled th rou g h o u t Posen with the declared intention, supported by the G overn m en t, not of G erm anis ing, but of Pomeranising Posen. T h e G erm an Poles had th e excuse of having contributed in some m easure to the prom otion of co m m erce, the "N etze b reth ren could boast that they had reclaim ed a few bogs, but this last Prussian invasion had no excuse whatever. Even parcellation was not consistently carried th ro u g h , the Prussian aristocrats following hard on the heels of the Prussian peasants.

'The Germans honestly and fraternally proffered their hand to expiate the wrongs their princes had perpetrated.

In d eed , if it w ere possible to exp iate anything with sentim ental phrases and dull tub-thum ping, then the G erm ans would em erg e as the p urest people in the annals of history.
Just at the moment, however, fraternallv proffered hand) "the diverged. T h e Poles' only thought within the boundaries that existed when the Poles shook hands (that is, took the interests and aims of the two nations, already was for the restoration of jh a r oM state at least before the first partition of 1772,

\Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 73, August 12, 1848]

Cologne, August 11. In the first article we have exam ined the historical fou nd ation of Stenzels rep o rt insofar as he deals with the situation in Posen before th e revolution. T od ay we proceed to H e rr Stenzels history of the revolution and counter-revolution in Posen.
' T'he German people, who at all times is filled with compassion for all the unfortunate (so long as this compassion costs nothing), always deeply felt how greatly its princes wronged the Poles.

In deed, deeply felt within th e calm G erm an h eart, w here the feelings are so d eeply em bedded that they never manifest them selves in action. In deed, th ere was com passion , expressed by a few alms in 1831 and by dinners and balls in aid of th e Poles, so long as it was a m atter o f dancing and drinking ch am p agn e fo r the benefit of the Poles, and of singing Poland is not yet lost! ^ But when were th e G erm ans p ro n e to do som ething really decisive, to make a real sacrifice!
T l i f words are from th e Polish national anth em , Ed.

Surely only the unreasoning, confused, haphazard enthusiasm , which from tim e im m em orial has been a principal ad orn m en t of the G erm an national ch aracter, could have caused th e G erm ans to be surprised by the Polish dem ands. T h e G erm ans wanted to the injustice th e Poles h ad suffered. W h at started this injustice? T o say nothing of earlier treach eries, it certainly started with th e first partition of Poland in 1 7 7 2 . How could this be expiated ? O c^ourse, only by restoration of th e status quo existing 1 least by the G erm ans retu rn in g to th e Poles what they had robbed them of since 1 7 7 2 . B u t this was against the interests o t the G erm ans? W ell, if we speak of interests, then it can n o lon ger be a question of sentimentalities Hke expiation etc.; h ere th e language of cold, unfeeling p ractice should be used, and we should be spared rhetorical flourishes and expressions of m agnanim ity. M oreover, firstly, th e Poles did not at all only think of the restoration of th e Poland of 1 7 7 2 . In any case what th e Poles did -think" is hardly o u r co n cern . F o r th e tim e being they demanded only the reorganisation of the whole of Posen and m entioned oth er eventualities only in case o f a G erm an-Pohsh w ar against Russia Secondly, the interests and aims o f the two nations diverged only insofar as the interests and aim s of revolutionary G erm any in the field o f international relations rem ained exactly th e sam e as those o f th e old, absolutist G erm any. If G erm anys interest and aim is an alliance with Russia, o r at least peace with Russia at any price then of cou rse everything in Poland must rem ain as it was h itherto. W e shall see later, how ever, to w hat exten t th e real interests of G erm any are identical with those of Poland. T h e n follows a lengthy, confused and m uddled passage, in '^ "ich H e rr Stenzel expatiates on the fact that the G erm an Poles w ere right when they w anted to do justice to Poland, but at the sam e time to rem ain Prussians and G erm ans. O f cou rse it is of Stenzel that the w hen excludes the but and the but the w hen .

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N ext com es an equally lengthy and confused historical accou n t, in which H err Stenzel goes into detail in an attem pt to prove that, owing to the diverging interests and aims of th e two nations and the ensuing m utual enm ity which was steadily grow ing, a bloody clash was unavoidable. T h e G erm ans adh ered to th e "national interests, the Poles m erely to the territorial interests. In o th er w ords, the G erm ans d em anded that the G rand Duchy should be divided accordin g to nationalities, the Poles wanted th e whole of th eir old territory. T h is is again n ot tru e. T h e Poles asked fo r reorganisation but at the sam e time stated th at they w ere quite willing to relinquish the fro n tier districts with a m ixed population w here the m ajority are G erm ans and want to join G erm any. T h e inhabitants, how ever, should not be declared G erm an o r Polish by the Prussian officials at will, but accordin g to th eir otvn wishes. H e rr Stenzel goes on to assert that Willisens mission was of cou rse bound to fail because o f the (alleged, but now here existing) resistance of the Poles to th e cession of th e predom inantly G erm an districts. H e rr Stenzel was able to exam in e th e statem ents of Willisen about th e Poles and those of th e Poles about Willisen. T h ese published statem ents prove th e opposite. B u t this happens if o ne is a man who , as H e rr Stenzel says, has studied history fo r m any years and deem s it his duty never to u tter an u n tru th and never to conceal what is tru e . W ith the sam e truthfulness which never conceals what is tru e, H e rr Stenzel easily passes over th e cannibalism p erp etrated in Posen, ^2 ! perfidious violation of the Convention of Jaro slawiec, th e m assacres of T rzem eszno, Miloslaw and W reschen,* the destructive fury of a brutal soldiery w orthy of th e T h irty Y ears W ar, and does not say a word about it. Now H e rr Stenzel com es to th e fo u r partitions o f Poland recently effected by the Prussian G overnm ent. First the Netze district and fou r o th e r districts w ere to rn away (April 14); to this were added certain parts of o th er districts. T his territo ry with a total population of 5 9 3 ,3 9 0 was incorporated in the G erm an C onfederation on April 2 2 . T h e n the city and fortress of Posen to g eth er with the rem ain d er of th e left bank of the W arta w ere also included, making an additional 2 7 3 ,5 0 0 persons and bringing the com bined population of these lands to double th e nu m b er o f G erm ans living in th e whole o f Posen even accordin g to Prussian estim ates. T h is was effected by an Council on April 26,' and already on May 2 they were
The T h e P o l i s h n a m e is W r z c s n i a .

adm itted to th e G erm an C on fed eration . Now H e rr Stenzel pleads with th e Assembly that it is absolutely essential for Posen to rem ain m G erm an hands, that Posen is an im p ortan t, pow erful fortress, with a D O D u lation of over 2 0 ,0 0 0 G erm ans (m ost of them Pohsh Jews) who own two-thirds of all th e landed p ro p erty etc. T h a t Posen is situated in the midst of a purely Polish territo ry , that it was forcibly G erm anised, and that Polish Jews are not G erm ans, does not make the slightest difference to m en who never u tter an u n tru th and n e v e r .suppress what is true, to historians of H err Stenzel s ''in '^ ^ h ort Posen, fo r military reasons, should n ot be relinquished. As thou gh it were not possible to raze th e fortress, w h i c h according to W illisen, is one of th e greatest strategic blunders, and to fortify Breslau instead. B u t ten million (incidentally t h i s is again not tr u e -b a r e l y five million) have b een-invested and it m ore advantageous to retain this precious work of a rt and 2 0 to 30
sq u a re m ile s o f P o lis h la n d in to th e b a r g a m .

W ith th e city and fortress of Posen in one s hands, it will be all th e easier to seize still m ore.
B u t t o k e e p t h e f o r t r e s s i t w ill b e n e c e s s a r y t o s e c u r e i t s a p p r o a c h e s f r o m G l o g a u K iis t r in a n d T h o r n ^ a s w e ll a s a f o r t i f i e d a r e a f a c i n g t h e e a s t ( it iie e d b e o n ly 1 .0 0 0 to 2 000 p a c e s w id e , lik e t h a t o f M a e s tr ic h t fa c m g S te n z e l w ith of a B e lg iu m and L im b u r g ). s a m e tim e T h i., en su re

c o n i^ L ^ H e r r
u n d is tu r b e d p r e d o m in a n tly C o n fe d e r a t io n .

s m ile o f s a t is f a c t io n , B r o m b e tg w ill have c a n a l; to be

w ill a t t h e but m c o rp o ra te d

p o s s e s s io n P o lis h

th e

p o p u la tio n

m to

th e

G erm an

It was fo r all these reasons that lun ar caustic P fu e l,th e well-known philanthropist, carried th rou g h two new partitions of Poland, thus m eeting all th e desires of H e rr Stenzel and m corp o ran n g threefourths of the G rand Duchy into G erm any. H e rr Stenzel is m ore gratefu l fo r this p ro ced u re, since th e revival of Louis X IV s cham bers of reunion with au gm ented pow ers must evidently have dem onstrated to this historian that th e G erm ans have learned to apply th e lessons of history. , A ccording to H e rr Stenzel, the Poles ou g h t to find consolation in the fact that their share of th e land is m ore fertile than the incorporated territo ry , that there is considerably less landed property in th eir part than in that of th e G erm ans and that no linbiassed person will deny that th e lot of th e Polish peasant unde^r a G erm an G overnm ent will be far m ore tolerable than that of the
T h e P o lis h P o lis h nam e is W r o c l a w . E d . a n d T o r u n .-

Ed.
A p r il 2 9 , e v id e n tly a m is p r in t. d .

N fu e R h ein isc h e Z eitu n g h a s

T h e

n a m e s a r e G lo g o w , K o s tr z y n

-Ed.

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G erm an peasant u n d er a Polish G overn m en t ! History provides some curious exam ples of this. Finally, H err Stenzel tells th e Poles that even the small p art left to them will enable them , by practising all th e civic virtues,
to befittingly prepare themselves for the moment, which at present is still shrouded in the mists of the future, and which, quite pardonably, they are trymg perhaps too inipatienrly to precipitate. One o f their most judicious fellow citizens cxclaimed, very pertinently, There is a crown which is also worthy of your ambition, it is the civic crown'.' A German would perhaps add: If does not shine but it is solid!

with flour mills and 2 0 ,0 0 0 morgen^ of forest land, w orth at least ' F u rth e rm o re , the crow n-land offices of K rotoschin, Rozdrazew o, O rpiszewo and Adelnau,^ w orth at least two million talers, w ere m 18 1 9 m ade over to the P rince of T h u rn und T a x is to com pensate him for th e post-office privileges in several provm ces which had becom e p art of Prussia. Fred erick William II took over all these estates on the p retext that he could adm inister them better. N evertheless, these estates, the property of th e Polish nation, w ere given away, ceded o r sold, and th e proceed s flowed into the Prussian treasu ry. T h e crow n lands in G nesen, Skorzencin and T rzem eszn o were broken up and sold. _, T h u s 2 7 crow n-land offices and forestry divisions, to a value oi twenty million talers at the very least, still rem ain in the hands of the Prussian G overnm ent. W e are p rep ared to prove, m ap in han d , that all these dom ains and forests with very few exceptions, if any at a l l_ a r e located in the in corp o rated p art of Posen. T o prevent this rich treasu re from reverting to the Polish nation it had to be absorbed into th e G erm an C on fed eration , and since it could not go to th e G erm an C on fed eration , the G erm an C onfed eration had to com e to it, and th ree-fo u rth s of Posen were incorporated T h a t is the tru e reason for th e fo u r fam ous partitions o t Poland within two m onths. N eith er the p rotests o f this o r that nationality n or alleged strategic reasons w ere decisive th e fro n tier was determ ined solely by th e position of th e dom ains, and th e rapacity of th e Prussian G overnm ent. , . W hile G erm an citizens w ere shedding bitter tears over the invented sufferings of th eir p oo r b roth ers in Posen, while they were waxing enthusiastic about th e safety of the E astern M arches of G erm any, and while th?y allowed them selves to be m furiated against the Poles by false rep orts about Polish barbarities, th e Prussian G overnm ent acted on th e quiet, and feath ered its nest. T h is G erm an enthusiasm w ithout rhym e o r reason m erely served to disguise th e dirtiest deed in m od ern history. T h a t, w orthy G erm an , is how you are treated by you r responsible Ministers! , . , r l j Actually how ever you ought to have known this beforehand. W henever H err Hansemann has a hand in something, it is never
An old German land measure, varying in different localities between 0.25 and 1.2;^ hectares. Ed.
^ The Polish name is Odolanow, ii'rf.

It is solid! B ut even m ore solid are th e real reasons fo r the last four partitions of Poland by th e Prussian G overnm ent. You w orthy G erm an do you believe that the partitions were u ndertaken in o rd e r to deliver y ou r G erm an broth ers from Polish rule; to ensure that the fortress of Posen serves as a bulwark p rotecting you from any attack; to safeguard the roads of Kiistrin, Glogau and B rom b erg," and th e Netze canal? W hat a delusion! You have been shamefully deceived. X h e sole reason for the recent partitions of Poland was to replenish the Prussian treasury. T h e earlier partitions of Poland* up to 18 1 5 were annexations of territo ry by force of arm s; the partitions of 184 8 are robbery. And now, w orthy G erm an, see how you have been deceived! A fter the third partition of Poland th e estates of the Polish starosten and those of the Catholic clergy were confiscated by Frederick William II in favour of the state. As th e D eclaration of A ppropriation issued on July^ 2 8 , 1796, says, the estates of the church in p articu lar constituted a very considerable p art of landed property as a w hole . T h e new dom ains were eith er m anaged on the K in gs accoun t o r leased, and they were so extensive that 34 crow n-Iand offices and 21 forestry divisions had to be set up for their adm m istration. Each of these crow n-land offices was responsible for a large nu m b er of villages; for exam p le, altogeth er 6 3 6 villages cam e u n d er th e ten offices of the B rom b erg district, and 127 were adm inistered by the Mogilno crow n-land office. In 1 7 9 6, m oreover, Frederick William II confiscated the estates and woodlands of the convent at Owinsk and sold them to the m erch ant von Tresckow (fo refath er of th e brave Prussian troop leader in the last h eroic war*). T h ese estates com prised 2 4 villages
^ T h e Polish name is Bydgoszcz. Ed ^ In 1795. i'd. ^ Starosten formerly a nobleman in Poland who held a fief of ihe Crown ^ T he Neue Rheinische Zeitung has March , Ed. An ironic allusion ro the war against Denmark over Schleswig-Holstein. W.

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a m atter o f German nationality, profk ^ ^

military

necessity or suchlike payment and o f net

[Neue R hein w he Zeitung No. 81, August 20. 1848]

Cologne A u gu st 19. W e have exam ined in detail H e rr Stenzel's rep o rt, which form s th e basis o f the debate. W e have shown that he falsihes both the e arh er and th e m ore recen t history of Poland and of the G erm ans m Poland, that h e confuses th e whole issue, and that Stenzel the historian is not only guilty of deliberate falsification but also of gross ignorance. with the d ebate itself we must take an o th e r look at the Pohsh question. P^b^^m o f Posen taken by itself is quite m eaningless and msoluble. It IS a fragm ent of th e Polish problem and c a l m l y be solved m connection with and as a p a n of it. Only when Poland exists a S * P d a lid debrte""^" d eterm in e th e b orders between G erm any the

A F ren ch historian has said: I l y a des peuples n^c55aires th ere are necessary nations. T h e Polish nation is undoubtedly one of the necessary nations o f th e nineteenth century f o f us c l r m a l T '*
1

national existence m ore necessary than

reaction ary forces in E u ro p e since 1815 and to som e exten t even since the first Fren ch revolutions It is Holv An-""" Alliance. A n d what holds the Holy A lhance tog eth er? T h e partition o f Poland, from which all the tn ree allies nave profited. i: as^under o f Poland by the th ree pow ers is th e tie which sunnon^"" to g eth er; th e robbery they jointly com m itted makes them support one another. From the m om ent the first robbery of Polish territo ry was com m itted G erm any becam e dep en den t on Russia. Russia o r L r e d Prussia and A ustria to remairi absolute m onarchies, and Prussia and Austria had to obey. T h e efforts to gain con trol efforts which were in any case feeble and tim id, especially on th e part of th e Prussian bourgeoisie failed entirely because of the impossibility of breaking th T fe u d ri- f support which Russia offered the teudahst-absolutist class in Prussia. M oreover, as soon as the allies attem pted to introd uce th e first

oppressive m easures th e Poles not only rose to fight for their independence, but simultaneously cam e o u t in revolutionary action against their own internal social conditions. T h e partition of Poland was effected th rou g h a pact between the t,ig feudal aristocracy of Poland and the th ree partitioning powers. It was not an advance, as th e ex-p o et H e rr Jo rd a n m aintains, it was the last m eans th e big aristocracy had to p ro tect itself against a revolution, it was thoroughly reactionary. A lready the first partition led quite naturally to an alliance o f the oth er classes, i.e. the nobles, the townspeople and to some exten t the peasants, both against the oppressors of Poland and against th e big Polish aristocracy. T h e C onstitution of 1791^^ shows that already then th e Poles clearly understood that th eir ind ependence in foreign affairs was inseparable from th e overthrow o f th e aristocracy and from th e ag rarian refo rm within the cou n try. T h e big agrarian countries between the Baltic and th e Black seas can free them selves from p atriarchal feudal barbarism only by an agrarian revolution, which turns th e peasants who are serfs o r liable to com pulsory labour into free landow ners, a revolution which would be similar to th e F re n ch revolution of 1 7 8 9 in the countryside. It is to th e cred it of th e Polish nation that it was th e first of all its agricultural neighbours to proclaim this. T h e first attem pted reform was th e C onstitution of 1 7 9 1 ; d u rin g the uprising of 1830 I.elewel declared an agrarian revolution to be th e only m eans of saving th e co u n try , but the Diet recognised this too late; d u rin g the insurrections of 1 8 4 6 and 1 8 4 8 th e ag rarian revolution was openly proclaim ed. F ro m th e day of their subjugation th e Poles cam e out with revolutionary dem ands, thereby com m itting their oppressors still m ore strongly to a cou n ter-revolu tionary course. T h e y com pelled their oppressors to m aintain the p atriarchal feudal stru ctu re not only in Poland but in all their o th er countries as well. T h e struggle for the independence of Poland, particularly since the Cracow uprising of 1 8 4 6 , is at the sam e tihie a struggle o f agrarian democracy th e only form of dem ocracy possible in E astern E u ro p e against patriarchal feudal absolulism. So long, th erefo re, as we help to subjugate Poland, so long as we keep p a rt of Poland fettered to G erm any, we shall rem ain fettered to Russia and to th e Russian policy, and shall be unable to eradicate patriarchal feudal absolutism in G erm any. T h e creation of a d em ocratic Poland is a prim ary condition fo r th e creation of a d em ocratic G erm any. B ut the restoration of Poland and the settlem ent of h er from iers

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with G erm any is not only necessary, it is th e m ost easily solvable of all th e political problem s which have arisen in E astern E u ro p e since the revolution. T h e struggle fo r ind ependence of the diverse nationalities jum bled to g eth er south of the C arpathians is much m ore com plicated and will lead to far m o re bloodshed, confusion and civil wars than the Polish struggle fo r independence and the establishment of th e b o rd er line between G erm any and Poland. Needless to say, it is not a question of restorin g a bogus Poland, but of restoring th e state upon a viable foundation. Poland must have at least the dim ensions of 1 772, she must com prise not only the territories but also the estuaries o f h er big rivers and at least a large seaboard on the Baltic. T h e G erm ans could have secured all this fo r Poland and at the same time protected th eir own interests and th eir h on ou r, if a fte r the revolution they had had the co u rag e, fo r th eir own sake, arm s in hand, to dem and that Russia relinquish Poland. O wing to the com m ingling of G erm ans and Poles in th e b o rd er regions and especially along the coast, it goes without saying that both parties would have had to m ake som e concessions to one an oth er, some G erm ans becom ing Polish and som e Poles G erm an , and this would have created n o difficulties. A fter the indecisive G erm an revolution, how ever, th e co u rag e for so resolute an action was lacking. It is all very well to m ake florid speeches about th e liberation of Poland and to w elcom e passing Poles at railway stations, offering them th e most ard en t sympathies of th e G erm an people (to whom had these sympathies not been offered ?); but to start a war with Russia, to en d an ger th e E u ro p ean balance of fwwer and, to cap all, hand o ver som e scraps o f the annexed ter ritory only one who does not know the Germans could exp ect that. A nd what would a w ar with Russia have m eant? A w ar with Russia would have m ean t a com plete, open and effective break with the whole o f o u r disgraceful past, the real liberation and unification of G erm any, and the establishm ent of d em ocracy on the ruins of feudalism and on the w reckage o f th e short-lived bourgeois d ream of pow er. W a r with Russia would have been the only possible way of vindicating o u r h on o u r and o u r interests with reg ard to o u r Slav neighbours, and especially the Poles. B u t we w ere philistines and have rem ained philistines. W e m ade several dozen small and big revolutions, at which we ourselves took fright even before they were accom plished. W e talked big, but carried nothing th rou g h . T h e revolution narrow ed o u r mental horizon instead o f broadening it. All problem s w ere approached from the standpoint of the most timid, most narrow -m inded, most

illiberal philistinism, to th e d etrim en t, of cou rse, of o u r real interests. F rom the standpoint of this petty philistinism, the g reat question of Polands liberation was th erefo re reduced to th e paltry slogan calling for reorganisation of a part of the Province o f Posen, while o u r enthusiasm for th e Poles tu rn ed into shrapnel and lunar caustic. W ar with Rus.sia, we rep eat, was th e only possible m eans of upholding G erm anys h on o u r and G erm anys interests. W e shrank from it and the inevitable hap p ened th e reactionary soldiery, beaten in Berlin, raised th eir head again in Posen; u n d er the p retext of saving G erm anys h on o u r and national integrity they raised the b anner of counter-revolution and crushed o u r allies, the revolu tionary Poles and for a m om en t the hoodwinked G erm ans exultantly applauded th eir victorious enem ies. T h e new partition of Poland was accom plished, and only the sanction of the G erm an National Assembly was still missing. T h e Fran k fu rt Assembly still had a ch an ce to m end m atters: it should have excluded th e whole of Posen from the G erm an C onfederation and left th e b o rd er question open until it could be discussed with a restored Poland d egal d egal. B ut that would be asking too m uch of o u r professors, lawyers and pastors who sit in th e Fran k fu rt National Assembly. T h e tem ptation was too g reat. T h e se peaceful b u rgh ers, who had never fired a rifle, w ere, by simply rising o r rem aining seated, to con q u er fo r G erm any a cou n try of 5 0 0 square miles and to in corp o rate 8 0 0 ,0 0 0 Netze b reth ren , G erm an Poles, Jews and Poles, even though this was to be done at the expense of th e h o n o u r and of th e real, lasting interests of G erm any what a tem ptation! T h ey succum bed to it, they endorsed the partition of Poland. W hat the motives w ere, we shall see tom orrow .
[Neue Rheinviche Zeitung No. 82, August 22, 18481

Cologne, A ugust 21. W e shall leave aside th e prelim inary question as to w hether th e deputies from Posen should take part in the discussion and voting and proceed at once to the debate on th e main question. H e rr Stenzel, the re p o rte r, opened the debate with an appall ingly confused and verbose speech. H e poses as a historian and a conscientious m an, he speaks of fortresses and field-works, of heaven and hell, of sympathies and G erm an hearts. H e goes back to the eleventh century to prove that the Polish nobility has always oppressed th e peasants. H e uses a few m eagre facts from Polish history as an excu se for an unending stream of th e most insipid

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com m onplaces about nobility, peasants, towns, benefactions of the absolute m on arch y etc. He defends th e partition of Poland in a clumsy and self-conscious m an n er; he explains th e provisions o f the Constitution of May 3, 1 791, in such a com pletely m uddled way that those m em bers n ot already fam iliar with it now know even less about it. H e is just about to tu rn to the G rand D uchy o f W arsaw when he is interru p ted by th e exclam ation : This is too m u ch ! and by the President. T hrow n into com p lete confusion, the g reat historian continues with the following touching w ords:
" I shall be brief. T h e question iswhat are we to do? This question is quite natural (lliterally). T h e nobility wants to restore the Empire. It asserts that it is democratic, I do not doubt that this is meant in honesty. However, gentlemen, it is quite natural (!) for certain estates to cherish great illusions. I believe completely in their sincerity, but when princes and counts must join the people, I do not know how the merging is to come about" (why should that concern H err Stenzel!). In Poland it is impossible etc.

T h e way the "N etze b re th re n behave h ere is the most ludicrous com edy o ne can im agine and shows once again what a genuine Prussian is capable of. W e all know that the p rofit-hu n gry JewishPrussian small fry from Posen, who fought against the Poles, acted m close unity with the b u reau cracy, th e royal Prussian officers and the B ran d en b u rg and Pom eranian squirearchy, in short with all who were reaction ary and old-Prussian. T h e betrayal of Poland was the first insurrection of th e cou n ter-revolu tion, and no o ne was m ore counter-revolutionary than the Netze b re th re n . Now let us h ere in Fran k fu rt take a look at these rabidly Prussophile schoolm asters and officials with th eir God fo r K m g and Fath erlan d who call their counter-revolutionary b e tr a p l of Polish d em ocracy a revolution, a real and genuine revolution in the nam e of the sovereign N etze b ro th erh o o d , who tram ple historical rights u n d er foot and over the allegedly dead Poland exclaim : R ight is on the side o f the living! , r B u t thats how th e Prussian behaves: on the Spree by the g^ace or G od , on the W a rta th e sovereign people; on the Spree m ob n ots, on the W a rta the revolution; on th e.S p ree historical righ t which does not have n o d a te ,^ on the W a rta the righ t of the living facts which date fro m yesterday but fo r all that his faithful Prussian h e a rt is devoid of guile, is honest and u p righ t! L e t us h ear H e rr G oeden.
This is the second time that we are having to defend a cause which is so important and so momentous for our country that, had it not of itself turned out (0 to be entirely right as far as we are concerned, it would have been rucessary lo mafccttso{!!). O u rn g h t is rooted not so much in the past as in the fast beating puls^' (and especially m beatings with the butt-end) of the present" As a result of the (Prussian) occupation, the Polish peasants and townspeople found themselves in a state o f security and well-being which they had never known previously." (Especially not since the time of the Polish-Prussian wars and the partitions of Poland.) r i j ^ \ The infringement of justice implied in the partition of Poland is completely expiated by the humane attitude of your (the German) people (and m irticu ar by the floKffings ordered by Prussian officials), by its diligent work (on Poll J land which has been stolen and given away), "and in Apnl of this year also by its blood.

H e rr Stenzel speaks as if in Poland th ere w ere n o differen ce at all between nobility and aristocracy. Lelewels Histoire de Pologne, which he him self quotes, Mieroslawskis Debat entre la revolution et la contrerevolution en Pologne and a g reat m any o th e r recen t publications could disabuse th e m an who has studied history fo r m any y ears. Most o f the princes and co u n ts m entioned by H e rr Stenzel are precisely those against w hom Polish d em ocracy is fighting. T h e re fo re , H e rr Stenzel thinks, the nobility with its illusions should be d ropp ed and a Poland fo r th e peasants set up (by incorporatin g one Polish district after an o th e r into G erm any).
You should, on the contrary, hold out your hands to the poor peasants so that these can rise up and perhaps (!) succeed in establishing a free Poland, and not only in establishing it but also in maintaining it. T hat, gentlemen, is the main thing!

Elated with victory, the historian leaves the rostru m accom panied by exu ltan t shouts o f B ra v o ! , E x cellen t! from th e national twaddlers of th e C en tre g r o u p s . T o describe the new partition'of Poland as a blessing fo r th e Polish peasants, this astonishingly absurd turn of events was of course bound to bring tears of em otion to the eyes of the genial and philanthropic mass in the C en tre of the Assembly! N ext com es H e rr Goeden from Krotoszyn, a G erm an Pole of the first water. H e is followed by H e rr S en //fro m Inowroclaiv, a fine exam ple of a Netze b ro th er , devoid of guile. H e put his nam e down as a speaker against th e m otion tabled by the com m ittee but .spoke for the motion and, as a result of this trick, a speaker against the motion lost his tu rn .

T h e blood of H e rr G oeden from Krotoszyn!

"T h e rexioiution is our right and we are here on the strength, of it! The proof that we have been legally incorporated into Germany does not consist of parchment documents, turned yellow with age; we have not been acquired throug These words are taken from the decree on the establishment of an army reserve issued by Frederick William I I I on March 17, 1813. ^ Modified quotation from Schillers An die Freunde. d. . ^ This ungrammatical phrase occurred in a speech of the Right-wing Deputy Lichnowski (see this volume, p. 369). Ed.

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marriage, inheritance, purchase or exchange; we are Germans, and belong lo our fatherland because a sovereign will which is rational and just impels us, a will which is based on our geographical position, our language and customs, our numbers^!), our property, but above all on our German way of thinking and our love of our fatherland. Our rights are so secure and rest so firmly in the m odem concept o f the world, that one does not even need a German heart to be compelled to recognise this!

L on g live the sovereign will of th e Prussian-Jewish Netze b ro th erh o o d , a will which rests in the m odern con cep t of the w orld , relies on the shrapnel revolution and is ro oted in the fast beating pulse o f the p resen t, with its m artial law! L on g live th e G erm an nationalism o f the b u reau crats salaries in Posen, of the p lu n d er of ch u rch and state p ro p erty and of loans d l a Flottwell! T h e oratorical knight of su perior rights is followed by the im pertinent Netze b ro th e r . Even Stenzels m otion is still too polite tow ards the Poles for H e rr Senff of Inowroclaw ; h e th erefore proposes a somewhat ru d er w ording. W ith the sam e im pudence with which he used this p retext to put his nam e down as a speaker against the m otion, he now declares that to debar th e Posen deputies from voting was a disgraceful injustice.
I believe that the cfeputies from Posen are especially competent to take part in the voting, for it is the mo.st important rights of those who have sent us here which are at

H e rr Senff then talks about Polands history since th e first partition, elaborating it with a series of deliberate falsifications and gross lies so th at, in com parison, H e rr Stenzel is a pitiable dabbler. Everything that is tolerable in Posen owes its inception to the Prussian G overnm ent and th e N etze b re th re n .
T h e Grand Duchy of Warsaw was set up. T h e Prussian officials were replaced by Polish officials and, in 1814, hardly a trace remained o f the benefits these provinces derived from Prussian rule.

H e rr Senff is quite right. N o trace rem ain ed of serfdom o r of the cash contributions that Polish districts had to pay to Prussian educational institutions, e.g. the University o f H alle, o r of the extortion s and brutalities p erp etrated by Prussian officials w ho did n ot speak Polish. B u t Poland was not yet lost fo r, thanks to Russia, Prussia began to thrive once m o re and Posen was again incorporated into Prussia.
"From that time on, the Prussian Government renewed its efforts to improve conditions in the Province o f Posen.
T h e words a re from th e Polish national anth em . Ed.

T h o se w ho want to know m o re about this should read Flottwell s m em oran d u m of 184L U p to 1 8 3 0 , th e G overnm ent did n o t fu n g at all Flottwell found only f o u r miles of highway m th e whole G rand Duchy! Shall we en u m erate Flottwells benefactions? H e rr Flottwell, a cunning b u reau crat, sought to bribe th e Poles by building roads, opening up rivers, draining m arshes e tc.; b u t he bribed them not with th e m oney of the Prussian G overnm ent, but w ith t h e i r o w n m m ^ . All those im provem ents w ere, in the m ain, carried th rou g h with the aid of private and district resources and, thou gh th e G overnm ent occasionally contributed some m oney, this was only a small fraction of th e am ou nt it extracted from th e province as taxes and revenues from th e Polish state and ch u rch dom ains. T h e Poles, m oreover, are indebted to H e rr Flottwell not only for th e continuing suspension (since 1826) of district council elections, but especially for the gradual exp ropriation of Polish landow ners as a result of the G overnm ent buying up th e auctioned estates of noblem en and reselling them only to loyal G erm ans (O rd er m Council o t 18 3 3 ). T h e last benefaction of Flottwells adm inistration was the im prove m en t of th e educational system. B u t this too was a m easure designed to fu rth e r Prussianisation. Prussian teachers w ere to Prussianise the voung noblem en and fu tu re Catholic priests in th e secondary schools, and the peasants in the p rim ary schools. In an u n gu ard ed outburst, H e rr W allach, the R e g ie r u n g s p r a s id e n t of th e B ro m b erg adm inistrative district, has divulged the pu rp ose of these educational establishm ents. H e writes to H e rr B e u rm an n , the O b e r p r a s id e n t, that the P o lis h l a n g u a g e is one of th e c h i e f o b s ta c le s t o the dissem ination of education and well-being am ong the ru ral population. This is m deed quite tru e if the teach er does not speak Polish. Incidentally, it was again the Poles them selves who paid fo r these schools. F o r, first of all, the m ajority, including the m ost im portant institutes, which did n ot, how ever, directly serve the goal ot Prussianisation, w ere founded and endow ed by private contnbutions o r by the Provincial Estates and, secondly, even the schools designed to Prussianise the population w ere m aintained out of the revenues ot m onasteries secularised on M arch 3 1 , 1 8 3 3 , and only 2 1 ,0 0 0 talers a year, fo r ten years, w ere gran ted by the treasury. H e rr Flottwell adm its, m oreover, that all refo rm s w ere initiated by the Poles T h e fact that th e greatest benefactions of th e Prussian G overnm ent consisted in th e collection of large revenues and taxes
Denkschrift des Oberprasidenten H errn Flottwell, ueber die Verwaltung des Gros-Herzogthum Posen, vom Dezember 1830 bis zum Begmn des Jahrcs
- 8 4 1 . Ed.

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and in enlisting young m en into the Prussian military service, is passed o v er in silence by H err Flottw ell, just as it is by H err Senff. In short, all th e benefactions of th e Prussian G overnm ent simply am ount to the provision of posts for Prussian non-commissioned officers in Posen, be it as drill-m aster, schoolm aster, policeman o r tax-collector. W e can n ot discuss in detail th e o th er unfounded accusations which H err Senff levels against th e Poles, n or his false statistical d ata. It is sufficient to say that the purpose o f H e rr Senffs speeches is simply to m ake the Assembly detest the Poles. H err Robert Blum follows. As usual, he delivers what is called a profound oration , i.e. an oration which contains m ore opinion than reason and m ore rh etoric than opinion, and which, incidentally, as a piece of rhetoric as we have to adm it produces n o g re a te r effect than the m o d ern concep t of the w orld of H e rr G oeden from Krotoszyn. Poland is the ram p art against N ordic barbarism ... if the Poles have vices it is the fault o f th eir oppressors ... old G agern declares that th e partition of Poland is the nightm are that weighs on ou r tim e ... the Poles warmly love th eir fatherland and, in this respect, we m ight take a leaf out of th eir book ... d an g er is im m inent from Ru.ssia ... if th e red republic w ere victorious in Paris and desired to liberate th e Poles by force o f arm s, what then, gentlem en ?... L et us n ot be p rejudiced etc., etc. W e a re sorry fo r H e rr Blum , but when all these fine observations are divested of their rhetorical flourishes, nothing rem ains but the m ost vapid political h ot air, be it political h ot air on a g ran d scale and in high style as we gladly adm it. Even when H e rr Blum asserts that, to be consistent, the National Assembly m ust act in Schleswig, B oheniia, the Italian T y ro l, the Russian Baltic provinces and Alsace accord in g to th e sam e principle as in Posen, the arg u m en t is justified only with reg ard to the stupid lies about nationality and the convenient inconsistency o f the m ajority. W h en , again, he asserts that, if G erm any wants to behave decently, she can conduct negotiations on Posen only with an already existing Poland, we shall not deny this, but m erely observe that this a rg u m e n t th e only weighty one o f his sp eech had been advanced hu n dreds o f times before by th e Poles them selves and in a m uch m o re convincing way, w hereas H e rr Blum , with ^ e a t restrain t and indulgent m o d era tion , shoots it quite ineffectively, like a blunt rhetorical arrow , at the callous breast o f the m ajority. H err Blum is right when he says that shrapnel is no arg u m en t, but he is w rong and he knows it when he tries impartially to take a

m o d erate superior standpoint. H e rr Blum may not clearly understand th e Polish question, but that is his own fault. H e is in a sorry plight how ever, first, when he hopes to prevail upon the m ajority to dem and even a re p o rt from the C en tral A uthority, and secondly, when he im agines h e will gain anything by virtue of a rep ort furnished by th e Ministers of this C en tral A uthority, who, on August 6, submitted so disgracefully to th e Prussian desire for sovereignty.^ T o sit with th e extre m e L e ft o ne m ust first of all entirely discard indulgent m od eration and refrain fro m attem pts to secu re anything, how ever small, from the m ajority. W h en ever the Polish question is debated, alm ost the en tire Left indulges, as usual, in declam ation o r even in extrav ag an t rhapsody, w ithout discussing the facts and the actual co n ten t of th e question. Y et, with reg ard to this question in particular, th ere is am ple m aterial available and th e facts are extrem ely convincing. B u t this requires that o ne really studies the problem , and one can of cou rse save oneself the trouble, since, having passed th ro u g h the p u rgato ry of the election, o ne is no lon ger accountable to anybody. W e shall retu rn to the few exceptions to this rule in the cou rse of the debate. T o m o rro w we shall say a few words to H e rr Wilhelm Jo rd a n , who is no excep tion , but who this tim e, in th e literal sense and for definite reasons, follows the m ultitude.

[N<?ue Rheinische Zeitung No. 86, August 26, 1848]

Cologne, A ugust 2 5 . At last, thank God. we leave th e low sandy plain of vapid political h ot air and e n te r the m o re elevated Alpine regions of g reat debate. A t last we m ount th e cloud-covered peak where eagles nest, w here m an finds himself face to face with the gods and looks down disdainfully on th e dim inutive rabble that far. far below grapples with the few argu m en ts at the disposal of the ordinary hum an intellect. At last, after th e skirmishes o f a Blum with a Stenzel, a G oeden, a Senff o f Inowroclaw , th e g reat battle begm s, during which Ariostian h eroes scatter th e splintered arrow s of their mind all over th e battlefield. T.r-,, T h e ranks of th e com batants open reverentially and H e rr Wxlhelm Jordan of Berlin advances with draw n sword. W ho is H e rr W ilhelm Jo rd an of Berlin? In the heyday of G erm an men of letters. H e rr Wilhelm Jo rd an of Berlin was on e such in Konigsberg. Semi-legal m eetings were held in

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th e B ottchershofch en . H e rr W ilhelm Jo rd an went to one, read a poem o f his D er Schiffer und sein G ott [T h e Skipper and His G od ] and was expelled. H e rr Wilhelm Jo rd an o f Berlin went to Berlin. C ertain student meetings w ere held there. H err Wilhelm Jordan recited a p o em D er Schiffer und sein G ott and was expelled. H e rr Wilhelm Jo rd an of Berlin went to Leipzig. T h e re , too, some innocuous m eetings w ere held. H e rr W ilhelm Jo rd a n recited a poem D er Schiffer und sein G ott and was expelled. H e rr Wilhelm Jo rd a n , m oreover, published several of his writings: a poem Glocke und K an one [Bell and C an n on ]; a collection of Lithuanian folk-songs, including some o f his own m an u factu re, in particular songs o f Poland written by him self; translations o f G eorge S an d s works; a periodical, the incom prehensible com p reh en d ed world etc. all this in the service o f th e renow ned H e rr O tto W igand, who has n o t yet got on so far as his F ren ch original, M. P agn erre; fu rth erm o re, he published a translation o f Lelewels Histoire de Pologne, with an introduction full of enthusiasm fo r Poland etc. T h e revolution cam e. E n un lugar de la Mancha, cuyo nomhre no quiero acordarme^ in a locality in the G erm an M ancha, in B ra n d e n burg, w here Don Q uixotes still thrive, a locality the nam e of which I do not like to rem em b er, H err Wilhelm Jo rd a n of Berlin proposed him self as candidate fo r the G erm an National Assembly. T h e peasants of the district were amiably constitutional m en. H e rr Wilhelm Jo rd an delivered several im pressive speeches, full of the most constitutional amiability. T h e delighted peasants elected the g reat m an as th eir deputy. As soon as he arrived in F ran kfurt, the noble irresponsible man took his seat on the e x tre m e Left and voted with the republicans. T h e peasants who, as electors, have produced this parliam entary Don Q uixote, send him a vote of no confidence, rem inding him of his prom ises and recalling him. B ut H e rr Wilhelm Jo rd an considers that his word is as little binding as that o f a king and at every opportunity continues to sound his bell and ca n n o n in the Assembly. E ach tim e H e rr W ilhelm Jo rd a n m ounted th e pulpit of St. Pauls C h u rch , he in fact recited only a p o em D er Schiffer und sein but this does not mean that he th erefo re deserves to be expelled.
^ Die begriffene Welt. Bliitter fiir whisenschaftliche Unterhaltung. Ed. At a certain village o f L a Mancha, which I shall not nam e ihe words with which Cervantes Don Qtiixole begins. Ed. The meeting place of the German National Assembly in Frankfurt. Ed.

L et us listen to th e g reat Wilhelm Jo rd a n s latest ringing of th e bell and th e most recen t ro a r of his cannon about Poland.
On the contrary I believe that we must raise ourselves to the u'orW-feutorico/ m ndpoint, from which the Posen affair has to be examined in terms of its significance as an episode in the great Polish drama.

T h e powerful H e rr Wilhelm Jo rd a n has, with one m ove, raised us high above the clouds to th e lofty, snow-capped C him borazo of the world-historical standpoint and unfolds an infinite prospect before us. , i B u t, to begin with, he rem ains for a m om ent in th e com m onplace sphere of special deliberation, and with m uch success at that. H ere are a few exam ples:
" I t (the Netze district) later, as a result o f the Treaty o f Warsaw (i.e. the first partition), came under Prussian rule and has since remained in Prussia, if one leaves out of accout the short interhide of the Duchy of Warsaw.

H e rr Jo rd a n speaks h ere of th e N etze district as distinct from the rest of Posen. W h at source does h e use h ere, this knight of the w orld-historical standpoint, the ex p e rt in Polish history, the translator of Lelewel? N one o th er than th e speech of H e rr Senff oi Inowroclawl H e sticks so closely to this source, that he quite forgets that in 1 7 9 4 , th e o th er, Polish part of Posen cam e u n d er Prussian rule and, if on e leaves out of accou n t the short interlude of the Duchy of W arsaw , has since rem ained in Prussia . B ut th e Netze b ro th e r Senff never m entioned this, and th e w orld-histoncal standpoint consequently knows m erely that the adm inistrative district of Posen cam e u n d er Prussian ru le only in 1815.
Furthermore, from time immemorial, the western districts of Birnbaum, Mesentz Romst and Fraustadt" have been German as regards the overwhelmmg majority of their inhabitantsyou can see this even from the tiomes of these towns.

And the district of M i?dzych6d, H e rr Jo rd a n , was fro m time im m em orial Polish , as regard s th e overw helm ing m ajority ot its inhabitants you can see this even fro m the nam e, can t you, H e rr ^ T h e district of M i^dzychod is nothing but the district o f B im b au m . Mi^dzychod is the Polish nam e o f the town. Wl'ut backing will these etymological cham bers of reunion oi the world-historical standpoint of th e com p reh en d ed world obtani from th e C hristian-G erm an H e rr Leol Not to m ention the fact that M ailand, Liittich, Genf, K o p en h ag en " have been G erm an from
T h e PoHsh names are Mi^dzychod, Mi?dzyrzecz, Babimos^ Wschowa^, T he German names for Milan, Liege, Geneva and Copenhagen.

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tim e im m em orial, as you can see even from th eir n am es . Does not the world-historical standpoint also dedu ce th e immemorial G erm anity of H aim ons-Eichicht, W elsch-Leyden, Jen au and Kaltenfelde even from their n am es ? T ru e , he will have trouble finding these primevally G erm an nam es on the m ap and when he learns that they denote Le Q uesnoi, Lyons, G enoa and C am p o F red d o , he will only have H e rr L eo , who m anu factu red them , to thank fo r his em barrassm ent. W hat will th e world-historical standpoint say, if presently the Fren ch claim C ologne, Coblence, M ayence and F ra n cfo rt as primevally French territory? W oe then to the world-historical standpoint! But let us dwell no longer on these petiles m ishes de la vie humaine^ they also befall g re a te r m en . Let us follow H e rr Wilhelm Jo rd a n of Berlin, as h e soars to higher spheres. H e says o f th e Poles that one
likes them more the further away one is from them and the less one knows about them, and one likes them less the closer one gets to them ", Hence the reason for this affection is not some superior quality of the Polish character but rather a certain cosmopolitan idealism .

W hat an abundance of ideas! W hat profound wisdom! W hat stirring language! T h u s speaks th e worid-historical standpom t, once he has co rrected th e sh orthan d rep o rts of his speeches. ^ T h e Poles have th e ch oice; if they want to stage a tru e tragedy they have to submit humbly to being destroyed by th e iron heel and the revolving wheels o f history and say to Nicholas: T h y will be d o n e If, how ever, they want to rebel and, fo r a ch an ge, try to use the iron heel of history to crush th eir oppressors, then th ere is no tru e traged y , and H e rr W ilhelm Jo rd a n of B erh n can no lon ger take any interest in them . T h u s speaks th e worldhistorical standpoint whose aesthetic knowledge stems fro m P rofes sor R osenkranz. , . . , i W h at was th e inexorable, th e iron necessity which has tem porarily destroyed Poland? It was th e decline of th e noblem ens dem ocracy based on serfd om , that is th e developm ent of a big aristocracy withm the nobility T h is was a step forw ard, as it was th e only way out of the antiquated noblem ens d em ocracy. W h at was th e result? T h e ^ o n heel o f history, i.e. th e th re e Eastern autocrats, crush ed Poland. T h e aristocracy was com pelled to e n te r into an alliance w i ^ states in o rd e r to cop e with th e noblem ens d em o cracy. T h e Pohsh aristocracy until recently, and partially even u p to th e present, rem ained th e faithful ally of Polands oppressors. W h at is th e reason fo r th e inexorable, the' iron necessity to r Polands liberation? It is th e fact that the rule of th e aristocracy in Poland, which has con tin u ed , since 1 8 1 5 , at least in Posen and Galicia, and to som e exten t even in Russian Poland, is today just as antiquated and hollow as was th e d em ocracy of th e low er nobility in 1 7 7 2 It is th e fact th at the establishm ent o f a fo rm o f agrarian d em ocracy has b ecom e vital to Poland, not only politically but also socially; the fact th at agricu ltu re, the sou rce of existence of t ^ Polish people, will be ru in ed , if th e peasants w ho a re serfs o r liable to lab ou r services, d o not becom e free landow ners, ^ d the tact that an ag rarian revolution can n ot possibly be e a rn e d throu gh without sim ultaneously winning a national existence and possession of th e Baltic coast and the estuaries of the Pohsh rivers. . , A n d H e rr Jo rd a n of Berlin calls this attem p tin g to stay the revolving wheels of history and trying to tu rn them back once m o re! , j- j j It is tru e that th e old Poland o f th e noblemen s d em ocracy died and was buried long since, and only H e rr Jo rd an can exp ect that anyone wants to n u l l i f y t h e tru e trag ed y of this Poland, but th e h ero of this tragedy has p rodu ced a strapping son, and m any a toppish

But how does the world-historical standpoint explain that the peoples o f th e world d o n ot like a certain nation, eith er when they are at a g reat distance from it o r when they get closer to it, and that, with rare co n cu rren ce, they despise, exploit, d eride and spurn this nation? T h is is th e German nation. T h e world-historical standpoint will say, this is d ue to "cosmopolitan materialism", thus extricatin g himself. Q uite untroubled by such petty objections, how ever, the worldhistorical eagle on his m ighty pinions soars high er and high er, until he reaches th e p u re eth er o f the idea that exists in itself and for itself, and gives vent to th e following heroic world-historical H egelian hym n:
Even if one vindicates history, which in the course of its necessary progress inexorably crushes with its iron heel a nation that is no longer strong enough to maintain its position among equal nations, it would nevertheless be inhuman and barbaric to feel no sympathy when one observes the long suffering of such a people, and I am far from harbouring such callous thoughts. (God will not fail to reward you for this, noble Jordan!) "B u t it is one thing to be moved by a tragedy, and quite a n t h e r to attempt to undo this tragedy. It is precisely the fact that the hero succumbs to iron necessity that turns his fate into true tragedy and, trying to interfere with the course of destiny and out o f human considerations attempting to stay the revolving wheels o f history and turn them back once more, is to expose oneself to the danger of being crushed by them. T h e desire to restore Poland simply because her ruin justly fills us with sorrow, is, to my mind, imbecile sentimentality!" * Small mishaps of life. Ed.

li

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Berlin literary man may indeed sh ud d er at th e thou gh t of makiual his closer acquaintance. T h is son, who is still only p rep aring to a out his d ram a and to put his shoulder to th e revolving w heeh < _ history , but who is bound to achieve success, this son is th e Pol* of the peasant dem ocracy. Some stale literary flourishes, a little imitated con tem pt of world which in H egel was a sign of audacity, but becom es a ch< and nonsensical platitude in H e rr Jo rd a n in sh ort a sam ple o f ^ bell and cannon, sound and fu ry exp ressed in inadequj sentences and, in addition, incredible confusion and ign oran ce ^ quire ord in ary historical circum stan ces this is what the worlS historical standpoint am ounts to. L on g live th e world-historical standpoint and its c o m p r e h e n d ^ ! world!

We have never coveted th e h on o u r of being an organ of any n icu lar g ro u p of th e parliam entary Left. O n th e co n tra ry , because P fth e various different"^ elem ents from which the d em ocratic party i L been form ed in G erm any, we have considered u essential to keep n especially close w atch on th e dem ocrats. In view of th e lack of \ ,eray of decision, of talent and of knowledge we have en cou n tered u n o n s th e leaders, with a few exceptions, of all parties, we are i a s e d that H e rr Radowitz is at least a w orthy of.pon^n. ^ H e rr Radowitz is followed by H e rr Schuselka. In spite of all revious w arnings, h e nevertheless makes a touching appeal to the t i n An imm ensely long-w inded discourse, interspersed with a few h S o r i ^ argu m en ts and occasionally some A ustrian com m on sense. Dn the whole, it has a w earisom e effect. H e rr Schuselka has gone to V ienna, havm g been elected a m em ber of the Im perial Diet which meets in that city T h is is the righ t p ior him. If in F ran k fu rt he sat on th e L eft, th ere h e will fi himself in th e C en tre. If in F ran k fu rt he had some influence, his first speech in V ienna will prove a failure. T h is is the fate of al literal^ and philosophical g reat pot-house politicians, ^ the revolution only to im prove th eir own position if for a m om ent they are placed on really revolutionary grou n d , they d isappear at " T h e ci-devant C o u n t van Wartensleben ioUov^s. steps fo rth as a portly, honest m an o v e r f l o ^ g who tells anecdotes about his m arch as a m em b er of to the Polish fro n tier in 1 8 3 0 , he then turns into Sancho Panza and speaks in proverbs to the Poles, e.g. a bird in the han d is w orth two n the bush, and, at the sam e tim e, he quite m nocently m anages to slip in the following perfidious rem ark :
What is the reason that even Polish officials were not prepared to the

[iVu^ Rheinische Zeitung No. 90, August 31, 1848) '

Cologne, A ugust 2 6 . T h e second day of battle provides an even g ran d er picture than th e first. T ru e , we miss H e rr W ilhelm Jo rd an of Berlin, whose lips captivated th e hearts o f all who heard him , but let us be m odest, a Radowitz, W artensleben, Kerst and R odom ontLichnowski are not to be despised. H e rr Radowitz m ounts th e rostru m first. T h e speech of th e leader of the Right is sh ort, firm and calculated. N o m o re declam ation than necessary. W ro n g prem ises, but concise rapid conclusions based on these prem ises. An appeal to the fear of the Right. Cold-blooded certainty of success which banks on the cow ardice of th e m ajority. P rofound con tem pt fo r th e entire Assembly, for th e Right as well as the L eft. T h ese are the outlines o f the short speech delivered by H e rr Radowitz, and we understand very well th e effect these few icy and unostentatious words were bound to p rod u ce in an assembly used to h earin g the m ost pom pous and shallow rh etorical exercises. H e rr Wilhelm Jo rd an of Berlin would have been delighted, if with his entire co m p reh en d ed and not com p reh en d ed world of images he had produced a tenth of the effect H e rr Radowitz p rodu ced with his short and, basically, also quite superficial speech. H err Radowit? is not a man of ch a ra c te r , not a steadfast worthy, but he is a person with clear-cut, distinct traits; one needs only to read o ne o f his speeches to know him thoroughly.

p re v e is them from making even the initial preparations for a happy resurrectio

In o th er w ords, th e Poles have, for eighty years, been continuously fighting and sacrificing th eir lives and p roperty for a cause wh they them selves r e g a r d a s i m p o s s i b l e a n d a b s u r d . In conclusion H e rr W artensleben is in agreem en t with H e rr "
m7

Janiszewski from Posen, a m em ber of the Posen Nat.onal

G oethe, Fausl, E rster T e il, M arthens G arten . Ed.

C om m ittee m ounts th e rostru m . M r. Janiszewskis speech is th e first piece of truly eloquence to be delivered fro m th e rostru m of St. Paul s C h u rch . A

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last we h ear a sp eaker who does not simply try to win the approval of the hall, but whose language is m arked by tru e dynam ic passion, and who, for this reason, produces an effect quite d ifferen t fro m that' produced by any of th e p reced in g speakers. Blum s appeal to the conscience of th e Assembly, Jo rd a n s ch eap bom bast, Radowitzs cold logic, Schuselka s genial prolixity, all, w ithout exception, sink into m significance by th e side of this Pole who fights fo r th e e x i s t e d of his nation and dem ands the restoration o f his legitim ate righti Janiszewski speaks in an im passioned and forcefu l way, but w ithoi^ declam ation. H e m erely rep o rts facts with the justified indignatfoi without which a co rrect description of such facts is impossible anfK-4 i which is doubly justified a fter th e shameless m isrep resen tatio iS I m ade earlier in the debate. His speech, which in fact constitutes ' co re o f the debate, refutes all earlier attacks against the Poles, m a k am ends for th e mistakes o f the su pp orters o f th e Poles, leads the debate back to the only real and just basis, and deprives speakers d^ follow o f th e m ost high-sounding argum ents
You have swallowed the Poles, but, by God, you shall not digest them !**

In this con n ection he gives statistical data about th e population ratio data which co rresp on d to th e fam ous survey of th e Netze b reth ren accord in g to which only those are reg ard ed as Poles who do not speak any G erm an, and all those are deemed G e n ^ n s who speak a little broken G erm an . Finally com es a m ost a rtiiia a l calculation, by which he proves that th e m inority that voted for joining G erm any, when th e vote was taken in th e Posen Provm cial [ ,i e t a m inority of 17 to 2 6 was really a m ajority.
It is true that under the Provincial Law there must be a majority of ^/s to pass resolutions. Now, it is true that 17 is not quite V , o f 26. but the missing fraction is so small that over such a serious question it cannot really be taken into consideration. !.

This striding sum m ary of Janiszewskis speech will en d u re, as wiH ! also th e pride with which h e replies to th e begging speeches o f th^ supporters of the Poles:
I do not come to you as a beggar, I come relying on my legitimate right; I do not ask ior sympathy but only for justice.

Mr. Janiszewski is followed by H err K erst, a head -m aster from Posen. T h e Pole fighting fo r th e existence and th e social and political freedom of his people is followed by a Prussian schoolm aster who has im m igrated to Posen and is fighting fo r his salary. T h e fine passionate indignation of th e oppressed is followed by the trite im pudence of the b u reau crat who lives on oppression. T h e partition of Poland which today is called a d isgrace was at the tim e a quite ordinary event .
T h e right of peoples to separate according to nationality is a brand-new right recognised nowhere.... It is only actual possession which matters in politics.

T h ese are a few of th e pithy expressions on which H e rr Kerst bases his argum ents. T h ey a re followed by the m ost clumsy co n tra dictions:
As a result of the acquisition o f Posen, a piece o f land has been incorporated into Germany which is mdeed predominantly Polish, and a little later: As far as the Polish part of Posen is concerned, h has not asked to be joined to Germany and. as far as I know, you, gentlemen, do not intend to admit this part against its will!

T h u s, if th e m inority is */s of th e m ajority, then it is u n d e r the Provincial Law a m ajority! T h e old Prussians will greatly h on o u r H e rr K erst fo r this discovery. B u t in fact th e position is th is m o rd e r to m ake an application, m ust vote fo r it. Admission into the G erm an C on fed eration was such an application. A pplication for admission was th e re fo re only legal if Vs o f th e A ssembly, i.e. A o f the 43 who took p a rt in the division, voted fo r it. B u t, instead, alm ost /s voted against it. B u t w hat does it m a tte r? F o r 17 is alm ost /a of 4 3 ! It is n ot surprising that th e Poles a re n ot so well ed u cated as are the citizens o f th e 5toaf der InUlligenz"^ if this intelligent state sends them teach ers w ho are such e x p e rt arithm eticians. H e rr Clemens from B o n n makes th e co rre c t observation that the Prussian G overnm ent was n ot interested in th e G erm anisation of Posen but in its Prussianisation, and co m p ares th e attem p ts to Prussianise Posen with similar attem pts in th e Rhineland. H e rr Oslendorf of Soest, the son o f red soil, read s fro m a com p en d iu m of political platitudes and twaddle, he indulges in possibiKties, probabilities and con jectu res, jum pin g fro m oiie su b j^ t to an oth er, fro m H e rr Jo rd a n to the F re n ch , fro m the red repubhc to the redskins o f N orth A m erica, and puts th e Poles on a p a r with them , and the N etze b re th re n on a p a r with th e Yankees. An audacious com parison w orthy o f the red soil! Im agine H e ^ K erst, H e rr Senff and H e rr G oeden as backw oodsm en in a log h u t with shotgun and sp ad e what a priceless com edy! H e rr Franz Schmidt fro m Low enberg m ounts th e rostru m . H e Speaks calmly and unostentatiously. T h is is all th e m o re com m en d able since H e r r Schm idt belongs to a profession which is usually
See G. W. F. Hegel, Vorlesungen Uber die Gesckichte der Philosophie. Vorrede, gesprochen zu Heidelberg den 28sten Oktober 1816, n ote. Ed. ^ Westphalia. Ed.

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excessively fond o f declam ation, i.e. th e G erm an Catholic priest h ood . H e rr Schm idts speech, a fter that of Janiszewski, is certainly the best of th e whole debate, because it is th e m ost convincing and best inform ed. H e rr Schm idt dem onstrates that the com m ittees display o f learning (the co n ten t o f which we have alread y exam ined*) hides abysmal ign o ran ce o f actual conditions. H e rr Schm idt, who has lived fo r m any years in th e G rand D uchy o f Posen, shows that even with reg ard to this small district, which h e knows in g reat detail, the com m ittee has m ad e th e cru d est blunders. H e shows that the com m ittee has failed to give th e Assembly adequate inform ation about any o f the decisive questions and has even called u p on the Assembly to m ake decisions at ran d om w ithout any factual d ata o r any knowledge o f the m atter. H e dem ands in the first place inform ation about th e actual state of affairs. H e proves that the proposals o f the com m ittee are incom patible with th eir prem ises. H e quotes Flottwells m em o ran d u m and calls upon Flottwell, who is also p resen t as a deputy, to m ake a statem ent should the d ocu m en t n ot be genuine. H e finally makes public the fact that the N etze b re th re n cam e to G agern and, by false news about an alleged uprising in Posen, tried to p ersu ad e him to bring the debate to a rap id close. T r u e , G agern denied this, but H e rr K erst has loudly boasted o f it. T h e m ajority has taken reven ge on H e rr Schm idt fo r his bold speech by seeing to it that the speech was falsified in th e stenographic rep orts. H e rr Schm idt him self three times rectified the nonsense inserted in o ne passage, but it was nevertheless printed. Tablebanging against Schloffel, cru d e violence against Brentano^^ and falsification against Sch m id t the g en d em en o f the R ight are indeed subde cridcsl H e rr Lichnowski concludes th e sitting, but we shall save this friend of ours fo r th e n ext article; on e should not act precipitately when dealing with a speaker o f H e rr Lichnowskis calibrel

disdainful n onchalance, h e divests him self o f th e few disconnected thoughts he has to com m u n icate to th e Assembly. ^ T h e handsom e knight is definitely a necessary elem ent in this debate. If th e re is anyone to whom H e rr G oeden, H e rr Senff and H e rr K erst have still n ot dem onstrated the w orth of th e G erm an poles sufficiently clearly, th e exam p le o f th e km ght Lichnowski will show him what a disgusting phenom enon despite th e com ely figure is th e Prussianised Slav. H e rr Lichnowski and th e G erm an Poles are kindred spirits; by his m ere ap p earan ce on th e rostru n ^ H e rr Lichnowski m akes th e dossier m ore com p lete. T h e slachCKT from U p p er Silesia who has been tran sform ed into a Prussian squire from th e backwoods provides a living exam p le of what th e loving Prussian G overnm ent intends to d o with th e nobility of Posen. H e rr Lichnowski, despite all his protestations, is not a G erm an , h e is a reorgan ised Pole; h e does not speak G erm an , he speaks Pjussian^ H e rr Lichnowski begins with the assertion that he teels tne m ost chivalrous sym pathy fo r th e Poles, he pays com plim ents to M r. Taniszewski, h e upholds th e Poles claim to th e g re a t p oetry of m arty rd o m , and th en h e suddenly m akes an about tu rn and asks. W hy has this sym pathy waned? B ecause th e Poles fou gh t m th e first line at the b arricad es in all insurrections a n d revolutions. T h is is indeed a crim e that will no lon g er be com m itted once the Poles are reo rgan ised . Incidentally, we can give H e rr Lichnow ski the reassuring inform ation that even am on g the Polish em igrants ^ d even am on g th e Polish nobility in exile w ho, accord in g to H e rr Lichnowski, have sunk so low, th ere are people w ho have rem ained entirely uncontam inated by any co n tact with th e barricades. Now follows an am using scene.
Lichnowski-. T h e gendemen o f the Left, who trample have turned yeUow with age, have, m a conspicuous way. e v o k e d histoncal nghK^ T here is no justification for stressing one date as against another in Polish cause. With regard to historical right there does not exist no date. (Loud regid^to^Wstorical right there does not exist no date." (Loud laughter on

[Neue Rheinische Zeitung N o. 91. September 1, 1848]

Gentlemen, allow the speaker to finish the sentence, do no. interrupt ^ '% h n o^ sk i: Historical right does not have no date." (Laughter President: Please do not interrupt the speaker, silence, please! (Agitation.) Lickm w ski: As regards historical right, no date Left) which could vindicate a greater degree o f right than any earlier date. * A Polish nobleman. d. This ungrammatical phrase o f Lichnowskis is used several tunes by Engels in this series of articles. Ed.

Cologne, A ugust 3 1 . T h e bel-homme o f th e Assembly, th e G erm an B ayard , th e knight without fear and w ithout rep ro ach , th e ex-P rin ce (P aragrap h 6 of th e Fundam ental Rights^**) von Lichnowski m ounts th e rostru m with chivalrously cou rteou s p ropriety and a self-satisfied smile. W ith th e p u re accents o f a Prussian lieutenant and with
See this volum e, pp. 3 3 7 -4 9 . Ed. Ibid., p. 18. Ed.

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W ere we not justified in saying that the noble knight speaks iW i G erm an, but Prussian? T h e historical righ t which does not have n o d a te en cou n ters form idable adversary in o u r noble paladin.
If we go further back into history, we find (in Posen) many distrias which w e Silesian and German; if we go back still further, we reach the time when Leipzig Dresden were built by Slavs, and we then arrive at Tacitus, and God only knc where the gentlemen would lead us if we were to broach this subject.

T h e m oustache-tw irling knight continues to talk for som e tim e in ,he same pleasantly nonchalant m an n er, which is in th e m am intended fo r th e ladies in th e gallery, b u t is still good en ou gh fo r th e Assembly as well, and then concludes:
have notfiing more to say. It is now up to you to decide whether to absorb five thousand Germans or to turn them away ... but m that case, you w illcros^ut IHe poem of our old national bal: As far as the German language nngs, and God in H e a v e n his poem sings. * Strike out this poem!
1

h u n d red

T h e world must be in a bad way. T h e estates o f th e Prussiaii. knights must be m ortgaged beyond red em p tion , th e pressure th eir Jewish creditors must have becom e form idable, th eir p ro m ts sory notes m ust be com in g d u e fo r paym ent in rapid succession public auction, im prisonm ent, dismissal fro m service owing to thoughdessly in cu rred debts all these h o rro rs o f extreme pecu n iary distress m ust th reaten the Prussian knights with inevitable ru in , fo r things to have co m e to such a pass that a Lichnowski a t t a d i th e sam e historical righ t in whose d efen ce h e won his spurs a t Doti C arlos ro u n d table.^ T r u e , only G od knows w hither th e bailiffs would convey the lean knights* if we w ere to b roach th e subject o f the historical rigln governing debts! Y e t, are these debts n ot their best quality and the only o ne that can serve the Prussian paladins as an excuse? TTie bel-homme then com es to his subject and observes th at, when speaking to th e G erm an Poles, one should not paint a v agu e picture of a rem o te and obscure fu tu re P oland (!); h e thinks th e Poles would not be satisfied with Posen:
If I had the /lonowrtobe a Pole, I would every morning and every evening ponder on the re-establish menl of the old Polish kingdom.

It is indeed bad th at, when old A rn d t w rote his poem , he did not think of th e Polish Jews and th eir G erm an . B u t fortunately, we have our U p p e r Silesian paladin. W h o is n ot aw are o f th e nobilitys old obligations to th e Jew s, obligations th at have becom e respectable m the cou rse of centuries? W h at th e old plebeian om itted, Lichnowski, the knight, rem em bers. As far as a Polish Jew jabbers of G erm an a spate, L en d s a t high interest, falsifies m oney and weight __that is th e exten t of H e rr Lichnow skis fatherland!

[Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 93, September 3, 1848]

C o lo^ e, Septem ber 2 . T h e third day of th e debate revealed a general w eariness. T h e same arg u m en ts are rep eated w ithout any im provem ent and th e stenographic re p o rt would have been dull enough to send on e to sleep if th e first h onourable speaker, Citizen Arnold Ruge, had n o t p rodu ced his rich stock of new reasons. Citizen R u ge m o reov er [knows] his m erits b etter th an anyone else. He prom ises:
"I will apply all the passion I possess and all my knowledge."

B u t since H e rr Lichnowski does not have th e h o n o u r , since h e is m erely a reorganised Pole o f U p p er Silesia [Wasserpolack],^^^ he ponders on quite different and less patriotic m atters every m orning and every evening.
T o be frank, I must say that a few hundred thousand Poles must become Germans, which, to tell the truth, would not, under the present conditions, be a misfortune for them either.

H e tables a m otion; this is, how ever, not an ordinary m otion, n ot a motion in gen eral, but th e only co rre c t m otion, th e true m otion, the absolute m otion:
-T here is nothing else that can be proposed and that is admissibU. One can choose to do something else, gentlemen, for man is able to deviate i^om th e deviating from what is right, man shows that he has free will ... but '^ha^sjigju doe not th e r^ y cease to be right. In our case, my motion represents the only r^ght thing that tan be done. From Ernst Moritz Arndts poem Des Deutschen Vaterland Ed.

O n th e co n trary , how nice it would be if the Prussian G overnm ent laid out a new plantation to grow still m ore o f th e wood from which the Lichnowskis are m ade.
lean knights (die magere Ritterschaft) is from Heinrich Heines poem Deutschland. Ein Wintermdrcken, Caput VIII. Ed.

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(In this case th erefo re, Citizen R uge sacrifices his free will to what is rig h t .) L et us closer exam in e th e passion, the knowledge and the only righ t thing o f Citizen R uge.
T h e destruction of Poland is a shameful injustice because it has stifled the remarkable development of a nation that had rendered great services to the European j family of nations and in a resplendent way had developed chivalry, one of the aspectt^ of medieval life. T h e republic of nobles was prevented by despotism from bringing.^' about its own internal (I) abolition, which would have been possible by means o f the* Constitution that had been prepared during the revolutionary period.

for th ree h u n dred years and, only then, did the N orth ern French m ake am ends for their oppressive rule by destroym g the l i s t vestiges of Southern Fren ch ind ependence. T h e Constituent Assembly divided up th e independent provinces, and it was th e iron fis t of th e C onvention that first turned the inhabitants of Southern France-into Frenchmen and, in rep aration for their narionality gave them d em ocracy. W h at Citizen Ruge says about t h e Poles is h o w e v e r , quite literally a fitting description of th e t h r e e h u n dred
F ra n ce

years of oppression:
Russias despotism has not liberated the Poles; the annihilation of the Polish nobility and the exile of so many noble families from Poland has not established democracy or humane conditions of life in Russia.

T h e people in Southern F ran ce w ere, in the Middle A ges, no closer to th e people in N orth ern F ran ce than the Poles are now to the Russians. In the Middle A ges, th e Southern F ren ch , com m only called Provencals, achieved not only a rem arkable d evelopm ent, they even led E u ro p ean developm ent. T h ey w ere th e first m o d ern ' ^ nation to have a literary language. T h e ir poetry was reg ard ed by a ll' R om ance peoples, and even by th e G erm ans and th e English, as a model unequalled at the tim e. T h ey vied with th e Castilians, the N orth ern F rench m en and th e English N orm ans in th e perfection of feudal chivalry and w ere equal to th e Italians in industry and co m m erce. T h ey did not only develop o ne aspect of medieval life in a resplendent way , they even produced a flash of th e ancient Hellenic culture in th e darkest Middle A ges. T h e people from Southern F ran ce have, th erefo re, ren d ered not only g reat, but im m easurable services to th e E u rop ean family of nations . N evertheless, like th e Poles, they were first partitioned between N orth ern F ran ce and Englan d an d later com pletely subjugated by the N orth ern F ren ch . F ro m th e wars against the Albigenses^* to Louis X I , th e N orth ern F ren ch who w ere culturally just as inferior to th eir Southern neighbours as th e Russians to th e Poles waged continuous wars o f conquest against th e Southern Fren ch and, finally, con q uered the whole cou n try. T h e Southern French republic of nobles (this designation is quite co rre c t fo r its heyday) was prevented by despotism (Louis X I) from bringing about its own internal abolition , which would have been certainly n o less possible th ere, owing to th e rise o f the m iddle class in th e towns, than it would have been in the Polish case by m eans of th e Constitution of 1791. T h e Southern Fren ch fought against th eir oppressors for centuries but historical developm ent was inexorable. A fter a struggle lasting th ree cen tu ries, their beautiful language was red u ced to a patois and they them selves w ere tu rn ed into Fren ch m en . ^Northern Fren ch despotism ruled over Southern

B ut the subjugation of Southern Fran ce by the N orth ern French has never been called sham eful injustice . W h at is the reason. Citizen R uge? E ith er the subjugation of S ou th ern F ran ce is a sham eful injustice, o r th e subjugation of Poland is not a sham eful injustice. It is u p to Citizen R uge to decide. W h at is th e differen ce between th e Poles and th e people of Southern Fran ce? W hy was Southern F ran ce like inert ballast taken in tow by the F ren ch m en from th e N orth , even as far as th e total obliteration of its nationality, w hereas th e Poles have every prospect of finding them selves very soon in th e van of all Slav nationalities. As a result of social conditions which we can n o t explain in detail h ere Southern F ran ce becam e th e reaction ary section of F ran ce. Its opposition to N orth ern F ran ce very soon becam e opposition to the pro^sressive classes in the whole of F ran ce. It becam e th e principal support of feudalism and has rem ained th e backbone of th e Fren ch counter-revolution u p to now. Poland, on th e o th er h an d , b ecam e a revolutionary part of Russia, Austria and Prussia, as a result of social conditions which we exam ined earlier (N o. 8 1 ). Its opposition to its o ppressors was, at the same tim e, opposition to th e big aristocracy in Poland itself. Even the nobility, which was in part still feudal, supported th e d em ocraticagrarian revolution with quite u n p reced en ted selflessness. Poland had already becom e the focus of E ast-E u ro p ean d em ocracy, when G erm any was still floundering in th e ideology of th e most insipid constitutionalism and high-flown philosophy. ^ , . v This, and not the resplendent developm ent of chivalry which belongs to th e p a s t , g uarantees the restoration of Poland and m a k e s it inevitable.

See this volum e, pp. 3 5 0 -5 3 . F.d.

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But H err R u ge has also a second reason fo r th e necessity of ab independent Poland within th e E u rop ean family of nations .
The violence which has been done to the Poles has scattered them throughout' Europe and they are everywhere giving vent to their anger over the injustice thv suffered ... the Polish spirit has been humanised and purified in France and ^ Germany (!?): the Polish emigration constitutes propagation o f freedom " (No. 1) T W Slavs have become capable of entering the great European family of nations" (the family is unavoidable!) for ... their emigration has become the true apostolaU / freedom " (No. 2). T h e entire Russian army (!!) has been infected with modern ideas by the Poles, rtese apostUs o f freedom (No. 3.). I respect the forthright conviction <rf the Poles, which they have demonstrated throughout Europe, to make p r o p a g a n d a for fr e e d o m with all their might (No. 4). Throughout the annais of history they will be honoured for being pioneers'' (No. 5). wherever they have acted as pivneers (HI) The Poles ar^ t h e o f freedom " (No. 6) which has been tossed into Slavdom- they have Ud the Slav C o n fess m Prague^ ' towards freedom " (No. 7). they have been active in Pranee, Russia and Germany. The Poles consequendy constitute an effective clement in present-day culture as well, they are effecuve. and because they are effective, because they are necessary, they are by no means dead.

Citizen Ruge has to p rove that the Poles are, first, necessary, and second, not dead. H e does this by saying; B ecause they are necessary, they are by no m eans d ead . If o ne rem oves a few words Poles, elem ent, freed om , p rop agan da, culture, apostolate from th e above lengthy passage, in which one and th e sam e idea is rep eated seven times, o ne can see what rem ains o f th e whole bom bastic statem ent. Citizen R uge has to p rove that the restoration of Poland is necessary. H e proves this in th e following way: T h e Poles a re not dead, on the co n trary they are very m uch alive, they are effective, they are th e apostles o f freed om in the whole o f E u ro p e . W h at is the reason fo r this? T h e violence, th e sham eful injustice p erp etrated on scattered them all o ver E u ro p e, w here they gave vent to th eir an g er o ver th e injustice they suffered, to their just revoludonan ger. This an g er has been p u rified du rin g their exile, and this purified an g er has enabled them to becom e apostles o f freed om and has placed them first at th e b arricad es . W h at follows from this? W ipe o u t the sham eful injustice, the violence done, restore Poland, and the a n g e r ceases, in can no lon ger be purified, the Poles go h om e and cease to be apostles o f free d o m . If it was only the an g er o ver th e injustice they su ffered that turned the Poles into revoludonaries, then the rem oval of the injustice will tu rn them m to reactionaries. If the only thing that keeps th e Poles alive is reaction to oppression, then rem ove oppression and they will be dead. ^

fo prove. His argu m en ts show that, in th e interest of freed om and of h e E u rop ean family of nations, Poland m ust noi be re-established. Incidentally, the fact that, when discussing Poiancl, Citizen Ruge mentions only th e em igrants and sees only em igrants at the barricades, throw s a strange light on his know ledge . W e certainly do not Want to h u rt the feelings o f th e Polish em igrants, who have nroved th eir en ergy and co u rag e on th e battlefield and d u n n g eighteen years of conspiratorial activity in th e interests of Poland. But we can n ot deny that those who are well acquainted with the Polish em igrants know that they are far from being as apostohcally freedom -loving and as keen on b arricad e fighting as they are aep icted by Citizen R uge who, in good faith, rep eats ex-Prin ce Lichnowskis assertions. T h e Polish em igrants have stead fasty persevered, have en d u red m u ch and have w orked h ard to r the restoration of Poland. B u t have th e Poles within Poland done less, have they not braved g re a te r dangers, have they not risked incarceration in Moabit and Spielberg, th e knout and Siberian mines, Galician b u tch eries and Prussian shrapnel? B u t all this does not exist for H e rr R uge. H e has not noticed eith er that th e Poles who did not em igrate, have absorbed m uch m ore of th e general E u rop ean culture and have und erstood th e needs of Poland, w here they have lived all th e tim e, m uch b etter than almost all th e em igrants ap art from Lelewel and Mieroslawski. All intelligent thinking which exists in Poland, o r to use R u ges expression, which has com e to th e Poles and upon the Poles , is attributed by Cirizen R uge to th eir stay abroad. In N o. [8 1 ] we have shown that the Poles did n ot have to go either to the F re n ch political d ream ers who failed in February, thanks to th eir own phrases o r to the p rofou n d G erm an ideologists who have not yet been able to find an opportunity to fail in the quest fo r an u n d erstan din g o f th eir cou n trys needs; and that Poland itself was the best school to gain an understan din g ot what Poland needs. It is th e g reat m erit of the Poles that they w ere the first to realise and to p ro p ag ate the fact that, for all Slav nations, the only possible fo rm of liberation is agrarian d em ocracy and n ot, as Citizen R uge im agines, that the Poles introduced into Poland and Russia general phrases, such as the g reat idea of political freedon^ which m atu red in F ra n ce , and even (!) the philosophy which em erged in G erm an y (and in which H e rr R uge was subm erged). A fter this speech by Citizen R uge, the Poles can exclaim : God protect us from p u r friends and we will p rotect ourselves from ou r enemies! B ut it has always been the greatest m isfortune of th e Poles
See this volum e, pp. 3 5 0 -5 3 . Ed.

Citizen Ruge therefore proves the exact opposite of what he wants

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that their non-Polish friends defend them with the worst poss' argum ents. * It certainly speaks in favour o f th e L eft in Fran k fu rt that, at>a^^ from a few exceptions, the deputies of th e Left w ere perf< delighted with Citizen R u ges speech on Poland, a speech w contained the following passage:
W h e t h e r w e h a v e in p u re d em o cracy , le t us m in d d e m o c r a tic m o n a r c h y , d e m o c r a tis e d m o n a r c h v v ;i not q u a rrel about th is ; on

Ke bad past, the period of despotism , he has edited th e events of \rrationalUm-, h e com es now to th e present, to th e glorious y ear 1 8 4 8 , to the revolution, he is now on his h om e grou n d , he now edits the ^rationale of events .^*^
H o w c a n t h e e m a n c ip a tio n o f P o la n d b e b r o u g h t a b o u t? I t c a n b e b r o u g h t a b o u t g r e e m e n ts in w h ic h t h e tw o g r e a t c iv ilis e d n a t io n s o f E u r o p e p a r tic ip a te ; th e y ,

c f h e r w ith G e r m a n y , a lib e r a t e d G e r m a n y , a r e \ ilia n c c , f o r th e y th in k t h e s a m e w ay a n d ,

the w hole w e w ant the ^

th erefo re on the w hole,

b o u n d to fo rm a n ew T r ip le w a n t t h e s a m e th in g .

//ung f r e e d o m , n a t i o n a l f r e e d o m , a n d

r u le o f t h e p e o p le !"

A re we exp ected to be enthusiastic about a L eft that allows itself be carried away when som eone says that it warns on th e whole t sam e thing as the Right, as H e rr Radowitz, H e rr Lichnowski, H e rr Vincke and all th e o th er fat o r lean knights? A L eft whose head h iS been turned with rap tu re and which forgets everything as soon as It h ears a few em pty slogans, such as national freed o m and rule o f the p eop le ? B u t let us leave th e L eft and retu rn to Citizen Ruge.
1 o4o.
t ia t s w e p t t h e w o rld w as g r e a te r th a n th e r e v o lu tio a

H ere, in one bold passage, we have th e whole rationale of events in foreign policy alliance between G erm any, F ran ce and B ritain , all three of whom think the sam e way and, on the whole, want the same thin g , a new Riitli Federation^"* concluded by the three m odern Swiss Cavaignac, Leiningen and Joh n Russellj It is true that Fran ce and G erm any, with G ods help, have m eanwhile again retrogressed so far that as reg ard s general political principles their governments think m ore o r less th e sam e way as official circles in Britain, that stable cou n ter-revolu tionary rock su rrou n d ed by the
sea.

of

As reg ard s its principles, it is th e m ost hu m an e revolution for these principles have arisen as a result of the glossing over o f the most con tradictory interests. It is th e most hu m an e revolution as regard s its d ecrees and p roclam ations", for they rep resent a com p en d iu m o f philanthropical fantasies and sentim ental phrases about fraternity produced by all the feather-heads o f E u rop e. It is th e most hu m an e revolution as reg ard s its actuality, that is the m assacres and barbarities in Posen, the m u rd ero u s incendiarism of Radetzky, th e ferocious cruelties com m itted in Paris by the victors of Ju n e, th e butcheries in Cracow and P rag u e, th e rule of brutal soldiery everyw here in sh ort, all th e outrages which constitute the actuality of this revolution today, Septem ber 1, 1 8 4 8 , and which have spilled m ore blood in fo u r m onths than was spilled in 1 7 9 3 and 1 7 9 4 taken togeth er. T h e h u m an e Citizen R uge!

B ut the countries do not only think th e same way, they also, on the whole, want th e sam e th in g . G erm any wants Schleswig, and Britain does not want to ced e it to h e r; G erm any wants protective tariffs, and Britain wants free tra d e ; G erm any wants unity, and Britain wants to see h er disunited; G erm any wants to be ind ep en dent, and Britain seeks to subjugate h e r industrially but what does that m atter? O n the w hole they nevertheless want the sam e thing ! And as to F ra n ce , F ran ce issues tariff laws directed against Germ any and F ra n ce s M inister Bastide sneers at schoolm aster R au m er, who rep resen ts G erm any there hen ce it is obvious that F ra n ce on the w hole wants th e same th in g as G erm any! Indeed, Britain and F ran ce prove in th e m ost striking m an n er that they want the sam e thing as G erm any, by threaten in g h e r with war, Britain on accou n t of Schleswig and F ran ce on accou n t of L o m bardy! Citizen Ruge is ideologically naive enough to believe that nations which have certain political ideas in com m on , would, just for that reason, conclude an alliance. A ltogether, Citizen R u g e s political palette has only two colours black and while, slavery and freed om . T h e world for him is divided into two g reat cam ps into civilised nations and barbarians, freem en and serfs. T h e boundary line of freedom , which six m onths ag o was situated on the o th er side of the Rhine, now coincides with th e Russian fron tier, and this advance is called th e revolution of 1 8 4 8 . It is in this confused m an n er that the

R h ein isc h e Z eitu n g

N o . 9 6 , S e p te m b e r 7 ,

1848]

Cologne, Septem ber 6 . W e have followed th e historical investiga tions about the necessity of th e existence o f Poland u n dertaken by the h u m an e Citizen R uge. Citizen R uge has spoken so far about

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presen t m ovem ent is reflected in Citizen R u g es head. T h a t is how n translates the battle-cry of those who fought at th e b a rrica d e s ! February and M arch into Pom eranian.* If we translate it from th e Pom eranian back into G erm an , we that the th ree civilised nations, th e th ree free peoples, are thi w here bourgeois rule exists in various form s and at various st of developm ent, w hereas the slaves and serfs are p eou ruled by patriarchal and feudal absolutism. F o r A rn old Ru the farouche^ republican and d em o crat, freed om denotes i m ost ordinary insipid liberalism, the rule o f the bourgeoit with p erhaps som e quasi-dem ocratic form s so that is the p ood l^ core!*^ Citizen Ruge argues that F ran ce, Britain and G erm any must cou rse be allies, because th e bourgeoisie rules in these countries. Ai if the objective interests of th e th ree countries are diam etrici opposed to o ne an oth er, if free trad e with G erm any and F ran ce is indispensable condition for th e existence o f th e British bourgeoisji if protective tariffs against Britain are an indispensable condition th e existence o f the Fren ch and G erm an bourgeoisie, if, in mam respects, similar relations obtain between G erm any and F ran ce, if this T rip le Alliance am ounted , in p ractice, to the i n d u s t n ^ subjugation of F ran ce an d G erm any? N arrow -m inded egoisB Sf m ean m ercen ary m in ds, m u tters R uge, the Pom eranian t h i n k ^ J into his blond beard. H e rr Jo rd a n spoke o f the tragic irony o f universal history,: Citizen R uge is a striking exam p le o f this. H e, like th e rest o f the^ m ore o r less ideological Left, sees his m ost cherished pet fantasies^ his greatest m ental efforts, wrecked by the class whom h e represents^, His philanthropically cosm opolitan p ro ject is w recked by meaiij m ercen ary minds and he him self m ust, unknowingly and uninten-, tionally, represent precisely these m ercen ary minds in a m ore o r less,ideologically distorted fashion. T h e ideologist proposes, the shop-, k eep er disposes. T ra g ic irony o f universal history! Citizen R uge then says that F ran ce has d eclared th at, thou gh the treaties of 1815*^* have been torn u p , she is nevertheless willing to recognise th e territorial division as it exists at p resen t . T h is is quite rig h t fo r Citizen R uge has fo u n d som ething in L am artin es manifesto,^^^ which so fa r nobody tried to find th ere that is the
Paraphrase from Heinrich Heine who spoke about Ruge as a man who knew how to translate Hegel into Pomeranian . Ed. Fierce, wild. Ed. ^ The poodles core (des Pudels Kem ) Goethe, Faust, Erster Teil, Studierzimmer. Ed.

basis of a new international righ t. H e explains this in th e following

rioht fNo 1> "m ust proceed from this relationship with , Te* H l T o r " . (! No. 2). In .he case e are d cu ig S '" *rn e w i ^ i o n a l rig f." (! No. 3). "T his i, * e only corr . - / riirht" nNo 4) Anv other interpretation of htstoncal ngkt (!No. 5) is Y ' u7d T h S e is no other international right" (!No. 6). Hirfmcaf rig k l" {N o .J) is A e hr" (at lastf) which is brought about by history a n d sanctioned time, since it (which?) ^ ! nuls and tears up hitherto existing treaties and replaces them new ones.

tn short, historical righ t edits th e rationale of events! T h u s it is w ritten, w ord for w ord, m the acts of th e apostles of G erm an unity, i.e. the stenographic rep o rts o f F ra n k fu rt, column o n e - a n d people com plam that the Neue criticises H e rr R uge by m eans of exclam ation m arks B ut this di y svratin g d an ce of historical righ t and m ternational righ t was, of bourse, bound to stun th e w orthy m em bers of th e L e ft, as they were bound to be filled with adm iration w hen the philosopher from Pom erania called o u t to them with unshakeable certainty: H i s t o r i ^ right is the righ t which is b ro u g h t about by history and sanctioned by ''*^H ist^ ;y has indeed always b ro u g h t about th e e xact opposite

of

what had been "sanctioned by tim e , " L n .^ it has always consisted in overturning that which had been brough Rug^Then tables th e only co rre c t and admissible m otion:
T o instruct the Central Authority, in concert with Britain and France, to prepare a c o n g r r l o r * e restoration of a free anti intiependent Poland; all powers concerned are to be invited to send their envoys to this congress.

W h at u pright, honest views! L o rd Jo h n Russell and E u gen e C a v a ig n a c ^ ? e to restore Poland. T h e English and Fren ch bourgeoisie are to th reaten Russia with w ar so as to b n n g about the liberation of Poland, which at present is a m atter of com plete indifference to them ! At this tim e of general confusion and disarray, when the effect of every piece of reassuring news causing shares to rise bv Vs p e r cen t is nuUified by six disturbing blows, w hen industry is struggling against creepin g bankruptcy, when stagnant, when the unem ployed proletariat has to supported by en orm ou s sums, of m oney to prevent it from ^ ^ d isp erate stand at this m om en t, can th e bourgeoisie of th e three civilised nations be exp ected to cre a te an additional difficulty. And what a difficulty! A w ar with Russia, which has been th e closest aUy of Britain since F ebruary! W ar with Russia, a war which, as ev e ^ b o d y knows would spell th e downfall of th e G erm an and French

380

A rtid es from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

T h e F ran k fu rt Assembly Debates th e Polish Q uestion

381

bourgeoisie! T o what advantage? N one at all. T h is is indeed m ^ than Pom eranian ingenuousness! % B u t Citizen R uge is absolutely confident that a peaceful solutio;! of the Polish question is possible. This is getting better and bett A nd why? B ecau se the point now is: '
What the treaties o f Vienna want must now be put into practice and really cat^ o u t ...T h e treaties of Vienna wanted to maintain the right of all nations a e i n J ? great French nation ... they wanted the restoration of the German nation.

- ^ble of views, the sam e lack of ideas, the sam e gift of presenting m ost banal and nonsensical ideas in a pom pous m an n er, the m t lack of know ledge , and, in particular, the same pretensions t ^ h e approbation of the G erm an philistine, w ho has never heard * H e r e we u d e o u r sum m ary of th e debate on P o ^ n d . T o expect us to deal with H e rr Low from Posen and th e o th e r great in te lle c ts that follow, is asking too m u ch . . ^ T h e debate as a whole leaves a sad im pression So m any long ^oceches and so little con ten t, so litUe knowledge of the subject and so litde talent! T h e w orst debate in the previous o r th e present French C ham ber o r in the British H ouse of C om m ons contains m ore intelligence, m o re e x p e rt knowledge and m o re real co n ten t than this discussion, which lasted fo r th ree days and dealt with one o f the m ost interesting subjects of m od ern politics. Eveyything c o M have been made of it, and th e NaUona! Assembly simply turned it into pohtical '^'^There has indeed never and nowhere been an assembly like this! T h e results are well known.="** T h re e -q u a rte rs of Posen has been conquered but it has been conquered not by force, o r G erm an industry o r th e p lo u g h ", but by political twaddle, false statistics and tim orous decisions. , ^ , u n Y o u have swallowed the Poles, but, by G od, you shall n ot digest th e m !* '
Written by Engels between August 7 and September 6, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung Nos. 70, 73, 81, 82, 86, 90, 91, 93 and 96, August 9, 12, 20, 22, 26 and 31, September 1, 3 and 7, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in full in English for the first time

Now it becom es clear why H err R uge .on th e whole wants same thin g as th e Right. T h e Right also wants th e treaties o f Vien carried out. T h e treaties of V ienna are the epitom e o f th e g re a t victory ' reactionary E u ro p e o ver revolutionary Fran ce. T h e y are th e cla form in which E u rop ean reaction ruled fo r fifteen years d u rin g u R estoration period. T h ey restore legitimacy, m onarchy by divim n gh t feudal aristocracy, clerical rule, and p atriarchal ju r is d ic tiJ and adm inistration. B u t since victory was won with th e help o f tli English, G erm an, Italian, Spanish and especially th e F ren c bourgeoisie, concessions h ad also to be m ade to the bourgeoisie Whife, the sovereigns, aristocrats, priests and b ureau crats divided the r i c i spoils am ong themselves, the bourgeoisie was p u t o ff with promi^soiy notes draw n on the fu tu re, which w ere not h on ou red and which nobody had any m tention of honou rin g. Instead of exam ining the real practical co n ten t o f the treaties o f Vienna, H e rr R uge assumes that these em pty prom ises a re their tru e co n ten t, and that reaction ary practice is m erely an im p ro p er m isinterpretation! O ne must indeed be an astonishingly good-n atured person to believe, after 3 3 years, a fter th e revolutions of 1 8 3 0 and 1 8 4 8 that these prom issory notes will still be paid and to im agine that the sentim ental phrases in which the illusory prom ises of V ienna are w rapped u p have still any m eaning in the year 1848. Citizen Ruge ap pears as the Don Q uixote of th e treaties of Vienna. Finally, Citizen R u ge reveals a g reat secret to the Assem bly it is only the fact that the treaties of 181 5 w ere b roken in Cracow in 1846 which caused the revolutions o f 1 848. L et this be a w arning to all despots! T o sum up. Citizen met him in the field which he had learned the d oo r-k eeper of Deutschen Jahrbucher\ R uge has not changed in any way since we last of literature. H e still uses the sam e phrases by h eart and rep eated ever since h e worked as G erm an philosophy at the Hallischen and there is still th e same confusion, the sam e

See this volum e, p. 566. Ed.

382

583

T H E D A N ISH A R M IS T IC E AN D H A N SEM A N N

t h e g erm an

c it iz e n s h ip

AN D T H E PR U SSIA N

P O L IC E

Cologne, A ugust 10. W e draw o u r read ers attention to o u r arti on Denmark. T h e Danish newspapers have furnished us with so, quite new disclosures about, th e behaviour o f th e G overnm ent A ction in the arm istice a ffair^ So, in o ne way o r an oth er, H H an sem an n s secret transgressions a re com ing to light after all.
Written by Engels on August 10, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 72, August 11, 1848

Colosne A ugust 11. It is well known how th e Prussian arm y paid hom age to G erm an unity on A ugust 6 . - T h e Prussian pohce rnust not lag behind th e Prussian arm y. N ever have th e re been in its opinion m ore German foreigners o r foreign Germans m Prussia than since an indivisible G erm an N ational Assembly, a G erm an Im perial R egen t- and a G erm an Im perial G overnm ent have been m eetm g in H e rr Geiger, acting Police Superin ten den t, whose accession to the th ron e was greeted by us earlier* with misgivings, seems to have received th e special o rd e r to pUrge C ologne o f G erm an /orngTim and to tolerate only Prussian subjects within th e walls of im perial city. If he is consistent, w ho will save a p erson s n g h t ol domicUe excep t the police, the arm y, the b u re a u c r a ^ and the natives? H e rr G eiger him self will not be missing am on g these last of V^^sh^^l^report at a later tim e about the conflicts th e editor-inchief o f th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung, Karl Marx, had with r e g a ^ to the Prussian righ t of citizenship.^ T od ay we are dealing J ^ e rr Karl Schapper, a con trib u tor and p ro o f-read er of th e Neue Rheinische H e rr S ch ap p er has received an invitation to visit th e Police In sp ector of his district this m orn in g. T h e Police In sp ecto r inform ed him that d u e to an o rd e r of H e rr G eiger, he would have to leave Cologne and the Prussian state by tom orrow because he is a

Printed according to the newspa Published in English for the fii?^ time

1848

Rheinische Zeitung No. 72, August 11,

^ See this volume, pp. 266-70 and 2S7. Ed.

* Archduke John of Austria Ed. ^ See this volume, p. 178. Ed. ' Ibid., p p . 407-10. Ed.

384

A rticles from th e New Rheinische Zeitung

385

foreigner. T h e In sp ecto r inform ed him at the sam e time th would exten d the period by a week o u t o f courtesy. H e rr S chap per is not only a G erm an but he is also a citiz ' Nassau and he is equipped with a Nassau passport in optima * H e rr Sch apper resides at C ologne with his wife and th re e c h i l d ^ His crim e consists of being a m em b er of th e D em ocratic Society the W orkers Association as well as being the p ro o f-read er of i N eue Rheinische Zeitung. T h ese are, of cou rse, three crim es all once. "Every German possesses the general German citizenship, reads first paragrap h of th e G erm an Fundam ental Rights which nalready been approved. H e rr G eiger seems to interp ret this in such way that every G erm an has the right to be expelled from 3 7 Germ a states. Besides the legislation of the National Assembly, th ere is no G eigers legislation! F o r H e rr Hansemann, how ever, the M inister of action, we have i piece o f advice: h e may use police m ethods against deputies at own discretion, but th ere is no playing aro u n d with th e press. It caitf: open th e book of the bourgeois past and > 5
I f you are after a little amusement, You may go dancing, but I ll play the rune^

T H E IT A L IA N L IB E R A T IO N S T R U G G L E AND T H E C A U S E O F IT S P R E S E N T FAILURE^

With the same celerity with which they w ere expelled from Lom bardy in M arch, th e A ustrians have now retu rn ed m tn u m p and have already en tered Milan. T h e Italian people spared no sacrifice. T h ey w ere P rep ared at th cost of life and p ro p erty to com p lete th e work they had begun win th eir national ind ependence. . B u t this co u rag e, enthusiasm and readm ess to m ake sacnfices were no a ch ld by those who stood at th e 1 -lm . O vert y or covertly, they did everything to use th e m eans at th eir disposal, not for the^iiberltion of th e countiT from the harsh A u stn an t but to paralyse th e popular forces and, m effect, to restore conditions as soon as possible. T h e Pope * who was w orked on m ore and m o re every day and won over by the Austrian and Jesuitical politicians, put all th e obstacles in the way of the M am iani Ministry which
^ B l a c k ^ - a n d t h e B la c k - Y e llo w s ,^ u K f S d not d e liv e r e d h ig h ly p a tr io t ic s p e e c h e s in b o t h C h a m b e r s , b u t d id

n o m atter how m any Geigers m ay threaten with their violins.'^

Written on August I I , 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 73, August 12, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

In all formality. Ed. Mozart, I he M arriage o f Figaro, English version by Edward. [. Dent, Oxford I mversity Press, London, 1937, Act I, Cavatina Figaro.__Ed. Play on the words Geiger the name o f the Police .Superintendent of Cologne which literally translated means violinist, and wo/me (derived from the fren ch word utoton meaning both "violin and prison).__ Ed.

have th e energy to carry out i^s good intentions. T h e G overnm ent of Tu scan y distinguished itself by f'" but even few er deeds. B ut the arch-en em y of f^ n s the native princes was and rem ains C harles ^ 'b e r t. T h e Ita should have rep eated and b orn e in m m d every h o u r of th e day saying- H eaven p rotect us from o u r friends, we wdl p ro tec ' o L e l e s from o u r en em ies! T h ey hardly needed to fear Ferdinand
* Pius IX Ed. An allusion to the Jesuits. Ed. ^ An allusion to the Austrians, whose colours were black and >cllow.

- E d .

386

A rticles from th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung

X h e Italian L iberation Stru ggle and th e Cause o f Its P resent Failure

387

of B o u rb on , h e was unm asked long ago. C harles A lbert, on th e orr hand, let himself be acclaim ed everyw here as "la spada d ltalia' (t sword o f Italy) and th e h ero whose rap ier was Italys best guarani of freed om and independence. His em issaries went to all parts o f N orth ern Italy portraying him' the only m an who could and would save the co u n try . T o enable hi to d o this, however, it was necessary to set up a N orth Italfi kingdom . Only this could give him th e pow er required not only oppose th e A ustrians but to drive them out of Italy. T h e ambitic which had previously m ade him join forces with th e Carbonari'^ whom he afterw ards betrayed, this ambition becam e more flamed than ev er and made him dream of a plenitude o f pow er oj m agnificence b efore which the splendour o f all th e o th er Italis princes would very soon pale. H e th ou gh t that he could approprij the en tire popu lar m ovem ent of 184 8 and use it in the interests of own miserable self. Filled with hatred and distrust of all truly libc m en, he su rrou n d ed him self with people m o re o r less loyal-, absolutism and inclined to en co u rage his royal ambitions. H e plac^ at the head o f th e arm y generals whose intellectual superiority an , political views h e did not have to fear, but who n eith er enjoyed thj. confidence o f th e soldiers n o r possessed th e talent required to wagft^l successful w ar. H e pom pously called him self th e lib erator of Italy? while m aking it a condition that those who were to be lib eratq !' accep t his yoke. Seldom was a m an so favoured by circum stances he was. His g reed , his desire to possess a g reat deal and if passible everything led in th e end to his losing all that he h ad gained. So long as th ere was no firm decision that Lom bardy would join Piedm ont, so long as th e possibility of a republican form o f govern m en t still existed, he rem ained in his en trench m en ts and did not m ove against the A ustrians, although they w ere relatively weak at th e tim e. H e let Radeizky, d A spre, W elden, and others seize th e towns and fortresses of the V enetian provinces on e by one and did not stir a finger. Only when Venice sought the refu g e o f his crow n did he deign to give his help. T h e sam e applies to P arm a and M odena. Radetzky meanwhile had m ustered strength and m ade all p re p a ra tions fo r an attack which, in view o f th e incom petence and blindness of C harles Albert and his generals, led to a decisive victory. T h e outcom e is well known. H en ceforth Italians can and will no longer entrust th eir liberation to a prince o r king. O n th e co n tra ry , in o rd e r to save them selves they must com pletely discard this useless ''spada d ltalia" as quickly as possible. If they had d on e this earlier, and had superannuated th e King with his system and all th e h an gers-on , and had form ed a dem bcratic union, it is likely that by now th ere would

e been no m ore A ustrians in Italy. Instead, th e Italians not only ll^'e all th e hardships of a war waged with fury and barbarity by i?.ir enem ies and suffered th e heaviest sacrifices in vam , but were fr defenceless to th e thirst fo r vengean ce o f the M etternichf istrian reactionaries and th eir soldiery. A nyone read m g Radetzf v S manifestos to th e people o f Lom bardy and W elden s manifestos rn the R om an legations will u n d erstan d th at to th e Italians Attila and his H un hordes would have ap p eared m erciful angels. T h e reaction I d restoration have triu m p h ed . T h e Duke o f M odena, called tl c a r n e f i c e " (the h an gm an ), who loaned th e A u stn an s 1,2 0 0 ,0 0 0 flonns for war purposes, has retu rn ed as well. T h e people, in their magnanimity, have so often m ade a stick for th eir own back, that it is time they got wiser and learned som ething from th eir enem ies. A l t h o u g h , d u rin g his previous reign, th e Duke had im prisoned, hanged and shot thousands of people fo r th eir political convictions, the M odenese let him d ep art unm olested. Now he has retu rn ed to discharge his sanguinary princely office with redoubled zeal. T h e reaction and restoration have triu m p h ed , but only to r a tim e. T h e people are so deeply im bued with th e revolutionary sp m t that they can n o t be held in ch eck fo r long. Milan, Brescia and o th e r towns showed in M arch what this spirit is capable of. T h e excessive suffering inflicted upon them will lead to a new rising. By taking into account the bitter exp erien ce of th e past m onths, Italy will be able to avoid new delusions and to secu re h e r ind ependence u n d e r a single

dem ocratic banner.

Written by Engels on August I I , 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 73, August 12, 1848
P r in te d

according to the newspaper

Francis V . Ed.

388

Charles Alberts Betrayal

389

.o u ld M ila n

C h a r l e s A l b e r t , w h o h a d l o n g s i n c e d e c i d e d t o r e t r e a t , s t ill t o t h e v a l u e o f 3 0 m il l i o n l i r e ? T h e r e is o n l y o n e a n s w e r t o u n le s s we a re p rep ared to assu m e th e m ost

n r d e r t h e d e s tr u c tio n o f a la r g e n u m b e r o f h o u s e s in th e s u b u r b s o f

C H A R L E S A L B E R T S B E T R A Y A L

i h e s e q u e s tio n s ,

l a m e n t a b l e a n d i n c r e d i b l e i n c o m p e t e n c e , a n d t h a t is t h a t C h a r l e s A lb e rt b e h a v e d ju s t as t r e a c h e r o u s ly a n d p e r fid io u s ly in t h e y e a r

18 4 8 a s h e d i d i i i t h e y e a r 1 8 2 1 , w h e n h e s h a m e l e s s l y b e t r a y e d h i s
f e llo w c o n s p i r a t o r s a n d h e l p e d t o d e l i v e ^ h e m u p t o t h e h a n g m a n s r o p e , t o t h e g a lle y s a n d t o b a n is h m e n t .

Written by Engels on August 16, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 77-78, August 17, 1848

P r in te d

according to the newspaper

Published in English for the first time

f T h e newspapers o f T u rin , G enoa etc. a re loudly com plaining that' the cause o f Italys freed om and independence Has been betrayed by him and by those who u p to th e very last m om ent w ere repeatedly swearing u n d er oath that they would win o r die fo r Italy. W h at was! earlier u ttered only by a small handful o f m en that Charles Albert^ is a traito r is now loudly repeated day after day by th e mass o f the' people and by all those newspapers that have not com pletely sold o u f to th e perfidious King of Sardinia. This insight will later b ear its fruit; this tim e, how ever, it has com e too late. Since th e battles of Goito and Mozambano^^ it becam e m o re and m ore clear to m any people as the days went by that the Sardinian was eith er plotting a betrayal o r was totally incapable o f carryin g out th e task that h e has u n dertaken. H e lapsed into com plete inactivity and w hatever was done was against all th e rules of com m on sense, of politics and of the art of war. F o r a long tim e now m any questions have been obtruding them selves on the publics attention. Som e of the answ ers to these questions have in fact already been given, and others will shortly com e to light. W ho, fo r exam ple, constantly obstructed the arran g earm in g of the whole people? W ho distributed and dispersed the Italian arm y over so m any points and neglected to forfn a reserve-line, with the result that every defeat was bound to lead to ruin? W hy did C harles Albert not advance on Vicenza? W hy did th e arm y in Yalleggio lack bread? W hy did the M odenese desert? H ow did it h appen that the Lom bardian volunteers did not find a single can n on on the banks o f th e Mincio? How was it that the cartrid ges distributed d u rin g the battle to several Piedm ontese corps could not be used because th e bullets w ere too big? A nd lastly: how

390

T h e A ttem pt to E xp el Schapper

391

T h e re u p o n , H e rr S ch ap p er addressed th e following note to the polite Insp ector: T H E A T T E M P T T O E X P E L SCH APPER }i

"un^de'r the date of the l l t h o f this month you signified to me that I must leave the rv of Cologne within a week, in accordance with the decision of H err Geiger, Police ^merintendent. I had already lodged a protest against the decision on that occasion. You have now cqmmunicated to me through a pohce-sergeant that the said expulsion order still stands but that I may appeal against it. This I am now domg and I base my / on the following reasons. , . . v c 1) As early as March 18, 1848, the day before the March revolution, the King of Prussia issued a charter calling on all German states to obsei^e a univers^ German , itjht of domicile and admit the freedom of movement. No Prussian authority ought to '^ehise the citizens of another German state what the Kmg of Prussia has demanded for citizens of the Prussian state. T h e charter of March 18 either has o. It implies the abolition of all earlier provisions for the expulsion of non-Prussian (.erman^c
P aragiap h
w h ic h

German National Assembly at F r ^ k fu r t adopted

2. Article 1, of th e German Fundamental Rights m a foim expressly forbids all expulsions of Germans from German cit.es or states.

Cologne, A u g u st 18.
We demand a universal German right of domicUeand full freedom o f movement ^ throughout the German fatherland.

So said His M ajesty Frederick William IV in his ch a rte r of M arch 18. Bur the K ing proposes and H e rr G eiger disposes. H e rr G eiger, acting Police S u perintendent of C ologne, is insisting on the expul sion of H e rr Karl S ch ap per on the p retext that H e rr Schap p er is a citizen of Nassau and m oreover a G erm an in partibus infidelium.^ Y esterday a police-sergeant pushed his way into F ra u Sch ap >ers b edroom and deposited th e following letter, which we rep ro d u ce exactly as it was w ritten. W h at m ight ap p ear to be incorrectness is p erhaps nothing m o re than a Prussian protest against German gram m ar.
H err Schapper, 1 am mstructed to mform you that the Police Superintendent still continues to msist that you should leave the city, should you however have any objection to raise agamst the laws then please lodge an appeal immediately with the Police Inspector, to be sent to him immediately. Cologne 17/8. 48 Queuing Police-Sergeant Beyond the realm of reality (literally in the country of infidels") an addition to the s title o f Catholic bishops appointed to a purely nominal diocese in non-Christian countries. -Ed.

Every German has the right to sojourn and make his domicile, acquire real estate etc., e tc .... pursue any type of employment m any part o f the levntory o f the Empire T h e conditions of sojourn and domicile will be laid down for the whole of Germany . by a law o f domicile issued by the imperial authority. Until such a time as these laws o f the Empire are proclaimed, the exercise o f the said righK is open to every German in every German state under the same conditions as apply to the citizens o f the state in question. ., . , No German state may make any distinction in connection with civil, penal or adjective law between its own citizens and the citizens of any other German state whereby the latter, as foreigners, are treated at a disadvantage^ According to this paragraph I have the right, until the proclamation of the relevant laws of the Empire, to sojourn or domicile in Cologne, a town situated on the terntory of the German Empire, and gain my livelihood as a proof-reader under the same conditions as the citizens of the Prussian state. But citizens of the Prussian state can only be expelled from Cologne, under the existing laws, if they have no means ot subsistence. I have not been accused of lacking these and if I were I could at any uine prove the contrary, since my salaiy as proof-reader on the Rfuinm he /n tu n ^ is sufficient to guarantee myself and my family a decent standard of "^ "it'is not valid to object that the relevant paragraph of the Fundaniental Rights has not yet been promulgated. It has all along been the practice of administrative authorities in all constitutional states to suspend the execution of rej^lauons such as the right of expulsion and other restrictions on personal freedom when a abolisMng these regulations has been passed by the appropriate Legislative Assembly and only awaits formal promulgation. We are here dealing, then, with a resolution of the National As^mbly which abolishes the powers of expulsion and a royal charter which :n advance. Consequently I believe that I am fully withm my rights when I declare that I protest against the expulsion order, which was not e v e n commimicated to me in writing or accompanied by a statement of reasons, as an illegal act and that I will only yield to force.

392

393 Articles from th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung

Sir. I would ask you to be so kind as to lodge this protest with the ann authorities and to forward the decision to me as soon as possible, for if it is will appeal immediately to the royal Regierungsprdsident or the Ministry of th e ^ and in the last instance to the Berlin Constituent Assembly and the German Assembly, ** Cologne, August 17, 1848 (signed) Karl

G E IG E R AND S C H A P P E R

T h e 'cathedral o f German unity", in which the solemn sp eecheij o u r g reat political architects m ade fo r th ree days ru n n in g culmii has, as its foundation stone the expulsion of a citizen o f Nassau Cologne on the Rhine.
Written on August 18, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 80, August 19, 1848

Printed according to the newst Published in English for the ] time

G a lo re, A ugust 2 2 . A t the request of Police Superintendent Geiger (from Koblenz), H e rr S ch ap p er has been o rd e re d to leave Cologne, since he is not a Prussian subject but a citizen of N assau. The W ork ers Association, of which H e rr S ch ap p er is an active m em ber, feels-com pelled to m ake this cause its own and to p rotest against the arbitrary expulsion of H e rr S ch apper. L ast Friday the protest was h anded over to H e rr Dolleschall in the absence of H e rr G eiger. Since H err Dolleschall declared that he knew nothing of the affair, the deputation appointed to deliver the p rotest was postponed to the following T u esd ay, A ugust 2 2 , so as to be able to speak to H e rr Geiger himself. T o d ay H e rr G eiger received th e deputation with the declaration that the m atter was no lon ger in his hands but that following an article in th e N eue Rheinische Zeitung th e Ministry had asked him , G eiger, fo r a detailed re p o rt on the affair. T h e re p o rt had been sent off tod ay; it was th e re fo re n o lon g er within his powers either to carry o u t o r to co u n term an d th e expulsion of Schapper. One m em ber of th e deputation believed he un d erstood H e rr G eiger to say that H e rr S ch ap p ers expulsion o rd e r em an ated from the Ministry, w hereupon H e rr G eiger vehem ently assured tjje d ep u ta tion on his m ost sacred w ord of h o n o u r that it was he who had taken the initiative in this m easure. H e re fe rre d first of all to his special knowledge of the law, since he had earlier been an exam ining m agistrate; but that was not the only reason.
I believe that 1 have acted not only as Police Superintendent, but also in accordance with the dictates of reason: I have acted as I myself.

See this volum e, pp. 3 8 3 *8 4 . Ed.

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A rticles fro m th e Nene Rkeinische Zeitung

r
T H E K O L N I S C H E Z E I T U N G A B O U T IT A L Y

395

H e knew full well, he added, that everything he said would be rep rinted in the N eue Rkeinische Zeitung and given a special in terp retation, but that did not w orry him : / have acted as I myself/ A n o th er m em b er of the deputation pointed o u t to him that if H e rr G eiger h ad acted as I myself, then this 7 was surely none oth er than the I of th e Police S up erintendent and. it was o f course possible that this 7 was in accord an ce with the dictates of reason. B u t the W o rk ers Association also h ad an I , the I o f 6 ,0 0 0 w orkers, and this I probably carried just as m uch w eight as H e rr G eigers I and was likewise in accord an ce with the dictates of reason. T h e W o rk ers Association, he ad d ed , protested against a m easure that went against all existing laws and the F ran k fu rt N ational Assembly. T h e first m em b er of th e deputation dem anded that H e rr G eiger a t least disavow the m easu re; H e rr G eiger refused, and gave the deputation the assurance that fo r his p a rt, until the M inister gave a reply, H e rr S ch ap p er could stay undisturbed in C ologne. H e rr G eiger also refused to give an explanation as to how ? f i his rep o rt had been draw n up. H as H e rr G eiger taken different decisions from H e rr G agern and is a citizen of Nassau not a G erm an citizen, who is entitled to settle in any of the 3 4 G erm an fatherlands? .
Written on August 22, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 84, August 24, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

Cologne, A ugust 2 6 . Y esterday we w ere con d em n ed to having to listen to the political h ot air of a w riter of belles-lettres, H ^rr W ilhelm Jo rd a n of B erlin , who lectu red from the world-historical standpoint. F ate is pursuing us relentlessly. A similar lot befalls us today: the m ain achievem ent of M arch consists in the belles-lettres w riters having m onopolised political life. H e rr Levin Sckiicking o f M iinster, the fou rth o r fifth wheel on the advertising w agon of H e rr D um ont, has published an article in the Kblnische Zeitung o n o u r policy in Italy .' A n d w hat does my friend Levin with the eerie eyes ' have to say?
T here has never been a more propitious m om en i for Germany than the present one to place its policy vis-a-vis Italy upon a healthy basis which promises to endure for centuries. W e have gloriously (!by the betrayal of Charles Albert) wiped off the disgrace with which our flags were besmirched by a people that m times of fortune easily becomes overweening. At the head of a matchless army, worthy of admiration not only in victory and battle but also for its patience and endurance, barba btanca, the White-Beard. planted Germanys glorious (!?) double-headed eagle on the battlements of the rebellious town where more than six hundred years ago the imperial Red-Beard hoisted the same banner as a symbol o f Germanys sovereignty over Italy. Thts sovereignty still belongs to us today.

T h u s speaks H e rr Levin Schiicking of the Kolnische Zeitung. In those days when Radetzkys C roats and Pandours w ere driven out of Milan by an u n arm ed people a fte r a five-day battle, in those
* See this volume, pp. 359-64. E d b Unsere Politik in Italien 1 * , Kolnische Zeitung No. 238, August 26, 1848. From Ferdinand Freiligraths poem Die Rose . Ed.

Ed.

w,wengewang,org

396

A rticles from th e Neu Rkeinische Zeitung

T h e Kolnishe Zeitung about Italy

397

days when the arm y w orthy of ad m iration which h ad been routed at G oito withdrew to V ero n a, in those days th e political lyre o f my friend Levin with the eerie eyes was silent! B u t ever since the reinforced A ustrian arm y achieved an undeserved victory because of the equally cow ardly and clumsy betrayal of C harles A lbert, a betrayal which we predicted innum erable times, ever since then the neighbouring journalists have been reap p earin g on the scene, ever since then they have been tru m p eting about the wiped-off disgrace, risking parallels between Fred erick Barbarossa and j Radetzky Barbabianca and red u cin g h eroic Milan, which m ade the | m ost glorious revolution o f 1 848, to a m ere rebellious tow n . E v e r i since then sovereignty over Italy belongs to us G erm ans, to whom I otherwise nothing ev er belongs. O u r flags ! T h e black-and-yellow rags o f the M etternich reaction which are being trod d en u n d er fo ot in Vienna, those are the flags of H e rr Schiicking o f the Kblnische Zeitung. G erm anys glorious double-headed eag le ! T h a t selfsame h eral dic m onster which had its feathers plucked by the arm ed revolution at Jem ap p es, Fleurus, IVIillesimo, Rivoli, Neuwied, M arengo, H ohenlinden, Ulm , Austerlitz and W agram happens to be th e glorious C erb eru s of H e rr Schiicking o f th e Kdlnische Zeitung. W hen the A ustrians w ere beaten, they w ere separatists [Sonderbundler]^^* and practically traitors to their cou n try. E v e r since Charles A lbert was caugh t in th e trap and they have m oved to the Ticino, they have becom e G erm an s and it is we who have accom plished all this. W e have n o objections to the Kolnische Zeitung having achieved the victories of Volta and Custozza and conquered Milan but then it will also have to assum e the responsibility fo r th e to it very well known brutalities and infamies of that barbarian arm y whose patience and en d u ran ce are w orthy of ad m iration , just as it also assum ed in fo rm er times th e responsibility fo r the Galician slaughter.
This sovereignty still belongs to us today. Italy and Germany are nations around which nature and history have after all formed a bond. They belong together providentially, being related like science and art, thought and sentiment.

It is exactly because Italy and G erm any are related that Radetzky and W elden have allowed the burning and plundering of all Venetian townsi My friend Levin with the eerie eyes now dem ands that we su rren d er L om bardy up to th e River Etsch* because th e people does not want us even if a few p oo r cittadini"^ (the learned H e rr Schucking thus refers to th e contadini, peasants) received the A ustrians jubilantly. B u t if we con d u ct ourselves as a free p eople ,
then it [the Italian people] vi'ill gladly offer us its hand in order to let us guide it along a path which it cannot enter upon by itself, the path to freedom.

In d eed ! Italy which won for herself freed om of the press, a jury system and a C onstitution before G erm any had awakened from the laziest slum ber; Italy which at Palerm o fought the first revolution of this year Italy which w ithout w eapons conquered the m atchless A ustrians at Milan, that Italy can n o t en ter upon the p ath to freed om without being guided by G erm any, which m eans by a Radetzky! Of cou rse, if it takes a F ra n k fu rt Assembly, a meaningless central pow er, 3 9 separatist leagues [Sonderbiinde] and the Kdlnische Zeitungto w*alk rhe path o f freed o m .... E n ou gh of that! So as to m ake sure that the Italians will let them selves be guided tow ards fre e d o m by the G erm ans, H e rr Schucking retains Italian T y ro l and V enetia for the en feoffm en t of an A ustrian archd u k e and he sends
2,000 South German imperial troops to Rome so that Christs vicar may restore order in his own domain.

B u t unfortunately
T h e French and Russians own the land. T h e English rule the sea; But we in dreams ethereal realm Hold sovereign mastery. Our unity is perfect there. O ur might beyond dispute. T h e other folk in solid earth Have meanwhile taken root.*"

Ju st like H e rr B ru g gem an n and H e rr Schucking! A nd it is exactly fo r that reason that the G erm ans and Italians have constantly fought each o th er fo r 2 ,0 0 0 years. It is exactly fo r that reason that the Italians shook o ff G erm an oppression again and again. It is exactly fo r that reason that G erm an blood has so often redd en ed the streets of Milan. All this was d on e to prove that G erm any and Italy belong togeth er providentially .

And up th e re in the ethereal realm of dream s we also possess sovereignty over Italy . Nobody knows this b etter than H e rr Schucking. A fter he has developed this w orthy poHcy of sovereignty for th e benefit of the G erm an E m p ire, he closes with a sigh:
T h e Italian name is Adige. Ed. Citizens. Ed. Heinrich Heine, Deutschland. Ein Wintermarchen, Caput V II. Ed.

398

A rticles from the N ew Rheinische Zeitung

399

A policy which is great, high-minded and worthy o f a power like that o f th German Empire has unfortunately always been regarded by us as fantastic and will probably be fo r a long time to come\'' ^

W e recom m en d H e rr Schiicking as d o o r-k eep er and frontier g uard o f G erm an h o n o u r u p on the sum m it o f th e Stilfser R i d ^ : F ro m u p th ere the vigorous literary supplem eiu o f th e K olnisdtiti Zeitung m ay survey Italy and m ake certain that n ot o ne iota G erm anys sovereignty o ver Italy will be lost. Only then cask G erm any sleep calmly.
Written by Engels on August 26, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung N o. 87. August 27, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the tkne 'j

T H E Z E IT U N G S - H A L L E O N T H E R H IN E P R O V IN C E 25*

Hr Cologne, A ugust 2 6 . T h e Berliner Zeitungs-Halle contains the

y>-l

't

following article*:
We recenUy had occasion to mention that the time has come when the spirit which for so long has held together the old political entities is gradually van^hmg. As regards Austria, hardly anyone win caU this in question, but m Prussia, too, the o i h l times confirming our observation are becoming daily more manifes , and we cannot turn a blind eye to them. There is at present only one interest ^ W e of t^ng Its various provinces to the Prussian state, namely that of developing institutions and joindy estabUshing and promoung a new relations. Silesia, which is making vigorous advances on the road progress, wUl hardly be happy in Prussia unless Prussia as a sUte s To these aspirations. As regards the Province of Saxony we ^ o w only too well A at e ^ r since its incorporation into the Prussian state it has resented it at heart. And as to A e Rhine Province, surely everybody wiU still rem em l^r t ^ threats h :h the R h ^ ish deputies made here prior to March 18. and thus helped to events. T here is a growing spirit of alienation in this province. New evidence of thu is provided in a now rather widely distributed leaflet which contams no mention o f the publisher o r place of publication.

T h e leaflet re fe rre d to by th e Zeitungs-Halle is presum ably known to all o u r read ers. , . , . , . j u.. W h at must please us is the view which is at last advanced by at least of th e inhabitants of B e r l i n - t h a t Berlin does not play the role of Paris as fa r as eith er G erm any o r th e Rhineland in particular is con cern ed . Berlin is beginning to realise that it can n ot govern us, cannot acquire the authority befitting a capital city. Berlin has amply proved its incom petence d u rin g the indecisive M arch revolution,

^ Das Rheinlands Herz zu Preusscn". Berliner Zeitungs-Halle No. 194, August 24. 1848. Ed.

400

A rticles from th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung

T h e Zeitungs-Halle o n the R h in e Province

401

du rin g the storm ing o f the arsenal and d u rin g the recent disturbances.^^ T o th e irresolution displayed by the people of Berlin is added a com p lete lack of talent in parties. Since F eb ru ary the whole m ovem ent has n o t p roduced a single m an in Berlin capable of leading his party. T h e spirit in this capital of th e spirit is indeed very willing but ju s t as weak as the flesh. T h e Berlin ers even had to im p ort their H ansem ann, their C am phausen and th eir Milde from the Rhine o r Silesia. F a r from being a G erm an Paris, Berlin is not even a Prussian Vienna. It is not a m etropolis, it is a seat o f the C o u rt. It is, how ever, notew orthy that even in Berlin people are com in g to the conclusion, long w idespread in the Rhineland, that G erm an unity can com e about only as a result of the disintegration o f the G erm an so-called g reat powers. W e have never concealed o u r views on this point. W e are not en rap tu red with eith er the past o r presen t glory of G erm any, with eith er the wars of independence^ o r the glorious victories o f G erm an a rm s in L om bardy and Schleswig. B u t if G erm any is ever to achieve anything she m ust unite, she m ust becom e one state n ot only in w ord but in deed. A nd to bring thi? about it is necessary above all that th ere should be n eith er ari A ustria n o r a Prussia . Incidentally, the spirit which fo r so long held to g e th e r us and th e old Prussian provinces was a very palpable, cru d e spirit; it was the spirit of 1 5 ,0 0 0 bayonets and a nu m b er of cannon. It was n o t fo r nothing that a military colony of Wasserpolacken^^^ and Kashubians was set up h ere on the Rhine, and that o u r young m en had to serve in guards regim ents in Berlin. This was d on e n ot in o rd e r to reconcile us with th e o th er provinces, but to stir up h atred between the provinces and to exploit the national enm ity between the G erm ans and Slavs, and th e regional h atred of every petty G erm an province against all the neighbouring provinces, in the interests of p atriarch al feudal despotism . Divide et impera! It is indeed time to put an end to the fictitious role assigned to the B erlin ers by the provinces , i.e. by the ju n k erd om o f th e U ck erm ark and F u rth e r Pom eran ia, in th eir panic-stricken d eclara tions, a role which the Berlin ers prom ptly accepted. Berlin is n ot and will never becom e the seat o f th e revolution, the capital of d em ocracy. Only the im agination of th e knights o f B ran d en b u rg, terrified at the p rosp ect of bankruptcy, the d eb tors prison and the lam p-post, could ascribe to B erlin such a role, and only the coquettish vanity of th e B erliners could believe that Berlin rep From Ernst Moritz Arndts poem Der Freudenklang . Ed.

resented the provinces. W e acknow ledge th^ M arch revolution, but only fo r w hat it really was. Its greatest shortcom ing is that it has not revolutionised th e Berliners. T h e Zeitungs-Halle believes that the disintegrating Prussian state can be cem ented by m eans o f liberal institutions. O n th e con trary. T h e m o re liberal the institutions are, th e m o re will th e h eterog en e ous elem ents be at liberty to separate, and th e clearer will becom e the necessity of dissociation and th e m o re evident th e incom petence of the politicians of all parties in Berlin. W e rep eat, the R hine Province by no m eans objects to rem aining within Germany, tog eth er with the old Prussian provinces, but trying to com pel it to rem ain fo r ever within Prussia, w hether it be an absolutist, a constitutional o r a d em ocratic Prussia, m eans m aking G erm anys unity impossible, p erhaps m eans even losing fo r G er m an y we exp ress the general attitude o f th e people a large and beautiful territo ry by attem pting to keep it fo r Prussia.
Written by Engels on August 26, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung N o. 87, August 27, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

402

Mediation and Intervention. Radeuky and Cavaignac

403

M E D IA T IO N AN D IN T E R V E N T IO N . R A D E T Z K Y AN D CAVAIGNAC""

T h e a rm istice^ concluded as th e result of Charles A lberts treach ery will expire in about th ree weeks (on Septem ber 2 1 ). Fran ce and Britain have o ffered to act as m ediators. T h e Spectateur repubhcain, C avaignacs p ap er, writes that A ustria has not yet stated w hether she will accep t o r decline th e offer. F ra n ce s d ictator is getting annoyed over th e discourtesy of th e A ustrians and threatens arm ed intervention if by a given date th e V iennese Cabinet does not reply, o r rejects m ediation. Will A ustria allow a C avaignac to p rescribe the peace term s to h er, especially now a fte r th e victory over dernocracy in Vienna*^ and over th e Italian "reb els ? Austria u nderstands perfectly well that th e F ren ch bourgeoisie wants peace 'a t any price , that the freed om o r bondage of th e Italians is. altogether a m atter o f com p lete indifference to the bourgeoisie and that It will ag ree to anything so long as it is not openly humiliated and thus reluctantly com pelled to draw th e sword. It is said that Radetzky will pay a short visit to V ienna in o rd e r to say th e decisive word about m ediation. H e does not have to travel to Vienna to d o that. His policy has now prevailed, and his opinion will be none th e less weighty for his rem aining in Milan. If A ustria w ere to accep t th e basis fo r peace proposed by B ritain and F ran ce, she would d o so not because she is afraid o f C avaignacs intervention but fo r m u ch m o re pressing and com pelling reasons. T h e Italians w ere just as m uch deluded by the M arch events as the G erm ans. T h e fo rm e r believed that foreign rule at any rate was now at an en d ; th e latter th ou gh t that th e old system was buried fo r good and all. O n the co n trary , the foreign rule in Italy is worse than ever, and in G erm any the old system has recovered from the few blows it

sustained in M arch and it acts with g re a te r ferocity and vindictive ness than ever before. T h e Italians are now m aking the mistake of exp ecting salvation from th e p resen t G overnm ent of F ran ce. Only the fall of this G overnm ent could save them . T h e Italians are fu rth e r mistaken in regard in g th e liberation of th eir cou n try as possible while dem ocracy in F ran ce, G erm any and o th er countries continues to lose grou n d . R eaction, to whose blows Italy has succum bed, is not m erely an Italian phenom enon, it is a E u ro p ean ph en om en on. Italy alone can n ot possibly free herself from th e grip of this reaction, least of all by appealing to th e Fren ch bourgeoisie, which is th e real pillar of reaction in E u ro p e as a whole. B efo re reaction can be destroyed in Italy and G erm any, it m ust be rou ted in F ran ce. A d em ocratic social republic m ust first be proclaim ed in F ran ce and the F re n ch proletariat m ust first subjugate its bourgeoisie before a lasting victory of d em ocracy is conceivable in Italy, G erm any, Poland, H u n g ary and o th er countries.
Written by Engels on August 31, 1848 First published in the N ew Rheinische Zeitung No. 91, September 1, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

404

T h e A ntw erp Death Sentences

405

T H E A N T W E R P D E A T H SENTENCES*

Cologne, Septem ber 2. Belgium , the m odel constitutional state, has p roduced a fu rth e r brilliant p ro of of the excellence of h e r institutions. Seventeen death sentences resulting from the ridiculous R isquons-Tout affair^! Seventeen death sentences to avenge the humiliation inflicted upon the prudish Belgian nation by a few im p ru den t m en , a few hopeful fools,^ who attem pted to raise a small co rn e r o f the constitutional cloak! Seventeen death sen ten ces__ what savagery! TTie Risquons-Tout affair is well known. Belgian workers in Paris joined forces to attem pt a republican invasion of th eir cou n try. Belgian d em ocrats cam e from Brussels to support the venture. Ledru-R ollin assisted as m uch as h e could. L am artin e, th e noblem inded traito r, who was as ready with fine words and ignoble deeds for foreign as for F ren ch d em ocrats Lam artin e, who prides himself on having conspired with the anarchists, like a lightning-conductor with the lightning L am artin e at first supported the Belgian Legion the b etter to be able later to b etray it. T h e Legion set out. Delescluze, Com m issioner o f the D epartm en t du N ord , sold the first colum n to Belgian railway officials; the train in which it travelled was treacherously hauled into Belgian territo ry righ t into the m idst of the Belgian bayonets. T h e second colum n was led by three Belgian spies (we w ere told this by a m em ber o f th e Paris Provisional G overnm ent, and the cou rse of events confirm s it), and these treach ero u s leaders b ro ug h t it into a forest on Belgian territory, w here an am bush of loaded guns was waiting fo r it. T h e colum n was shot to pieces and m ost of its m em bers w ere cap tu red . This tiny episode o f th e 1 8 4 8 revolution an episode which assumed a farcical aspect as a result of th e m any betrayals and the m agnitude ascribed to it inB elgium served the Brussels judiciary as
HoffnungsvolU Toren (hopeful fools) from Goethes poem Prometheus Ed.

./

a canvas on which to em b roid er th e m ost colossal plot that was ever devised. Old G eneral Mellinet, th e liberator of A ntw erp, T ed esco and Ballin, in short the most resolute and most active d em ocrats of Brussels, Liege and Ghent, w ere implicated. M. Bavay would even have M. Jo ttra n d of Brussels d ragged into it, had not th e latter known things and possessed docum ents whose publication would greatly com prom ise th e en tire Belgian G overnm ent, th e wise Leopold included. W hy w ere these d em ocrats arrested , why w ere these m ost m onstrous proceed in gs started against m en who had as little to do with the whole affair as the ju rym en w ho faced them ? It was m ean t to scare the Belgian bourgeoisie and, u n d er co v er of this scare, to collect the excessive taxes and co m p u lso ij loans, which are the cem en t of th e glorious Belgian political edifice, and th e paym ents on which w ere ra th e r behindhand. In sh ort, th e accused w ere arraign ed before th e A ntw erp j u ^ , the elite of th e Flemish faro-playing fraternity, who lack both the elan o f F ren ch political dedication and th e cool assurance of m agnificent English m aterialism , i.e. before those d ried-cod m erchants who spend th eir whole life vegetating in philistine utilitarianism, in the most short-sighted and timid p rofiteerin g. T h e g reat Bavay knew his m en and appealed to th eir fear. In d eed , had anyone ever seen a republican in Antw erp? Now thirty-two of th e m onsters faced th e terrified m en of A ntw erp, and the trem bling jury in co n cert with th e wise bench consigned seventeen of th e accused to th e ten d er m ercies of A rticle 8 6 and others o f th e Code penal, i.e. th e death sentence. Mock trials were also held d u rin g th e Reign of T e r r o r in 1 7 9 3 , and convictions based on o th er facts than those officially stated did occu r, but even th e fanatical Fouquier-Tinville did not con d u ct a trial so distinguished by clumsy barefaced lies and blind partisan h atred. M oreover, is Belgium in th e grip of a civil w ar and are th e arm ies of half E u ro p e assembled at h er frontiers conspiring with the rebels, as was th e case in F ran ce in 17 9 3 ? Is th e cou n try in d an ger? H as a crack ap p eared in the crow n? O n the co n tra ry , no o n e intends to subjugate Belgium , and the wise Leopold still drives every day without an escort from Laeken to Brussels and from Brussels to Laeken. W hat has th e 81-year-old M ellinet done to be sentenced to death by jury and judges? T h e old soldier o f th e F ren ch Republic saved the last spark of Belgian h o n o u r in 1 8 3 1 . H e liberated A ntw erp and in retu rn A ntw erp con d em n s him to death! His only sin is that he defended his old friend B eck er against the insinuations of the Belgian official press and did not ch an ge his friendly attitude

406

Articles fro m th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung

407

tow ards B eck er even when th e latter was plotting in Paris. Mellinet was in n o way connected with the plot. A nd because of this he is w ithout fu rth e r ado sentenced to death. As to Ballin, he was a friend o f Mellinets, often visited him , and was seen in th e com pany of T ed esco in a coffee-house. Reason enough to sentence him to death . A n d fin a l^ T ed esco. H ad he not visited th e G erm an W orkers Association, ^ did h e n ot associate with people on whom the Belgian police had planted stage daggers? H ad h e not been seen with Ballin in a coffee-house? T h e case was established T ed esco had provoked the g reat battle of Risquons-Tout to th e scaffold with him! And so with the others. W e a re p ro ud o f being able to call m any of these con sp irators , sentenced to death only because they are d em ocrats, o u r friends. If th e venal Belgian press slings m ud at them , then we, at least, want to vindicate th eir h o n o u r before th e face o f G erm an d em ocracy; if their co u n try disowns them , we want to acclaim them . W hen the President o f the C o u rt p ron ou n ced th e death sentence on them , they passionately exclaim ed: L o n g liye the republic! T h ro u g h o u t the whole p ro ced u re and the read ing of the sentence they behaved with truly revolutionary steadfastness. A nd now listen to what the w retched Belgian press has to say:
T h e verdict, writes the Jo u m al d'Anvers, has caused no more o f a sensation in the city than the entire trial, which aroused hardly any interest. Only among the working classes (read: the lumpenproletariat) can one find sentiments hostile to the paladins o f the republic; the rest of the population hardly took any notice of it. T he attempt to bring about a revolution does not cease to appear absurd to them even after the death sentence, which, in any case, no one believes will be executed.

T H E C O N F L IC T B E T W E E N

M ARX

AND PR U SSIA N C ITIZEN SH IP* *

Cologne, Septem ber 4 . As has already been m entioned e arh er, K arl M arx, the editor-in-chief of th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung, has becom e involved in a conflict with Prussian citizenship. T h is affair is a new exam p le of th e way in which th e attem p t is m ade to co n ju re away th e prom ises of M arch. H ow th e m atter stands em erges from th e following d ocu m en t that M arx has sent to the M m ister o f the In terio r, H e rr Kiihlw etter: D ear M inister, . i i i Perm it m e to p rotest against a decision of th e local royal adm inistration which affects m e personally. I left my hom eland, Rhenish Prussia, d uring th e year 1 8 4 3 m o rd e r to settle fo r th e tim e being in Paris. In 1 8 4 4 I learned that the royal Oberprdsidium in Koblenz had sent to th e respective b ord er police authorities an o rd e r to arrest m e because of my writmgs. T h is piece o f news was also published in th e cen su red B erlm newspa^^From that m om en t on, I reg ard ed myself as a political refu gee. L a te r o n , in Ja n u a ry 1 8 4 5 , I was expelled fro m F ra n ce a t the d irect instigation of th e then Prussian G overnm ent and setUed m ^ sfnce^here too th e Prussian G overnm ent applied to the Belgian Ministry fo r my expulsion, I was finally forced to relinquish Prussian nationality. I had to use this last exp edient in o rd e r to escape these persecutions. T h e best p roof th at I only asked fo r perm ission to em igrate in self-defence is th e fact that I did not accept citizenship in
See this volum e, p. 383- Ed.

T o be sure, if the citizens of A ntw erp w ere afford ed the interesting spectacle of w atching the guillotining o f seventeen republicans h eaded by old Mellinet, th eir liberator, then they would certainly have taken notice o f the trial. T h e savagery of the Belgian G overnm en t, th e Belgian jury and law-courts lies precisely in th e fact that they play with death sentences.
T h e L ib^ al Liegeois says: T h e Government wanted to show its strength, but it has merely demonstrated its savagery.

B ut then that has always been the lot of th e Flemish nation.

Written by Engels on September 2, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 93, September 3, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

408

A rticles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

any o th er state even though it was o ffered to m e by m em bers of th e Provisional G overnm ent in F ran ce a fter the Feb ru ary revo lution. A fte r th e M arch revolution, I retu rn ed to my hom eland and applied for citizenship in Cologne in th e m onth of April. It was readily gran ted to m e by the local City Council. U n d e r th e law of D ecem ber 3 1 , 1 8 4 2 , th e m atter was sent fo r confirm ation to th e royal adm inistration. I then received fro m the local acting Police Superintendent, H e rr G eiger, a com m unication which reads as follows:
Dear Sir, I am herewith informing you that in view of your position up to now the toyai administration has for the present not used in your favour Paragraph 5 of the law o f December 31, 1842, which authorises it to bestow the status of a Prussian subject upon a foreigner. You are therefore still to be regarded as a foreigner. (Paragraphs 15 and 16 of the cited law.) Cologne, August 3, 1848 acting Police Superintendent (signed) Geiger To Dr. Marx, Esquire, No. 2678.

I reg ard th e decision of th e royal adm inistration as unlawful on th e following grounds: U n d er th e decision of th e Federal Diet of M arch 30 of this year, political refugees, too, may vote fo r and be elected to th e G erm an National Assembly provided they retu rn to G erm any and declare that they want to resum e their G erm an citizenship.*^ T h e decision of the P r e p a r l ia m e n t ,w h ic h it is tru e does not have a d irect legal fo rce but nevertheless sets th e standard of th e prospects and prom ises which w ere held out to th e G erm an people im m ediate ly after the revolution, accords th e righ t to vole and to be elected even to all those political refugees w ho becam e citizens abroad but want to resum e their G erm an citizenship. In any case, the decision of th e Federal Diet and th e electoral regulations of the C am phausen G overnm ent which are based upon it, are legally valid in Prussia. Since I declared clearly enough my intention to resum e my G erm an citizenship by virtue o f my application to obtain the righ t to reside in C ologne, it is an established fact that I had the righ t to vote fo r and to be elected to the G erm an N ational Assembly. T h u s I at least possess citizenship rights in the G erm an Em pire.

P assport used by K arl M arx in 1848 and 1849

408

A rticles fro m the Neue Rkeinische Zeitung

any o th e r state even though it was o ffered to m e by m em bers of the Provisional G overnm ent in F ran ce after the Feb ru ary revo lution. A fter th e M arch revolution, I retu rn ed to my hom eland and applied fo r citizenship in C ologne in the m onth of April. It was readily gran ted to m e by the local City Council. U n d er th e law of D ecem ber 3 1 , 1 8 4 2 , th e m atter was sent for confirm ation to the royal adm inistration. I then received fro m the local acting Police Super intendent, H e rr G eiger, a com m unication which reads as follows:
Dear Sir, I am herewith informing you that in view of your position up to now the loyal administration has for the present not used in your favour Paragraph 5 of the law o f December 31. 1842, which authorises it to bestow the status of a Prussian subject upon a foreigner. You are therefore still to be regarded as a foreigner. (Paragraphs 15 and 16 o f the cited law.) Cologne, August 3, 1848 acting Police Superintendent (signed) Geiger To Dr. Marx, Esquire, No. 2 6 7 8 .

I reg ard the decision of th e royal adm inistration as unlawful on the following grounds: U n d er th e decision of the Federal Diet of M arch 30 of this year, political refugees, too, may vote for and be elected to the G erm an National Assembly provided they retu rn to G erm any and declare that they want to resum e th eir G erm an citizenship. T h e decision of the P r e p a r l ia m e n t ,w h ic h it is tru e does not have a d irect legal force but nevertheless sets th e standard of th e prospects and prom ises which w ere held out to the G erm an people im m ediate ly after th e revolution, accords the right to vote and to be elected even to all those political refugees who becam e citizens abroad but want to resum e th eir G erm an citizenship. In any case, th e decision o f th e Federal Diet and th e electoral regulations of th e C am phausen G overnm ent which are based upon it, are legally valid in Prussia. Sm ce I declared clearly enou gh my intention to resum e my G erm an citizenship by virtue of my application to obtain the righ t to reside in C ologne, it is an established fact that I had the righ t to vote fo r and to be elected to the G erm an National Assembly. T h u s I at least possess citizenship rights in the G erm an Em pire. If, how ever, I possess the greatest right which a G erm an can

P assport used by K arl M arx in 1848 and 1849

wengewang.org

'S^

-i

I
ci.

P assport used by K arl M arx in 1848 and 1849

---. : : p .

T h e C onflict betw een M arx and Prussian Citizenship

409

possess, SO m uch less reason is th e re fo r refu sin g m e th e lesser rig h t of Pmssian citizenship. T h e royal adm inistration at Cologne refers to th e law of D ecem ber S I, 1 8 4 2 . T h is law, taken tog eth er with the above-m entioned decision of the Fed eral Diet, also speaks in my favour. U n d e r P aragrap h 15, 1 and 3, a subject loses his Prussian citizenship if h e asks to be relieved of it o r if h e has resided abroad for ten years. A fter th e revolution m any political refu gees who had been abroad fo r m o re than ten years retu rn ed h om e an d so had lost their rights as Prussians u n d e r P arag rap h 15 of th e above-m entioned law as m uch as I have. Som e o f them , H e rr J . V enedey, for exam p le, even sit in the G erm an N ational Assembly. T h u s, if they wanted to, the Prussian police authorities (P aragrap h 5 of the law) could likewise refuse Prussian citizenship to these G erm an legislators! Finally, I deem it to be thoroughly im p rop er that the local royal adm inistration o r Police S u p erintendent G eiger uses th e word subject in the notice sent to m e, considering that both th e fo rm er and th e present Ministry have b arred this designation from all official docum ents and speak instead only of citizens. It is equally im p rop er, disregarding for the m om ent my right to Prussian citizenship, to label m e, a citizen of th e G erm an E m p ire, as a fo reig n er . F u rth erm o re, if th e royal adm inistration in view of my position up to now refuses to con firm my Prussian citizenship, it cannot re fe r to my m aterial circum stances since, even accord in g to th e text of th e law of D ecem ber 3 1 . 1 8 4 2 , only th e City Council o f C ologne could decide this issue and has done so in my favour. T h u s it can only re fe r to my activities as editor-in-chief of th e N ew Rheinische Zeitung and that m eans in view of my dem ocratic attitude and my opposition to th e p resen t G overnm ent. B u t even if th e local district adm inistration o r th e Ministry of th e In terio r in Berlin should have the authority, which 1 deny, to withhold from m e my Prussian citizenship because this is a special case which com es u n d e r the decision of the Federal Diet of M arch 3 0 , such tendentious reasons could only be em ployed in th e old police state, not how ever by revolutionary Prussia and h er responsible G overnm ent. Finally, 1 m ust m ention that Police Superintendent M uller, upon my com m en t that 1 could not tran sfer my family from T rie r to Cologne u n d e r these uncertain circum stances, assured m e that th ere would be no objections to my renaturaHsation. F o r all of these reasons I d em an d that you, H e rr M inister, instruct the local royal district adm inistration to con firm my right (request) to

411 410 A rticles from the Neiu R}\einische Zeitung

take up residence which was approved by the local City Council, and thereby to restore my Prussian citizenship to me. Please, H e rr Minister, accept the assurances of my perfect esteem . Cologne, August 22, 1848 Karl Marx
First published in the Neue Rheiniscke Zeitung No. 94, September 5, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first

T H E D AN ISH A R M IS T IC E

Cologne, Septem ber 7.

What will become of Germany if she is no longer led by Prussia, if Prussias armies no longer protect Germanys honour, if Prussias strength and influence as a great power perish in the fanciful might of an imaginary German Central Authority.

T h u s boasts the Prussian party, the p arty of the heroes "w ith God fo r K ing and Fatherland",^ the cou n ter-revolu tionary knighthood ot F u rth e r P om eran ia and the U ck erm ark . W ell, Prussia has led, Prussia has p rotected G erm any s h on o u r, m Schleswig-Holstein. . . . - ^ A nd what was th e result? A fter a series o f easy, inglorious victories over a weak enem y, a fte r a w arfare which was paralysed by th e most pusillanimous diplom acy, after the most disgraceful retreats before a beaten arm y, finally, an arm istice which is so dishonourable for G erm any that even a Prussian general found reason not to sign it. T h e hostilities and negotiations began anew. T h e Im perial R e g e n t' authorised th e Prussian G overnm ent to conclude an arm istice T h is authorisation had not been countersigned by any of the Imperial Ministers and it did not th erefo re possess an> validity whatsoever. It recognised the first arm istice, but with th e following modifications: 1. Even before the conclusion of th e arm istice, the m em bers of th e new G overnm ent of Schleswig-Holstein are to be agreed upon in such a m an n er that the p erm anency and th e salutary

^ F ro m

F r e d e r ic k W illia m

I l l s d e c r e e o n t h e f o r m a t i o n o f a n a r m y r e s e r v e , i s s u e d

on March 17, 1813. Ed. ** Wrangel. Ed. Archduke John of Austria. Erf.

412

A rticles from th e Neiu Rheinische Zeitung

T h e D anish Arm istice

413

effectiveness of the new G overnm ent ap p ear safegu ard ed . 2. All the laws and d ecrees of the Provisional G overnm ent issued before th e conclusion of th e arm istice are to retain full validity. 3. All the troops that rem ain behind in Schleswig-Holstein are to remain u n d er th e com m an d of th e G erm an com m ander-in-chief. If o ne com pares this directive with the stipulations of th e first Prussian-Danish p roject, then its pu rpose becom es quite evident. It certainly does not secure all that victorious G erm any could have dem anded, but by making quite a few concessions fo r fo rm s sake, it saves many m atters in effect. T h e first stipulation was intended to g u aran tee that within th e new G overnm ent the Schleswig-Holstein (G erm an) influence would retain predom inance over th e Danish. And what does Prussia do? It agrees that Karl Moltke, the head o f the Danish party in SchleswigH olstein, becom es th e head of the new G overnm ent and that D enm ark obtains three votes in the G overnm ent against two for Schleswig-Holstein. T h e second stipulation was supposed to accom plish the recogn i tion although not of the Provisional G overnm ent itself which had been recognised by the Federal Diet, but of its activity up to now. Its decisions w ere to be m aintained. A n d what does Prussia do? U n d er the p retext that D enm ark, too, will d rop its illusory decisions issued from C openhagen for th e duchies, and which never acquired even the shadow o f legal force excep t upon the Island o f Alsen," u n d er this p retext, counter-revolutionary Prussia agrees to nullify all decisions o f th e Provisional G overnm ent. T h e third stipulation finally was to bring about the provisional recognition of the unity of the duchies and th eir incorporation into G erm any. By placing all troops rem aining in Schleswig and Holstein u n d er the G erm an com m an d er-in -chief, it was supposed to thw art the attem p t of the Danes to sm uggle th e Schleswigers serving in the Danish arm y back into Schleswig. A nd Prussia? Prussia agrees to separate the Schleswig troops from th e Holstein troops, to rem ove them from the suprem e com m and of th e G erm an general and to put them simply at the disposal of the new G overnm ent which is ^/sth Danish. Besides, Prussia was only authorised to conclude an arm istice of th ree m onths (Article I of the original d raft) but concluded one of seven m onths on its own authority, i.e. it gran ted a tru ce to th e Danes d uring the winter m onths when the chief weapon of th e Danes, their fleet, becam e useless for a blockade of th e G erm an and Schleswig
* T h e D anish nam e i.s Als. Ed

coasts and d uring a time when the cold would have enabled the G erm ans to cross the ice of th e Little Belt, to con q u er Fiinen * and to limit D enm ark to Zealand. In short, Prussia has spurned its authority in respect of all three points. A nd then why not? A fte r all, it had not been countersigned'. And did not H e rr C am phausen, the Prussian envoy to the C entral A uthority, state point-blank in his com m unication of Septem ber 2 to His E xcellency (!!) H e rr H eck sch er that on the basis of that authority the Prussian G overnm ent
considered itself empowered to negotiate without any restriclion r' ?

B u t that is not all. T h e Im perial R egent sends his U n d e r secretary of State M ax G agern to Berlin and from th ere to Schleswig in o rd e r to supervise th e negotiations. He sends along with him an authorisation which once again is not countersigned. H e rr G agern-we do n ot know how he was treated in Berlin arrives in the duchies. T h e Prussian negotiators are in M almo. H e is not told anything. T h e ratifications are exch an ged in Lubeck. H e rr G agern is inform ed that this has taken place and that he can now calmly go h om e again. N aturally th ere is nothing left to do fo r the u n fortu n ate G agern with his not countersigned authorisation but to re tu rn to Fran k fu rt and to bem oan the shabby role which he has played. T h u s th e glorious arm istice was born which ties th e G erm ans hands d uring the m ost favourable tim e fo r w ar, which dissolves the revolutionary G overnm ent and d em ocratic Constituent Assembly of Schleswig-Holstein, which destroys all d ecrees of this G overn m e n t a G overnm ent that the Federal Diet had recognised which delivers the duchies to a Danish G overnm ent led by th e hated Moltke, which pulls th e Schleswig troops out of their regim ents, withdraws them from th e G erm an suprem e com m and and dehvers them up to th e Danish G overnm ent that may dissolve them at its discretion, which forces th e G erm an troops to withdraw from Konigsau^ to H an o v er and M ecklenburg and which dehvers L au en bu rg into th e hands of th e old reactionary Danish G overn m en t.* , , N ot just Schleswig-Holstein, but all G erm any, with th e exception of old parts of Prussia, is en raged about this ignom inious arm istice.
* This trick was accomplished in the following way; the old Government was dissolved. Thereupon Denmark re-elected the first, Prussia the second and both of them together the third member of the old Government. Note by Engels.
T h e D anish nam e is Fyn. Ed. ^ T h e Danish nam e is K ongeaa. Ed.

414

Articles from the Neue Rheinische Zeilung

T h e Danish Armistice

415

T h e Im perial G overnm ent, to be sure, trem bled at first upon being inform ed about it by H e rr C am phausen but in the end it shouldered th e responsibility for it after all. W h at else could it have done? H e rr C am phausen seems to have threaten ed and official Prussia is still a pow er fo r the cow ardly coun ter-revolutionary Im perial G overn m en t. B u t now it was the tu rn o f th e N ational Assembly. Its approval was necessary, and edifying as this Assembly is, His E xcellency H e rr H ecksch er was nevertheless asham ed to com e forw ard with this official d ocu m en t. H e read it aloud to th e accom panim ent of a thousand bows and th e most hum ble pleas fo r calm and m oderation. T h e result was a general outburst. Even th e Right C en tre, indeed a part of the Right and H e rr Dahlmann him self flew into th e most violent fit of an ger. T h e com m ittees w ere o rd ered to rep o rt within 24 h ou rs. In view o f this rep o rt, it was decided to discontinue im mediately the retreat of th e troop s. N o decision has yet been taken con cern in g th e arm istice itself. T h e N ational Assembly fo r once has finally passed an energetic resolution even though the G overnm ent declared that it would resign, if th e resolution is carried . This resolution is not the cancellation but a breach of th e arm istice. In th e duchies it will create not only excitem ent but open opposition to th e execution of the arm istice and to the new G overnm ent and it will bring about new com plications. B u t we have little hope that the Assembly will rep udiate the arm istice. H e rr Radowitz only needs to obtain nine votes from the C en tre and h e has a m ajority. A nd should h e not be able to do that d uring the few days when th e m atter rests? If th e Assembly decides to uphold th e arm istice, we shall have the proclam ation of a republic and civil w ar in Schleswig-Holstein, the subjugation of the C entral A uthority by Prussia, the universal con tem pt of all E u rop e fo r th e C entral A uthority and the Assembly and yet just enough com plications as will suffice to crush any future Im perial G overnm ent u n d er unsolvable difficulties. If it decides to discard th e arm istice, we shall have an oth er E u ro p ean w ar, a ru p tu re between Prussia and G erm any, new revolutions, the disintegration o f Prussia and the genuine unification of Germany. T h e Assembly should not let itself be intim idated; at least two-thirds of Prussia supports G erm any. B u t will th e representatives of th e bourgeoisie at Fran k fu rt not rath er swallow any insult and will they not rath er place them selves u n d er Prussian servitude than risk a E u rop ean revolutionary war and expose them selves to new storm s which would en d an ger their own class rule in G erm any?

W e believe that they will. T h e ir cowardly bourgeois n atu re is too powerful. W e do not have enough confidence in the F ran kfurt Assembly to believe that it will red eem in Schleswig-Holstein G erm anys h o n o u r which it has already sacrificed in Poland.
Written by Engels on September 7, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeilung No. 97. September 8, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first

416

417

E D IT O R IA L N O T E A C C O M P A N Y IN G T H E A R T IC L E " T H E F IN A N C IA L P R O JE C T O F T H E L E F T ^ ^

T H E FA LL O F T H E G O VERN M EN T O F A C T IO N

We find it hard to understan d that deputies on th e L eft submit financial plans fo r the p ro cu rem en t of th e necessary funds to a Ministry that they intend to overthrow . T h e principal and in H e rr H ansem ann s case p erhaps th e only ifieans of overthrow ing a Ministry is precisely the refusal of funds. If at least som e refo rm s had been included in the financial plan but no, its aim is to spare the G overnm ent the hated m easure of a com pulsory loan. B u t what could be better for th e opposition than the Ministry making itself hated?
Written by Engels on September 8, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 98, September 9, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

Cologne, September 8 , 10 p. m . The Government of Action has fallen. A fter it had stumbled several tim es, it was only able to stay in office by insolence. Finally, the constantiy rising pretensions
of th e G overnm ent revealed th e secret of its existen ce to the

^VsscTTibly
In yesterdays session of the A g reem en t Assembly

Steins

motion * was debated. T h e m otion read s:

It was the urgent duty of the Government to issue without more ado the decree which was approved on August 9 to pacify the country and avoid a break with the Assembly.

T h e G overnm ent declared that it would not consider any attem pt at whitewashing o r m ediation. T h e L eft declared that it would walk out if th e Assembly w ere to drop its resolution of A ugust 9. A fter a m eaningless speech by the Prim e Minister, D eputy Unruh introduced th e following am en d m en t at yesterdays session;
Taking into account that the resolutions of August 9 do not constitute any investigation into attitudes or any constraint of conscience, but that they merely intend to bring about the agreement between the people and the army which is necessary in a constitutional state and that it is their purpose to avoid reactionary endeavours as well as further conflicts between the citizens who belong to the army and those who are civilians ,

the Assembly declares

that the Government does not possess the confidence o f the country if it hesitates any further to issue to the army a decree which corresponds to the resolution o f August 9.
R u d o lf v o n A u e r s w a ld .

Ed.

418

A rticles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

T h e Fall o f th e G overnm ent o f A ction

419

T his am end m en t of th e Left Centre was opposed by a second one from th e Right Centre advanced by D eputy T am n au . It reads:
T h e National Assembly wishes to make the following declaration: by its resolution of August 9 o f this year, the National Assembly intended to brine about a decree to the commanders o f the army similar to the one promulgated the Ministries of Finance and of the Interior to the RegierungspTosi^nten on July 15 It does not intend to oblige the officers of the army to set forth their political views or to prescribe to the Minister o f War the text of the decree. It regards m eh a dccree in which the offlcers of the army are warned against reactionaiy aad republican endeavours, as necessary in the interest of civil peace and for th t advancement of the new constitutional state system.

A fter th e debate had g on e on for som e tim e, th e noble Schreckenstein d eclared on behalf o f th e G overnm ent that he agreed with the Tamnau am en d m ent. A nd this a fter the p ro u d protestation that it would not accept any m ediation! A fter th e debate h ad continued again fo r som e tim e and a fte r even H e rr Milde had w arned th e Assembly not to becom e a revolutionary National Convention (H e rr Mildes fear is entirely superfluous!) a vote is taken with an en orm ou s th ro n g of people pressing towards the m eeting hall: T h e result of the division: T h e U nruh amendment was rejected by 3 2 0 votes to 38. T h e Tam nau amendment was rejected by 2 1 0 votes to 156. *

expression of joy been seen h ere. T h e g re a te r th e previous anxiety about success, the m ore surprising th e brilliant victory. A gainst the G overnm ent voted: the L eft, the L eft C en tre (the R od b ertu s-B erg party) and th e C en tre (U n ru h , D uncker, Kosch). T h e President* voted fo r th e G overnm ent on all th re e issues. A ccording to this, a W aldeck-R odbertus G overnm ent will enjoy an absolute m ajority. T h u s in a few days we shall have th e pleasure o f seeing the a u th o r o f t h e com pulsory loan, th e M inister o f action, H is Excellency H e rr H ansem ann, pass throu gh h ere in o rd e r to retu rn to his "bourgeois past and to reflect on D uchatel and Pinto. C am phausen fell respectably. H e rr H ansem ann who brought about C am p h ausen s fall by his intrigues, H e rr H ansem ann has met with a very sad end! P oo r H ansem ann-Pinto!

Written by Engels on September 8, 1848 First' published in the special supplement to the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 98, September 9, 1848

Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

T h e Stein motion was adopted by 2 1 9 votes to 152. The majority against the Ministers: 6 7 votes.
O ne o f o u r Berlin co rresp on d en ts rep orts: T o d ay the excitem en t in th e city was g reat. T h ou san d s of people surrou nd ed th e m eeting house o f th e Assembly, so th at, when the President read the quite loyal address of th e civic militia, H e rr R eich en sp erger m oved that the Assembly shift its sessions to an oth er town since Berlin was en d an gered . Indescribable rejoicing broke o u t when news o f the G overn m en ts defeat becam e known to th e assembled crow d, and when the deputies o f th e L eft cam e out, they w ere accom panied as far as U n ter den L in den by incessant **VivatsI B u t when D eputy Stein (the m over of todays vote) was cau g h t sight of, the enthusiasm reached its clim ax. Several m en fro m th e people im m ediately lifted him upon their shoulders and carried him thus in a trium phal procession to his hotel in th e Taubenstrasse. T h ousan d s of people joined this procession and to th e accom pan im en t of endless h u rrah s th e masses rolled across th e O p era H ouse Square. N ever before has such an

* Wilhelm Grabow. Ed. ^ In the original biirgerlick, which can mean civil or bourgeois .

e-j Ed

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421

H IS SUC C ESSO R S

T H E D A N ISH -P R U SS IA N A R M IS T IC E

275

Cologne, Septem ber 9. So the prospect is held out of a W aldeckR odbertus Ministry. W e do not believe it. T h e K ing* will hardly submit to these gen tlem en s dem ands, especially since his jou rn ey to Cologne.^^ Consequently th ere is no o th er ch oice than Radowitz and Vincke, an open break with the Assembly, an open break with the revolution and there is no need to say what will follow n ext.
Written by Engels on September 9, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheiniscke Zeitung No. 99, September 10, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

Cologne, S eptem ber 9. A gain we rev ert to th e Danish arm istice we are given tim e to do this owing to th e thoroughness of th e National Assembly, which, instead of taking p rom p t and energetic decisions and compelling the ap pointm ent of new M inisters, allows the com m ittees to deliberate in the m ost leisurely m an n er and leaves the solution of the g ov ern m en t crisis to G od a thoroughness which barely conceals o u r d e a r friends lack of co u ra g e .* T h e w ar in Italy was always u n p op u lar with th e d em ocratic party and has fo r a long time been u n p op u lar even with th e d em ocrats of V ienna. T h e storm o f public indignation over th e w ar o f exterm in a tion in Posen could be staved o ff only for a few weeks by m eans of falsifications and lies on th e p art of th e Prussian G overnm ent. T h e street-fighting in Prague,' despite all th e efforts o f th e n atio n ^ press, aroused sym pathy am ong the people only fo r the defeated, but not fo r th e victors. T h e w ar in Schleswig-Holstein, how ever, fro m the outset was pop u lar also am on g th e people. W h at is the reason? .. , . W h ereas in Italy, Posen and P rag u e th e G erm ans were ftghttng against the revolution, in Schleswig-Holstein they were supporting it. T h e Danish war is th e first revolutionary war waged by G erm any. W e th e re fo re advocated a resolute con d u ct of th e Danish w ar from the very beginning, but this does not d enote the slightest kinship with the sea-girt bourgeois b eer-gard en enthusiasm . It is a sad thing for G erm any that h er first revolutionary war is the most ridiculous war ever w aged.
Heinrich Heine, Deutschland. Ein Wintermdrchen, Caput X IX t/. ^ See this volume, pp. 91-93 and 119-20. Ed.

Fred erick William IV . Ed.

422

A rticles from the Neve Rheinische Zeitung

T h e Danish-Prussian Arm istice

423

L et us com e to th e point. T h e Danish nation is in com m ercial industrial, political and literary m atters com pletely dep en den t on G erm any. It is well known that the real capital of D enm ark is not C openhagen but H am b urg; that fo r a whole year the Danish G overnm ent copied all th e U nited Diet exp erim en ts co n d u cted by the Prussian G overnm ent which expired on th e b arricad es; that Denm ark obtains all h e r literary as well as m aterial sustenance via G erm any, and that ap art from H olberg, Danish literature is a p oor im itation of that of G erm any. Im p otent though G erm any has been from tim e im m em orial, she has th e satisfaction o f knowing that the Scandinavian nations, and especially D enm ark, have fallen u n d er h e r sway, and that compared with tfim she is even revolutionary and progressive. Do you require proofs? T h en read th e polemics carried on by the Scandinavian nations against each o th er ev er since th e con cep t of Scandinavianism arose. Scandinavianism is enthusiasm fo r the brutal, sordid, piratical, Old N orse national traits, fo r that deeprooted in n er life which is unable to exp ress its exu b eran t ideas and sentim ents in w ords, but can express them only in deeds, nam ely in rudeness tow ards w om en, perpetual drunkenness and wild berserk frenzy altern atin g with tearfu l sentimentality. Scandinavianism and the theory o f kinship with sea-girt Schles wig-Holstein * ap p eared simultaneously in the territories o f th e King of D enm ark. T h e two concepts are co rrelated ; they evoked each oth er and w ere in conflict with each oth er, thereby asserting their existence. Scandinavianism was the form taken by th e D anes appeals for Swedish and N orw egian support. B u t as always happens with the C hristian-Teutonic nation, a dispute immediately arose as to who was the genuine C hristian-T euton , the tru e Scandinavian. T h e Swede con tend ed that th e D ane had becom e G erm anised and h ad d egen erated , the N orw egian said th e sam e o f the Swede and th e D ane, and th e Icelan d er of all three. Obviously, the m o re prim itive a nation is, the m o re closely its custom s and way o f life resem ble those o f th e Old N orse people, the m o re Scandinavian it m ust be. Morgenbladet from C h r is ti a n i a f o r N ovem ber 18, 1 8 4 6 , is lying in fron t of us. T h is ch arm in g sheet contains th e following am using passages in an article on Scandinavianism.
* A paraphrase of the first words of a song written in 1844 by Matthaus Friedrich Chemnitz. i
^ Now called Oslo. Ed.

A fter stating that th e whole concept of Scandinavianism is nothing but an attem p t by th e Danes to create a m ovem ent in th eir own interest, th e p ap er writes about the Danes:
What have these gay, vivacious people in common with the ancient, gloomy and melancholy world of warriors (med den garnU, alvorlige ogyemodsfulde Kjampeverden)} How can this nation, which as even a Danish writer admits has a docile and gentle disposition, believe itself to be spiritually related to the tough, lusty and vigorous men of a past age? And how can these people with their soft southern accent imagme that they speak a northern tongue? Although the main trait of our nation and the Swedes, like that of the ancient Northerners, is that our feelings are kept hidden in the innermost part of the soul, and not given outward expression, nevertheless these sentimental and affectionate people, who can so easily be astonished, moved and swayed and who wear their hearts upon their sleeves, nevertheless these people believe that they are of a northern cast and that they are akm to the two other .Scandinavian nations!

Morgenbladet attributes th e degeneration of th e Danes to th eir association with G erm any and the spread of G erm an traits in D enm ark. T h e G erm an s have indeed
lost their most sacred asset, their national character; but feeble and insipid though the German nation is. there is another nation still more feeble and msipid, namely the Danes. While the German language is being ousted in Alsace, Vaud and on the Slav border (!!th e services of the Netze brethren still remained unnoticed at the time) it has made enormous progress along the Danish border."

T h e D anes, we are told, now had to oppose th eir nationality to the G erm ans and for this purpose they invented Scandinavianism . T h e Danes w ere unable to resist,
for the Danish nation, as we have said before, was essentially Germanised, ahhough it did not adopt the German language. T h e writer of these lines has seen it admitted even in a Danish paper that the Danish nation does not differ essentially from the German nation.

T h u s Morgenbladet. O f co u rse, it can n ot be denied that th e D anes are a m ore o r less civilised nation. U n fo rtu n ate Danes! By the sam e righ t u n d er which Fran ce took Flanders, L orrain e and A lsace, and will sooner o r later take Belgium by that same right G erm any takes over Schleswig; it is th e righ t of civilisation as against barbarism , of progress as against stability. Even if th e agreem ents were in D enm ark s favour which is very doubtful this righ t carries m ore weight than all th e agreem en ts, for it is th e righ t of historical evolution. So long as the Schleswig-Holstein m ovem ent rem ained a purely legal philistine agitation of a civic and peaceful n atu re it evoked enthusiasm only am on g well-m eaning petty bourgeois. W h en , before the outbreak of th e February revolution, the present King of

424

Articles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

T h e D anish-Prussian Arm istice

425

Denmark at his accession prom ised a liberal C onstitution fo r all his ' territories, envisaging th e sam e nu m b er of deputies fo r th e duchie^ as fo r D enm ark, and the duchies w ere opposed to this, th^ petty-bourgeois parochial n atu re of th e Schleswig-Holstein move m ent becam e distastefully conspicuous. T h e issue, at that tim e, was not so m uch union with G erm any did a G erm any exist at that tim e? as separation from D enm ark and establishm ent o f a small independent parochial state. B ut then cam e the revolution, which gave th e m ovem ent a d ifferent ch aracter. T h e Schleswig-Holstein party was forced either ^ to attem pt a revolution o r to perish. It qiiite correctly chose th'fc revolution. T h e Danish prom ises, which were very favourable before the revolution, w ere quite inadequate a fter the revolution; union ' . with G erm any form erly an em pty phrase now acquired m eaning. ' G erm any m ade a revolution and as usual D enm ark copied it on a small provincial scale. T h e Schleswig-Holstein revolution and th e Provisional G overnm ent to which it gave rise behaved at first still in a ra th e r philistine way, but the w ar soon com pelled them to adopt a d em ocratic course. This G overn m en t, whose m em bers are all m o d erate liberal worthies, form erly kindred spirits o f W elcker, G agern and C am phausen, has given Schleswig-Holstein laws which are m o re d em ocratic than those of any o th er G erm an state. T h e Kiel Provincial Assembly is the only G erm an assembly based not only on universal su ffrage but on direct elections. T h e d raft Constitution which the G overnm ent submitted > to it was th e most dem ocratic Constitution ev er draw n up in the G erm an language. As a result of th e revolutionary war, Schleswig/. H olstein, which had always trailed behind G erm any in political m atters, suddenly acquired m o re progressive institutions than all the rest of G erm any. T h e w ar we are waging in Schleswig-Holstein is th erefo re a truly revolutionary war. A n d who, from the outset, supported D enm ark? T h e th ree most counter-revolutionary powers in E u rope Rxissia, England and the Prussian Government As long as it was possible th e Prussian Gov e rn m en t m erely pretended to be w aging a war this is evidenced by W ildenbruchs Note, by th e alacrity with which the Prussian G overnm ent, on th e representations of England and Russia, o rd ered the withdrawal from Ju tland , and finally by the two arm istice agreem en ts. Prussia, England and Russia a re th e th ree powers which have g re ater reason than anyone else to fear th e G erm an revolution
Fred erick V I I . Ed.

and its first result G erm an unity: Prussia because she would thereby cease to exist, England because it would deprive h e r o f the possibility of exploiting the G erm an m arket, and Russia because it would spell th e advance of dem ocracy not only to th e Vistula but even as fa r as th e Dvina and the D nieper. Prussia, England and Russia have conspired against Schleswig-Holstein, against G erm any and against th e revolution. T h e war that may now arise from th e decisions taken at F ran kfurt would be a war waged by G erm any against Prussia, England and Russia. T h is is just the kind of w ar that the flagging G erm an m ovem ent needs a war against the three g reat co u n te r revolutionary powers, a war which would really cause Prussia to m erge into G erm any, which would m ake an alliance with Poland an indispensable necessity and would lead to th e im m ediate liberation of Italy; a war which would be directed against G erm any's old counter-revolutionary allies of 1 7 9 2 -1 8 1 5 , a war which would imperil the fath erlan d and for that very reason save it by making the victory of Germany d ep en den t on the victory of dem ocracy. T h e bourgeois and the junkers at F ran k fu rt should not deceive them selves if they decide to reject the arm istice they will be setting the seal to their own downfall, just as the Girondists did d u rin g the first revolution when they took p art in the events of A ugust 10 and voted fo r the death o f the ex-K ing," thereby p rep arin g their own downfall on May If, on the o th er h an d , they accept the arm istice, they will still be sealing th eir own d ow n fd l: they will be placing them selves u n d er th e jurisdiction of Prussia and cease to have any say in things. It is up to them to choose. T h e news of H an sem an n s downfall probably reached F ran kfurt before th e vote was taken. T h is may influence th e vote significantly, especially since it is exp ected that a G overnm ent of W aldeck and R odbertus will follow who, as we know, recognise th e sovereignty of th e National Assembly. T h e fu ture will show. B u t we rep eat G erm anys h o n o u r is in bad hands!
Written by Engels on September 9, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 99, September 10, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

Louis X V I. d.

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427

A R R E ST S

T H E C R ISIS AN D T H E C O U N T E R -R E V O L U T IO N

278

[New Rheinische Zeitung No. 100, September 12, 1848]

Cologne, Septem ber 11. W e are addressing the following request for inform ation to w hichever gentlem en in the Public Prosecu tors d ep artm en t it may co n cern : Is it tru e that at 8 o clock yesterday evening H e rr Salget and H e rr Blum J r ., from C ologne, who had already form ed a workers* assodation in Cassel, w ere arrested in W esseling, by the B u rgom aste r H e rr von G eier, on the instigation of th e parson? T h ey had' m tended to form a w orkers association^ in W esseling too, but were arrested b efore they had even spoken a w ord in public and before the m eetm g had begun. Is it tru e that th e only reason for this arrest, which did in fact take place, was th e pastors denunciation that th e two gentlem en wanted (!) to stir up the w orkers? Assum ing that this is how m atters stand, will th e Public P rosecutor take steps to deal with this o utrageous infringem ent of th e law o r in expectation of the Radowitz Ministry and o f the speedy abolition of the righ t o f free association will he give H e rr von G eier a vote of thanks?
Written by Engels on September 11,1848 First published in the Neue Rheinhche Zeitung No. 100. September 12, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in ngli.sh for the first time

S e e also th is v o lu m e, p p . 5 7 9 - 8 0 . d.

Cologne, Septem ber 11. A nyone read ing th e rep o rts fro m Berlin printed below can ju d g e fo r himself w hether we predicted th e course of th e govern m en t crisis co rrectly . T h e Ministers resign ed; it seems that th e cam arilla did not app rove o f th e G overn m en ts plan to dissolve the A g reem en t Assembly and to use m artial law and guns in o rd e r to rem ain in office. T h e junkers from th e U ck erm ark are thirsting fo r a conflict with th e people and a repetition of th e Parisian Ju n e scenes in th e streets of B erlin , b u t they will never fight for th e H ansem ann G overn m en t, they will fight fo r a Government of the P rin ce of Prussia. T h e choice will fall on Radowitz, Vincke and similar reliable m en who keep aloof fro m th e B erlin Assembly and are in no way com m itted to it. T h e G overnm ent of th e P rince of Prussia which is to be bestowed on us will com p rise th e cre a m of the Prussian and W estphalian knights associated fo r fo rm s sake with a few bourgeois worthies fro m the ex tre m e Right, such as Beckerath and his like, to whom will be assigned th e co n d u ct of th e prosaic com m ercial side of th e business of state. M eanwhile h u n dreds of ru m ou rs are being sp read , W aldeck o r R odbertus is perhaps sum m oned, and public opinion is misled, while at the sam e time military p reparations are being m ade to com e o u t openly at the ap p rop riate m om ent. W e are facing a decisive struggle. T h e sim ultaneous crises at F ran kfurt and Berlin and th e latest decisions of th e two Assemblies com pel th e cou nter-revolution to wage its last fight. If the counter-revolution in Berlin dares to spurn the constitutional printiple of m ajority rule, if it con fron ts th e 2 1 9 m em bers of the m ajority with twice as m any guns, if it dares to defy th e m ajority not

428

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T h e Crisis and th e Counter-Revolution

429

only in Berlin but also in F ran k furt by presenting to them G overnm ent which is quite unacceptable to eith er o f the two Assemblies if it thus provokes a civil war between Prussia and

'

Germany, then the dem ocrats know what they have to do.

[iVrtie Rheinische Zeitung No. 101, September 13, 1848]

Cologne, Septem ber 12. A lthough already by midday we may receive news o f th e definite form ation of a new G overnm ent u described by us yesterday and con firm ed from o th er q u arters, the govern m en t crisis in Berlin continues. T h e re are only two solutions to this crisis: E ith er a W aldeck G overnm ent, recognition o f th e authority o f the G erm an National Assembly and recognition of p op u lar sovereignty; O r a Radow itz-Vincke G overnm ent, dissolution of th e Berlin Assembly, abolition of th e revolutionary gains, a sham constitutional* ism o r even the U nited Diet. D ont let us shut o u r eyes to the fact that th e conflict which has broken o u t in Berlin is a conflict not between the ag reers and the Ministers, but between the Assembly, which fo r the first time acts as a Constituent Assembly, and th e Crown. T h e point is w hether o r not the latter will have the co u ra g e to dissolve th e Assembly. B u t has the Crow n the right to dissolve the Assembly? T ru e , in constitutional states the Crow n in case of disputes has th e righ t to dissolve the legislative cham bers convened on the basis of the C onstitution and to appeal to th e people by m eans o f new elections. Is th e Berlin Assembly a constitutional, legislative cham b er? It is n ot. It has been convened to com e to an ag reem en t with the Crow n on the Prussian C onstitution , it has been convened not on the basis of a C onstitution, but on that of a tevolution. It received its m andate by n o m eans from the C row n o r from th e Ministers answerable to th e C row n, but from those who elected it and from the Assembly itself. T h e Assembly was sovereign as th e legitimate expression of th e revolution, and the m and ate which H e rr C am phausen jointly with the United Diet prep ared for it in the shape o f the electoral law of April 8 was nothing but a pious wish, in regard to which the Assembly had to decide. A t first the Assembly m ore o r less accepted th e theory of ag reem en t. It realised that in doing so it had been ch eated by the Ministers and the cam arilla. A t last it p erform ed a sovereign act.

acting fo r a m om en t as a constituent assembly and n o lon ger as an Assembly of A greem en t. B eing th e sovereign Assembly of Prussia, it had a p erfect right to do this. A sovereign assembly, how ever, can n ot be dissolved by anybody, and can n o t be given o rd ers by anybody. E ven as a m ere A g reem en t Assembly, even accord in g to H e rr C am phausens own th eo ry , it has equal status with th e C row n. Both parties conclude a political treaty, both parties have an equal share of sovereignty that is th e theory of April 8, the C am phausenH ansem ann theory, th e official theory recognised by the Crow n itself. If th e Assembly and th e Crow n have equal rights, then the Crown has no right to dissolve t/ie Assembly. O therw ise, to be consistent, the Assembly would also have th e right to depose tiie K ing. T h e dissolution of th e Assembly would th e re fo re be a coup d etat. And how people reply to a cou p d etat was dem onstrated on July 29, 1 8 3 0 , and Feb ru ary 2 4 , 1848. O ne may say the Crow n could appeal again to th e sam e voters-. But who does not know that today th e voters would elect an entirely different assembly, an assembly which would treat the Crow n with m uch less cerem on y? E veryone knows that after th e dissolution of this Assembly it will only be possible to appeal to voters of an entirely different kind from those of April 8, that th e only elections possible will be elections carried th rou g h u n d er th e tyranny of the sword. L et us have no illusions. - If th e Assembly wins and succeeds in setting up a Left G overnm ent, then th e pow er of th e C row n existing alongside the Assembly is broken, then th e King is m erely a paid servant of the people and we re tu rn again to the m orn in g of M arch 19 provided the W aldeck G overnm ent does not betray us, as did m any a G overnm ent before it. If the C row n wins and succeeds in setting up a G overnm ent o f the Prince of Prussia, then th e Assembly will be dissolved, th e righ t of association abolished, the press m uzzled, an electoral law based on p roperty qualifications introd uced , and, as we have already m en tioned, even th e U nited Diet may be reinvoked and all this will be d one u n d er co v er o f a military dictatorship, guns and bayonets.
* T h e reference is to the overthrow of Charles X in July 1830 and of Louis Philippe in February 1848. Ed.

430

T h e Crisis and th e Counter-Revolution A rticles from th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung

431

W hich of th e two sides will win depends on th e attitude o f the people, especially that of th e d em ocratic party. It is up to the dem ocrats to choose. W e have again the situation of July 2 5 . Will they d are to issue the d ecrees being devised in Potsdam ? Will the people be provoked to m ake the leap from July 2 6 to Feb ru ary 24 in a single d ay?* ^ T h e will to do it is certainly th ere, but what about the couragel

revolutionary basis, and th e p retence that we have already reached the basis of an established, com p lete constitutional m onarchy only leads to collisions, which have already b rough t the constitutional principle to the brink of th e abyss? Every provisional political set-up following a revolution requires a dictatorship, and an energetic dictatorship at that. F ro m the very beginning we blam ed C am phausen for not having acted in a dictatorial m an n er, fo r not having immediately smashed up and rem oved the rem ains of the old institutions. While thus Herr C am phausen indulged in constitutional dream ing, the defeated party strengthened its positions within the bureaucracy and in the arm y, and occasionally even risked an open fight. T h e Assembly was convened for th e purpose of agreeing on the term s of the Constitution. It existed as an equal party alongside the Crow n. Two equal powers in a provisional situation! It was this division of powers with the aid of which H e rr C am phausen sought to save free(iom it was this very division of powers in a provisional situation that was bound to lead to conflicts. T h e Crow n served as a cover for the counter-revolutionary aristocratic, military and bureaucratic cam arilla. T h e bourgeoisie stood behind the m ajority of the Assembly. T h e G overnm ent tried to mediate. T o o weak to act resolutely on behalf of th e bourgeoisie and the peasants and overthrow th e pow er of th e nobility, th e bureaucracy and the army chiefs at one blow, too unskilled to avoid always harm ing the bourgeoisie by its financial m easures, the G overnm ent merely succeeded in com prom ising itself in the eyes of all the parties and b rin d n g about th e very clash it sought to avoid. In any unconstituted state of affairs it is solely the salut public, the public w elfare, and not this o r that principle that is the decisive factor T h e only way in which th e G overnm ent could avoid a conflict between the Assembly and th e Crow n lay in recognising the public welfare as the sole principle, even at the risk of the G overnm ent ttsel] com ing into conflict with the Crow n. But it p referred not to com prom ise itself in Potsdam . It never hesitated to employ public welfare m easures (mesures de salut public), dictatorial measures, against the d em ocratic forces. W hat else was the application of the old laws to political crim es, even after H e rr M arker had recognised that these articles of th e Prussian Law ought to be repealed? What else were the wholesale arrests in all parts of th e kingdom. But the G overnm ent carefully refrained from intervening against the counter-revolution in the nam e of public welfare. It was this half-heartedness of th e G overnm ent in face of the counter-revolution, which becam e m ore m enacing with every day,

Rheinische Zeitung No. 102. September 14, 1848]

Cologne, S eptem ber 13. T h e crisis in Berlin has advanced a step fu rth er. The conflict with the Crown, which yesterday could still be described as inevitable, has actually taken place. O u r read ers will find below the Kings reply to th e resignation of the M inisters. By this letter th e Crown itself com es to th e fore, sides with th e Ministers and opposes the Assembly. It goes even fu rth e r it form s a G overnm ent outside the As sembly, it nom inates Beckerath, w ho rep resents th e extre m e R ight at F ran kfurt and who, as everyone knows, will never be able to co u n t on the support of the m ajority in Berlin. T h e K ings m essage is countersigned by H e rr Auerswald. L e t H e rr Auerswald, if h e can , justify the fact that he thus uses th e Crow n to cover up his ignom inious retreat, that at o ne and th e sam e time he tries to hide behind th e constitutional principle as fa r as the C h am b er is co n cern ed and tram ples on the constitutional principle by compromising the Crown and invoking the republic. Constitutional principle! shout the Ministers. Constitutional p rin ciple! shouts th e Right. Constitutional principle! faintly echoes the Kdlnische Zeitung. Constitutional principle! A re these gentlem en really so foolish as to believe that it is possible to extricate th e G erm an people from the storm s of 1 8 4 8 , and from th e im m inent th reat of collapse o f all traditional institutions, by m eans of the M ontesquieu-Delolme w orm -eaten theory of division of pow ers, by m eans o f w orn-out phrases and long exploded fictions! Constitutional p rin cip le! But the very gentlem en who want to save the constitutional principle at all costs should realise first of all that at a provisional stage it can only be saved by en ergetic action. Constitutional p rin cip le! B u t the vote of the Beriin Assembly, the clashes between Potsdam and F ran k fu rt, the disturbances, the reactionary attem pts, the provocations of the brutal soldiery has all this not shown long ago that despite all the em pty talk we are still on a

432

A rticles ftxjm th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung

T h e Crisis and th e C ounter-R evolution

433

that com pelled th e Assembly itself to dictate m easures of pubKc w elfare. If th e Crow n represented by th e Ministers was too weak then the Assembly itself had to intervene. It did so by passing the resolution of A ugust 9. It did so in a form still ra th e r mild, by merely warning th e Ministers. T h e Ministers took n o notice o f it. In deed, how could they have agreed to it? T h e resolution of August 9 flouted th e constitutional principle, it is an encroach m en t of th e legislative pow er on th e executive pow er, it destroys th^ division of pow ers and th eir m utual con trol, which are essential in the interests o f freed o m , it tu rn s th e Assembly o f A g reem en t into a National Convention. T h e re follows a ru n n in g fire o f th reats, a vociferous appeal to the fears o f th e petty bourgeois and th e p rosp ect of a reign of te rro r with guillotines, progressive taxes, confiscations and th e red flag. T o co m p are th e Berlin Assembly with the C onvention. W hat ironyl B ut these gentlem en w ere not altogether w rong. If th e G overn m ent continues in the way it has been doing, we shall have a Convention before long not m erely fo r Prussia, but fo r G erm any as a whole a Convention which will have to use all m eans to cop e with the civil w ar in o u r twenty V endees and with th e inevitable w ar with Russia. A t present, how ever, we merely have a parody of the C onstituent Assembly.^* B ut how have the Ministers w ho invoke the constitutional principle upheld this principle? On A ugust 9, they calmly allowed th e Assembly to break up in the belief that th e Ministers would ca rry out th e resolution. T h e y had no intention of m aking known to th e Assembly th eir refusal to do so, and still less o f resigning th eir office. T h ey rum inated on the m atter fo r a whole m onth and finally, when threaten ed with a n u m b er o f parliam entary questions, they curtly inform ed th e Assembly that it was self-evident that they would not put the resolution into effect. W hen the Assembly th ereu p o n instructs the M inisters, neverthe less, to put the resolution into effect, they take refu g e behind the Crow n, and cause a ru p tu re between the Crow n and th e Assembly, thus invoking the republic. A nd these gentlem en still talk about th e constitutional principle! T o sum up: T h e inevitable conflict between two pow ers having equal rights in a provisional situation has broken out. T h e Ministry was unable to govern with sufficient en ergy; it has failed to take the necessary m easures of public w elfare. T h e Assembly has m erely p erform ed its

duty in dem anding that th e Ministry do its duty. T h e Ministry declares this to be an en cro ach m en t upon th e rights o f th e Crow n and discredits th e C row n at th e very m om ent of its resignation. T h e Crow n and th e Assembly co n fro n t each oth er. T h e ag re e m e n t has led to separation, to conflict. It is possible that arm s will decide the issue. T h e side that has th e g re a te r co u rag e and consistency will wm.

[N n Rheinische Zeitung No. 104, September 16, 1848]

Cologne, Septem ber 15. T h e govern m en t crisis has once again entered a new phase, d ue, not to th e arrival and vain efforts of the impossible H e rr B eck erath , but to th e army revolt in Potsdam and Nauen}^^ T h e conflict between d em ocracy and aristocracy has broken out even within the guard regiments. T h e soldiers con sid er that the resolution carried by th e Assembly on the 7th liberates them from th e tyranny of th eir officers; they c h e e r th e Assembly and send letters of thanks to it. This has w renched th e sword from th e hands of th e co u n te r revolutionaries. T h e y will not d are now to dissolve the Assembly, and since this can n o t be attem p ted , they will have to give in, carry out the resolution of th e Assembly and form a W aldeck Ministry. It is quite possible that the soldiers in revolt at Potsdam will save us a revolution.
Written by Marx on September 11, 12, 13 and 15, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung Nos. 100, 101, 102 and 104, September 12, IS , 14 and 16, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

434

Army O rd er, E lection Candidates, Com m ents on Prussian Ambiguity

435

A R M Y O R D E R , E L E C T IO N C A N D ID A T ES , S E M I-O F F IC IA L C O M M E N T S O N PR U SS IA N A M B IG U IT Y

W e have received Danish newspapers up to S eptem ber 9. An arm y o rd e r of Septem ber 4 gives th e following instructions: G eneral Krogh takes over com m an d in Ju tlan d , head q uarters V iborg. F o r the duration of th e arm istice th e garrison in Alsen* has a special com m and . T h e corp s in the field is q u artered as far as possible in its recruiting areas and is th erefo re spread across Ju tlan d and the islands. Forty to fifty m en p er com pany rem ain u n d er arm s, the rest will be sent hom e on leave, and th e brigade com m an d ers are instructed to inspect their troops frequently and p rep are fo r a new cam paign. H ow ever, since th e King' wants to m ake a personal inspection o f th e troop s before they go on leave, these decisions will not be carried out until fu rth e r o rd ers. It is also unlikely that they will be, for as th e postscript of th e Faedretand announced on the 9th , news of th e decision passed by th e National Assembly about suspending the withdrawal has just reached C open h agen in private letters. T h e Danes can rely fairly firmly on the troop s recru ited in N orth Schleswig, this is evident from th e fact that it was precisely these sections of th e arm y that were m oved to the vicinity of th e Schleswig fron tier o r Alsen. T h e liberal party in C op enhagen has p ut forw ard its list of candidates fo r the ap p roach in g elections. T h e representatives o f the middle class, the editors o f th e Faedreland and o th er m en of the people of th e "constitutional m on arch y established on a dem ocratic

basis (note how thoroughly the Danes have plagiarised the G erm ans) have m et to draw up th e list. It consists of a bank m an ager, a d irector of a life-insurance institution, two schoolm asters, an attorney, a lieutenant-colonel, a naval o fficer, two artisans and a disvachew^" (1). It can be seen w hat so rt o f intellectual forces are at the disposal o f th e Hovedstad'.^ T h e Prussian G overnm ent is u n fortu n ate. In th e Danish affair too it has m anaged to give Prussia a rep u tation for ambiguity which almost verges on treason against both sides. T h is am biguity has always been a well-known feature of Prussian policy; we need only think of the G reat E lecto rs** betrayal of Poland when he suddenly went over to Sweden, of the Basle Peace, of 1805 and m o re recently of th e ambiguity th rou g h which the Ministry enticed Poland into the trap.^^ A nd now, in the Danish affair, th e Prussian G overnm ent has abused th e interests of th e G erm an people and not even earned a word of thanks from D enm ark. L e t us listen to what th e Faedreland says:
According to the note o f the Prussian Prime Minister Auerswald (to the Provisional Government in Rendsburg), which we publish below, it is plain that Prussia is playing a very ambiguous role. In the first place it is extremely surprising that the Prussian Government should have any dealings at all with the rebel Government in the duchies. Furthermore, H err Auerswald has in more than one respect completely twisted the meaning of the terms of the armistice. Although the armistice was in no way intended to furnish any basis for a final peace, Herr Auerswald nonetheless claims that through it conditions are being prepared that will bring about a favourable final solution. He talks further of the significance of the terms whereby the federal troops are to remain in Schleswig and the SchleswigHolstein army corps is to continue at its present strength, even though the armistice stipulates that the Schleswig and the Holstein troops should be separated and the federal troops remain in Altona. U stly, he puts forward a similar falsehood when he says that the legal situation in the duchies is to continue on its present basis, whereas the armistice says that the decrees issued since March 17 both by the King of Denmark and by the Provisional Government should be repealed. As regards the Central Authority, it has shown such a lack of firmness towards the Assembly in its negotiations over Limburg^ that from that side one can really expect anything. Written by Engels on September 14, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheiniscke Zeitung No. 103, September 15, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

T h e Danish name is Als. Ed. ' Frederick V II. d.

Capital. Ed. ^ Frederick William. Ed,

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Freed om o f D ebate in B erlin

437

FR EED O M O F D E B A T E IN BERLIN^*

T h u s the Zeitungs-Halle explains the striking phenom enon of the sudden ch an ge in th e attitude o f so m any deputies by ascribing it to the notions and delusions of these deputies. T h e thing could not be p resented in a m ore innocent way. T h e p ap er admits, how ever, that intimidations did o ccu r. B ut, it says,
if outside influences did have any effect, it was only that they partially counterbalanced the ministerial misrepresentations and artful temptation, thus enabling the many weak and irresolute deputies to follow their natural vital instinct....

Cologne, Septem ber 16. E v er since the beginning of the crisis the counter-revolutionary press keeps alleging that th e deliberations of the Berlin Assembly are not free from interferen ce. In particular, the well-known corresp on d en t G of th e Kdlnische Zeitung, who also discharges his duties only tem porarily pending the ap pointm ent of a successor refers with obvious fear to the 8 ,0 0 0 to 1 0 ,0 0 0 strong-arm m e n in the Kastanienwaldchen who m orally support their friends of th e L eft. T h e Vossische, Spenersche and oth er newspapers have set up a similar wail, and on th e 7th of this m onth H e rr R eich en sp erger has even tabled a m otion frankly d em an d ing that the Assembly be rem oved from Berlin (to C h arlottenburg p erhaps?). T h e Berliner Zeitungs-Halle publishes a long article* in which it tries to refute these accusations. It declares that the large m ajority obtained by the Left was by n o m eans inconsistent with the form er irresolute attitude of the Assembly. It can be shown, it says,
that the voting of the 7 t h c o u ld have taken place without conflicting with the form er attitude even of those members who previously voted always for the Government, that it was indeed from their point of view in perfect harmony with their form er position.... T h e members who came over from the Centre parties had laboured under a delusion; they imagined that the Ministers carried out the will o f the people; they had taken the endeavours o f the Ministers to restore law and order for an expression of their own will, i.e. that of the majority of deputies, and had not realised that the Ministers could accede to the popular will only when it did not run counter to the will of the Crown, but not when it was opposed to it . * Berlin, 14. September, Berliner Zeitungs-Halle No. 213, September 15, 1848. Ed. ^ September 7, 1848. Ed.

T h e reasons which induced the Zeitungs-Halle thus morally to justify the vacillating m em bers of th e C en tre parties in the eyes of th e public are obvious. T h e article is written for these gentlem en of the C en tre parties ra th e r than for the general public. F o r us, how ever, these reasons do not exist, since we are privileged to speak plainly, and since we support th e representatives o f a party only as long and insofar as they act in a revolutionary m an n er. W hy should we not say it? T h e C en tre parties certainly were intimidated by th e masses on Septem ber T ; we leave it open w hether th eir fear was well founded o r not. T h e righ t of th e d em ocratic popular m asses, by their p resen ce, to e x e rt a m oral influence on the attitude of constituent assemblies is an old revolutionary right of th e people which could not be dispensed with in all storm y periods ever since th e English and French revolutions. H istory owes to this righ t almost all th e energetic steps taken by such assemblies. T h e only reason why people dwelling on the legal basis and th e tim orous and philistine friends of freed om of d eb ate lam ent about this righ t, is that they do not want any energetic decisions at all. F reed om of debate th ere is no em p tier phrase than this. T h e freed om of d eb ate is, on th e o ne han d , im paired by th e freed om of th e press, by the freed om of assembly and of speech, and by the right of th e people to take up arm s. It is im paired by the existing state pow er in the hands of th e Crow n and its Ministers th e arm y, the police and th e so-called ind ep en d en t judges, who depend, how ever, on every prom otion and every political change. T h e freed om of debate is always a phrase denoting simply independence of all influences that are not recognised in law. It is only the recognised influences, such as bribery, prom otion, private interests and fear of a dissolution of th e Assembly, that make the debates really fre e . In times of revolution, how ever, this phrase
See this volum e, pp. 4 1 7 -1 9 . Ed.

438

439
Articles from the New Rheinische Zeitung

becom es entirely meaningless. W hen two forces, two parties in arm s co n fro n t each other, when a fight may start at any m om ent, the deputies have only this choice: E ith er they place them selves under the protection o f the people, in which case they will put u p occasionally with a small lecture; O r they place them selves under the protection of the Crown, m ove to some small town, deliberate u n d er th e protection of bayonets and guns o r even a state o f siege, in which case they will raise n o objec tions when the C row n and th e bayonets dictate th eir decisions to them . Intim idation by the u n arm ed people o r intimidation by an arm ed soldiery that is the choice before the Assembly. T h e Fren ch Constituent Assembly tran sferred its sessions from Versailles to Paris. It would be quite in ch aracter with th e G erm an revolution if th e Assembly of A g reem en t w ere to m ove from Berlin to C harlottenburg.
Written on September 16, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 105, September 17, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

R A T IF IC A T IO N O F T H E ARM ISTICE^

Cologne, Septem ber 19. T h e G erm an National Assembly has ratified th e arm istice. W e w ere not mistaken: G erm anys h on ou r has fallen into bad hands. T h e vote was taken amidst u p ro a r and com plete darkness, when the benches of th e deputies w ere th ron g ed with stran gers, diplom ats etc. A m ajority of two forced th e Assembly to vote simultaneously on two entirely d ifferent questions. T h e arm istice was carried , Schles wig-Holstein sacrificed, G erm anys h o n o u r tram pled u n d e r foot and th e m erging of Germany in Prussia decided by a m ajority of 21 votes. On no o th e r issue has th e re been such a clear expression of public opinion. On no o th er issue have the gentlem en of th e Right so openly adm itted that they uphold a cause which is indefensible. In no oth er issue were G erm an ys interests so indubitable and so obvious as in this. T h e N ational Assembly has m ade its decision it has pronounced th e death sentence upon itself and upon the so-called C entral A uthority created by it. If G erm any had a Crom well it would not be long before h e would say: Y o u are no P arliam en t.... D epart, I say.... In the nam e of God, g o l* T h e re is talk of th e im pending withdrawal of th e L eft. If it had co u rag e, this p oor d erided L e ft, which has been attacked with fists by the m ajority and in addition called to o rd e r by the noble G agern! N ever has a m inority been so insolently and consistently m altreated

See this volume, p. 425. Ed. ^ T he words Cromwell used when dissolving the Rump Parliament on April 20, 1653.

440

Articles from th e New Rheinische Zeitung

Ratification o f th e Arm istice

441

as has been the F ran k fu rt Left by th e noble G agern and his 2 5 0 cham pions o f th e m ajority. If only it had cou rage! Lack of co u rag e is ruining the en tire G erm an m ovem ent. T h e counter-revolution just as m uch as th e revolutionary party lacks the co u rag e fo r decisive blows. All G erm ans, w hether on th e Right o r on the L e ft, know now that the present m ovem ent must lead to terrible clashes, to bloody battles, fought eith er to suppress it o r to carry it throu gh. B u t instead of courageously facing these unavoidable battles, instead o f fighting them o u t with a few rapid and decisive blows, the two parties th e party of the counter-revolution and that of th e m ovem ent virtually conspire to put them off as long as possible. It is due to this constan t resort to petty expedients, to trivial concessions and palliatives, to these attem pts at m ediation, that the unbearable and uncertain political situation has led everyw here to n u m erous isolated uprisings, which can only be liquidated by bloodshed and th e curtailm ent of rights already won. It is this fear of struggle that gives rise to thousands of m in or clashes m aking the year 1 8 4 8 exceptionally sanguinary and so com plicating the position of th e con ten ding parties that in the end the struggle is bound to becom e the m ore violent and destructive. B u t o u r d e a r friends lack of co u rag e !* T h e crucial struggle fo r G erm an ys centralisation and dem ocratic organisation cannot possibly be avoided. Every day brings it n earer despite all attem pts to gloss over it and com prom ise. T h e com p lex situation in Vienna, Berlin and F ran k fu rt dem ands a decision, and if everything should fail because o f G erm an timidity and indecision, we shall be saved by F ran ce. T h e consequences of th e Ju n e victory are now taking shape in Paris the royalists are getting the better of C avaignac and his pu re republicans in the National Assembly, in the press and in the clubs; a general uprising is threaten in g to break out in th e legitimist South; C avaignac has to resort to L ed ru -R ollin s revolutionary rem edies, i.e. to d ep artm ental com m issioners invest ed with extrao rd in ary pow ers; it was with the greatest difficulty that he m anaged to d efen d him self and his G overnm ent in Parlia m en t last Saturday. A n o th er such division, and T h iers, B a rro t and com pany, the m en in whose interests the Ju n e victory was won, w ll possess a m ajority, C avaignac will be throw n into the arm s of th e red republic, and the struggle fo r the republics existence will begm . If G erm anys irresoluteness should persist, this new phase o f the F ren ch revolution will also be a signal for a fresh outbreak of open
Heinrich Heine, Deutschland. E in Wintermarchen, Caput X IX .__Ed.

struggle in G erm any, a struggle which we hope will take us a httle fu rth er and will at least free G erm any from th e traditional fetters of h er past.
Written by Engels on September 19, .1848 First published in the Netie Rheinische Zeitung No. 107, September 20, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

442
-;s'

T h e U prising in Fran k fu rt

443

T H E U P R IS IN G IN FR A N K FU R T ^"

highest pitch as a result of th e bloody excesses of the so-called federal troops? W h o will answ er fo r the peasants on th e Rhine, who can easily p revent troop s being sent along the river? W e adm it, nevertheless, that we have little h op e of th e cou rageou s insurgents being able to win th e day. F ra n k fu rt is too small a town, the nu m b er of troop s is disproportionately large, and th e wellknown cou n ter-revolu tionary sentim ents of th e local petty b ou rgeoi sie are too g reat to allow us to be very hopeful. B u t even if th e insurgents are d efeated , this will settle nothing. T h e cou n ter-revolu tion will becom e a rro g a n t, it will enslave u s for a time by introducing m artial law, by suppressing freed om of the press and banning the clubs and public m eetings; but b efore long the crow ing of th e Gallic cock* will an n ou n ce th e h o u r o f liberation, the h o u r of revenge.
[AVut- Rheinische Zeitung No. 108, September 21, 1848]

[Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 107 (supplement), September 20, 1848]

Colognf Septem ber 19, 7 p.m . T h e G erm an-D anish arm istice has raised a storm . A sanguinary revolt has begun in F ran k fu rt. T h e workers o f F ran k fu rt, O ffenbach and H an au , and th e peasants of th e su rrou n d in g districts, are defending with their lives G erm anys h on o u r betrayed by the N ational Assembly to a Prussian G overn m ent which has ignominiously resigned. T h e outcom e of the struggle is still u ncertain. Until yesterday evening the soldiers apparently m ade little progress. In F ran kfurt, ap art from the Zeil and p erhaps a few o th er streets and squares, artillery is of little use, and cavalry of alm ost no use at all. In this respect the people are in an advantageous position. Citizens of H anau , arm ed with weapons from th e arsenal they had storm ed, have com e to th eir assistance, as have also peasants from n u m erous villages in the vicinity. Y esterday evening the military probably n um bered about 1 0 ,0 0 0 men and very little artillery. L arg e reinforcem ents of peasants must have arrived d u rin g the night, and considerably sm aller ones o f soldiers, the im m ediate vicinity being denuded of troop s. T h e revolutionary tem p er of th e peasants in the Odenw ald, Nassau and th e E lectorate o f H esse precluded fu rth er withdrawals; it is likely that com m unications have been interru p ted . If today the insurgents are still holding out, then the whole of the O denw ald, N assau, the E lectorate o f H esse and Rhenish Hesse will take up arm s, the entire population between Fulda, Koblenz, M annheim and A schaffenburg will be in arm s, and th ere are insufficient troops available to crush th e uprising. A nd who will answ er for Mainz, M annheim , M arburg, Cassel and W iesba den towns in which hatred of th e brutal soldiery has reached its

I
\v'

Cologne, Septem ber 2 0 . T h e news from Fran k fu rt is beginning to gradually con firm o u r fears of yesterday. It seem s certain that the insurgents have been ejected from F ra n k fu rt, and that now they are holding only Sachsenhausen, where they are said to be strongly en trench ed . A state o f siege has been declared in F ra n k fu rt; anyone cau gh t carryin g w eapons o r resisting the federal au th ority is to be court-m artialled. T h u s th e gentlem en in St. Pauls C h u rch are now on an equal footing with th eir colleagues in Paris. T h e y can now at th eir leisure and u n d e r th e rule of m artial law red u ce th e fundam ental rights of the G erm an people to a m inim um . T h e railway line to Mainz is to rn u p in m any places, and th e post arrives eith er late o r n ot at all. r- u It ap pears that artillery decided th e outcom e of th e fight in the wide streets and enabled th e arm y to attack the fighters on the barricades from the re a r. A dditional factors w ere the zeal with which the petty bourgeois of F ran k fu rt open ed th eir h o u s p to the soldiers, thus giving them every advantage in the street-fighdng, and the su p erior strength of the troop s, swiftly b rough t up by rail, over the peasant contingents, which arrived showly on fool. B u t even if the fight has not been renew ed in F ra n k fu rt itselt, it certainly does not m ean that the uprising has been crush ed . T h e
^ Heinrich Heine, Kahldorf liber den Adel, in Briefen an den Grafen M. von Mollke . F.inleitung. <i

444

Articles from the Neue Rheinische Zeilung

T he Uprising in Frankfurt

445

angry peasants are not likely to put their w eapons down forthwith. T h o u g h they may not be able to break u p th e N ational Assembly, they still have enough at hom e that has to be cleared away. T h e storm that was repelled outside St. Pauls C hurch can spread to six or eight petty princely residences and to h u n dreds of m anorial estates. T h e peasant war begun this spring will not com e to an end until its goal, the liberation of the peasants fro m feudalism , has been achieved. W h at is the reason for th e persistent victory of o rd e r throu ghou t E u rop e and fo r the n um erous recu rre n t defeats o f the revolutionary party from Naples, P rag u e an d Paris to Milan, Vienna and Frankfurt? It is because all parties know that th e struggle im pending in all civilised countries is quite differen t from , infinitely m ore significant than, all previous revolutions; in Vienna and Paris, in Berlin and F ran k fu rt, in London and Milan the point at issue is the overthrow of the political rule of the bourgeoisie, an upheaval whose im m ediate consequences are en ou gh to terrify all portly, stockjobbing bour geois. Is th ere a revolutionary cen tre anyw here in th e world w here the red flag, the battle emblem o f th e united proletariat of E u ro p e, has not been found flying on the barricades d u rin g th e last five m onths? In F ran kfurt, too, th e fight against th e Parliam ent of th e com bined landowners and bourgeois was waged u n d er th e red flag. T h e reason for all these defeats is that every uprising that now lakes place is a direct threat to th e political existence o f the bourgeoisie, and an indirect th reat to its social existence. T h e people, mostly u narm ed, have to fight not only th e organised pow er of the bureau cratic and military state which the bourgeoisie has taken over, they have to fight the arm ed bourgeoisie itself. T h e people, who are unorganised and poorly arm ed , are co n fro n ted by all th e o th e r social classes, who are well organised and fully arm ed . T h a t is th e reason why up to now th e people have been defeated and will continue to be defeated until th eir opponents are w eakened eith er throu gh dissension, o r because the arm y is engaged in war o r until some im portan t event impels th e people to begin a d esp erate fight and dem oralises their opponents. Such a great event is im pending in Fran ce. H en ce we need not give up hope, even though during the last four m onths th e barricades everyw here have been defeated by grapeshot. On the co n trary, every victory o f o u r opponents was at the same tim e a defeat for them , for it divided them and, ultimately, gave control not to th e conservative party that was victorious in

February and M arch, but in each case to the party that had been overthrown in February and M arch. Only for a short time did the victory won in Paris in Ju n e establish the rule of the petty b ou r geoisie, the pure republicans; hardly three m onths have passed and th e big bourgeoisie, the constitutional p arty, is th reaten in g to overthrow C avaignac and drive the p u re ones into the arm s of the re d s . T h is will happen in F ran k fu rt too th e victory will benefit, not the respectable gentlem en fro m the C en tre parties, but those of the Right. T h e bourgeoisie will have to give pride of place to the gentlem en rep resen tin g the m ilitary, b u reau cratic and jun k er state and will very soon taste the bitter fruits of its victory. May these bitter fruits do it good! M eanwhile we shall await the m om ent when the h o u r of liberation for E u ro p e will have struck in Paris.
Written by Engels on September 19 and 20, 1848 First published in the supplement to the Neue Rheinisciu Zeitung No. 107 and in No. 108, September 20 and 21, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

446

T he Faedreland on the Armistice

447

T H E F A E D R E L A N D O N T H E A R M IS T IC E

Cologne, S eptem ber 2 1 . It is com m on knowledge that the so-called N ational Assembly in F ran k fu rt approved o f the arm istice on Prussias assurance that th e Danish G overnm ent has officially given notice of its readiness to ag ree to modifications. It is well known, how ever, what intrigues went on d uring the voting on the prelim inary question. T h e intrigues over th e main question took place outside the Assembly. Listen to what the Faedreland o f S eptem ber 16 says: A fter explaining the disadvantages of the arm istice that was actually signed as co m p ared with the first d raft, the new spaper com es to th e advantages fo r D enm ark. England and Russia would intervene if the war broke out again; G erm an unity, held to g eth er with difficulty by the Danish war, would im m ediately disintegrate; the population of Jutlan d could be trained as an arm y reserve and the arm y doubled in size:
and 60,000 troops on the narrow peninsula, backed up by the fleet, are a Dannevirke which big, united Germany would think twice about storming. But whatever the terms o f the armistice, it is plain that once it is signed, ratified and guaranteed, it would be irresponsible if we neglected to fulfil its terms, or tolerated their infringement by our enemies. T here is no question of our Government doing such a thing, there can and must be no doubts about this, and for this reason it would be wrong to get alarmed at all the rumours hawked around in SchleswigHolstein publications about changes in the terms once they have been accepted. We are fully aware that Prussian generals and officials and the Germans in general, with a few honourable exceptions, do not take their commitments and their vows, their bona fides so very seriously; we are quite ready to believe that General Wrangel had the effrontery to put proposals to the Danish Commissioner, Mr. Reedtz, suggesting a breach o f the terms in order to make them more acceptable to his friends in Schleswig-Holstein; we are quite ready to believe that both the Frankfurt Assembly and the Prussian Ministry consider it quite in order to urge us to agree to arbitrary

changes in a m atter that has already been signed and sealed in due form. But we also believe that the worst thing our Government could do would be to permit them to alter even one jo t or tittle of the treaty, for then German honesty would have no qualms about trampling the whole thing under fool, If Karl Moltke cannot find any co-regents, since it has been laid down how these are to be appointed, the Danish Government can proceed to choose two whose agreement is certain in advance, and it is then up to Prussia to fin d two o f its own. I f the people of Schleswig-Holstein are not willing to obey, it is up to Prussia to fo rceih em to. And if on the last appointed date, that is tomorrow, Septem ber 17, there is anything essential missing in the execution of the treaty after we for our part have conscientiously fulfilled all our obligations, then it is up to the Danish Government to set a final deadline, and if this also expires without any further developments, then it is the right and duty o f the Danish Government to move the army to Schleswig and have it occupied. We will then see what Europe has to say and what guarantees and obligations actually mean. We certainly have no need to fear the consequences; whatever they are, it is easier to endure them than to disgrace ourselves in our own eyes and in the eyes o f the whole world, than to allow ourselves to be treated as the bondsman (Traet) of German arrogance and German dishonesty. "W e are pleased to say that as we lay down our pen we can pve the positive assurance th a t a s f a r a s D an ish G o v e m m e B t is concerned an y m o d ific a tio B of the armistice convention which has been concluded is ou t o f t h e qu estion .

T h u s th e sem i-official o rg a n o f th e Danish Cabinet. A nd now? W h o is the deceiver now , w ho th e deceived, who the deceived deceiver^}
Written by Engels on September 21, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 109. September 22, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

G. E. L essing. Nathan der Weise, A ct I I I , Scene 7. Ed.

448

T h e G overnm ent of th e C ounter-R evolution

449

hum iliation of M arch 18, disperse the B erlin Assembly and the officers will ride down U n te r den Linden over the corpses o t the T H E G OVERN M ENT O F T H E C O U N T E R -R E V O L U T IO N revolutionaries. , x- . i jia Go on! Forw ard with G od fo r K ing and F ath erlan d.
Written on September 22, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Z eiiungN o. 110, September 23, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

Cologne, S eptem ber 2 2 . It has hap p ened a fte r all! T h e G overn m en t o f the P rin ce of Prussia is in being and the counter-revolution intends to risk the final decisive blow.^ R ead th e following letter by a deputy:
Berlin, September 2 0 ,1 0 p.m. We have just learned beyond doubt that an entirely counter-revolutionary Government has been formed, namely" (then follows the list of Ministers which we gave yesterday in accordance with the special edition o f the Zeitungs-HalU). At tomorrows session this same Government will read out a royal message wherein the prospect o f the disbandment o f the Assembly will be held out. T he result o f this is a declaration o f permanence which will probably lead to a new and very b lo ^ y revolution. AH parties of the National Assembly are considting permanendy in their usual premises. T h e population is very excited. Wrangel has held a military review today. Everything seems to be in questioni

It has happened a fter all! T h e C row n seeks the protection o f the U ck erm ark grandees and the U ck erm ark gran dees oppose the revolutionary m ovem ent o f the year 1 848. T h e D on Q uixotes of F u rth e r Pom eran ia, these old w arriors and d eb t-encum bered landed p roprietors, will finally have their c^ p o rtun ity to cleanse th eir rusty blades in the blood o f the ag itato rs.^ ' T h e guards, crow ned with the ch eap glory of Schleswig, a re supposed to strike the decisive blow against the revolution which intrudes upon the rights of the Crow n, which wants to prohibit the officers fro m plotting secretly and which intends, by th e implacable han d o f H ansem an n s financial m easures, to take a terribly bold d ip into the already limp pu rse o f the B ran d en b u rg junkers. T h e guards will take reven ge fo r the
An expression first used by Karl Mathy and Heinrich von Gagern in the Frankfurt National Assembly in 1848; it became quickly popular.__ Ed. ^ From Frederick William I l l s decree on the formation of an army reserve issued on March 17, 1813. Ed.

450

451

[T H E C O L O G N E C O M M IT T E E O F P U B L IC SAFETY]22

[P U B L IC P R O S E C U T O R H E C K E R Q U E S T IO N S P E O P L E W H O H AD A T T E N D E D T H E W O R R IN G EN M E E T IN G ]

Cologne, Septem ber 2 3 . As already announced in this new spaper, the C om m ittee of Public Safety has notified th e authorities h ere that it has u n d ertak en 1) to co -op erate in the preservation o f peace and 2) to watch over the gains o f th e revolution.* H e rr von W ittgenstein has passed on this news to Public P ro secu tor H eck er just as he received it, tog eth er with an official request to investigate w hether th e C om inittees plans in any way constitute a punishable offence. P oor H e rr H eckerl Already overburdened with th e duties o f his office, he now has also to take over the capacity fo r jud gin g from the adm inistrative officials!!!
Written about September 23, 1848 First published in the supplement to the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 112, September 26, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

Cologne Septem ber 2 4 . T h e Public P rosecu tor, H e rr H eck er, is the m ost harassed m an in C ologne. F o r several days now h e has been personally questioning witnesses m an attem p t to fm d o u t at sort of sins against th e Holy Spirit of penal law w ere com m itted at the public m eeting at W orringen.'** U p to now th e results o f his are said to have been extrem ely m eagre, 1) because nothing illegal h ap p ened and 2) because it is unUkely that witnesses still rem em b er what each individual said and especially in w hat co n text he said it. As regard s 2 ), we think it b etter to re fe r H e rr H eck er to the band of disguised policem en and mouchards who w ere w andering aro u n d the m eadow taking notes in sh orthan d . B u t th ere again, if som e o f these pillars of th e state are unable to give any evidence, we should n ot be surprised. O ne o f them in particular was so drun^k even at midday that he m ade his way in tears from o ne b ar to th e n ext gratefully accepting th e drinks o ffered him an d telling people in confidence that it is tru e he was h ere as a spy, but ap art from this h e was a d ecent fellow.
Written on September 24, 1848, or later First published in the supplement to the Neue Rheinische Zeihm g fio . 112, September 26, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first

See this volum e, pp. 5 8 6 -8 7 . Ed.

452

C ounter-R evolu tion in Cologne

453

[C O U N T E R -R E V O L U T IO N IN C O L O G N E ]

If these gentlem en go ahead with th eir plans, it will soon be a mvstery how th e editorial work of o u r new spaper is to be carried out. we believe we can declare that all th e m an oeu vres directed against us will fail in th eir m ain aim and that o u r read ers will continue as usual to receive the new spaper regularly. It is m erely a question of w ho will first lose th eir sense o f h u m o u r: th e gentlem en from th e Public P ro secu tors office o r th e editors of th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung. * ^ W e would add th at even now som e policem en etc. are on tneir way to M iilheim to punish several hated d em ocrats th ere with arrest and im prisonm ent.
Written on September 25, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische ZeitungN o. 112, September 26. 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

C obgne, Septem ber 2 5 . Scarcely had th e official news o f the form ation of th e cou n ter-revolu tionary G overnm ent* reach ed the Rhine when the Public P ro secu tors office h e re suddenly developed not only an alm ighty appetite fo r arrests but a zeal for activity such as was not encoun tered even in th e old police state. T h e cou n ter-revolu tionary cam paign started this m orn in g. Its h eroes have won victories in som e fields and suffered defeats in others a fate that has befallen even g re a te r generals. T h e intention was to lead away a few dozen C ologne d em ocrats as early m orning spoils and to delight the local wailers*^ over th eir breakfasts with the news. H ow ever, p art o f the prey was w rested fro m these gendem en. F o r exam ple, Wachter, captain o f the 9th C om pany o f th e civic militia, was p a tc h e d by the people fro m the clutches o f th e Holy H erm an d ad. Six guardians o f th e law forced th eir way into th e house of o u r fellow citizen Moll. T h e crow d that quickly gath ered aro u n d th e house and its th reaten in g attitude caused two o f these gentlem en to flee into the attic and a third into th e cellar. U n fortunately th e house has only on e exit. Moll acced ed to the wishes o f these terrified gentlem en and asked the people to allow the brigade o f six m en to withdraw in safety. Becker and Schapper, on the o th er han d , were led o ff to gaol in the early hours o f th e m orn in g. T h e re are rep o rts that in addition to B u rg ers several o th er m em bers of th e editorial staff of o u r new spaper are on th e proscribed list and that attem pts have been m ade to arrest them .

S e e this volum e, pp. 4 4 8 -4 9 . Ed.

454

455

[AN A T T E M P T T O A R R E S T M O LL]

[S T A T E O F S IE G E IN C O L O G N E ^ *

Cologne, 11 a. m. T h is m orn in g a d etach m en t o f th e 2 9 th R egim ent was sent into th e K ran z to ca rry o u t Molls arrest. T h e soldiers w ere driven back and with th e aid o f th e w orkers Moll got away safely.
Written on September 25, 1848 First published in the Ne%u Rheinisclu Zeitung'No. 113, September 27, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

Coloene, September 2 6 . Today we are also omitting the synopsis. W e a ^ h u r r y in g to print the paper. W e are being inform ed by a reliable source that the city will be placed in a state o f siege within an hour o r two, that the civic m ilitU ^ disarm ed, that the N eue R bem ische Zeitung, the N cue K o lm s c ^ Zeitung, the A ibeiter-Z intung the WacAter am suspended, that courts m artial wUI be instituted and rights gained in M arch are to be suppressed. It is r e ^ r t e d that the ciWc miUtia is not inclined to let itself be disarmed.
Written on September 26, 1848 First published in the Nei Rheiniscfie Z eitu n g S o. 113, September 27, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first dme

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457

197 [E D IT O R I A L T H E S T A T E M O F E N T T H E C O N C E R N IN G
r e v o l u t i o n i n

V IE N N A

R E A P P E A R A N C E

NEUE R H EIN ISC H E

ZEITUNG]

Due to the interest shown, particularly in CoIognCf fo r the preservation of the N eue R h e im s c b e Zeitungf we have been able to overcom e the fin a n c ia l difficulties brought about by the state of siege and to let the paper reappear. The editorial board rem ains the same. F e rd in a n d F re ilig ra tb has newly joined it.
K a rl M a rx

R ^ S e

^ ilu n g

w ro te

o f

(o n

i "

V ie n n a ^

Editor-in-Chief o f the N e a e R b e in is c b e Z eitu n g

Written by Marx on October 11, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung'So. 114, October 12, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

S u r re n d e r u n c L d i t io n a ll y . T h e F r a n k f u r t A sse m b ly , w h .c h is ju s t
n o w e n g a g e d in p r e s e n tin g u s G e r m a n s w ith

a national gaol and a common whip,

h a s b e e n r u d e ly a n d o f n h a s . th e a w a k e n e d fr o m a t its d a y -d r e a m in g h b y * e to e v e n ts d o u b t lik e t in h e v t L n a e ffic a c y f v l L G o v e r n m e n t a s a B e r lin b e g m n m g s ta te A o f o f

th e is ju s t

state o f siege
m a k in g b e e n a m a d e

p a n a c e a . T h e to u r. sta te

s ie g e ,

ro u n d -th e -w o rld to im p o s e a

la r g e -s c a le s ie g e o n a

e x p e r . w h o le

m e n t

Muner-Tellering. Ed. . n fa Heinrich Heine, Der Tannhauser , Caput 3 .- .a .

458

A rticles from th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung

459

co u n try , H un gary. T h is attem p t has called forth a revolution in Vienna instead of a cou nter-revolution in H un gary. T h e state of siege will not recover from this setback. Its reputation has been p erm anendy ru ined . B y an irony o f fate, simultaneously with Jellachich, Cavaignac, the h ero of the state of siege in the W est, has been singled out fo r attack by all th e factions who w ere saved in Ju n e by his grap e-shot. Only by resolutely going over to the revolution will he be able to hold o u t for some tim e. Following th e latest news from Vienna, we publish several rep orts sent on O ctob er 5 , because they reflect th e hopes and fears cu rren t in V ienna about the fate o f H ungary.
Written by Marx on October 11, 1848 First published in the N ew Rheinische Zeitung No. 114, October 12, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

T H E LA T EST NEW S FRO M T H E MODEL STA TE

Brussels, O ctob er 8. La Nation yesterday led o ff with the following article about two m em bers o f th e editorial staff o f th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung, H e rr F red erick Engels and H e rr E rn st D ronke;
T h e expulsions are succeeding one another and are unfortunately all too sinnlar. While we are still awaiting a few words of explanation about the expulsion of H eir Adam, a similar measure is taken against two German citizens who were foohsh enoueh to rely on the protection which the Belgian Constitution grants every foreiener. Yes, this protection exists in the wording of the Consutuuon; until a few davs aco it even beamed down from one of the fagades o f that charmmg little constitutional monument with which the courtyard of the Palais de Naaon was ^ c e d ; but as soon as the intoxication of the national holidays is over, the literals ^ n o rule over us hurriedly stuff away the slogans widi which they so gallantly regaled the inquisitive citizens of the city and the provinces. Brussels has returned to normal and the police is fulfilling exactly as before its lofty mission of compensating by its brutal manners for the generosity of our ill-advised constitutional theories. H err Engels and H err Dronke had been staying in our city for a few days. Both members of the editorial staff of a democratic journal, the Neue Rhetnuche Zeitung, they left Cologne to avoid the consequences of warrants issued for their arrest because of a few speeches made at public meetings. They made their way to Belgium not m order to abuse that Belgian hospitality which on account of its ranty can be so valuable, but only to wait for the money they needed to continue their journey to Paris T h e unhappy events that occurred in Cologne after their departure s tre n ^ e n e d them in their intention. T h e Prussian Government has been blessed wiA good fortune since it followed the Belgian example and set out on the broad constituuonal p a th -a fte r finding a general* who decreed a state of siege and the suspension of the press a la Cavaignac, it also managed to find a public prosecutor-general who agreed to employ the concept o f moral complicity a la Hubert and a la de Bavay. But Herr E ngelland H err Dronke had forgotten that though the traveller proposes the police disposes. * Kaiser. Ed. ^ Zweiffel. Ed.

460

Articles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

T h e Latest News from the Model State

461

Scarcely had the news of their arrival in Brussels the day before yesterday become public when an inspector with his retinue turned up in their hotel. They were having cheir dinner. T he inspector took them to the Town Hall and from there to the prison of the Petits-Carmes, whence after an hour or two they were transported in a sealed carriage to the Southern Railway Station. T h e police were merely using their powers in relation to vagabonds and, as it happened, the papers of our political refugees were not in order. It is true that they had on them a safe-conduct issued by the Cologne authorities stating that they were members o f the civic militia of that city; moreover as a result of their stay in Brussels before March, they had friends who could prove their identity. But the police, only too well informed about them, preferred to treat them as vagabonds before any proof to the contrary could be obtained. " If this is obstinacy, at least it is not blind obstinacy. Judging from the way in which the arrests are at present taking place, we believe that this article will probably have its sequels in future issues, unless the friends of liberty of all countries become convinced that it is better to refrain under all circumstances from dropping in on us during their travels through this world.

sum not to be despised. In London, for example, the Belgian who wntes admmng articles about Belgium for the Times and for the Daily News has to be paid out o f the 80,000 francs allocated to our embassy. As soon as the Prince Ligne is mstalled we shall have to pay for the admiration of a Roman journalist as well.

A re these revelations not delightful? B u t I have not finished yet. La Nation carries th e following small item in its issue o f O ctob er 10.
W e have often noticed that the private correspondents column in the Ind em d a n ce. dated Frankfurt and Berlin, is as like the articles in the Kolntscke Zittung (to which Wolfers contributes) as two drops of dirty water. This newspaper does not appear on Sundays; and the Indepmdance, too. has no private correspondent s column on Mondays.

It is clear from this that the Belgian G overnm ent is increasingly learning to recognise its position. T h e Belgians gradually becom e policem en for all th eir neighbours, and are overjoyed when they are com plim ented on th eir quiet and submissive behaviour. N everth e less, th ere is som ething ridiculous about the good Belgian policem an. Even th e earn est Times only jestingly acknowledged th e Belgian desire to please. Recently it advised th e Belgian nation, after it had got rid o f all th e clubs, to turn itself into o ne big club with the m otto: " N e risquez rien!"^ It goes without saying that the official Belgian press, in its cretinism , also reprinted this piece o f flattery and welcom ed it jubilantly. T h e fact that in its very first issue th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung quite properly ridiculed any illusions about the Belgian m odel state m akes it easier to und erstan d, m o reover, why the Belgian G overnm ent m eted out such b ru t^ treatm en t to two m em bers o f the N eue Rheinische Zeitun^s editorial staff. * * T h e Belgian press itself reveals to us how the Belgian G overnm ent seeks to p erp etu ate these illusions. T h e following rep o rt is printed word fo r w ord in the Messager de Gand:
We now know o f what this Germany consists that cherishes such great admiration for us. This Germany consists o f H err Wolfers from Louvain, whom M. Rogier pays to produce enthusiastic articles about Belgium in German for the Kolnische Zeitung. In view o f the search for all possible ways to economise, it seems to us that we could easily abolish the fund o f admiration which we are paying to all the journalists in Europe. In Brussels, in the provinces, in Paris, in London and even as far as Bucharest we are buying their compliments at a very high price. Savings in this field could add up to a London, Monday, October 2, 1848 , The Times No. 19383, October 2, 1848.

W e need not add m u ch . T o show its gratitud e to th e Independance fo r copying its G erm an news from th e Kolnische Zeitung, th e Kolnische Zeitung in tu rn obtains its views on Belgium and F ran ce from th e Independance. . B ut as everyone knows, th e Independance is th e organ of th e same M. R ogier w ho buys adm iration fo r Belgium , who had th e Belgian patriots o f 1 8 3 0 , and th e eighty-year-old G eneral M e p n e t, co n dem n ed to death^* and who has political refugees conveyed across the fron tier in sealed carriages.
Written between October 8 and I I , 1848 First published in the supplement to the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 114, October 12, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first

^ B russel, 30. M a i", Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 1, Ju n e 1, 1848.

* T h e Neue Rheinische Zeitung has "New England ". Ed. ^ See this volume, pp. 405-06. Ed.

462

T h e Revolution o f C ologne

463

T H E R E V O L U T IO N O F C O L O G N E *^

Cologne, O ctober 12. T h e Kdlnische Zeitung tells us that the revolution of C ologn e of Septem ber 2 5 was a Shrovetide farce and the Kdlnische Zeitung is right. T h e G arrison H eadq u arters of C ologn e plays C avaignac on Septem ber 2 6 . A nd th e Kdlnische Zeitung adm ires the wisdom and m oderation of th e G arrison H eadquarters of C ologne . W h o, how ever, is m ore com ical the workers w ho practised b arricad e building on Septem ber 2 5 , o r the Cavaignac who m ost solemnly proclaim ed a state o f siege on Septem ber 2 6 , suspended the newspapers, disarm ed th e civic militia and prohibited the associations? T h e p oo r Kdlnische Zeitungl T h e C avaignac of the revolution of C ologne can n ot be an inch taller than the revolution of C ologn e itself. T h e p oo r Kdlnische Zeitung'. It must regard th e revolution as a joke and has to take seriously the C avaignac of this m erry revolution. W hat a vexatious, u n gratefu l and con tradictory topic! W e will n ot waste a w ord on the com p eten ce of the Garrison H eadquarters. D E ster has exhausted that subject. ^ W e reg ard , m oreover, the G arrison H eadqu arters as a subordinate tool. T h e real authors o f this peculiar tragedy w ere the '"loyal citizen^, th e Dumonts and th eir associates. T h u s it was no w ond er that H e rr D um ont had th e address against d E ster, B o rch ard t and Kyll dissem inated by his newspapers.^ W h at these loyal ones had to defend was n ot the action of the G arrison H eadq u arters but th eir own action.
*K61n, 29. September. Die Barrikaden in Koln, Kdlnische Zeitung No. 268, September 30, 1848. Ed.

T h e event at Cologne w andered th rou g h th e S ahara D esert of the G erm an press in the fo rm given to it by the Journal des Debats of C ologne. T h a t is sufficient reason to rev ert to it. Moll, one of the m ost popular leaders of th e W o rk ers Associa509 was to have been arrested . S ch ap p er an d B eck er had already tion,-"'- been arrested . A Monday had been selected fo r th e execu tion of this m easure, a day on which, as is well known, th e m ajority of workers are not w orking. T h u s it must have been known beforeh and that the arrests m ight arouse a g re a t deal of ferm en t am ong th e w orkers and that they m ight even give rise to violent resistance. It was a strange accident that these arrests w ere planned to take place on a Mondayl It was th e m ore easy to foresee th e excitem en t since on^the occasion of Steins A rm y O rd e r, after W ran gels proclam ation and P tu el s appointm ent as Prim e M inister, a decisive counter-revolutionary blow and thu s a revolution em anating from Berlin was exp ected at any m om ent. T h e w orkers, th e re fo re , had to reg ard th e arrests not as legal but as political m ez su res. T h e y viewed th e Pubhc P ro secu tor s office only as a coun ter-revolu tionary authority. T h e y believed that it was the intention to rob them o f th eir leaders on the eve o f im p ortan t events. T h e y decided to prevent Molls arrest at all costs and they lett the scene of action only after they had accom pUshed th eir purpose. T h e b arricades w ere not built until th e w orkers, who had assembled on th e A ltenm arkt, learned that the arm y was advancing to attack from all sides. T h ey were not attacked; hen ce they did n ot h^ave to defend them selves either. T h ey had learned, m oreover, that no im p ortan t news at all had arrived from B erlin . H en ce they withdrew after they had spent th e g re a te r p art of th e night waiting m vain to r the enem y. . . , i. N othing is m ore ridiculous, th erefo re, than the rep ro ach ot cow ardice which has been levelled against th e w orkers of Cologne O ne has rep ro ach ed them on yet o th er scores in o rd e r to justity the state of siege and to fashion th e events in C ologne into a small Tune revolution. T h e ir actual plan is supposed to have been the looting of th e good city of C ologne. T h is accusation is based upon the alleged looting of one d rap ery shop. As if not every city has its contingent of thieves who naturally take advantage of days o f public excitem ent. O r does o ne m ean by looting the plundering of gun smiths shops? If this is the case, the C ologne Public P ro secu tor s office should be sent to Berlin to p rep are th e case against the M arch revolution. W ithout th e looted gunsm iths shops, we would perhaps never have had th e satisfaction of witnessing the tran sform ation of H e rr H ansem an n into a bank President and of H e rr Miiller into a Secretary of State.

464

A rticles fro m th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung

T h e Revolution o f C ologne

465

B ut enough of the w orkers o f C ologne. L et us discuss th e so-called democrats. W h at do th e Kdlnische Zeitung, th e Deutsche Zeitui^, the A ugsburg Allgemeine Zeitung and w hatever th e o th e r loyal papers may be called, accuse them of? TTie heroic B ruggem ann s, Basserm anns etc. d em anded blood and th e ten d er-h earted dem ocrats have out of cowardice not allowed th e blood to flow. T h e facts are simply these: th e dem ocrats declared to th e workers in the Kranz (on the A ltenm arkt), in th e'E iser Hall and upon the barricades that they did not want a *putsch'" u n d er any cir cum stances. A t this m om ent, how ever, when no large issue would drive th e en tire people into com b at, and any rising would be bound to fail, such a rising would be th e m o re senseless since trem en d ou s events m ight o ccu r within the n ext few days and on e would thus re n d e r oneself unfit to fight before the day of decision. O nce the G overnm ent in Berlin dares a coun ter-revolu tion, the day will have arrived fo r the people to d a re a revolution. T h e judidsil investigation will con firm o u r statem ent. Instead o f standing in n octurnal darkness in fro n t of the barricades with folded arm s and om inous glances and contem plating th e fu tu re of th eir p eople ,* the gentlem en o f the Kdlnische Zeitung w ould have done better to stand on th e barricades h aran gu in g the deluded crow d with th eir w ords of wisdom. W h at good is wisdom post festuirf'} O n th e occasion of the events in C ologne, the respectable press reserved its w orst treatm en t fo r the civic militia. L e t us distinguish. T h a t the civic militia refused to d egrad e itself by becom ing the docile servant of th e police, was its duty. T h a t it tu rn ed over its w eapons voluntarily can only be excused by one fact: th e liberal section of it knew that the illiberal section would jubilantly take the opportunity to rid itself o f th e w eapons. Partial resistance, how ever, would have been useless. T h e revolution of C ologne has had one result. It has revealed th e existence of a p halanx of m o re than 2 ,0 0 0 saints whose satiated virtue and solvent m o rale* "leads a free life* ^only in a'state o f siege. P erhaps o ne day the occasion will arise to write an acta sanctorum , the biographies of these saints. O u r read ers will then find out how
Koln, 29- September. Die Barrikaden in Koln, Kolnische Zeitung No. 268, September 30, 1848. Ed. After the event. Ed. '' Heinrich Heine. Anno 1829 (modified). Ed. Schiller, D ie R au b er, A ct IV, Scene 5. Ed.

the treasu res are obtained that neither m oths n or rust doth corru p t* and they will learn in which way the econom ic background of th e loyal way of thinking is acquired.
Written by Marx on October 12, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 115, October 13, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

Matthew 6 :2 0 . Ed.

466

467

T H E PFU EL G OVERN M ENT

T H IE R S S P E EC H C O N C E R N IN G A G E N E R A L M O R T G A G E B A N K W IT H A L E G A L R A T E

Cologne, O ctober 13. W hen th e Camphausen G overnm ent fell we said: T h e C am phausen G overnm ent has covered the co u n te r revolution with its liberal-bourgeois cloak. T h e counter-revolution now feels stron g enough to shake o ff this irksom e mask. It is possible that the G overnm ent o f M arch 3 0 will be followed f o r a few days by som e untenable G overnm ent o f th e Left Centre (H a n sem ^ n n ). Its real successor will be the Government o f the Prince o f Prtissia." (N eue Rheinische Zeitung No. 2 3 , Ju n e 23.) A nd in fact th e G overn m en t o f Pfuel (of Neufchatel) followed the Hansem ann G overnm ent. T h e Pfuel G overnm ent handles constitutional phrases in the same way as th e F ran k fu rt C entral A uthority treats G erm an unification . If we co m p are th e corpus delicti, th e real body of th e G overnm ent, with its echo, its constitutional declarations, appeasings, m ediations and agreem en ts in th e Berlin Assembly, we can only use Falstaffs phrase:
"Lord, lord, how subject we old men are to this vice o f lyingl^

T h e Pfuel G overnm ent can only be followed by a Government of the revolution.

Written by Marx on October 13, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 116, October 14, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first lime

See this volume, p. 107. Ed. Shakespeare, K ing Henry IV, Part Two, Act 111, Scene 2. Ed.

M. T h iers is publishing in the Constitutionnel a pam phlet about Property.^^ W e shall take u p this classically written triviality m ore thoroughly as soon as the publication has ap p eared in its entirety. M. T h iers has suddenly discontinued it. F o r the tim e being it is en ou gh fo r us to observe that the g re a t Belgian new spapers, the Observateur and th e Independence, rave about M. T h ie rs work. T oday we shall follow up fo r a m om ent the speech dealing with m ortgage debentures^^ which M. T h iers deHvered on O ctober 10 in the Fren ch National Assembly, a speech which accordin g to th e Belgian ludependance has dealt the coup de grac^ to p ap er m oney. B ut M. T h ie rs is also, as the Independance says, an o ra to r who handles political, financial and social questions equally well. This speech interests us only because it illustrates th e tactic of the knights o f th e old state of affairs, a tactic with which they correctly co n fro n t the Don Q uixotes of th e new state of affairs. If you dem and a partial refo rm of the industrial and com m ercial conditions as was done by M. T u rck whom T h iers was answ ering, they will co n fro n t you with the concatenation and interaction of the organisation as a whole. If you dem and th e transform ation of the organisation as a whole, then you are destructive, revolutionary, unscrupulous, utopian and you overlook partial reform s. H ence the result: leave everything as it is. M. T u rck for exam p le wants to m ake it easier fo r the peasants to turn th eir landed p roperty to accou n t by m eans of official m ortgage banks. H e wants to bring their p roperty into circulation without it having to pass th rou g h the hands of usurers. F or in Fran ce, as generally in the countries w here the land is divided into lots, the

468

A rticles from th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung

T hiers- Speech C oncerning a G eneral M ortgage B a n k with a L egal R a te 4 6 9

pow er o f th e feudal lords has been tran sform ed into th e pow er of the capitalists and th e feudal obligations of th e peasants have been tran sform ed into bourgeois m o rtg ag e obligations. W h at does M. T h iers reply to begin with? If you want to help the peasant by m eans of public banks you will en croach upon the small trad esm an . You can not aid o ne without h urting the oth er. Consequently we have to tran sfo rm th e entire system of credit} By no m eans! T h at is a utopia. T h u s M. T u rck is dismissed without cerem ony. T h e small trad esm an for whom M. T h iers cares so tenderly is the big Bank of Fran ce. T h e com petition of p ap er bills fo r two thousand million m ortgages would ruin its m onopoly and dividends and p erhaps still som ething more.* Behind M. T h ie rs arg u m en t th erefo re stands Rothschild in the background. Let us take u p an oth er of M. T h ie rs argum ents. T h e m ortgage proposal, M. T h iers states, does not actually con cern aericulture at all. M. T h iers rem arks that it lies in th e 'nature" of things that landed p roperty can be put into circulation only u n d er onerou s conditions, that it can be tu rn ed to accou n t only with difficulty and that capital shuns it, so to speak. F o r, he says, it yields only, a small profit. B u t on the o th e r hand , M. T h iers can not deny that it lies in the n a tu re of m od ern industrial organisation that all industries, h en ce agricu ltu re as well, only p ro sp er if th eir p rodu cts and their instrum ents can easily be turned to accou n t, p u t into circulation and mobilised. T his is not th e case with land. H ence th e conclusion would be: agriculture can n ot prosp er within the existing civilised conditions. T h e re fo re th e existing conditions m ust be chan ged and M. T u rc k s proposal is a small, even if inconsistent, beginning. B y no m eans! exclaim s M. T h iers. N a tu re, i.e. th e present social conditions, condem ns ag^nculture to its present state. T h e p resen t social conditions are * n atur/\ i.e. they are unalterable. T h e assertion of th eir immutabili ty is, of course, the m ost irrefutable p ro o f against proposals fo r any change. If m o n arch y is n atu re then any republican attem p t is a rebellion against n ature. A cco rd in g to M. T h iers, it is also obvious that landed p ro p erty naturally always yields the sam e small profits w hether th e capital is advanced to th e landow ner at 3 p er cen t by the state o r at 10 p e rc e n t by th e u su rer. T h u s it is by virtue of n a tu re .

Bv identifying industrial p rofit with th e re n t yielded by agricul tu re , M. T h ie rs also makes an assertion which plainly con tradicts the present social conditions which he calls n atu re . c \ a W h ereas industrial p rofit in general falls constantly ren t of land, i e th e value of th e soil, rises constantly. T h u s M. T h iers ou gh t to explain th e ph en om en on that th e peasant is constantly b ecom m g m ore im poverished in spite of it. O f cou rse, he does not want to FurtV ^ m oT e^ ^ hiers com m en ts on th e difference betw een Fren ch and English agriculture are really of a rem arkable superficiality. T h iers instructs us that the entire d ifferen ce consists o f th e land tax W e pay a very high land ta x , th e Englishm en none A p art from th e inaccuracy of th e latter assertion, M. m e r s certainly knows tha in Englan d agricu ltu re is burd en ed with the p o o r-rate ^ ^^11 as a m ass of o th e r taxes which do not exist m F ra n ce M. T h iers arg u m en t is used in its inverted m eaning by Enghsh ad h erents ot small-scale agricu ltu re. Do you know, they ask, why Enghsh co rn is m ore expensive th an the F ren ch ? B ecause we pay a rent and a high ren t at th at, som ething that the F re n ch do not ^ since on the average they are not tenants but small p roprietors. T h e re fo re , long **^It tSces th e entire insolent triviality of T h iers to red u ce th e English con cen tration of [ow nership of] land, th e instrum ent of labour, w hereby the use o f m achinery and the division of labour is m ade possible on a large scale in agricu ltu re, and th e interacu on of industry and English trad e with agricu ltu re to red u ce aU these highly com p lex relations to th e m eaningless phrase that th e English pay no land tax. W e shall con trast M. T h ie rs opinion that th e presen t m ortgage p ro ced u re in F ran ce is a m atter of indifference to th e opinion of th e greatest Fren ch agricultural chem ist. Dombasle has proved conclusively that Fren ch agriculture will becom e an impossi bility if th e p resen t m ortgage system m F ran ce continues to develop accordin g to nature .^ i j j W h at insolent shallowness it takes anyway to assert that landed p roperty relations are im m aterial to agricu ltu re, in o th er w ords that the social relations u n d er which production takes place are im m a^ y the^w ayrthere is hardly any need to add that M. T h iers, who

^ C .-T .-A .

M ath ieu

de

D o m b a sle,

A n n a les

ag ricoles

de

R ov ille,

ou

m a a n g ts

M arx uses th e English words som ething m ore . Ed.

d agriculture, d economie ruraU, et d e legislation agricole.

468

A rticles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

T h ie rs Sp eech C oncerning a G eneral M ortgage B an k with a Legal R ate 4 6 9

power of the feudal lords has been tran sform ed into th e pow er of the capitalists and th e feudal obligations of th e peasants have been tran sform ed into bourgeois m ortg ag e obligations. W hat does M. T h iers reply to begin with? If you want to help the peasant by m eans of public banks you will en croach upon the small trad esm an . You can n ot aid o ne without hurling the o th er. Consequently we have to transform the entire system o f credit} By no m eans! T h at is a utopia. T h u s M. T u rck is dismissed without cerem ony. T h e small trad esm an for whom M. T h iers cares so tenderly is the big Bank of Fran ce. T h e com petition of p ap er bills fo r two thousand million m ortgages would ruin its m onopoly and dividends and p erhaps still som ething m ore.* Behind M. T h iers arg u m en t th erefore stands Rothschild in the background. L et us take up an o th er o f M. T h iers argum en ts. T h e m ortgage proposal, M. T h iers states, does not actually co n cern agric^H tn at all. M. T h iers rem ark s that it lies in the '"nature of things that landed p roperty can be put into circulation only u n d er onerou s conditions, that it can be turn ed to accou n t only with difficulty and that capital shuns it, so to speak. F o r, he says, it yields only a small profit. B u t on the o th er han d , M. T h iers can n o t deny that it lies in the n a tu re of m od ern industrial organisation that all industries, hen ce agriculture as well, only p rosp er if th eir p rodu cts and th eir instrum ents can easily be turned to accou n t, put into circulation and mobilised. This is not the case with land. H ence th e conclusion would be: agriculture can n ot p rosp er within th e existing civilised conditions. T h e re fo re th e existing conditions m ust be changed and M. T u rc k s proposal is a small, even if inconsistent, beginning. B y n o m eans! exclaims M. T h iers. N a tu re , i.e. the p resen t social conditions, condem ns agricu ltu re to its presen t state. T h e presen t social conditions are nature", i.e. they are unalterable. T h e assertion o f th eir immutabili ty is, of cou rse, th e m ost irrefutable p ro o f against proposals fo r any change. If m o n arch y is n atu re then any republican attem p t is a rebellion against n atu re. A cco rd in g to M. T h iers, it is also obvious that landed p ro p erty naturally always yields the same small profits w hether th e capital is advanced to the landow ner at 3 p er cen t by the state o r at 10 p er cen t by the u su rer. T h u s it is by virtue o f n atu re.

By identifying industrial p rofit with the re n t yielded by agricul tu re, M. T h iers also m akes an assertion which plainly contradicts the oresent social conditions which he calls n atu re . , W h ereas industrial profit in general falls constantly, re n t of land, i e th e value of th e soil, rises constantly. T h u s M. T h iers ou g h t to explain th e phen om en on that the peasant is constantly becom m g m ore im poverished in spite of it. O f co u rse, he does not want to discuss that subject. r u F u rth e rm o re T h ie rs com m ents on th e difference betw een Fren ch and English agricu ltu re are really of a rem arkable superficiality. T h iers instructs us that th e en tire differen ce consists o f th e iond tax. W e pay a very high land ta x , the E n ^ ish m en none A p art from the inaccuracy of th e latter assertion, M. T h iers certainly knows that in Englan d agricu ltu re is b u rd en ed with the p o o r-rate ^ ^^11 as a mass of o th e r taxes which do n o t exist in F ran ce. M. T h iers argu m en t is used in its inverted m eaning by Enghsh adheren ts of sniall-scale agricu ltu re. Do you know, they ask, why Enghsh co rn is m ore expensive th an th e F ren ch ? B ecause we pay a rm t and a high ren t at that, som ething that the F ren ch do n ot do since on the average they are not tenants but small p roprietors. T h e re fo re , long live small p rop erty! . r r u It takes th e en tire insolent triviality o f T h iers to red u ce th e Enghsh con cen tration of [ow nership of) land, the instrum ent o f labour, whereby the use of m achinery and th e division of labou r is i^ade possible on a large scale in agricu ltu re, and th e interaction o f English industry and English trad e with ag n cu ltu re to re d u ce all these highly com p lex relations to the m eaningless phrase that the English pay n o land tax. W e shall con trast M. T h ie rs opinion that the p resen t m ortgage p ro ced u re in F ra n ce is a m atter of indiffereiice to ag n cu ltu re wit the opinion of th e greatest Fren ch agricultural chem ist. Dombasle has proved conclusively that F ren ch agriculture will becom e an impossi bility if th e p resen t m ortgage system in F ran ce continues to develop according to nature .^ , , W hat insolent shallowness it takes anyway to assert that landed p roperty relations are im m aterial to agricu ltu re, m o th er w ords that the social relations u n d er which p roduction takes place a re im m a terial to p rodu ction ! rr^u.,1 __ By the way, th ere is hardly any need to add that M. T h iers, who

^ C .-J.-A . M arx uses th e English words som ething m ore . Ed.

M a th ie u

de

D o m b asle,

Annales

agricoles de Roville,

ov. melanges

dagriculture, d economie ruraU, et de ISgislation agricole. Ed.

470

Articles fro m th e Neue Rkeinische Zeitung

T h ie rs Speech C oncerning a G eneral M ortgage B an k with a L egal R ate 4 7 1

wants to retain credits fo r th e big capitalists, cann ot give any credit to the small ones. It is precisely th e cred it of th e big capitalists which spells lack of credit fo r th e small ones. W e deny, to be sure, that within the present system it is possible to aid th e small landed p roprietors by some clever financial trick. T h iers, how ever, had to m aintain this view since he regard s th e present world as th e best of all possible worlds. In reg ard to this p art o f T h iers speech we want to m ake just o n e fu rth e r observation: by opposing the mobilisation of landed p roperty and on the o th e r hand praising English conditions, he forgets that it is exactly in England that agricu ltu re possesses in the highest d egree the advantage o f being ru n like a factory and that the ren t of land, i.e. landed p ro p erty , is a m ovable, transferable security quoted on th e Stock E xch an g e just like any oth er. Factory-type agricu ltu re, i.e. th e m an agem en t of agricu ltu re in the m an n er o f big industry, on its part requires th e mobilisation and exchangeability of landed p roperty with com m ercial facility. T h e second p art of M. T h ie rs speech consists o f attacks on paper money in general. H e labels th e issuing o f p ap er m oney on the whole as counterfeiting. H e reveals to us th e g reat tru th that if o ne throws too large a quantity of the m eans of circulation, i.e. m oney, on the m arket, one devalues m oney itself and thus cheats doubly: the individual and the state. Allegedly this is especially th e case with m ortgage banks. All these discoveries can be found in th e w orst catechisms o f political econom y. L e t us distinguish. It is clear that we do not increase production, i.e. real w ealth, by arbitrarily increasing m oney, be it p ap er o r metal cu rren cy . W e do not double o u r tricks in a card gam e by doubling the chips. O n the o th e r han d it is just as clear that if p roduction is inhibited by a lack o f chips, of m eans of exch an g e, of m oney, every increase of th e m eans o f exch an g e, every decrease in th e difficulty o f obtaining the m eans o f exch an g e, implies at the sam e time an increase in production. Bills o f exch an g e, banks etc. owe th eir origin to these needs o f p roduction. In this way m ortg ag e banks can lead to the im p rovem en t o f agriculture. M. T h iers, how ever, does n o t fight fo r m etal cu rren cy as opposed to p ap er m oney. H e has speculated too m uch on the Stock E xch an ge to be swayed by the prejudices of th e old mercantilists. W hat he opposes is the regulation of credit by society as rep resented by the state as against th e regulation of cred it by m onopoly. T h u s T u rck s ^ proposal for a general m o rtg ag e bank whose bills would have a legal

rate of exch an g e was th e beginning of a regulation of cred it in the general interest of society, even though this proposal in isolation m eans little.
Written by Marx on October 13, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 116, October 14, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

472

Frankfurter Oberpostamts-Zeitung and V ienn ese Revolution

473

T H E F R A N K F U R T E R O B E R P O S T A M T S -Z E IT U N G AN D T H E V IE N N E S E R E V O L U T IO N

persons and gesta^ to be a crim inal offence**^; and in spite of the strong language of those gigantic figures, Schm erling, Mohl and G agern. T h e revolutionary m on ster roars anew and in F ran k fu rt they tremble . T h e Frankfurter Oberpostamts-Zeitung is frightened out of its thanksgiving p rayer. It tragically grum bles at its iron fate. In Paris th e party of T h ie rs is in con trol, in Berlin the Pfuel G overnm ent with W rangels in all the provinces; in Fran k fu rt a cen tral g en d arm erie; in all G erm any a m ore o r less hidden state of siege; Italy pacified by th e gentle F erd in an d and Radetzky; a fte r the annihilation of th e M agyars Jellachich, the co m m an d er of H u n g ary , proclaim ing tog eth er with W indischgratz C roatian freed om and o rd e r in V ienna; in B u ch arest th e revolution drow ned in blood; the D anube principalities blessed by the good deeds of th e Russian regim e; in England all th e C hartist leaders arrested and d ep orted ; Ireland too starved to be able to m ove tell m e, what m ore do you want?^ T h e Viennese revolution has not yet won. Its tirst sum m er lightning suffices, how ever, to illuminate all the positions of the cou nter-revolution in E u ro p e and thus to re n d e r inevitable a universal fight to th e death. T h e counter-revolution is not yet destroyed but it has m ade a fool of itself. W ith the h e ro Jellachich all its h eroes are tran sform ed into com ical figures, and with Fuad Effendis proclam ation after th e blood bath of Bucharest,^* all proclam ations of the friends of constitu tional freed om and o rd e r , fro m the proclam ations o f the Im perial D iet dow n to th e m ost insignificant statem ent o f the wailers, are parodied to death. T o m o rro w we shall discuss at length th e im m ediate situation m V ienna and th e A ustrian situation in general.
Written by Marx on October 18, 1848 First published in the N ew Rheinische Zeitung No. 120, October 19, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

Cologne, O ctober 18.

A peculiar destiny seems to hold sway over Germany. When one believes that one has reached the point where it is possible to help with the reconstruction of the common fatherland, when one raises ones eyes gratefully towards heaven fo r this blessing, then the thunderclouds which are still hanging over Europe, discharge new and mighty claps and make the hands tremble which have dedicated themselves to the drawing up^of a Constitution for Germany. We have just experienced such a thunderclap again in Vienna."

T h u s com plains th e Frankfurter Oberpostamts-Zeitung, the Moniteur o f the Im perial Adm inistration. This w orthy p ap er, whose recen t editor ap p eared on the list of G uizots paid creatu res, took itself au serieux fo r a m om ent. T h e C entral A uthority with its parliam entary fram ew ork, the Council o f F ran k fu rt, ap p eared to it as a serious pow er. Instead o f issuing th eir cou n ter-revolu u on ary o rd ers directly to th eir subjects, the 3 8 G erm an governm ents let the Central A uthority in F ran k fu rt issue to them the o rd e r to carry out their own decisions. Everything was ru n n in g smoothly just as at the time of th e D irect Commission of M ainz. T h e C en tral A uthority was able to im agine that it was a pow er and its Moniteur was able to im agine that it was a Moniteur. It sang Now thank ye all o u r God, y ou r hands raised up to h eaven . A nd now we exp erien ce a th un d erclap from Vienna. T h e hands of o u r Lycurguses tremble in spite of th e arm y in spiked helm ets which are so m any lightning-conductors o f the revolution; in spite of th e decrees which declare criticism of black-red-goiden
* Karl Peter Berly. d.

* Deeds. Ed. , , r^ From Heinrich Heines poem Du hast Diamanten und Perlen . in Uu;

Heimkehr. Ed.

474

R eply o f K in g o f Prussia to D elegation o f th e N ational Assembly

475

people in Vienna will tu rn out to be th e m agician who will tran sform th e iron into clay. R E P L Y O F T H E K IN G O F PRUSSIA T O T H E D E L E G A T IO N O F T H E N A T IO N A L A S S E M B L Y
Written by Marx on October 18. 1848 First published in the Neue Rkeinische Zeitung No. 120, October 19, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

Cologne, O ctob er 18. T h e King is consistent at any rate. His M ajesty never contradicts himself. On the occasion of th e festival celebrating the building of C ologn es cath ed ral, he told the delegation of th e F ran k fu rt National Assembly:
Gentlemen, I fully understand the significance o f your Assembly. I realise very well how important your Assembly is!" T he voice o f His Majesty then assumed a very solemn and biting tone: But please do not forget that there are still sovereigns in Germany at this point His Majesty placed his hand upon his heart and spoke with uncommon emphasis and do not forget that I am one o f them !

A similar reply was also given to th e delegation of th e Berlin Assembly when it visited His M ajesty at Bellevue Castle on O ctober 15 in o rd e r to co n gratu late him . T h e King said:
We are in the process o f constiucting an edifice which is to last for centuries. But. gentlemen, I would like to call your attention to one matter. We still possess an hereditary authority by the grace o f God these words were spoken by the King with great emphasis which is surely envied in many places and which is still endowed with full powers. It is the only foundation upon which that edifice can be constructed if it is to last for as long as I have indicated.

T h e King is consistent. H e would always have been consistent had it not been for the un fp rtu nate fact that the M arch days interposed that fateful scrap of p ap er between His M ajesty and his people.^'* A t this m om ent, His Majesty, just as he did before the M arch days, seems again to believe in Slavdom s "legs of iron ^. Perhaps the
^ Birthday of Frederick William IV. Cf. Daniel 2:33

476

R eply o f F red erick W illiam IV to Delegation o f th e Civil Militia

477

R E P L Y O F F R E D E R IC K W IL L IA M IV T O T H E D E L E G A T IO N O F T H E C IV IC M IL IT IA

Cologne, O ctober 18. Frederick William I V replied to Rimpler, the co m m an d er of th e civic militia of Berlin, in response to th e latters congratulations on th e occasion of O ctob er 15*:
I know that a heroic and brave people is also a loyal o n e. But do not forget that you obtained the weapoiis from me and that I demand that you stand up dutifully for the preservation of order, law and freedom .

Constitutional kings are not responsible, on the understanding that they are not answerable, in the constitutional sense, of cou rse. T h e ir actions, th eir w ords, their countenances do not belong to them , they belong to th e responsible Ministers. Hansemann, for exam p le, on the occasion of his exit, had th e King say that he considered th e execution of Steins A rm y Order^^^ incom patible with constitutional m on arch y. Pfuel carried it out, that is in the parliam entary sense. H ansem ann was com prom ised, in the constitutional sense. T h e King had n ot con tradicted himself, because he h ad not spoken, always in th e constitutional sense. T h u s the above declaration of th e King is nothing but a ministerial declaration and as such is subject to criticism. If Pfuel claims that the King has created the civic militia on his own accord, then he claims that the King is th e originator of th e March revolution which is nonsense, even in th e constitutional sense. A p art from this. A fter God had created th e world and the kings by th e g ra ce of God, he relinquished the sm aller industry to h um an beings. Even weapons" and lieutenants uniform s are m anu factu red by p rofane
B irthday of Fred erick W illiam IV . Ed.

m ethods and the p ro fan e m ethod of m an u factu rin g does not create from nothing as th e heavenly industry does. It needs raw materials, the tools of labour and wages, all items which are sum m ed up by the unpretentious te rm ; production costs. T h ese p roduction costs are defrayed fo r th e state by taxes and th e taxes are raised by the work of the nation. T h u s in an economic sense it rem ains an enigm a how any king can give anything to a nation. First of all, th e people have to p rod u ce w eapons and give th e weapons to th e king, in o rd e r to obtain weapons from the king. In all cases, the king can only give what is given to him . T h a t is the position in an economic sense. It so h appens, how ever, that constitutional kings arise exactly at those m om ents when people find the clue to this economic secret. T h e re fo re the initial causes fo r th e overthrow of the kings by the grace of God have always been questions of taxation. It is th e sam e in Prussia. Even the immaterial goods, the privileges, which the nations allowed the kings to grant to them , w ere n o t only bestowed by them upon the kings in the first place but in o rd e r to get them back the people always had to pay in cash in blood and ringing coin. T ra c e , for exam p le, English history since the eleventh cen tu ry and you will be able to calculate p retty accurately how m any crush ed skulls and how m any pound sterling every constitutional privilege cost. H e rr P fi^ l apparently wants to take us back to the good old times of the Davenant Economic Chart^ In this ch a rt con cern in g English p ro d u c tion we read am on g o th er items: Section 1. Productive workers: kings, officers, lords, country clergym en etc. Section 2. Unproductive workers: sailors, peasants, w eavers, spinners etc. , o A ccord in g to this ch a rt section 1 produces and section 2 receives. It is in this sense that H e rr Pfuel says the king gives. Pfuels declaration shows what one expects in Berlin from th e h ero of C roatian o rd e r and freed o m . T h e most recent incidents in Berlin rem ind one of th e conflicts in Vienna on A ugust 23 between the civic militia and the people, conflicts which were also^grovoked by th e cam arilla. That August 2 3 was followed by October 5.^ *
Written by Marx on October 18. 1848 First published in the Neue R heinw he Zeitung No. 121, October 20, 1848 [Ch. Davenant,]
A n E ssay
P r in te d

according to the newspaper

Published in English for the first time

upon

th e

Probable Methods o f making a People Gainers in the

Ballance o f Trade, pp. 23, 50. ** Jellachich. Ed.

478

T h e Reforme o n the Ju n e In surrection

479

T H E R E F O R M E O N T H E JU N E IN S U R R E C T IO N

Paris. W hen on Ju n e 2 9 th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung was th e only E u rop ean new spaper, with th e exception of th e English Northern Star, which had th e co u rag e and th e discernm ent to give a tru e appreciation of the Ju n e revolution, it was not refuted but denounced. T h e facts have subsequently confirm ed o u r interpretation even for th e weakest eye as long as interest has not entirely destroyed the eyesight. A t that time th e French press, too, disgraced itself. T h e resolute Paris newspapers w ere suppressed. T h e Reforme, the only radical new spaper which Cavaignac allowed to con tin u e to exist, stam m ered excuses fo r the m agnanim ous Ju n e fighters and begged th e victor to treat the conquered with some hum anity as an act of charity. T h e beggar, of cou rse, was n ot listened to. It took first the com plete course of the Ju n e victory, the m onths-long diatribes of the provincial newspapers which were not fettered by the state o f siege and th e obvious resu rrection of th e T h iers party*'^ to bring the Reforme to its senses. On the occasion of the am nesty p roject of th e extre m e L e ft, it rem arked in its issue of O ctob er 18:
T h e people did not punish anybody when they descended from the barricades. T h e people! In those days it was the ruler, the sovereign and the victor. One kissed its feet and hands, saluted its tunic and acclaimed its noble sentiments. And rightly so. It was magnanimous. Today the people has its children and brothers in the dungeons, on the galleys and before courts martial. A fter hunger had exhausted its patience, after it had seen a
See this volum e, pp. 144 and 147-49. Ed.

whole crowd of ambitious people whom it had picked out of the gutter, calmly walk by and ascend to palaces, after it had for three long months put its trust in the republic, it finally lost its head in the midst of its starving children and slowly dying fathers and plunged into battle. Tt has paid dearly. Its sons have dropped under a hail of bullets and those who remained were divided into two parts. One part was thrown to the courts martial, the other was packed up for deportation without investigation, without the right of defence and without a verdict! This method is strange for any land, even for the land of the Kabyles. Never during its twenty years existence did the monarchy dare to do anything similar. In those days the journals that speculate in dynasties arrived inebriated by the corpses smell, boldly and immediately ready to insult the dead (cf. the Kolnische Zeitung of June 29) spewing forth calumnies of odious malice, drawing and quartering the honour of the people before the judicial investigation and dragging the vanquished, the dead and the living, before special courts. They denounced them to the destructive fury of the national guard and the army and turned themselves into agents for the hangmen and servants of the pillory. These lackeys o f insane desires for vengeance invented crimes; they exacerbated our misfortune and they perfected the insult and the lie! (Cf. the Neue Rheinische Zeitung of July 1 concerning the French CoTWJitulionnei, the Belgian Independance and the Kolnische Zeitung.^) T h e CoiuH(u(tonneI openly displayed gruesome mutilations and despicable atrocities. It knew very well that it was lying but that suited its business and its politics, and being businessman and diplomatist all at the same time, it sold by the crim e as elsewhere one sells by the yard. This beautiful speculation had to end some time or other. T h e contradictions poured out: not a single name of a galley convict could be found in the documents of the courts martial or the bulletins of transponation. There were no longer any means to degrade the despair, and one kept silence, having cashed in on the profit. Written by Marx about October 20, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 123, October 22, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

^ See this volum e, pp. 1 50-56 . Ed.

480

E nglish-French M ediation in Italy

481

E N G L IS H -F R E N C H M E D IA T IO N IN IT A L Y

Cologne, O ctober 2 1 . T h e English-French mediation in Italy has been given up. T h e d eath s head of diplom acy grins after every revolution and particularly after the reactions which follow every revolution. Diplomacy hides itself in its p erfum ed charnel-house as often as the th u n d er o f a new revolution rum bles. T h e Viennese revolution has blown away French-English diplom acy. Palmerston has adm itted his im potence and so has Bastide. T h e Viennese revolution, as they explain, has put an end to th e boring corresp on d en ce of these gentlem en. Bastide has officially notified of this fact Marquis Ricci, the Sardinian envoy. W hen the latter asked w hether F ran ce would u n d er certain circum stances take u p arm s in favour of Sardinia the farouche republican Bastide (of th e National) m ade a curtsy once, twice, thrice and sang:
Put trust in me and help yourselves T hen God will help you, brothers.^

F ran ce, he said, abides by the principle of non-intervention, that same principle which was fought by Bastide and the o th er gentlem en of the National for years d u rin g Guizots times. T h e respectable" F ren ch Republic would have m ade a deadly fool of itself in reg ard to this Italian question were it not above all disgrace since the portentous Ju n e. R ien pour la gloire!^say the friends of business in all circum stances. Rien pour la gloire! is the m otto of th e virtuous, the m o d erate, the
* Question italienne. Derniere phase de la mediation anglo-franfaise (Communi cation), L a Presse No. 4499, October 19, 1848. Ed. Heinrich Heine, Deutschlaiui. E in Wintermiirchen, Caput X II. Ed. Mere honour is worth nothing. Ed.

decen t, th e sedate, th e respectable, in a w ord, th e bourgeois republic. R ien pour la gloire! Lamartine was th e im aginary picture which the bourgeois republic had of itself, th e exu b eran t, fantastic, visionary conception which it had form ed of itself, the d ream of its own splendour. It is quite rem arkable what one can im agine! As Aeolus unleashed all th e winds from his bag, so L am artin e set free all spirits of th e air, all the phrases of th e bourgeois republic, and h e blew them tow ards th e east and th e west, em pty words of th e fratern ity of all nations, of the im pending em ancipation of all th e nations by F ran ce and of F ra n ce s sacrifice fo r all th e nations. H e did nothing. It was Cavatgnac w ho u n d ertook to supply the deeds co rresp on d ing to L am artin es phrases an d Bastide, his outw ard tu rn ed organ . T h ey calmly allowed th e shocking scenes in Naples, th e shocking scenes in Messina and th e shocking scenes in th e Milan region to take place before th eir very eyes.** A nd so that not the least bit of doubt should rem ain as to th e fact that th e sam e class as well as th e sam e f o r e i p policy prevail in the **respectable'" republic as u n d e r th e constitutional m on arch y, u n d er C avaignac as well as u n d e r Louis Philippe, in case of strife between nations, o ne has recou rse to th e old and eternally new m eans, the entente cordiale with England,** with th e England o f Palm erston and with th e Englan d of th e cou n ter-revolu tionary bourgeoisie. History could n ot, how ever, om it the climax, the point. Bastide, an editor of th e National, had to grasp E n glan d s hand frantically. And the entente cordiale has been th e main tru m p which the poor A nglophobe National played o ff against Guizot all hfe long. On the gravestone of th e respectable republic; will be inscribed: Bastide-Palmerston. B u t even Guizots entente cordiale has been surpassed by the respectable republicans. T h e officers of th e F ren ch fleet let them selves be treated to a banquet by the N eapolitan officers and ch eered the health of the K in g of Naples, the idiotic tiger F erd in an d , on the still sm oking ruins of Messina. Above th eir heads, how ever, the phrases of Lamartine w ere evaporating.
Written by Marx on October 21, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheiniscke Zeitung No. 123, October 22, 1848 Printed according ro the newspaper Published in English for the first time

482

T h e M odel Constitutional S ta te"

483

T H E M O D EL C O N S T IT U T IO N A L S T A T E

Cologne, O ctober 2 1 . W e always rev ert again, and always with renew ed satisfaction, to B elgium , o u r "model constitutional state. W e proved in a previous n u m b er o f o u r new spaper that pauperism" is "Leopolds ^eatest v a ssa r. W e showed that if the crimes of just the boys and girls u n d er 18 years o f age w ere to continue to develop spontaneously at the sam e ratio as in 1 8 4 5 -4 7 , by 1 8 5 6 all Belgium would be in gaol, the unborn children includ ed . W e proved in the sam e article that the drying up of Belgium s industrial sources o f incom e keeps in step with the grow th of pauperism and crim e (N o. 6 8 of the N eue Rheinische Zeitung).^ T o d ay we will look at the financial situation of the model state".

T h e regular budget of 1848

............................................................

119,000,000 12,000 000 25 000 000 12,000,000 168,000,000

T he first compulsory l o a n .................................................................. T he second compulsory l o a n ............................................................ Banknotes with a fixed rate o f e x c h a n g e ...................................... Total sum:

In addition banknotes with a fixed rate of exchange guaranteed by the state Total: 40,000,000 208,000,000

See this volum e, pp. 3 3 3 -3 6 .Ed

Belgium , so R ogier tells us, stands like a rock am id w orld-historic tem pests, but is not affected by them . It stands on the bed -rock o f its b ro ad institutions. T h e 2 0 8 ,0 0 0 ,0 0 0 fran cs are th e prosaic transla tion of the m iraculous pow er of those m odel institutions. C onstitu tional Belgium will not be b rough t dow n by revolutionary develop m en t. It will perish ignominiously throu gh bankruptcy. T h e liberal Belgian G overnm ent, the R ogier G overnm ent, like all liberal governm ents, is nothing but a G overn m en t of capitalists, bankers and the big bourgeoisie. W e shall see righ t away how in spite of grow ing pauperism and declining industry, it does not disdain the m ost cu n n ing m eans to exploit ever anew the en tire nation fo r the benefit o f th e bank barons. T h e second loan listed in the above com pilation, has been chiefly w rested fro m the Parliam ent by the assurance that government bonds w ere to be red eem ed . T h ese governm ent bonds had been issued u n d er th e Catholic de Theux G overnm ent by th e C atholic Finance M inister MaloiL T h ese w ere the govern m en t bonds issued against voluntary loans m ade to the state by a few financial barons. T h ey constituted th e m ain them e, the inexhaustible them e of th e howling diatribes which o u r R ogier and his liberal accom plices directed against the de T h e u x G overnm ent. A nd what does the liberal G overnm ent p roceed to d o? It announces in the Monitewr Belgium has its Moniteur a new issue of govern m en t bonds at 5 p er cent. W h at shamelessness to issue g overn m en t bonds a fte r a com pulsory loan of 2 5 ,0 0 0 ,0 0 0 francs has been obtained surreptitiously solely u n d er the p retext that the so m uch maligned govern m en t bonds issued by M alou w ere to be red eem ed ! B u t that is not all. T h e govern m en t bonds are issued at 5 p er cen t. Belgian securities, which are also guaranteed by the state, yield an interest of 7 and 8 p er cent. W ho then will put his m oney into govern m en t bonds? And besides, the situation of the country in general and th e com pulsory loans have left few who are able to m ake voluntary loans to the state. W h at then is the purpose of this new issue of govern m en t bonds? T h e banks have not yet been able by far to put into circulation all the notes with a legally fixed rate o f exch an g e which th e liberal G overnm ent had authorised them to issue. T h e re are in their portfolios still several million of these useless securities which naturally yield nothing as long as they rem ain herm etically sealed in the portfohos. Is th ere a better way of putting these securities into circulation than to give them to the state in exch an ge fo r governm ent bonds which yield 5 p er cent?

484

A rticles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

485

T h u s th e bank draw s 5 p er cent on several million scraps o f p ap er which have not cost it anything and which only have an exch an ge value at all because the state has given them an exch an g e value. T h e taxable Belgian masses will find in the n ext b udget a deficit of an additional several h u ndred thousand fran cs which they will be in duty bound to raise, all fo r the benefit of th e poor. bank. Is it surprising that th e Belgian financial barons find the co n stitutional m on arch y m o re lucrative than the republic? T h e C ath olic G overnm ent cherished and p rotected prim arily the holiest, i.e. the material, interests of the landlords. T h e liberal G overnm ent looks with equally ten d er care after the interests of the landlords, the financial barons and the co u rt lackeys. Is it any w onder that u n d er its skilful direction these so-called parties, which equally voraciously pounce upon the national wealth, o r ra th e r in the case of Belgium , upon the national poverty, and which on such occasions sometim es q u arrel am ongst them selves, now, fully reconciliated, fall into each o th e rs arm s and fo rm only o ne big party: th e national party ?
Written by Marx on October 21, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung ~No. 123, October 22, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

P U B L IC P R O S E C U T O R H E C K E R AN D T H E N E U E R H E I N I S C H E ZEITUNG^^'

Cologne, O ctob er 2 8 . N o. 116 of th e Netie Rheinische Zeitung carried in the feuilleton section, i.e. outside th e political p a rt o f the new spaper, " A Word to the German Peopled signed Hecker". This "historical docum enf was printed by a nu m b er o f G erm an newspa pers before th e N eue Rheinische Zeitung printed it. O th er G erm an new spapers, R henish-Prussian and old-Prussian not exclu d ed , c a r ried it later. Even the Kolnische Zeitung possessed en ou gh historical sense to print th e proclam ation of Struve and likewise th at of F u ad Effendi.** W e d o n ot know w hether th e laurels of th e republican H eck er did not let Public P ro secu tor H eck er sleep in peace. W as th e astonished world to learn that th e G erm an revolution had been twice beaten by the flight of the republican H eck er to New Y o rk and th e p resen ce of the Public P ro secu tor H eck er in C ologne? It can n o t be denied. Posterity will see in these two giant figures the d ram atic synopsis of th e contradictions o f the m o d ern m ovem ent. A fu tu re Goethe will unite them in a Faust W e shall leave it to him to which H eck er he wants to assign the role of Faust and to which that o f W agner. In short. T h e fantastic farewell address of the republican H eck er was followed by th e no less fantastic case of Public Prosecu tor H ecker. O r a re we mistaken? Does H eck er, the Public P ro secu tor, believe that the word to the German people is the p ro d u ct of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung itself, that this new spaper with its inventive maliciousness has signed its own proclam ation H eck er in o rd e r to m ake th e G erm an people believe that H eck er, the Public Prosecutor, is em igrating to New Y o rk , that H eck er, the Public Prosecutor, proclaim s the G erm an republic, that H eck er, the Public P rosecu tor, officially sanctions pious revolutionary wishes?

486

A rticles from th e N ew Rheiniscfu Zeitung

Public Prosecutor H eck er and th e New Rheinische Zeitung

487

Such a trick was credible because th e d ocum en t rep ro d u ced in the supplem ent to No. 1 1 6 o f the N eue Rheinische Zeitung is not signed Friedrich H ecker but tout bonnement H eck er . A H eck er w ithout flourishes, a simple H ecker! A nd does not G erm any p>ossess a twofold H ecker? A nd w ho o f th e two is th e simple H eck er ? In any case, this simplicity rem ains am biguous and, in o u r opinion, em barrassing fo r the N eue Rheinische Zeitung. B e that as it m ay, H e rr H eck er, th e Public P rosecu tor, apparently viewed the word to the German people as a product o f th e Neu Rheinische Zeitung. H e saw in it a direct appeal to overthrow the Government, high treason in its m ost developed form o r at the very least com plicity in high treason which accord in g to th e Code penal^^^ constitutes sim ple high treason. T h u s H e rr H eck er requested th e exam in ing m agistrate to as sume* not that the undersigned responsible publisher, b u t that the editor-in-chief, K arl Marx, is guilty of high treason. B u t to assum e som ebody guilty of high treason m eans in o th er w ords to put him into prison fo r the tim e being and to punish him until fu rth e r notice with detention pending investigation. W e a re dealing h ere with the .im position of solitary confinem ent. T h e exam in in g m agistrate refused to do this. O nce H e rr H eck er has conceived of an idea, he pursues his idea. T o constitute the editor-in-chief o f the Neu Rheinische Zeitung becam e a fixed idea fo r him just as th e n am e of H e ck e r u n d ern eath th e farewell ad d ress was fo r him fictitious. H ence he turned to th e C ouncil C h am b er. T h e Council C h am b er declined. H e went fro m th e C ouncil C h am b er to th e Senate of A ppeal. T h e Senate of A ppeal refused to becom e involved. H e rr H eck er, th e Public P rosecu tor, how ever, did n ot give u p his fixed idea to constitute , always in the above sense, the editor-in-chief of the N eue Rheinische Zeitung, K arl Marx. As one can see, the ideas of the Public P ro secu tors office are not speculative ideas in the H egelian sense. T h ey a re ideas in th e K antian sense, notions of practical reason. K arl M arx could never be direcdy accu sed o f high treason, even if th e printing of revolutionary facts o r proclam ations constituted a new spaper guilty o f high treason. In the first place, one had to ch arg e the one who had signed the new spaper, especi^ly in this case, w here the d ocu m en t in question ap p eared in the feuilleton section. W h at else could one do? O n e idea leads to an oth er. O ne could cite Karl Marx, u n d er A rticle 6 0 of the Code penal, as an
K o rff. d.

accom plice to th e crim e allegedly com m itted by th e responsible publisher. O ne can also cite him , if o ne wants to, as an accom plice o f that declaration even if it was printed in the Kdlnische Zeitung. H en ce K arl M arx received a sum m ons from th e exam in in g m agistrate. H e ap p eared and his evidence was taken dow n. T h e com positors w ere, as far as we know, sum m oned as witnesses, the p ro o f-re a d e r was sum m oned as a witness and th e ow n er of the printshop was sum m oned as a witness. Finally, thou gh , th e responsible publisher w a.& invited as a witness. W e d o n ot understand th e last sum m ons. Is the alleged a u th o r supposed to b ear witness against his accom plice? So that nothing is om itted fro m o u r n arrative: a police raid was conducted against the office o f th e N eue Rheinische Zeitung. H eck er, the Public P rosecu tor, has surpassed H eck er, the republican. T h e o ne accom plishes rebellious facts and issues rebellious proclam ations. T h e o th er, despite every relu ctan ce, erases facts fro m th e m em oirs of co n tem p o rary history, fro m the newspapers. H e m akes w hat has happened n ot to have happ>ened. If the bad press rep o rts revolutionary facts and proclam ations, it com m its twofold high treason. It is a m oral accom plice since it only rep o rts th e rebellious facts because it is inwardly titr a te d by them . It is an accom plice in the ord in ary juridical sense; by rep o rtin g, it dissem inates, and by dissem inating, it tu rn s itself into a tool o f the rebellion. It will, th erefo re, be con stitu ted on both counts and will thus enjoy the fruits o f th e constitution . T h e good p ress, by con trast, will have th e m onopoly to re p o rt o r not to re p o rt, to falsify o r not to falsify revolutionary docum ents and facts. Radetzky has m ade use o f this th eo ry by prohibiting the M ilanese new spapers to re p o rt the V iennese facts and proclam ations. T h e Milanese News paper, ^ on th e o th e r han d , re p o rte d in place o f th e g reat V iennese revolution a small V iennese riot especially com posed by Radetzky. It is ru m o u red that an insurrection has nonetheless broken out in Milan. H e rr H eck er, th e Public P rosecu tor, is, as everybody knows, a contributor to th e N eue Rheinische Zeitung}' As o u r con trib u tor we forgive him m uch e x ce p t the sin against the unholy spirit o f o u r new spaper. And he com m its this sin by tran sform in g, with a lack of critical faculty u n h eard of in a con trib u tor to the N eue Rheinische Zeitung, th e proclam ation of H eck er the fugitive into th e p roclam a tion of the N eue Rheinische Zeitung. Fried rich H eck er adopts a
* Gazzetta di Milano . Ed. See this volume, p. 186.- -Ed

488

A rticles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

Public Prosecutor H eck er and th e Netu Rheinische Zeitung

489

passionate attitude and the Neue Rheinische Zeitung a critical attitude tow ards th e m ovem ent. Friedrich H eck er expects everything from the m agic influence o f single personalities. W e exp>ect everything from the collisions which arise from th e econ om ic conditions. Friedrich H eck er travels to th e U nited States in o rd e r to study the republic. T h e N eue Rheinische Zeitung finds that the grandiose class struggles which are taking place in the French Republic a re m o re interesting subjects o f study than those in a republic in which in the west class struggles do not. yet exist and in the east m ove only within the old quiet English form s. F o r Fried rich H ecker social questions are consequences o f political struggles, fo r the N eue Rheinische Zeitung political struggles are m erely the m anifestations o f social collisions. F ried rich H eck er could be a good tricolou r republican. T h e actual opposition o f th e N eue Rheinische Zeitung only begins with the tricolou r republic. How, fo r exam p le, could the N eue Rheinische Zeitung, without com pletely rep ud iating its past, have called upon th e G erm an people to
rally around the men who hold high the banner of popular sovereignty and who guard it faithfully, the men o f the extreme L ett in Frankfurt am Main; join firmly by word and deed the brave leaders of the republican rising.

W e have repeatedly declared that we are not a parliam en tary new spaper and that we do not hesitate, th erefo re, from time to time 'to draw the w rath o f even the extrem e L eft o f B erlin and Fran k fu rt upon o u r heads. W e have called upK)n the gentlem en of F ran k fu rt to join the people, we have never called upon the people to join the gentlem en of F ran k fu rt. A nd the brave leaders of the republican rising , w here are they and w ho a re they? H eck er is, as is well known, in A m erica, Struve is in prison. Is it Herwegh"? T h e editors of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, in p articu lar Karl M arx, have at public m eetings decisively opposed H erw eghs initiative*^ in Paris without fearin g th e ill favour of the excited masses. T h ey w ere, th erefore, duly mistruisted at that time (com p are the Deutsche Volkszeitun^^^ am on g others) by Utopians vi/ho mistook them selves fo r revolutionaries. A re we supposed to join the people o f the opposite opinion now that events have repeatedly confirm ed o u r predictions? B u t let us be just. H e rr H eck er, the Public P rosecu tor, is still a young con trib u tor to o u r new spaper. T h e novice in politics just as the novice in n atural science resem bles that p ain ter w ho knows only two colours, white and black, or, if you p refer, black-white and red. T h e fin er differences within each especerevccd them selves only to the skilled and exp erien ced eye. A nd besides, was H e rr H eck er not dom inated by the fixed idea to constitute Karl M arx, the

editor-in-chief of th e N eue Rheinische Zeitung, a fixed idea which m elted in the p u rgato ry n eith er of the Investigating C ou rt, n o r of the Council C h am b er, n o r of the Senate o f A ppeal; h en ce it must be a fire-p roo f fixed idea. T h e greatest achievem ent of th e M arch revolution is unquestion ably, to use the words of B ru tu s B asserm ann , the rule of the m ost noble and best and th eir rap id rise on th e scale o f pow er. W e hope th erefo re that the m erits of Public P ro secu tor Hecker, o u r esteem ed contributor, will also carry him to the heights o f th e states O lympus, as the snow-white doves which w ere harnessed to th e ch ariot of A p h rodite, carried h er with lightning speed to Olympus. As everybody knows, o u r G overnm ent is constitutional. Pfuel is full of enthusiasm fo r constitutionalism. It is the custom in constitutional states to pay close attention to th e recom m endations of opposition newspapers. W e are th erefo re m oving on constitutional grounds when we advise th e G overnm ent to award to o u r H eck er the vacant position of C hief Public Prosecutor of Diisseldorf. Public Prosecu tor Ammon of D usseldorf, who, as far as we know, has not yet earn ed a life-saving m edal fo r his services to th e fath erlan d , will not hesitate fo r o ne m om ent to dictate reverential silence to his own possible claim s in view of th e h igh er m erits. If, how ever, H e rr Heimsoeth should becom e M inister of Justice, as we hope h e will, we will recom m en d H e rr H eck er as Attorney General. W e e x p e ct still bigger things fo r H e rr H eck er. H e rr H eck er is still young. A n d as the Russians say: th e T s a r is g reat, G od is g re a te r still, but the T sar still young.
Written by Marx on October 28, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung'No. 129, October 29, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for^the first time

490

A ppeal o f th e D em ocratic C ongress to th e G erm an P eople

491

before it is too late! Save the freedom o f Vienna. Save the freedom of Germany. The present generation will admire you, posterity will reward you with immortal glory! October 29, 1848

A P P E A L O F T H E D E M O C R A T IC C O N G RESS T O T H E G ER M A N P E O P L E ^22

T h e D em ocra tic CoagreaB in B erlin

Cologne, N ovem ber 2. W e give below th e appeal o f th e D em ocra tic C on gress*^^:

TO THE GERMAN PEOPLE!

During long humiliating years, the German people groaned under the yoke of despotism. T h e bloody deeds of Vienna and Berlin justified the hope that its freedom and unity would be realised at one blow. T he diabolical cunning o f an execrable reaction balked this development, thus cheating the heroic people of the fruits of its grandiose insurrection. Vienna, a main bulwark of German freedom, finds itself at the moment in the greatest danger. Sacrificed by the intrigues of a still powerful camarilla, it was to be delivered again to the fetters of despotism. But its noble population rose as one man and opposes the armed hordes of its oppressors resolute unto death. The cause of Vienna is the cause o f Germany and the cause o f freedom. With the fall of Vienna, the old tyranny will raise its banner higher than ever, Viennas victory would mean its destruction. It is up to us, German brothers, not to allow Viennas freedom to perish and not to sacrifice it to the fortune o f war of barbaric hordes. It is the most sacred duty of the German governments to rush to the aid of their hard pressed sister city with all their influence. It is, however, at the same time also the most sacred duty o f the German peoplein the interest o f its freedom and in the interest of its self-preservation to make every sacrifice for the salvation of Vienna. T he German people must never draw upon itself the humiliation of blunt indifference when the most precious things, when everything is at stake. Therefore we ask you, brothers, to contribute, each according to his strength, to save Vienna from perdition. What we are doing for Vienna, we are doing for Germany. It is up to you to help! T h e men whom you have sent to Frankfurt in order to establish freedom have rejected the request to help Vienna with derision. It is up to you now to act! With your powerful and unshakeable energy, demand from your governments that thay submit to your majority and save the German cause and the cause of freedom in Vienna. Hurry! You are the power, your will is law! Arise, ye men of freedom, arise in all German lands and wherever else the thought of freedom and humanity inflames noble hearts! Arise,

In this appeal lack o f revolutionary en ergy is replaced by serm onising, wailing and ranting*^ behind which hides the most decided lack of th ou gh t and passion. Ju st a few samples! T h e appeal exp>ected of th e V ienna and Berlin M arch revolutions the realisation o f th e unity and fre e d o m of th e G erm an people at one blow. In o th er w ords: th e appeal d ream ed o f one which would re n d e r th e development of th e G erm an people towards unity and freed o m superfluous. Im m ediately th ereafter, how ever, th e fantastic on e blow which replaces th e d evelopm ent is tran sform ed into a development w hich was balkedby the reaction . A phrase which red u ces itself to nothing! W e are disregard in g th e m on oton ous repetition o f th e basic them e: V ienna is in d an g er and with V ienna G erm anys freed om . H elp V ienna and you will help yourselves! T h is th ou gh t has n ot been given flesh and blood. This one phrase is w rapped aro u n d itself so m any times until it has been extend ed into a piece of o rato ry . W e m erely observe that artificial, insincere ran tin g d w ays lapses into this clumsy rhetoric.
It is up to us, German brothers, not to allow Viennas freedom to perish and not to sacrifice it to the fortune of war o f barbaric hordes.

A n d how a re we to d o this? First of all, by an appeal to th e sense o f duty of th e German governments . C est incroyable!^
It is the tnoit sacred duty o f the GeTman governments to rush to the aid of their hard pressed sister city with all their influence.

Is th e Prussian G overnm ent supposed to send W rangel o r Colom b o r the P rince of Prussia against A u ersp erg, Jellachich an d W indischgratz? Did the Democratic^' C ongress have the righ t to assume fo r o n e m o m en t this childish and conservative attitude to the G erm an governm ents? Did it have th e righ t to sep arate fo r one m om en t th e cause and th e m ost sacred interests o f th e G erm an governm ents from th e cause and the interests of C roatian o rd e r and fre e d o m ? T h e govern m en ts will smile in self-satisfaction at this virginal enthusiasm .
T h a t is incredible! Ed.

492

A rticles fro m the Neue Rheiniscke Zeitung

493

A nd the people? T h e people are exh orted in general to m ake every sacrifice fo r the salvation o f V ien n a . Finel T h e j>eople , how ever, exp ect p articu lar dem ands o f th e D em ocratic C ongress. W h oever dem ands everything, dem ands noth in g and obtains nothing. T h u s the particular dem an d , the whole point is:
With your powerful and unshakeable energy, demand from your governments that they submit to your majority and save the German cause and the cause of freedom in Vienna. Hurry! You are the power, your will is lawl A rise!

T H E PA R IS R E F O R M E O N T H E S IT U A T IO N IN F R A N C E *25

L et us assum e that g reat popu lar dem onstrations succeed in com pelling the governm ents to take steps in a sem i-official way fo r the salvation of V ienna; we would be blessed with a second edition of Steins A rm y O rd e r . T h e very idea of using th e p resen t G erm an govern m en ts as saviours o f -freedom as if in carryin g out imperial punitive measures they w ere n ot fulfilling th eir tru e calling and th eir m ost sacred duties as th e Gabriels of constitutional freed o m . T h e D em ocratic C on gress had to be silent about the G erm an governm ents o r it had to reveal unsparingly their conspiracy with Olmiitz and Petersburg. Even though the appeal recom m en d s speed a n d th e re is indeed n o tim e to lose, the hum anistic phraseology carries it beyond the b orders of G erm any and beyond every geographical bou n d ary into the cosm opolitan, misty land of noble h earts in general.
Hurryl Arise, ye men o f freedom, arise in all German lands and wherever else the thought of freedom and humanity inflames noble hearts!

Cologne, N ovem ber 2. Even before th e Ju n e uprising we repeatedly exp osed the illusions of the republicans w ho cling to the traditions of 1 7 9 3 , the republicans o f th e Reforme (of Paris). T h e Ju n e revo lution and th e m ovem en t to which it gave rise a re com pelling the utopian republicans gradually to open their eyes. A leading article in the Reforme fo r O ctober 2 9 reveals the struggle going on within th e party between its old delusions and the new facts. T h e Reforme says:
In our country the fights waged to seize the reins of government have long been class wars, struggles of the bourgeoisie and the people against the nobility when the First Republic came into being; the sacrifices o f the armed people without, and rule of the bourgeoisie within during the Empire; the attempts to restore feudalism under the older branch o f the Bourbons; finally, in 1830, the triumph and rule o f the bour geoisiethat is our history.

W e do not doubt that th ere are such h earts even in Lapland. In G erm any and wherever elsel B y evaporatin g into this p u re and indefinite phrase th e ap p eal has gained its tru e expression. It rem ains unforgivable that th e D em ocratic C on g ress co u n ter signed such a docu m ent. N either will th e p resen t generation adm ire it fo r this n o r will posterity rew ard it with im m ortal g lory . L e t us h op e that the people, in spite of the appeal o f the D em ocratic C ongress , will awaken from its lethargy and that it will aid th e V iennese in the only way it is still able to do at this m om ent, by d efeatin g the cou nter-revolution at hom e.
Written by Marx on November 2, 1848 First published in the N ew Rheinische Zeitung N o. 133, November 3, 1848 * T h e Austrian Emperor and his Ministers fled to Olmutz (Olomout) during tl>p uprising in Vienna. Ed. Printed according to the newspaper

T h e Reforme adds with a sigh:

W e certainly regret that we have to speak o f classes, of ungodly and hateful divergences, but these divergences exist and we cannot overlook this fact.

T h a t is to say: u p to now th e Reforme in its republican optimism saw only citoyens, but it has been so h ard pressed by history that the splitting up of th e citoyens into bourgeois a n d proletaires"can no lon ger be dismissed by any effo rt of imagination. T h e Reforme co n tin u es:
T h e desfjotism of the bourgeoisie was broken in February. What did the people demand? Justice for all and equality. T hat was its primary slogan, its primary desire. T he wishes o f the bourgeoisie, whose eyes had been opened by the flash of lightning, were at first the same as those of the people.

494

A rticles from th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung

T h e Paris Reforme o n th e Situation in France

495

T h e Reforme still judges the February revolution by the speeches m ade du rin g that m on th . T h e despotism of th e bourgeoisie, far fro m having been broken d u rin g the Feb ruary re v o lu tio n /w a s com pleted by it. T h e C row n, the last feudal halo, which concealed the rule o f the bourgeoisie, was cast aside. T h e rule o f capital em erged undisguised. Bourgeoisie and p roletariat fou gh t against a com m on enem y d u rin g the F eb ru ary revolution. As soon as the com m on enem y was elim inated, the two hostile classes held th e field o f batde alone and the decisive struggle betw een them was bound to begin. People m ay ask, why did the bourgeoisie fall back into royalism, if th e Feb ru ary revolution b rought bourgeois ru le to its com pletion? T h e explanation is quite simple. T h e bourgeoisie would have liked to re tu rn to the period w hen it ruled w ithout being responsible fo r its rule; when a p u p pet authority standing between the bourgeoisie and th e people had to act fo r it and to serve it as a cloak. A p eriod when it had, as it w ere, a crow ned scapegoat, which the proletariat hit w henever it aim ed at the bourgeoisie, and against which the bourgeoisie could join forces with the proletariat w henever th at scapegoat becam e troublesom e and attem p ted to establish i e lf as an auth ority in its own right. T h e bourgeoisie could use th e K ing as a kind o f lightn in g-con ductor protectin g it fro m the people, and the people as a lig h tn in g< o n d u cto r p rotectin g it from the King. Sm ce the illusions, som e of them hypocritical, som e honestly held, which becam e w idespread im m ediately a fter the d efeat of Louis Philippe, are mistakenly accep ted by the Reforme as facts, the developm ents following those days in Feb ruary ap p ear to it as a series of e rro rs, awkward accidents, that a g re a t m an adequate to th e needs o f the m om en t could have avoided. As thou gh L am artin e, that delusive light, had not been the tru e m an o f the m om ent! T h e Reforme bem oans the fact that the tru e m an , the g re a t m an, has not yet ap p eared , and the situation gets w orse every day.
On the one hand the industrial and commercial crisis grows; on the other hand hatred grows and all strive towards contradictory goals. Those who were oppressedbefore February 24 seek their ideal of happiness and freedom in the conception of an entirely new society. T h e only concern of those who governed under the monarchy is to regain their realm in order to exploit it with redoubled harshness.

m ode o f m aterial p roduction and the conditions of co m m erce resulting from it. T h e Reforme knows n o b etter way of ch an gin g and abolishing these contradictions than to d isregard th eir real basis, that is these very m aterial conditions, and to withdraw into th e hazy blue heaven o f republican ideology, in o th e r w ords, into th e poetic Feb ru ary period , fro m which it was violently ejected by th e Ju n e events. It writes:
T h e saddest aspect o f these internal dissensions is the obliteradon, the loss of patriotic, national sentiments,

i.e. of just that patriotic and national enthusiasm which enabled both classes to veil th eir distinct interests, their conditions o f life. W hen they did that in 1 7 8 9 , their real contradictions w ere not yet developed. W h at at that time was an adequate expression of the real position, is today m erely an escape fro m th e existing situation. W hat had substance th en , is today just a relic.
France, condudes the Reforme, evidently suffers from a deep-seated malady, but it is curable. It is caused by a confusion of ideas and morals, by a neglect of justice and equality in social relations, and by depravity resulting from egoistical teaching. T h e means for reorganisation must be sought in this sphere. Instead people have recourse to material means."

T h e Reforme presents th e whole case as a m atter o f con scien ce , and m o ral twaddle is then used as a m eans to solve everything. T h e antithesis of bourgeoisie and proletariat accordingly derives from the ideas of these two classes. A n d w here d o these ideas derive from ? F ro m th e social relations. A nd w here d o these relations derive from ? F ro m th e m aterial, econom ic conditions o f life o f th e hostile classes. A cco rd in g to the Reforme, if th e two classes a re no longer conscious of th eir real position and th eir real contradictions, and becom e intoxicated with the opium of the p atriotic sentim ents and phrases of 1 7 9 3 , then th eir difficulties will be solved. W h at an admission of helplessness!
Written by Marx on November 2, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung'No. 133, November 3, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

Now what is the attitude of the Reforme tow ards these sharply antagonistic classes? Does it realise even vaguely that class co n trad ic tions and class struggle will d isappear only with the d isappearance of classes? No. Ju st now it adm itted that class contradictions exist. B u t class contradictions are based on econom ic foundations, on the existing

496

T h e V iennese Revolution and th e Kolnische Zeitung

497

[T H E V IE N N E S E R E V O L U T IO N AN D T H E K O L N I S C H E Z E IT U N G ]

Cologne, N ovem ber 3. O u r read ers have never indulged in utopian hopes in reg ard to Vienna. A fter th e J u n e revoludon, we believed in every baseness o f th e bou rgeoisie. W e said im m ediately in th e first issue o f th e Netie Rheinische Z eitungw hen it reap p eared a fte r th e state o f siege: T h e bourgeoisies distrust o f th e w orking class threaten s, if not to wreck the revolution, at least to hamper its developm ent. H ow ever that may be, the repercussions of this revolution in H un gary, Italy and G erm any foiled the en tire plan o f cam paign devised by th e cou n ter-revolu tion . W e would th erefo re not be surprised by a defeat of V ienna. W e would only find ourselves called upon to break o ff any negotiation with the bourgeoisie which m easures freed om by the freedom to trade and we would w ithout conciliation and w ithout accom m odation oppose th e m iserable G erm an m iddle class which gladly relinquishes its own rule on condition that it m ay continue to trad e without a figh t T h e English and F ren ch bourgeoisie is ambitious; th e infam y of the G erm an bourgeoisie would be con firm ed by V iennas defeat. T h u s: at n o tim e have we vouched fop the victory of th e V iennese. T h e ir defeat would n ot com e as a surprise to us. It would only convince us that no peace with the bourgeoisie is possible, not even fo r the period o f transition, and that the people m ust rem ain indifferent in the batdes between th e bourgeoisie and the G overnm ent and must wait fo r their victories o r defeats in o rd e r to exploit them . O nce again: o u r read ers have only to consult o u r back issues in o rd e r to satisfy them selves that n either th e victory n o r the d efeat of the Viennese can surprise us.
See this volum e, p. 4 5 7 . Ed.

W h at does surprise us, how ever, is the latest special edition of the Kolnische Zeitung. Does the G overnm ent deliberately spread false ru m o u rs about V ienna in o rd e r to calm th e excitem en t in B erlin and th e provinces? Does Dumont pay th e Prussian state telegraph so that he, D um ont, receives news fro m th e B erlin and B reslau m orning papers which do not reach the bad press ? A n d w hence did D um ont get his telegraphic d isp atch this m orn in g, which we did not receive? H as Birk from T r ie r, a m ere cip h er who has replaced W ittgenstein, been engaged as ed ito r by D um ont? W e d o not believe it. F o r even a B riiggem an n , a W olfers, a Schwanbeck, all that is still n o B irk W e doubt that D um ont has engaged such a nonentity. T od ay at 6 p. m ., Dumont, w ho lied away the F eb ru ary and M arch revolutions, carries am on g his first rep o rts once again a tele g ra p h ic re p o rt accord in g to which V ienna has su rren d ered to th e W endish itch , the W indischgratz. It is possible. B u t th e possibilities of the o n ce blood-dripping B ru g g e m a n n ,^ th e ex-co rresp o n d en t of the old Rheinische Zeitung, this w orthy whose views always go han d in hand with the exchange v a lu i' o f views in general, his possibilities a re based upon the Preussische Staats-Anzeiger and th e Breslauer Zeitung. T h e tales of 'Briiggem ann o r of th e Kolnische Zeitung c o n cer n in g the February, March and October revolutions will o ffe r th eir peculiar contribution to history. Now we shall give th e rep o rts which re p o rt nothing. ^ ^
Written bv Marx on November 3, 1848 First published in the second supplement to the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 133, November 3, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

* A play on the words wendische K rdtie Wendish itch and the name Windischgratz. Ed.

498

T h e L atest News fro m V ienn a, B e rlin and Paris

499

T H E L A T E S T N EW S FR O M V IE N N A , B E R L IN A N D PARIS^^s

A ustrian K o b l e n z , t h e crow ned idiot can feel the grou n d shaking beneath his feet. T h e fact that th e troop s a re led by the w orld-fam ed Sipehsalar^ Jellachich whose nam e is so g re a t that at the flash of his sabre the frightened moon hides behind the clouds and the ro a r of can n o n always points the way in which he m ust hurriedly decam p leaves n o doubt that the people of H un gary and Vienna
Horsewhip that scum into the Danube River, Go castigate that overweening rabble. Those starveling beggars, all so tired of living, T h at horde of miscreants, rogues and vagabonds, Croatian riff-raff, abject peasant hirelings, T hat vomit, spewed up by a glutted homeland For desperate ventures and for certain doom.

Cologne, N ovem ber 4 . T he outlook brightens. T h e re is n o d irect news yet fro m Vienna. B u t even accord in g to the official Prussian newspapers, it is clear that Vienna has not su rren d ered and that Windischgratz deliberately o r as a result o f a misunder standing issued to the world a fa b e telegram. T h e g o o d press, like an o rth o d o x, multilingual echo, willingly rep eated th e m essage al though It tn ed h ard to mask its malicious glee behind hypocritical m ournful phrases. Stripped o f all th eir fantastic and selfco n trad icto iy trash, the rep o rts from Silesia and B erlin bring out the followmg facts. B y O ctob er 2 9 the im perial bandits h ad obtained control only of a few suburbs. T h e rep orts received u p till now d o not show that they have gained a foothold in V ienna itself. T h e whole story o f V iennas su rren d er boils dow n to a few treasonable procla mations o f the Vienna Town Council T h e advanced gu ard o f the H u n garian arm y attacked W indischgratz on O ctober 3 0 , and was said to have been driven back. O n O ctob er 31 W indischgratz resum ed the bom bardm ent of Vienna w ithout result. His arm y is now between the V iennese and the over 8 0 ,0 0 0 -s tro n g H up garian arm y. W indischgratzs infam ous m anifestos evoked uprisings o r at least very th reaten in g m ovem ents in all provinces. Even the Czech fanatics in ^ a g u e , the neophytes of the Slovanska L ip a,*^ have aw akened from th eir wild d ream s and d eclared fo r Vienna against the im perial Schinderhannes. N ever before has th e cou nter-revolution d ared to proclaim its plans with such foolish brazenness. Even at Olmiitz^ that

L a te r rep o rts will give appalling details o f the crim es p erp etrated by C roats and o th e r knights o f law and o rd e r and constitutional freed o m . T h e E u ro p ean bourgeoisie ensconced in stock exchanges and o th e r convenient observation posts loudly acclaims the gory spectacle; th e sam e w retched bourgeoisie that broke into scream s of m oral indignation because of a few harsh acts of pop u lar justice and with a thousand voices unanim ously anathem ised the m u rd e re rs of honest L a to u r and noble Lichnowski. T h e Poles, avenging the Galician murders,^ are once m o re advancing at the head o f the liberators of V ienna, just as they m arch at the head of the Italian people and everyw here act as high-m inded generals of the revolution. T h re e ch eers fo r the Pole^. T h e B erlin camarilla, intoxicated with the blood o f V ienna, blinded by the pillars of sm oke rising from the bu rn in g suburbs, stunned by the C roats and haiduks shouts o f victory, has d ro p p ed its cloak. Peace has been restored in B erlin . Nous verrons.^ Finally, from Paris com e th e first su b terranean rum bles an n ou n c ing the earthquake that will bury th e respectable republic u n d er its own ruins. The outlook brightens.
Written by Marx on November 4, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische ZeitungN o. 135, November 5, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

Jack the Skinner, a name given to Johann Buckler, a German robber chief. Ed. T h e Czech name is Olomouc. Ed.

Ferdinand I. Ed. ^ Commander-in-chief. Ed. We shall see. Ed.

501
500

O U R B O U R G E O IS IE AND DR. N U C K E L

N EW S FR O M V IE N N A

Cologne, N ovem ber 4 . T h e news of the victory of the C roats and W ends in V ienna so en rap tu red o u r Cologne bourgeoisie that they celebrated with bottles of ch am p agn e and throu gh D r. Niickel proposed th e following fundam ental m otion at the evening session of the T ow n Council on N ovem ber 3:
T h at the Town Council is not obliged to give the workers work. That this is nothing but relief and that the daily wages o f workers employed by the city should consequently be fixed at a lower rate than the daily wages of workers employed by private masters.

Cologne, N ovem ber 5. Letters and newspapers from Vienna failed to arrive. T h e new spapers fro m Breslaif which we have received, the Allgemeine Oderzeitung th e Schlesische Zeitung and the Breslauer Zeitung, contain, properly speaking, nothing. Several Berlin morning papers of N ovem ber 3 ca rry the followmg news item , one new spaper having received it from Hietzing, the others from Vienna:
The city o f Vienna is entirely occupied by imperial troops.

A n additional reason given by D r. Niickelwa.s that it was necessary by m eans of this differential to stem th e rush o f w orkers to m unicipal em ploym ent. H e rr Boker m a n a ged with difficulty to get this question ad journed. D r. Niickelhas proclaim ed the d ogm a of the local bourgeoisie. F o r this, the w orkers owe D r. Niickel their heartfelt thanks. It was quite consistent that o u r m en of p ro perty , who so joyfully welcom ed the declaration of a state of siege in Cologne, celebrated the bombardment of Vienna and th e restoration of Croatian freedom as a victory, just as they had celebrated the refined cruelty o f the Ju n e victors.
Written by Marx on November 4, 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung'No. 135, November 5, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first lime

T h e Kdlnische Zeitung prints this re p o rt, which it received from B reslau and which "is described as reliable", and it confirm s this re p o rt by a teleg ram from B erlin , which in itself is of course reliable. L e t us leave aside the anonym ous n ote fro m Breslau"^ and proceed to the telegram printed in big letters in the Kiilnische Zeitung.'^ T h e telegram was dispatched fro m V ienna at noon on N ovem b er 1. T h e letter to D um ont, if he received th e news in writing, was sent at 8 a.m. on N ovem ber 3 , with the Berlin mail. O n the ev en in go i N ovem ber 3, this news was circulating m erely as a ru m o u r th rou g h o u t Berlin, and th e new spapers of N ovem ber 4 published on the evening of N ovem ber 3 d^ny it.

Wroclaw. Ed. ^ Breslau, 2. Nov. and Berlin, 3. Nov., Kdlnische Zeitung N o. 299 (second rdition), November 5, 1848. Ed. ' Kolnische Zeitung N o. 299 (second edition), November 5, 1848, p. \. Ed.

502

A rticles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung

503

H ence we have no news from Vienna. D um ont, w ho rep o rted the burn in g and cap tu re o f V ienna since O ctob er 6, could by way of excep tion have got hold o f the righ t fact on o ne day in the m onth.
Written by Marx on November 5, 1848 First published in the second edition o f the Neue Rheinuche Zeitung No. 135, November 5, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

T H E V IC T O R Y O F T H E C O U N T E R -R E V O L U T IO N IN V IE N N A ^ ^

Cologne, N ovem ber 6 . Croatian freedom and order won the day and celebrated this victory with arson , rap e, looting and o th e r atrocities. Vienna is in the hands of Windischgrdtz, Jellachich and Auersperg. H eca tom bs o f h um an victims are sacrificed on th e g rave o f th e aged trai to r L ato u r. T h e gloom y forecasts of o u r V ienna correspondent have com e tru e, and by now he him self may have becom e a victim o f the butchery. F o r a while we hoped V ienna could be liberated by H ungarian rein forcem en ts, and we are still in th e d ark reg ard in g th e m ove m ents of the H un garian arm y. Treachery o f every kind p rep ared the way fo r V iennas fall. T h e en tire history of th e Imperial Diet and th e Town Council since O cto b er 6 is a tale o f continuous treach ery . W h o are the people re p re sented in the Im perial Diet and th e T ow n Council? T h e bourgeoisie. A p art of th e V iennese national guard openly sided with the cam arilla from th e very beginning of th e O ctob er revolution. Tow ards th e end of th e O ctob er revolution an oth er p art of the national guard in collusion with th e im perial bandits fought against the proletariat and th e Academ ic L egion. * T o which strata do these groups of th e national guard belong? T o th e bourgeoisie.
* [Eduard von Miiller-Tellering], Wien, 21. October, Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 127, October 27. 1848.

504

A rtides fro m th e N ew Rheinische Zeitung

T h e V ictory o f th e C ounter-R evolution in Vienna

505

T h e bourgeoisie in France, how ever, th e counter-revolution only after it had broken down all obstacles to the rule of its own class. T h e bourgeoisie in Germany m eekly joins the retinue o f th e absolute m o n arch y and o f feudalism b efo re securing even the first conditions of existence necessary fo r its own civic freed o m and its rule. In F ra n ce it played th e p art o f a tyran t and m ade its own co u n ter revolution. In G erm any it acts like a slave and carries out the counter-revolution fo r its own tyrants. In F ran ce it won its victory in o rd e r to hum ble the people. In G erm any it hum bled itself to prevent the victory of th e people. History presents no m ore shameful and pitiful spectacle than that of the German bourgeoisie. W h o fled from V ienna in large num bers leaving their wealth to be watched over by the m agnanim ous people, the people w hom , in rew ard for their w atchm ans duties, they maligned while away and whose m assacre they witnessed on th eir retu rn ? T h e bourgeoisie. W hose innerm ost secrets w ere revealed by the th erm o m eter which dropped w henever th e people o f V ienna showed signs of life, and rose w henever the people w ere in the throes o f d eath ? W h o used the runic language of th e stock exchange quotations? T h e bourgeoisie. T h e G erm an National Assembly and its C entral A u th ority have betrayed Vienna. W hom do they represent? Mainly th e bourgeoisie. T h e victory of C roatian o rd e r and freed o m in V ienna d e pended on the victory of th e respectable republic in Paris. W ho won the day in Ju n e? T h e bourgeoisie. E u rop ean counter-revolution began its orgies with its victory in Paris. In February and M arch arm ed force was beaten everyw here. W hy? B ecause it rep resented only the governments. A fte r Ju n e it was everyw here victorious because the bourgeoisie everyw here had com e to a secret understanding with it, while retaining official leadership o f the revolutionary m ovem ent and introd ucing all those half m eas u res which by the very n atu re o f things w ere bound to m iscarry. T h e national fanaticism o f the Czechs was th e most powerful instrum ent of th e Viennese cam arilla. The allies are already at loggerheads. In this issue o u r read ers will find the protest of the Prague delegation against the insolent rudeness with which it was greeted in Olmutz.
T h e Czech nam e is O lom ouc. Ed.

This is th e first symptom of the struggle which will break out between the Slav party and i<5 hero Jellachich on the one hand, and the party of nothing but die camarilla, which stands above all nationality, and its hero Windischgrdtz on the other. M oreover th e G erm an peasants in Austria are not yet pacified. T h e ir voice will be loudly heard above the caterw auling of th e A ustrian nationalities. A nd from a third q u arter the voice of th e T sa r, the friend of th e people, reaches as fa r as Pest; his executioners are waiting for th e word of com m and in the D anube principalities. Finally, the last decision of th e G erm an National Assembly at Fran k fu rt, which incorporates G erm an A ustria into th e G erm an E m p ire, should lead to a gigantic conflict, unless th e G erm an Central A uthority and the G erm an National Assembly see it as th eir task to en ter th e aren a in o rd e r to be hissed off th e stage by the E u rop ean public. F o r all th eir pious resignation the struggle in A ustria will assume gigantic dim ensions such as world history has never yet witnessed. T h e second act of the d ram a has just been p erfo rm ed in Vienna, its first act having been staged in Paris u n d e r th e title of T h e Ju n e Days. In Paris th e mobile guard,**** in V ienna C ro ats in both cases lazzaroni, lum penproletariat hired and arm ed were used against the w orking and thinking proletarians. W e shall soon see th e third act p erform ed in Berlin. Assum ing that arms will enable the counter-revolution to establish itself in the whole of E u ro p e , money would then kill it in the whole of E u ro p e. E u rop ean bankruptcy, national bankruptcy would be th e fate nullifying the victory. Bayonets crum ble like tin d er when they com e into con tact with th e salient eco n om ic facts. B u t developm ents will not wait for th e expiry of the bills of exch an g e draw n by the E u rop ean states on E u rop ean society. T h e crushing counterblow of the Ju n e revolution will be struck in Paris. W ith the victory of th e red republic in Paris, armies will be rushed from th e interior of their countries to the frontiers and across them , and th e real strength of th e fighting parties will becom e evident. W e shall then rem em b er this Ju n e and this O ctober and we too shall exclaim : V a e v ictis! T h e purposeless massacres p erp etrated since th e Ju n e and O ctob er events, the tedious o fferin g of sacrifices since February and M arch, the very cannibalism o f the counter-revolution will convince

Nicholas I. Ed.

506

Articles from th e Neue Rkeinische Zeitung

th e nations that th ere is only one means by which th e m urd erou s death agonies o f th e old society and th e bloody birth throes o f the new society can be shortened, simplified and co n cen trated and that is by revolutionary terror.
Written by Marx on November 6 , 1848 First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitur^ No. 136, November 7, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper

F r e d e r ic k E n g e ls

FRO M PA R IS T O B E R N E

535

Map sketched by E n g els, show ing h is route from A uxerre to Le L o d e

Written at the end of October and in November 1848 First published in the Neue Zeit, Bd. I Nos. 1 and 2. T898-99

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511

SEIN E AND LOIRE

L a b e lle F r a n c e ! T h e F r e n c h c e r t a in ly h a v e a b e a u t i f u l c o u n t r y a n d t h e v a r e r i g h t to b e p r o u d o f it. . W h a t c o u n t r y in E u r o p e c a n c o m p a r e w ith F r a n c e in w e a t h m th e v a r ie ty o f its g if t s o f n a t u r e a n d p r o d u c t s , in its u n iv e r s a lity ? S p a in ? B u t n e g le c t o r n a t u r e h aS t u r n e d tw o - th ir d s o f its a r e a i n t o a h o t , s to n y d e s e r t , a n d t h e A t ia n t i c s id e o f t h e p e n in s u la , P o r t u g a l, d o e s n o t b e lo n g t o it. I t a l y B u t e v e r s in c e w o r ld t r a d e h a s b e e n r o u te d a c r o s s t h e o c e a n , e v e r s in c e s t e a m s h ip s h a v e p lie d t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n , I ta ly h a s la m ^ ^ ^ n g fa n d ? B u t f o r t h e la s t e ig h ty y e a r s E n g l a n d h a s b e e n r e d u c e d t o t r a d e a n d in d u s t r y , c o a l- s m o k e a n d c a t t l e - r a i s m g , a n d E n g l a n d h a s a f e a r f u l l y l e a d e n sk y , a n d n o w in e . A n d G e r m a n y ? I n t h e n o r t h , a f la t , s a n d y p la in , c u t o f f f r o m S o u t h e r n E u r o p e b y t h e g r a n i t e w all o f t h e A lp s , p o o r m w m e , a la n d o f b e e r , s c h n a p s a n d r y e b r e a d , o l r iv e r s a n d r e v o lu tio n s t h a t h a v e ^"^But F r a n c e ! W a s h e d b y t h r e e s e a s , t r a v e r s e d in t h r e e d ir e c t i o n s b y fiv e g r e a t r iv e r s , in t h e n o r t h a n a lm o s t G e r m a n a n d B e l g ia n c lim a t e , i n t h e s o u th a lm o s t I t a l i a n ; w h e a t in t h e n o r t h m a iz e a n d n e e m t h e s o u t h : colza'' in t h e n o r t h , o liv e s m t h e s o u t h ; f l a x m t h e n o r t h , t h e s o u t h , a n d w in e n e a r ly e v e r y w h e r e . A n d w h a t w in e ! W h a t a d iv e r s ity , f r o m B o r d e a u x t o B u r g u n d y , f r o m B u r g u n d y t o t h e h e a v y S t . G e o r g e s , L u n e l a n d F r o n t ig n a n o f t h e s o u t h , a n d f r o m t h a t t o s p a r k lin g c h a m p a g n e ! W h a t v a r ie t y o f w h ite a n d o f r e d , f r o m P e t it M a c o n o r C h a b h s t o C h a m b e rtm ^ . C h a t e a u L a r o s e , S a u t e r n e , R o u s s illo n a n d A i M o u s s e u x . A n d
* R ape. Ed.

512

Fred erick Engels

From Paris to B erne

513

tu rth e rm o re each of these wines intoxicates in its own way, with a few bottles one can exp erience every interm ediate state from a M usard quadrille to the Marseillaise, from the exultation of the cancan to the tem pestuous fever heat o f revolution, and then finally with a bottle of ch am p agn e one can again drift into the m erriest carnival m ood in the world! And only F ran ce has a Paris, a city in which E u rop ean civilisation has its finest flowering, in which all the nerve-fibres of E u rop ean history unite and from which em anate at m easured intervals those electric shocks which can shake a whole world; a city whose population combines a passion for pleasure with a passion for historical action like no o th er people, whose populace know how to live like the most refined E picu rean of A thens and to die like the m ost intrepid Sp artan, Alcibiades and Leonidas in one person ; a city which really is, as Louis Blanc^ says, the h eart and mind o f the world. If o ne looks across Paris from a high point in the city o r from M ontm artre o r th e terra ce o f Saint-Cloud, if on e strolls th rou g h its environs, one concludes that F ran ce knows what it possesses in Paris, that Fran ce has been prodigal of its best in tenderly fostering Paris. Like an odalisque on a glittering, bronze-coloured divan, this proud city lies beside the w arm , vine-covered hills o f the w inding Seine valley. W h ere in the whole world is th ere a view like that from the two Versailles railways down over th e green valley with its countless villages and little towns, and w here are there such delightfully situated, such smartly and trimly con stru cted , such tastefully laid-out villages and little towns as Suresnes, Saint-Cloud, Sevres, M ontm orency, Enghien and countless others? By whichever g ate one may leave, though one choose o n es ro u te at ran dom , everyw here one en cou n ters th e sam e fine surroundings, the sam e taste in the use of the top ograp h y, the sam e elegance and cleanliness. A nd yet again it is only th e Q ueen of Cities itself which has created this splendid setting fo r itself. B ut of cou rse you need a F ran ce as well, to m ake a Paris, and only when one has becom e acquainted with the abundant wealth of this m agnificent country does o ne understand how this rad iant, sum p tuous, incom parable Paris could com e about. O ne does not understand it, of cou rse, if one com es from the n orth , speeding by train across the plains of Flanders and A rtois and the hills of Picardy
Evidently a slip o f the pen for the words quoted are taken from a draft address to the Government of the French Republic submitted by Auguste Blanqui in March 1848.

with n eith er forest n or vineyard. T h e re o ne sees only corn-fields and pasture, whose uniform ity is interru p ted only by m arshy river valleys and distant scrubby hills; and only when one enters within ran g e of th e atm osp here of Paris, at Pontoise, does o ne see som ething of beautiful F ra n ce . O ne begins to un d erstan d Paris a little m ore if one approaches th e capital throu gh the fertile vales of L o rrain e, the vine-garlanded chalk hills of C ham pagne and along the beautiful M arne valley: one understands it better still if o ne travels throu gh N orm andy, now following and now cutting across the m eanders of the Seine on the railway from R ou en to Paris. T h e Seine seems to exh ale th e air of Paris righ t dow n to its m ou th ; th e villages, the towns, the hills, everything rem inds one of th e countryside n ear Paris, excep t that everything becom es finer, m ore sum ptuous, m ore tasteful as one approaches th e cen tre of F ran ce. B u t I did not fully understand how Paris was possible until I went along the L oire and fro m th ere tu rn ed across the hills to the vineyard valleys of B u rgundy. I had known Paris in the last two years o f the m on arch y, when the bourgeoisie was revelling in the full enjoym ent of its dom inance, w hen trad e and industry w ere farin g passably, when the bourgeois and petty-bourgeois youth still had m oney fo r its pleasures and for squandering it away, and when even som e of th e w orkers were still well enough placed to be able to participate in the general high spirits and light-heartedness. I had seen Paris again in M arch and A pril, in that brief intoxication of th e republican honeym oon, when the w orkers, optimistic fools* that they w ere, cheerfully and without any hesitation decided to en d u re th ree m onths of m isery" for the republics sake, when they ate dry bread and potatoes by day and when evening cam e, planted liberty-trees along the boulevards, let off fire-crackers and sang the Marseillaise fo r all they were w orth, and when the bourgeoisie, hiding in th eir houses all day, attem pted to appease the w rath of the people with coloured lanterns. I retu rn ed m uch against my will, by H ecker! in O ctober. Betw een the Paris of those days and now th ere lay th e 15th May and th e 25th Ju n e, there lay the most fearful struggle th e world had ever seen, th ere lay a sea of blood and fifteen thousand dead. C avaignacs shells had blown Pariss irrepressible gaiety sky-high; th e sound of the Marseillaise and the Chant du depart had ceased, only th e b ou r geoisie was still hum m ing its M ourir pour la patrie^^*^ between its teeth : th e w orkers, who had n eith er bread n or arm s, ground their
Hoffnungsvolle (optimistic fools) from Goethes poem Prometheus" . Ed.

^ See this volume, p. 148. F.d.

512

Fred erick Engels

From Paris to B ern e

513

lu rth e rm o re each of these wines intoxicates in its own way, with a few bottles one can exp erien ce every interm ediate state from a M usard quadrille to the Marseillaise, from th e exultation of the cancan to th e tem pestuous fever h eat of revolution, and then finally with a bottle o f ch am p agne on e can again d rift into the m erriest carnival m ood in the world! And only Fran ce has a Paris, a city in which E u rop ean civilisation has its finest flowering, in which all th e nerve-fibres of E u ropean history unite and from which em an ate at m easured intervals those electric shocks which can shake a whole world; a city whose population combines a passion for pleasure with a passion for historical action like no o th er people, whose populace know how to live like th e most refined E p icu rean of Athens and to die like the m ost intrepid Sp artan, Alcibiades and Leonidas in one p erson; a city which really is, as Louis Blanc^ says, the h eart and m ind o f the world. If o ne looks across Paris from a high point in the city o r from M ontm artre o r th e terra ce o f Saint-Cloud, if o ne strolls throu gh its environs, one concludes that F ran ce knows what it possesses in Paris, that Fran ce has been prodigal o f its best in tenderly fostering Paris. Like an odalisque on a glittering, bronze-coloured divan, this p roud city lies beside the w arm , vine-covered hills of the winding Seine valley. W h ere in the whole world is there a view like that from the two Versailles railways down over th e green valley with its countless villages and little towns, and w here are there such delightfully situated, such smartly and trim ly con stru cted , such tastefully laid-out villages and little towns as Suresnes, Saint-Cloud, Sevres, M ontm orency, Enghien and countless others? By w hichever gate one may leave, though one choose o n es rou te at rand om , everyw here one encounters the same fine surroundings, the sam e taste in th e use of the top ograph y, the sam e elegance and cleanliness. A nd yet again it is only the Q ueen of Cities itself which has created this splendid setting for itself. But of course you need a F ran ce as well, to m ake a Paris, and only when one has becom e acquainted with the abundant wealth of this m agnificent cou ntry does one un d erstand how this radiant, sum p tuous, incom parable Paris could com e about. O ne does not understand it, of cou rse, if one com es from the n orth , speeding by train across th e plains of Flanders and A rtois and th e hills of Picardy
Evidently a slip of the pen for the words quoted are taken from a draft address to the Government of the French Republic submitted by Auffuste Blanqui in March 1848.

with neither forest n or vineyard. T h e re o ne sees only corn-fields and pasture, whose uniform ity is interru p ted only by m arshy river valleys and distant scrubby hills; and only when one enters within range of the atm osphere of Paris, at Pontoise, does one see som ething of beautiful F ra n ce . O ne begins to understan d Paris a little m ore if one approaches the capital th rou g h the fertile vales of L orrain e, the vine-garlanded chalk hills of C h am p agn e and along the beautiful M arne valley: o ne understands it better still if on e travels through N orm andy, now following and now cutting across th e m eanders of the Seine on the railway from R ouen to Paris. T h e Seine seems to exhale the air of Paris righ t down to its m ou th ; the villages, the towns, the hills, everything rem inds one of the countryside near Paris, excep t that everything becom es finer, m ore sum ptuous, m ore tasteful as one ap p roach es the cen tre of F ran ce. B u t I did not fully understand how Paris was possible until I went along the Loire and fro m th ere turned across the hills to the vineyard valleys of B u rgu n dy. I had known Paris in the last two years of th e m onarchy, when the bourgeoisie was revelling in the full enjoym ent o f its dom inance, when trad e and industry w ere farin g passably, when the bourgeois and petty-bourgeois youth still had m oney fo r its pleasures and fo r squandering it away, and when even som e of th e w orkers were still well enough placed to be able to participate in th e general high spirits and light-heartedness. I had seen Paris again in M arch and April, in that brief intoxication of th e republican honeym oon, when the w orkers, optimistic fools* that they w ere, cheerfully and without any hesitation "d ecid ed to en d u re th re e m onths of m isery^ for the republics sake, when they ate dry bread and potatoes by day and when evening cam e, planted liberty-trees along th e boulevards, let off fire-crackers and sang the Marseillaise fo r all they were w orth, and when the bourgeoisie, hiding in their houses all day, attem pted to appease th e wrath of th e people with coloured lanterns. I retu rn ed m uch against my will, by H ecker! in O ctober. Betw een the Paris of those days and now th ere lay the 15th May and th e 25th Ju n e, th ere lay the most fearful struggle the worid had ever seen, there lay a sea of blood and fifteen thousand dead. C avaignacs shells had blown Pariss irrepressible gaiety sky-high; th e sound of the Marseillaise and th e Chant du depart had ceased, only the b ou r geoisie W51S still h um m ing its M ourir pour la patrie^^^ between its teeth; the w orkers, who had n eith er bread n o r arm s, grou n d their
H offnu ngsvoU e
T o r< > n

(optimistic fools) from Goethes poem Prometheus . Ed.

^ See this volume, p. 148 . E d

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teeth in suppressed resentm en t; in th e school o f th e state of siege, the exu b eran t republic had very soon becom e respectable, tam e, well-behaved, and m o d erate (sage et moderee). B u t Paris was dead , it was n o longer Paris. O n the boulevards, no o ne but the bourgeoisie and police spies; the dance-halls and theatres d eserted ; th e gamins engulfed in mobile gu ard jackets, bought fo r 3 0 sous a day by the respectable republic, and th e stupider they b ecam e the m o re the bourgeoisie celebrated th e m in brief, it was th e Paris o f 1 8 4 7 again, but w ithout the spirit, w ithout the life, w ithout the fire and the ferm en t which th e w orkers b ro ug h t to everything in those days. Paris was dead, and this beautiful corp se was ^1 th e m o re uncanny for being so beautiful. I could en d u re it no longer in this dead Paris. I had to leave it, no m atter w hither. So first of all to Switzerland. I had not m uch m oney, that m eant going on foot. N o r was I set on taking the shortest rou te; one does not readily part from Fran ce. T h u s one fine m orning I set out and without any fixed plan m arched due south. I lost my way am ong the villages once I had left the city's outskirts behind m e; th ere was nothing strange in that. Eventually I fou nd myself on th e h ighroad to Lyons. I followed it for some distance, leaving it from tim e to tim e to climb th e hills. From the top one has splendid views up and down the Seine, to Paris and to Fontainebleau. O n e sees th e river m ean d erin g far, far away in the broad valley, vineyards on th e hills on both sides, fu rth er away the blue hills beyond which flows th e M arne. B u t I did not wish to e n ter B urgu n dy by so d irect a ro u te; I wanted to reach the L oire first. So on th e second day I left th e h ighroad and went over the hills tow ards O rleans. I lost my way am ong th e villages again of course, as my only guides were th e sun and th e peasants, cut off from the whole world and unable to tell right from left. I spent the night in som e village whose nam e I was never able to m ake out in the peasant patois, fifteen leagues from Paris, on th e watershed between Seine and Loire. T his w atershed is form ed by a broad rid ge which extends from south-east to north-w est. O n eith er side it is intersected by num erous valleys, watered by small stream s o r rivers. U p on th e wind-swept summit only co rn , buckw heat, clover and vegetables do well;' but vines grow everyw here on th e valley sides. T h e eastw ard-facing slopes are nearly all covered with great masses o f those limestone rocks which the English geologists call bolderstones and which one

T h is form o f th e English word is used in th e m anuscript. Ed.

often finds in secondary and tertiary hill-country. T h e huge blue rocks, between which green shrubs and saplings grow , provide a pleasant contrast to th e meadows of th e valley and the vineyards of th e opposite slope. Gradually I cam e down into o ne of these little river valleys and followed it fo r a while. Eventually 1 cam e upon a highway with people on it from whom I was able to discover w here in fact I was. I was n ot far from M alesherbes, midway between O rleans and Paris. O rieans itself lay too far to the west fo r my purpose; N evers was my n ext goal, and so I once m ore went up o ver th e n earest hill, heading d ue south. A very p retty view fro m th e top : th e pleasant little town of M alesherbes between w ooded hills, n u m erous villages on the slopes, and up on a hill-top Castle C hateaubriand. A nd what was even m o re to m y liking: opposite, on the fa r side of a narrow ravine, a d ep art m ental road leading d u e south. T h e re are th re e kinds of road in F ran ce; the state roads, form erly called royal roads, now national, fine b road highways con n ectin g the most im p ortan t towns with each o th er. T h ese national roads, which in the region of Paris are not m erely excellently m ade but true luxury roads, m agnificent elm-lined avenues sixty feet wide and m ore, and paved in th e m iddle, becom e p oo rer, n arro w er and less tree-lined th e fu rth er o ne proceeds from Paris and the less im p ortan t th e ro a d is. In som e places they are then so bad th at they are scarcely passable fo r pedestrians a fte r two hours of m oderate rain. T h e second class consists o f th e d ep artm ental roads, providing secondary com m unications, financed from d ep artm ental funds, n arrow er and less resplendent than the national roads. T h e third class, finally, is m ade u p of th e m ajor vicinal routes (chemins de grande communication), m aintained fro m can ton resou rces, narrow u n ^ sum ing roads, but in som e places in better condition than the big g e r h igh w ays.' I struck uphill straight across cou n try in th e direction of my d ep artm ental ro ad and found to my ex tre m e delight that it went due south in an absolutely straight line. Villages and inns w ere few and far betw een; a fte r m arch in g for several h ou rs I eventually cam e u pon a large farm w here I was served m ost hospitably with some refreshm ents, fo r which 1 drew som e grotesque faces on a piece of p ap er fo r th e 'fa rm e rs children and declared with all gravity: this one was a speaking likeness o f G eneral C avaignac and that one of Louis N apoleon, these of A rm an d M arrast, Ledru-R ollin etc. T h e farm -folk stared at these distorted faces in g reat awe, thanked m e in th eir delight and at once fixed these strikingly life-like portraits on the wall. T h ese good people also told m e that I was on the road from

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M alesherbes to C h ateau n eu f on the L oire, to which I had still some twelve leagues to go. I tram p led throu g h Puiseaux and an o th er small town whose nam e I have fo rgo tten , and late in the evening arrived in Bellegard e, an attractive fair-sized place, w here I spent the night. T h e ro u te over th e plateau, which incidentally h ere produces wine in m any places, was ra th e r m onotonous. N ext m orning I set off fo r C h ateau n eu f, an oth er five leagues, and from th ere along the Loire on the national road from O rleans to Nevers.
Under almond trees in blossom On the verdant banks of Loire, To lie dreaming, oh how pleasant. Of the place I found my love*

so sings m any an enthusiastic G erm an youth and m any a tend er T eu ton ic m aiden in the m elting words of H elm ina von Chezy and the molten melody of C arl M aria von W eber. B u t anyone who goes looking fo r alm ond trees and gentle, sweet ro m an ce on th e Loire, as was the fashion in D resden back in the twenties, is th e victim o f th e kind o f appalling delusion which is really permissible only in G erm any am ongst congenital bluestockings of the third gene ration. From C h ateau neu f via les B ord es to D am pierre o ne scarcely catches a glimpse of this rom antic L oire. T h e road goes over the hill-tops at a distance of two o r th ree leagues from th e river, and only rarely does one see th e w ater o f the L o ire glinting in th e sun far away. T h e district is rich in wine, cereals and fru it; down by th e river th ere are luxu riant pastures; the view o f the valley, which has no woods and is surrou n d ed only by undulating hills, is how ever rath er m onotonous. In the middle of th e ro ad , n ear som e farm -houses, I cam e across a caravan of fou r m en, th ree women and several ch ildren, accom pa nied by th ree heavily-laden donkey-carts, cooking their m idday-m eal at a big fire on the open highway. I stopped for a m om ent: I was not mistaken, they were speaking G erm an, in th e broadest South G erm an dialect. I spoke to th em ; they were delighted to h ear their native ton gue in the middle of F ran ce. T h ey were as it happened from the S trasbourg are a of Alsace, and travelled into th e interior of Fran ce in this way every sum m er, earn ing th eir keep by basketweaving. W hen I asked w hether this gave them enough to hve on.
* Carl Maria von Webers opera Euryanthe (libretto by Helmina von Chezy), Act I, Scene 2. Ed.

they said: H ardly, if we had to buy everything; mostly were begging. Slowly, an o th er m an , of advanced age, craw led o u t of one of th e donkey-carts, in which he had a com p lete bed. T h e re was som ething very gypsy-like about th e whole band with the ill-assorted garm en ts they had scrounged. F o r all th at they had an easy-going air about them and ch attered interminably to me about th eir journeys, and in the middle of th e m erriest gossiping th e m o th er and the d au gh ter, a gentle, blue-eyed cre a tu re , almost cam e to pulling each o th ers tousled red hair. I cou ld n t but adm ire th e irrepressible force with which the easy-going and em otional G erm an ch a ra cte r would com e o u t, even fro m b eneath the m ost gypsy-like p attern of life and attire; I wished them good day and continued my jou rn ey, accom panied fo r som e distance by one of the gypsies, who before eating perm itted him self the pleasure of an amble on the sharpboned cru p p e r o f a lean donkey. T h a t evening I reach ed D am p ierre, a small village not far from the Loire. H ere th e G overnm ent was em ploying th ree o r fo u r hun dred workers from Paris, the rem n an ts of the fo rm e r national w ork shops,** to build a dyke to p revent flooding. T h ey were w orkers of every kind, goldsmiths, butchers, cobblers, carp en ters, right down to the rag-and-bone m an of th e Paris boulevards. I fou nd some twenty of them at the inn w here I spent the night. A hefty b u tch er, who had already been prom oted to a kind o f supervisory position, spoke of the u n d ertaking with g reat enthusiasm : they were earn in g between 30 and 1 0 0 sous a day, accordin g to how they w orked, it was easy to make 4 0 to 6 0 sous, if o ne showed any aptitude. H e w anted to enrol me in his brigade th ere and th en ; I would soon get into the swing and certainly be earn in g 50 sous a day by th e second week, I could m ake my fortu n e, and th ere was enough work for an o th er six m onths at least. I would not have m inded exch an gin g my pen fo r a spade fo r a m onth o r two for a ch an ge; but I had n o papers, and that would have landed m e in a nice pickle. T h ese w orkers from Paris had not lost any of their old gaiety. T h ey pursued th eir w ork, ten hours a day, amid laugh ter and jokes, entertained them selves in their leisure hours with outrageou s pranks and in th e evenings am used them selves by deniaising"^ th e peasant girls. B u t ap art from this they w ere quite dem oralised as a result of being isolated in a small village. N ot a tra ce of co n cern with the interests of their class, and with cu rre n t political issues which touch the w orkers so closely. T h ey ap p eared not to read any papers any m ore. T h e ir political activity went no fu rth e r than giving nicknam es;
Initiating, seducing. Ed.

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one of them , a big, strong lout, they called Caussidiere, an oth er, a bad w orker and u tter d ru n k ard , responded to th e nam e of Guizot, etc. T h e exhau stin g w ork, th eir relatively good living conditions and especially the separation from Paris and tran sfer to a rem o te, quiet co rn e r of F ran ce had red u ced th eir horizon rem arkably. T h e y were already on th e point of turnin g into rustics, and they had only been there fo r two m onths. T h e n ext m orn ing I reached Gien and thus at last the Loire valley itself. Gien is a little town with crook ed streets, a fine em bankm ent and a bridge over the L oire, which h ere barely equals th e Main at F ran k fu rt in b read th . It is altogeth er very shallow and full of sandbanks. F ro m Gien to B riare the ro ad goes along the valley at a distance of about a q u arter of a mile* fro m the L oire. It proceed s in a south-easterly direction, and the cou n try gradually assumes a southerly ch aracter. T h e avenue is lined with elms, ashes, acacias o r chestnuts; th e valley floor com prises luxu riant pastures and fertile fields, am ongst whose stubble a second harvest of th e richest clover was sprouting, and which are b ordered by long lines of p oplars; on the o th er side o f the L oire, in th e hazy distance, a line of hills, on this side, right by the highroad, a second chain of hillocks, planted with vines in its entirety. T h e valley of th e L oire is not at all strikingly beautiful o r rom an tic h ere, as people ten d to say it is, but it does create a most agreeable im pression; all this rich vegetation testifies to th e mild clim ate without which it could n ot flourish. Even in th e most fertile areas of G erm any I have now here found plants grow ing in such profusion as on the road between Gien and B riare. B efo re I leave th e L oire, a few words as to th e inhabitants of the area I passed throu g h and their way of life. T h e villages within fo u r o r five hours travel from Paris can n ot be taken as th e m easure for villages in the rest of F ran ce. T h e ir disposition, the arch itectu re o f th e houses, the m ores of the inhabitants are far too m uch dom inated by th e spirit of th e g reat m etropolis fro m which they live. Only at a distance of ten leagues fro m Paris, in rem o te upland areas, does the countryside p ro p er begin, does o ne see real farm -houses. A ch aracteristic of the whole region as far as th e Loire and into B u rgundy is that the p easan t-farm er conceals th e en tran ce to his house as fa r as possible from the highroad. In the upland areas every farm yard is surrou nd ed by a wall; one enters by a g ate and then in the yard itself
Engels uses the German word MeiU, a linear measure which at that time differed 2 miles. F.d.

in length in different German states but can be regarded as ro u g h ly 4

one must look for th e d o o r to the house which is usually situated tow ards th e re a r. In this a re a , w here m ost of th e peasants have cows and horses, the farm -houses are fairly big; on th e L oire, on th e o th er han d , w here th e re is m u ch m ark et-gard en in g and even well-to-do peasants own few catd e o r none at all and cattle-raising is a separate b ran ch of husbandry left to th e la rg e r landow ners o r ten an t farm ers, the farm -houses becom e sm aller and sm aller, often so small that one can n ot conceive how th ere is^room within fo r a peasant family with its equipm ent and stores. B u t h ere too the en tran ce is o n the side facing away fro m th e ro ad , and in the viUages the public houses and shops are alm ost alone in having d oors facing the street. T h e peasants o f this a re a fo r th e m ost p art enjoy a really good life, despite th eir poverty. T h e wine, at least in the valleys, is mostly their own p rod u ce, good and cheap (this y e a r two o r th ree sous a bottle), the b read is everyw here, excep t in th e highest places, g ood , w heaten bread and th e re is in addition excellent cheese and m agnificent fruit, which people in F ran ce eat of cou rse always with th e b read . Like all cou n try-peop le they eat little m eat, but a lot of milk, vegetable soups and in general a vegetable diet of outstanding quality. T h e living standard o f th e F ren ch peasant between the Seine and th e L oire is th ree tim es high er than that of th e N orth-G erm an peasant, even if he is significantly b etter off. T h ese peasants are g oo d -n atu red , hospitable, light-hearted folk, helpful and obliging to th e stran g er in every possible way, and even when speaking th e broadest patois, still tru e , cou rteou s F ren ch m en . Despite th eir exceedingly highly developed sense o f property tow ards the land which th eir fathers won from th e nobility and the clergy, they still possess m any of th e patriarchal virtues, especially in the villages set back from th e main roads. B u t peasants will be peasants, and th e conditions of life of the peasants do not for o ne m om en t cease to assert them selves. Despite all th e private virtues of th e F ren ch peasant, despite th e m ore advanced conditions of life h e enjoys in com parison with th e peasant to the east of th e Rhine, th e peasant in F ran ce, as in G erm any, is a barbarian in the m idst of civilisation. . . ^ n T h e isolation of th e peasant in a rem o te village with a ra th e r small population which changes only with the generations, th e h ard , m onotonous w ork, which ties him m ore than any serfdom to th e soil and which rem ains always th e sam e from fath er to son, th e stability and m onotony of all his conditions of life, the restricted circu m stances in which the famUy becom es th e m ost im p ortan t, m ost decisive social relationship fo r him all this r e d u c p th e peasant s horizon to th e narrow est bounds which are possible in m odern

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society. T h e g reat m ovem ents o f history pass him by, fro m time to tim e sweep him along with them ,but he has no inkling of th e n atu re of th e m otive fo rce o f these m ovem ents, of their origin and their goal. In the Middle Ages and in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries th ere was alongside the m ovem ent of th e middle class in the towns a peasant m ovem ent, which, how ever, constantly put up reactionary dem ands and, without producing any significant results for th e peasants them selves, only succeeded in assisting the towns in their struggles fo r em ancipation. In the first F ren ch revolution the peasants acted in a revolutionary m an n er just so long as was required by th eir m ost im m ediate, most tangible private interests; until they had secured the right of ownership to th eir land which had hitherto been farm ed on a feudal basis, until feudal relations were irrevocably abolished and the foreign arm ies ejected from th eir district. O nce this was achieved, they turned with all the fury of blind avarice against the m ovem ent of the big towns which they failed to und erstan d, and especially against the m ovem ent in Paris. Countless proclam ations by the Com m ittee of Public Safety, countless d ecrees by the Convention, above all those con cern in g the m axim um and th e p rofiteers, mobile colum ns and travelling guillotines had to be directed against the obd urate peasants. A nd yet n o class benefited m ore from the T e r r o r which drove out the foreign arm ies and p u t down the civil war than these sam e peasants. W hen N apoleon overthrew th e bourgeois regim e o f th e D irectory, restored calm , consolidated th e new p roperty relations of the peasants and sanctioned them in his Code civil and d rove th e foreign arm ies ever fu rth e r fro m the fron tiers, the peasants rallied to him with enthusiasm and becam e his chief support. F o r th e Fren ch peasant is nationalistic to a fanatical d eg ree; la F ran ce has com e to m ean a g reat deal to him now that h e has becom e h ereditary p ro p rieto r of a piece o f F ran ce; foreigners h e only knows in the form of devastating invading arm ies which inflict a m axim um of dam age on him. H en ce th e Fren ch peasants unbounded nationalism , hence his equally unbounded h atred of Ietranger. H en ce th e passion with which he went to w ar in 18 1 4 and 1 815. W hen the Bourbons retu rn ed in 1815, when the exiled aristocracy once m ore raised claims to th e landed p roperty they had lost in the revolution, th e peasants saw all th eir revolutionary conquests th reaten ed . H en ce th eir h atred o f B ourb on rule and th eir jubilation
O f IH50. Ed.

when the July revolution* restored to them security of possession and th e tricolour. Fro m th e July revolution onw ards, the peasants participation in the general interests of th eir cou n try cam e once m ore to an end. T h e ir wishes had been fulfilled, th e land they owned was no longer th reaten ed , at the village M airie th e sam e flag was once m ore flying which had m ean t victory to them and th eir fathers fo r a q u a rte r o f a century. B u t as always th e fruits they enjoyed from th eir victory were tew. T h e bourgeoisie began at once to exploit its ru ral allies to th e utm ost extent. T h e fruits o f fragm en tation and o f th e divisibility of th e land, the im poverishm ent of th e peasants and th e m ortgaging of their land, had already begun to rip en u n d er th e R estoration; a fte r 1830 their m anifestations becam e ever m o re w idespread and ev er m ore m enacing. B u t the pressure which big capital e x erted on th e peasant rem ained fo r him simply a private relationship between himself and his cred ito r; he did n o t see and could not see that these private relationships, which were becom ing increasingly w idespread and increasingly the rule, were gradually developing into a class relationship between the class of big capitalists and that of small landowners. It was not th e same situation as it had been with feudal burdens, whose origin had been long since fo rgotten , whose significance had long since fallen into oblivion, which w ere n o longer paym ent fo r services ren d ered , and which had long ago becom e nothing but a b u rd en oppressing one party. In the p resen t case, with a m o rtg ag e debt, th e peasant o r at least his fath er has had th e money paid out to him in solid five-franc pieces; th e debt-certificate and the m ortg ag e-rep ay m en t book rem ind him if necessary o f the origin of the b u rd en ; th e interest he has to pay, even the oppressive, constantly renew ed subsidiary paym ents to th e u su re r are m od ern , bourgeois liabilities which apply in similar form to all deb tors; the oppression operates in a quite m od ern , u p -to-d ate guise, and the peasant is bled white and ruined in accordan ce with precisely the sam e principles of law which alone g u aran tee him his p ro p erty . His own code civil, his m od ern -d ay bible. becom es a rod fo r his own back. T h e peasant can see no class relationship in th e usurious m ortgage term s, he can n ot dem and th eir abolition without simultaneously en d angering his own p roperty. T h e pressure of usury, instead of propelling him into the m ovem ent, utterly confuses him . T h e only way in which he can im agine relief is in a reduction of taxes. W h en , in February of this year, a revolution took place in which the proletariat appeared for th e first tim e with dem ands of its own, the peasants showed n ot the faintest com prehension. If the republic

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had any m eaning fo r them , it was m erely: reduction o f taxes and m aybe occasionally som ething about national h on o u r, w ar of conquest and the R hine fro n tier. B u t when on th e m orn in g after Louis Philippes.fall th e w ar between the proletariat and bourgeoisie broke out in P an s, when the stagnation of trad e and industry had repercussions in th e countryside and th e peasan ts p rod u ce, already devalued m a year o f good harvests, fell yet fu rth e r in price and becam e unsaleable, when to crow n it all th e battle o f Ju n e spread fear and te rro r to the fu rth erm ost co rn ers of F ran ce , a universal cry of th e m ost fanatical fu ry arose am ongst the peasants against revolutionary Paris and the eternally dissatisfied Parisians. O f cou rse! F o r what did the stubborn, narrow -m inded peasant know o f proletariat and bourgeoisie, o f a d em ocratic social republic, o f the organisation o t labour, of m atters w hose fundam ental conditions and causes could never exist within th e narrow confines o f his village! A nd when ^ casion ally , th rou g h the murky channels of th e bourgeois journals, he acquired a vague notion o f what was at issue in Paris when the bourgeoisie had tossed him th e g re a t slogan they aim ed against the w orkers o f P an s: ce sm t les partagevx, they are people w ho want to share all p^roperty and all th e land, th e peasants indignation knew no bounds, their cry of fury was redoubled. I have spoken to hundreds o t peasants in th e m ost diverse regions of F ran ce , and all w ere in the g n p o f this fanatical h atred o f Paris and especially th e w orkers of P ans. I wish that cursed Paris would be blown sky-high d u rin g the day to m o rro w and that was the m ost charitable o f benedictions. It goes w ithout saying that the peasants age-old co n tem p t for town-dwellers was m erely increased and vindicated by this years events. T h e peasants, th e countryside must save F ran ce; the countryside produces everything, th e towns live o ff o u r co rn , dress m o u r flax and o u r wool, we must restore th e p ro p e r o rd e r o f thingswe peasants must take ch arg e o f affairs ourselves this was the eternal refrain that sounded, m ore o r less clearly, m ore o r less dehberately, th rou g h all th e peasants confused talk. A n d how do they hope to save F ran ce, how d o they hope to take ch arg e of affairs them selves? By electing Louis N apoleon B on ap arte as President o f th e Republic, a g reat nam e borne by a con fu sed , vain, diminutive fool! Every peasant I spoke to was just as enthusiastic about Louis N apoleon as h e was full o f h atred fo r Paris. T h e se two passions and the most unthinking, bovine am azem en t at th e whole E u rop ean upheaval are th e sum total o f the F ren ch peasants politics. A n d th e peasants have o ver six million votes, m o re than two-thirds of all the votes in the elections in Fran ce. It is tru e th at th e Provisional G o v ern m en t did n o t m an ag e to bind

th e interests of th e peasants to the revolution; with the increase o f 45 centim es in th e land ta x , which chiefly hit the peasants, it m ade an unforgivable, irreparable mistake. B u t even if it had won over the peasants to th e revolution for a few m onths, they would have deserted it in the sum m er. T h e p resen t attitude of th e peasants tow ards th e revolution of 1 8 4 8 is not th e consequence o f any mistakes o r ch an ce blunders; it is in the n atu re o f things, it is based upon the conditions of life, the social position of th e small landow ner. T h e F ren ch p roletariat, b efore it enforces its dem ands, will first have to put down a general peasants war, a w ar which even the w riting-off of all m ortgage debts can only postpone fo r a short time. O ne must have spent a fortn igh t in th e almost exclusive com pany of peasants, peasants fro m th e most diverse regions, o ne m ust have had th e opportunity of en cou n terin g everyw here this sarne obtuse narrow -m indedness, this sam e total ign oran ce o f all u rb an , industrial and com m ercial conditions, this sam e blindness in politics, this same wildly u ninform ed surm ising about everything beyond th e village, this sam e application of th e standards of peasant life to th e mightiest factors of history in short, o ne must have com e to know th e Fren ch peasant especially in 1 8 4 8 in o rd e r to exp erien ce th e utterly disheartening effect which this refracto ry stupidity engenders.

524

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II BURGUNDY

B riare is a quaint little old town at the m outh of the canal which joins the L oire to the Seine. H ere I took stock of th e rou te and decided it would be b etter to go to Switzerland via A u x e rre instead of via N evers. I th erefo re left the L oire and turned across th e hills tow ards B urgundy. T h e fertility of the L oire valley declines gradually but fairly slowly. O ne climbs im perceptibly, and only five o r six miles from B riare, in the region of Saint-Sauveur and S ain t-Fargeau , does o ne reach the beginnings o f the forested , cattle-raising uplands. T h e ridge between the Y o n n e and the L oire is h igher even h ere, and th e whole o f this western p art of the D epartm en t of th e Y o n n e is generally fairly hilly. It was in the region of T o u cy , six leagues from A u x e rre , that I first heard the peculiar, naively-broad dialect of B u rgu n dy, a patois which h ere and throu gh ou t B urgundy p ro p er rem ains pleasant and attractive, w hereas in the h igher regions o f the Tranche C om te it takes on a ponderous, clumsy, almost didactic tone. It is like the naive dialect of A ustria, which gradually changes into th e coarse U p p er Bavarian. In a rem arkably u n -F ren ch way the B u rgu n dian patois constantly stresses the syllable p reced in g that which takes the main emphasis in good F ren ch , it turns iam bic F ren ch into troch aic and in so doing strangely distorts the subrie accentuation which the educated F ren ch m an m anages to im part to his speech-. B u t, as I said, in B urgundy p ro p er, it continues to sound ra th e r nice and from the lips of a p retty girl even ch arm in g; Mais, ma foi, monsieur, je vous demande un peu....^
But indeed, sir, I ask you ... (the accents indicate the syllables stressed in the Burgundian patois). Ed.

If one can draw com parisons, th e B u rgu n dian is on the whole the A ustrian of F ran ce. Naive, g ood-n atured, confiding in th e highest degree having a g reat deal of native wit within th eir fam ihar social surroundings, full o f naively odd ideas about everythm g that transcends them , comically clumsy in unfam iliar circum stances, for ev er indestructibly good-h u m ou red in this these good people are almost one and all aUke. T h e amiable, good-h earted B urgundian peasant is th e first one forgives for his com plete pohtical vacuity and his starry-eyed enthusiasm fo r Louis N apoleon. Incidentally, the Bu rgu n dian s undeniably have a stro n ger a d m ix tu re of G erm an blood than the F ren ch who live fu rth e r to the west; their h air and com plexion a re lighter, their physique a little bigger, especially in the w om en, th ere is already a m arked d ecrease in that sh arp critical intelligence and incisive wit, in place of which th ere is a m ore straightforw ard sense of h u m o u r and som etim es a faint touch of geniality. B u t the gaiety of the F ren ch is still m arkedly to the fo re, and in carefree light-heartedness the B u rgu n d ian is second to T h e hilly western part of the D epartm en t of the Y o n n e derives its living chiefly from cattle-raising. B u t F ren ch m en everyw here are p oor cattle-farm ers, and these B u rgu n dian cattle ap p ear thin and small. H ow ever alongside cattle-raising a g reat deal of co rn is grow n and fine w heaten bread is eaten everyw here. T h e farm -houses h ere also begin to resem ble those in G erm any; they are again larg er and com bine dwelling, b arn and stables u n d er one ro o f; but h ere too th e d o o r is still mostly sideways from th e road o r tu rn ed com pletely away from it. O n th e long descent that takes o ne dow n to A u x e rre , I saw th e tirst B urgundy vines, for th e most p art still weighed down with the fantastically rich grap e-h arvest of 1 8 4 8 . O n m any vines the leaves were alm ost com pletely concealed by grapes. A u x e rre is a small, ru gged township, ra th e r unim pressive from . within, with a pretty em bankm ent by the Y on n e and in places the beginnings of those boulevards which n o F re n ch d epartm ental capital can be without. In norm al times it m ust indeed be quiet and dead and the P refect of th e Y o n n e can n ot have n eeded to spend m uch on organising the obligatory balls and dinners which u n d er Louis Philippe he had to o ffer to the local notabihties. B u t now A u x e rre was full of life, such as only occurs once a year. If Citizen D enioy, the representative of the people who got so worked up in the N ational Assembly because th e prem ises w here the d em ocratic social banquet in T oulouse took place w ere decorated in red , if this w orthy Citizen Denjoy had accom panied m e to A u x e rre , he would have

526

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throw n a fit in sh eer h o rro r. It was not just o ne hall h ere but the whole town which was d ecorated in red. A nd what a red ! T h e walls and staircases of th e houses, th e blouses and shirts o f the people were coloured with the m ost unam biguous, the m ost blatant blood-reddark -red stream s filled even the gutters and bespattered the paving stones, and a sinister-looking blackish, foam ing-red liquid was being carried about the streets in great tubs by sinister bearded m en. T h e red republic with all its h o rro rs ap p eared to be holding sway the guillotine, the steam guillotine ap p eared to be w orking continuously the buveurs de sang,^ of which such fearful tales are recou n ted in the Journal des Debats, w ere obviously celebrating th eir cannibalistic orgies h ere. B u t the red republic o f A u x e rre was m ost innocent, it was the red republic o f th e B u rgu n d ian w ine-harvest, and the d rin k e p o f blood who consum e the noblest p ro d u ce of this red republic with such intense pleasure, are none o th e r than the m ost respectable republicans, the bourgeoisie, big and small, o f Paris. And m this co n text that honourable Citizen D enjoy also has a certain weakness fo r things red , despite the best intentions. If only one could have had o n es pocrkets full o f m oney in that red republic! T h e 1 8 4 8 harvest was so infinitely rich that not enough barrels could be fou nd to take all th e wine. A nd what is m o re, of such quality b etter than 4 6 , p erhaps even b etter than 3 4 ! T h e peasants cam e p o u rin g in fro m all sides to buy up w hat was still left o f th e 4 7 at bargain p rices at 2 francs p e r cask o f 140 litres o f good wine; ca rt after cart cam e in by every gate with em pty barrels, and yet they could not cop e. I saw with my own eyes a w ine-m erchant in A u x e rre p ou rin g out several barrels o f 4 7 , quite good wine, into th e street simply in o rd e r to accom m odate the new wine, which o ffered very different prospects to the speculator o f cou rse. I was assured that this w ine-m erchant had p oured away as m any as forty large barrels (juts) in this way in a few weeks. H aving consum ed several pints o f both the old and th e new, I crossed th e Y o n n e in th e direction o f th e hills on th e right bank. T h e highroad follows the valley; how ever I took the old. sh o rter road across th e hills. T h e sky was overcast, the w eather gloom y, I was myself ra th e r tired, and I th erefo re spent the night in th e first village, a few kilom etres from A u xerre. N ext m ornin g I set out very early in the most magnificent sunshine im aginable. T h e ro u te passed with never a break between vineyards o ver a fairly high ridge. B u t on top , I was rew arded fo r the exertion o f the climb by a m ost splendid p an oram a. B efo re m e, the
* D rinkers o f blood. Ed.

hilly downward slope all the way to th e Y o n n e, then the green valley of the Y o n n e, rich in meadows and planted with poplars, with its m any villages and farm s; beyond it the grey stone A u x e rre , ^ s t l i n g against t L scarp on the far side; villages everyw here and everyw here, as far as the eye could see, vines, nothing but vines, and the m ost brilliant w arm sunshine attenuated only m distance by a touch of autum n in the air, beating down over this g reat c a u l L o n in which the A ugust sun brews o ne of the noblest ^ ^ 'd o ^ n ot know what th e reason is fo r th e peculiar ch a rm of these Fren ch landscapes which are not distinguished by attractive con tou rs. It is of cou rse not this detail o r that it the whole the ensem ble, which invests them with the stam p of Tarisfaction s ^ ^ a s is rarely found elsew here. T h e R hine and the Moselle have m ore beautiful com binations of crags, Switzerland has g re a te r con trasts, Italy a fuller palette of colours, but no cou n try ha Regions that make up so harm onious an ensemble as F c e . It is with an extraord in ary inn er peace that th e eye roves from th e broad luxu rian t meadows of the valley to th e hills which are covered wit vines o f equal lu xu rian ce righ t to th eir sum m its, villages and towns rising from th e fohage of th e fruit-trees of now here a piece of b are grou n d , now here a d .^ o rd a n t patch of infertility, o r a harsh ou tcrop of rock with walls inaccessible t vegetation. Everyw here flora in profusion, a ^^ ' t S ^ T o n a shade of autum nal bronze, set off by the brilliance o f a sun which even halfway th rou g h O ctober still burns hotly enough nnf a sinffle grap e to be left unripe on th e vine. r u j 1 went a little fu rth e r and a e q u a l l y fine view unfolded before me F a r below, in a n arro w er bowl in th e hills, lay Saint-Bris, a small township that likewise earn ed its livelihood entirely f^^m the l e . T h e same com p onen ts as b efo re, but m ore closely hudd ed to eeth er. Pastures and gard ens down in the I L t o m vineyards all rou nd about on th e slopes of th e bowl, on y on the n o rth side ploughed fields o r fieMs and grow ing on th e stubble. Down m th e streets of Saint-Bris th e same bustle L in A u x e rre ; everyw here barrels and w m e-presses, and all the inhabitants busy amidst laughter and ^^ <-rape-juice, pum ping it into th e barrels o r carryin g it th rou g h he streets in g reat vats. A m ongst it all, a m arket was being held, m the b ro ad er streets peasant carts w ere halted with vegetables, corn and oth er field p rod u ce; th e peasants with th eir white P h ijg ia n caP* and the peasant women with their M adras handkerchiefs rou nd their heads thron ged gossiping, shouting, laughing am ongst th e vintners.

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and th e little town of Saint-Bris presented a picture o f such lively bustle that one could believe o ne was in a big city. Past Saint-Bris my way took m e o n ce m ore u p a hill by a long ascent. B u t I climbed this hill with especial pleasure. Everybody was still occupied with the grap e-h arvest h ere, and a grap e-h arvest in B u rgu n dy has a m erriness about it o f a d ifferen t o rd e r to on e in the Rhineland even. A t every step I found the gayest com p an y, the sweetest grap es and th e prettiest girls; fo r h ere, w here th ere is a small town always within three hours travel, w here th e population has a g reat deal o f con tact with the outside world by virtue of their trad e in wine, h ere a certain d egree o f sophistication prevails, and no one assumes this sophistication m ore rapidly than the w om enfolk, fo r they derive th e m ost im m ediate and striking benefits from it. No F ren ch townswoman d ream s of singing
If I were as pretty As the girls whore country-bred. I d wear a yellow straw hat Wijh a rose-red ribbon tied.^

On the co n trary , she knows only too well that it is to th e town, to th e absence o f ard u ou s labour, to civilisation and its h u n dred aids to cleanliness and arts o f toiletry that she owes the p erfectin g o f h er ch arm s; she knows that even if cou n try girls have not already inherited that coarse-boned build from th eir p aren ts which the F ren ch m an so abhors and which is the pride of th e G erm an ic race, co u n try girls as a result o f exactin g farm labour in the most burning sunshine and the heaviest rain alike, the difficulties in the way o f keeping clean, the absence o f any aids to physical cu lture, and th eir adm ittedly venerable but no less ungainly and tasteless attire will mostly end up as ungainly, w addling scarecrow s, comically dolled u p in garish colours. Tastes vary; o u r G erm an com patriots mostly p re fe r the farm e rs d au gh ter, and they are p erhaps righ t to do so; all due respect fo r the kicks similar to those o f a tro o p er and especially the fists o f a strapping dairym aid; all h o n o u r to th e ^ a s s -g re e n and fiery-red check gown that em braces h er m ighty waist; hats o ff to that im peccably flat exp an se that reaches from the back o f h e r neck down to h e r heels and gives h er fro m behind th e ap p earan ce o f a board covered with brightly coloured calico! B u t tastes vary, and so that p ortion of my fellow citizens which differs fro m m e, though being n o less w orthy of respect fo r that, m ust forgive m e if th e cleanly-washed, smoothlycom bed, slimly-built B u rgun dian w om en from Saint-Bris and
^ G oethe, K rieg serk laru ng (m odified ).Ed

V erm en to n m ade a pleasanter im pression on m e than those earthily d irty, tousled, young Molossian buffaloes between the Seine and the L o ire who gape at one as though struck dum b if one rolls a cigarette, and take to th eir heels scream in g if o ne asks them the way in good Fren ch . It will th erefo re readily be believed that I spent m ore tim e lying in the grass with the vintners and th eir girls, eating grap es, drinking wine, ch attin g and laughing, than m arching up th e hill, and that it would have taken me no lon ger to have climbed the Blocksberg or even th e Ju n g frau than this insignificant ridge. T h e m ore so since one can eat o nes fill of grap es sixty times over each day and has thus th e best of excuses at each vineyard to establish con tact with these constantly laughing and obliging people of both sexes. B u t every thing m ust com e to an end, and this hill was no excep tion . It was already aftern oon when I descended the fa r side into the delightful valley of th e C u re, a small tributary of th e Y o n n e, to the little town of V erm en to n , which has an even finer setting than Saint-Bris. Not far beyond V erm en to n , this attractive region com es to an end. O ne gradually ap proaches th e h igh er ridge of th e Faucillon which divides the basins o f the Seine, the R hone and th e Loire. From V erm enton o ne climbs fo r several hours and crosses a b road infertile plateau, w here rye, oats and buckw heat largely take th e place of wheat.*

At this point the following note is written in an unknown hand: [The manuscript breaks off here.]" Ed.

APPENDICES

533

R E C E IP T S O F T H E C E N T R A L A U T H O R IT Y O F T H E C O M M U N IS T L E A G U E F O R M O N E Y R E C E IV E D AND PA ID O U T

April 2, 1848 C om m unist League W orkers o f all countries, unite! T h e C en tral A uthority certifies that it has received th e sum of twenty-five fran cs (f. c.) from its m em ber Karl M arx. Paris, April 2, 1 8 4 8 F o r the C en tral A uthority K . Marx Engels Henry B auer Joseph Moll II C om m unist L eagu e W orkers of all countries, unite! T h e C entral A uthority has received an advance of seventy-four francs 2 0 centim es from its m em ber M arx, which is hereby confirm ed. Paris, April 2 , 1848 F o r the Central A uthority Engels Bauer J . Moll

Fidei-commi'ixum. Ed.

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III Com m unist League W orkers of all countries, unite! L eague m em ber Fried rich C riig er acknowledges that he has received th e sum of twenty-five fran cs as an advance from the C entral A uthority and h e prom ises to repay this sum as soon as possible to th e Leagu e. Paris, April 2 , 1848 Friedrich Criiger
First published in Der Bund der Kommunisten. Dokumente uTid Materialen, Bd, 1, 1836-1849, Berlin, 1970 Printed according to the manuscripts Published in English for the first time B R O T H E R S AN D W ORKERS!

T O A L L W O R K E R S O F G ER M A N Y*^

If we do not w ant once again to be th e m ost deceived of-all, and do n ot want fo r a long series o f years to be exploited, despised and dow ntrodden by a handful of m en , then we m ust n ot lose a m om ent, we m ust n o t rem ain inactive fo r a single m inute. Isolated, as we have been h ith erto, we are weak although we nu m b er millions. U nited and organised, on the o th er hand, we shall constitute an irresistible fo rce. T h e re fo re , broth ers, everyw here in towns and villages fo rm w orkers associations in which o u r conditions a re discussed, m easures p roposed to ch an g e o u r presen t situation, representatives from the w orking class to th e G erm an Parliam ent n om inated and elected, and all o th e r steps taken that a re necessary fo r safegu ard ing o u r interests. F u rth e rm o re , all w orkers associa tions in G erm any m ust as quickly as possible e n te r into and keep in co n tact with o ne an oth er. W e propose that fo r the tim e being you choose Mainz as th e cen tre fo r all the w orkers associations and th at you e n te r into co rre sp o n d en ce with the undersigned E xecutive C om m ittee so that we can ag ree on a com m on plan and as soon as possible definitively decide the seat o f th e C en tral C om m ittee etc. at a m eeting o f delegates o f all the associations. W e exp ect letters without pnstncre pre-paid, just as for o u r p a rt we shall write to the associations without pre-payment. Mainz, April 5, 1848

T he W orkers E ducational A ssociation in M ainz

O n behalf o f the Executive Committee Speaker W riter

W allau

C lass

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Address: Secretariat of the W o rk ers Educational Association in M ainz, c/o H e rr A dolf Cluss, Mainz, Franziskanergasse N o. 156 72First published in the Deutsche Volkszeitung No. 8, April 8 , 1848, the Mannkeimer Abend-Zeitung No. 100, April 10, 1848, and in the supplement to the Seehldtter N o. 89. April 13, 1848 Printed according to the D^tsche Volkszeitung Published in English for the first time

M A R X S A P P L IC A T IO N F O R PR U SSIA N C IT IZ E N S H IP

T o th e polite authorities in Cologne I have th e h on o u r herew ith to request you to prevail upon the relevant D ep artm en t to g ran t m e citizenship in th e city of C ologne. I was b orn on May 5, 1 8 1 8 , in T r ie r, studied at the local gymnasium and at the universities of B o n n and Berlin. In 1842 and 1 8 4 3 I lived in C ologne as ed itor o f th e now d efu n ct Rheinische Zeitung. W hen that new spaper ceased to exist I went abroad and relinquished my Prussian citizenship. A fte r the events which took place recend y, I retu rn ed to m y cou n try and now I intend to settle with my family in Cologne. C ologne, April 13, 1848 Y ou rs faithfully, Dr. Karl Marx A ddress: Apostelstrasse 7

First published in the Zeitschrift fu r Gesckicktswissenschaft No. 3, 1968

Printed according to the manu script Published in English for the first time

* T h e following version of the last sentence is given in the rough draft of this letter: Following an invitation to take part in the editing of a newspaper that is to be founded in Cologne, I have now returned to my country, and intend to settle with my family in Cologne. Ed.

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539

A C C O U N T O F A S T A T E M E N T M AD E B Y K A R L M A R X T O T H E C O L O G N E P O L IC E IN S P E C T O R

P R O S P E C T U S FO R T H E F O U N D IN G O F T H E N E U E R H E I N I S C H E Z E IT U N G ^ * ^

T h e petitioner, the politically unreliable Dr. K arl Marx, was born in T rie r on May 5, 1 818, lived in C ologne in 1 8 4 2 -4 3 , worked as editor o f th e Rheinische Zeitung, subsequently he w ent abroad and from th ere h e obtained the enclosed perm ission to em igrate, which was issued by his h om e town T rier,^ and has th erefo re lost his Prussian citizenship. A cco rd in g to his statem ent he is w orking on a book on econom ics which h e intends to publish and h e proposes to live partly on the proceeds o f his writings and partly th e personal p ro p erty of his wife,^ who, tog eth er with their th ree children,'" is still staying in T rie r. T h e stam p attached to th e application has been cancelled and is duly enclosed herewith. Cologne, April 19, 1848 Hiinermund, Police Insp ector

A new spirit has broken throu gh in G erm any. It has overthrow n th e old regim e, it has doom ed th e old w orld to d estruction. It dem ands a new society, a new life. It is th e spirit o f the people. T h e people has taken sovereign pow er, th e people that does not w ant any division, any class rule, which reg ard s its co m p o n en t p arts as co -op eratin g m em bers o f o n e g reat body. It is its will that is to guide its life, regu late its w ork, create its well-being. .- , T h e first task fo r this will is to create th e form s in which it can deploy its strength safe from oppression o r falsification. T h e se are the form s of democracy. A lready the people is p rep arin g to elect a double representation* fro m which it exp ects the establishm ent o f its rights, the division of th e state pow ers and the g u aran tee o f o rd e r, in sh ort, a new Constitution. T h is is g reat, difficult w ork, even thou gh only p rep aratory . T h e overthrow n pow er will resist it, personal interest will n o t voluntarily subm it to the dem ands o f the whole. D em ocracy m ust stand its g rou n d in the struggle against both these enem ies of an o rd e r which serves the will of the w hole, and whose pu rp ose is th e good o f th e whole: it will have on its side th e exp erien ce of th e past and th e needs o f the present. T h e im m ediate aim o f th e N eue Rheinische Zeitung is to co -op erate vigorously in this im m ediate public w of k. F o r the time being its chief task will be a th orou gh exam in ation of th e questions which relate to th e constitution of G erm any and Prussia in conjilnction with the sam e o r similar questions which occupy people abroad. It will not close its colum ns to any tendencies e x ce p t those stem m ing from
A reference to the election of the Prussian and the German National .'\ssemblies. Ed.

First published in the Zeitschrift fur Ceschichtiwissenschaft No, 3, 1968

Printed according to the manu script Published in English for the first time

Jenny Marx. Ed. T h eir daughters Jenny and Laura and their son Edgar. i-rf.

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absolutism o r particular interests, it will not rep resen t any particular p arty within the d em ocracy, it will not proceed accord in g to any preconceived theory and will not prem aturely re je ct any view, even if it has n ot yet found general sympathy. B u t if the political form ation of the fatherland is the most im m ediate of the g reat tasks which the G erm an nation is determ ined to solve, it is by no m eans th e greatest and by fa r not the most difficult task. Political d em ocracy is m erely the m eans to achieve thorou gh going changes in civil society. All wishes, all dem ands are directed to this end. T h e w orst sufferings of unem ploym ent, of deprivation, of misery weigh on the g reat m ajority of th e nation, in p articu lar the w orking class. T h e general dem an d , the general longing is to abolish a condition in which the existence o f the whole is d ep en den t on the carelessness o f the governing, on the accidental insight o r short-sighted egoism o f private individuals, a condition which indeed still lacks guiding principles and general institutions, w ithout which there can be no free activity, n o security of earn in g a living, no tru e enjoym ent of life. Everyw here, in agricu ltu re, in industry, in co m m erce, in education etc., th ere is a recognised need fo r the m ost im p ortan t refo rm s. T h e nation dem ands a free, happy life in free, happy work. Betw een the will and th e deed, between decision and execu tion , th ere is, how ever, a great distance, a hard road . Difficulties of every kind stand in the way. N ot only m alevolence, but incom pe tence, even m o re, will have to be o vercom e. H ere every ounce o f en ergy is required to overcom e ign oran ce, narrow -m inded particularism , and m onopolistic aspirations; it is necessary to subordinate the conflicting interests, due to occupation and lo cality, to a com m on o rd e r which establishes and maintains the well-being of the whole, to organise work, intercou rse and consum p tion accord in g to the conditions of life of a g reat nation which strives to p rom ote the well-being of the whole and o f every individual not by war and exploitation but by peaceful exch an g e and united co operation . It is in this field, how ever, that the least th orou gh preparations have been m ade; h ere, w here the need becam e general before the insight did, it is above all the press which is qualified to bring the existing circum stances to public notice, to exam in e the conditions fgr change, to discuss th e m eans of refo rm , to help educate public opi nion, to give a salutary direction to the will of the whole. This, then, is also the task of the N eue Rheinische Zeitung, on which it will co n cen trate its efforts m o re and m o re, in the m easure in which political discussions retre a t into th e background.

N o special justification is n eeded fo r the choice of th e city of C ologne as the seat of such an enterprise. C ologne, the capital of the R hine Province, the capital o f all W est G erm any, as p erhaps no* o th e r place in G erm any; offers a suitable locality and the resources required fo r the publication of a g reat newspaper. C ologne can also confidently look forw ard to any ch an ge in the conditions of work and intercou rse which is at the sam e tim e an im provem ent, and a p a rt from the patriotism of its inhabitants, their local interest alone would m ake them sym pathetic tow ards any refo rm s contributing to th e well-being of the nation. W hile, th erefore, the prospects for the success of th e N eue Rheinische Zeitung can in every resp ect be said to be m ost favourable, th ere arises the question of the financial resources which m ust be raised to cover th e costs in the initial period, so long as the nu m b er of subscribers and advertisem ents have not yet m ade the enterprise secure. F o r this purp ose a capital o f 3 0 ,0 0 0 talers is req u ired , h ^ f of which is to be reg ard ed as a reserve fund. This capital is to be raised th rou g h a limited joint-stock com pany. It will be divided into 6 0 0 shares o f fifty talers each , and the paym ent will be in such instalments as to enable the less affluent also to p ro m ote the en terprise by th eir participation. Lists fo r the subscription of shares are open at: H e rr W . C louth, at St. A gath a N o. 12 W olff & K ap ferer, H ochstrasse No. 55 M ax K em m erich , St. K atharinen 2 B Esch 8c H en n , Kleine Sandkaul No. 1. Please send applications fro m outside Cologne to: D r. Daniels, Mittelstrasse N o. 2, C ologne, A pril 1848. By provisional ag re e m e n t of th e first shareholders, the follow ing conditions have been added to those an nounced above: 1) As soon as 2 0 0 shares a re subscribed, a general m eeting of shareholders will be called to ag ree u p on the Rules of the com pany. T h e latter thereup on com es into operation. 2) T h e m an agem en t of the editorial office and th e en gagem en t of contributors and co rresp on d en ts will be the responsibility of H e rr H einrich B u rgers.
Written by Heinrich Burgers in April 1848 First published in the Westphdlisches Dampf6oo<No. 12, May 17, 1848 Printed according to the journal Published in English for the first time

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543

M IN U T E S O F T H E M E E T IN G O F T H E C O L O G N E C O M M U N IT Y O F T H E C O M M U N IS T LEAGUE^**^
M E E T IN G O F M A Y I I , 1848

A R T IC L E S O F T H E N E U E R H E IN IS C H E Z E I T U N C C O M PAW *^^

P resident M arx asks Gottschalk what his opinion o r his decision is in reg ard to the L eag u e: what attitude tow ards th e L eagu e he, Gottschalk, now intends to adopt. G ottschalk states th at he repeats his resignation already submitted, since th e transform ation u n d ergon e by the p resen t conditions required also a recasting of th e Rules o f th e L eagu e, and u n d e r the existing Rules his personal freed om was in jeop ard y ; he states, how ever, that in all cases w here th e L eag u e m ight call upon his energies he would when th e occasion arises do everything in his pow er.

Article I From today for a period of five years, a limited joint-stock com pany is form ed fo r the purpose o f publishing a daily new spaper u n d er th e title Neue Rheinische Zeitung. O rgan der Demokratie.

Article 2 As a business th e com pany carries th e nam e H . K orff 8c C o., and a ch an ge of the latter shall have no effect on the continued existence of th e com pany.

f f . B urgers, President

Jo s. M oll, Secretary
First published in: Marx/Engels, Cesamtausgabe, Abt. I, Bd. 7, 1935 Printed according to the manu script Published in English foi the first time

Article 3 T h e prem ises of the new spaper office in Cologne at any given lime shall be th e address of th e com pany.

Article 4

T h e capital of th e com p an y, which is fixed at 3 0 ,0 0 0 Prussian talers, will be raised by 6 0 0 shares of 5 0 talers each , and shareholders shall at once proceed to form th e com pany.

544

Appendices

Article 5 Paym ent of shares is m ade, if necessary, in instalm ents o f between 5 and 10 per cen t which are called on th e o rd e r of th e managers of the com pany ann ou n ced by two insertions in the com panys news paper. Article 6 If a shareh old er does not pay a dem anded instalm ent within the specified tim e, the com pany has the right either to declare forfeited the rights arising from th e subscription, and from any paym ents already m ade, o r to take him to co u rt to force him to com ply with con tract. Article 7 Interim receipts will be issued against paym ent of instalments, which on com pletion of paym ent are exch an ged against shares..

Ux

,,9leueit 9l^>etiitfi^cn 3eitnttg^=

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1. fi(^) eine on ^eute ab au f bie 2)auer m funf ben ein J :a 3 ebtatt unter bem 9?eue 9?^etmf4)e Scitung, O rg an ber :^)emoEi;atte^' perau^gegeben. 2. 9IIg S'ttm a fu fjrtb ie c fe W a ft benS^am fn ^orff & Som p. unb ^ai bie Slenberung berfelben a u f ba^ gortbepe^ien ber cfetlf(^)aft femen nftu&, 3. jebe^malifle ?ofaI ber 3ettung^^(5xpeb;tion tn (56In ifl ba^ ber efcflfitaft* 4. C apital bet efeltfc^aft, welc^e^ auf 3 0 ,0 0 0 ^Tpaler ^ r . (Sour, feftgefe^t iff, tvirb burc|> 6 0 0 '^Ukn, iebe ju 5 0 i^ a fe r gufammengebractit unb treten Som parenten al^ e fellft^aft fofort jufam m en. S 52)ie (^in^ajjlung ber SIetten--33etrdge erfotgt n a ^ SSeburf-nt^ inSWalen on 5 bi^ 1 0 bie (Jinforbevuiig bcrfetben gef(^)icS)t gema^ eftimmung ber eranten bet Oefcttfcfeaft b u r i ^ttieimalige efanntmai^iung in ber Settung ber e-fellfc^aft.
S 6. ,

Article 8 Interim receipts and shares are signed by the com pany m anagers.

Article 9 Shares b ear serial num bers, are registered and, like the interim receipts, are transferable. A r t i c l e 10 T h e tran sfer of shares and interim receipts is p erfo rm ed by a declaration to that effect, signed by both the tra n sfe ro r and the tran sferee, and if fifty shares are already issued in the nam e o f the tran sferee, only by permission of the m anagers, and in this case the com pany reserves the right to acquire the shares presented for tran sfer, for the purpose of am ortisation.
^ In the original the word Gerant is used, whicH means the person who is legally responsible for the management of the newspaper and also the responsible publisher of the newspaper. In the article this word is rendered as manager. In ensuing documents, where the other aspects seem to be predominant, the term responsible publisher is used . E d

3aM t

Stftionaiv einen eingefovbertcn @tnf(^u nit^t

A rticles o f the Neue Rkeiniscke Zeitung Com pany

A ppendices

547

A r t i c l e 11 Every shareh old er shares in the gains and losses of th e com pany in proportion to the nu m b er of his shares, but is answerable for its liabilities only with th e am ou nt of his share.

A r t i c l e 12 Every shareh old er living elsewhere is obliged to choose an address in C ologne; failing that, th e address of th e com pany is reg ard ed as such. A r t i c l e 13 T h e heirs o r assigns of a shareh old er can in no circum stances apply fo r affixation of seals, fo rm an opposition, dem an d an inventory o r licitation, even if th ere are am on g them m inors o r o th er disqualified persons; they must co n ten t themselves with th e annual balance-sheet and the dividends as they are fixed for th e oth er shareholders. A r t i c l e 14 T h e com pany is rep resented by a m an ag er (H erm an n Korff) and two co-m an agers (Louis Schulz and Stephan A dolph N aut), whose shares are called in fo r the period of their m anagem ent.

A r t i c l e 15 T h e m anager assumes legal liability for the con ten t of the new spaper, handles th e com m ercial business of the com pany, the publication of th e new spaper, the editing of advertisem ents and checking of p roofs. T h e com m ercial direction is in his hands with the co-operation and con trol o f th e two co-m anagers. As em olum ent for th eir trouble th e m an ager and co-m an agers receive a p ercen tage of th e incom e from subscriptions after d educting postage and stam p duty: 5 p er cen t of th e first thousand subscriptions, 4 p er cen t of the n e x t thousand, 3 p er cen t of th e third thousand, 2 p er cen t of the fourth and th ereafter 1 p er cen t of every thousand. T h e m an ag er receives one-fifth of this am ou nt, the two co-m an agers two-fifths each. In addition, the m an ager receives an annual salary of 8 0 0 talers. T o be valid, all bills and prom issory notes require th e signatures of the m an ag er and th e two co-m anagers.

IT
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A r t i c l e II Every shareh old er shares in th e gains and losses of th e com pany in proportion to th e nu m b er of his shares, but is answerable fo r its liabilities only with th e am ou nt of his share.

A r t i c l e 12 Every shareh old er living elsewhere is obliged to choose an address in C ologne: failing th at, th e address of the com pany is reg ard ed as such. A r t i c l e 13 T h e heirs o r assigns of a shareh old er can in no circum stances apply fo r affixation of seals, fo rm an opposition, dem an d an inventory o r licitation, even if th ere are am on g them m inors o r o th er disqualified persons; they must con ten t them selves with th e annual balance-sheet and th e dividends as they are fixed for th e oth er shareholders.

A r t i c l e 14
T h e com pany is rep resented by a m an ag er (H erm an n Korff) and two co-m an agers (Louis Schulz and Stephan A dolph N aut), whose shares are called in for th e period of th eir m anagem ent.

A r t i c l e 15 T h e m an ager assumes legal liability for th e con ten t of the new spaper, handles the com m ercial business of th e com pany, the publication of th e new spaper, the editing of advertisem ents and checking of proofs. T h e com m ercial direction is in his hands with the co-op eration and con trol o f th e two co-m anagers. As em olum ent fo r th eir trouble th e m an ager and co-m an agers receive a p ercen tage of th e incom e from subscriptions after d educting postage and stamp duty: 5 p e r c e n t of th e first thousand subscriptions, 4 p er cen t of the n ext thousand, 3 p er cen t of th e third thousand, 2 p er cen t of th e fourth and th ereafter 1 p e rc e n t of every thousand. T h e m an ager receives one-fifth of this am ou nt, the two co-m an agers two-fifths each. In addition, the m an ag er receives an annual salary of 8 0 0 talers. T o be valid, all bills and prom issory notes require the signatures of the m an ag er and the two co-m anagers.

548

Appendices

Appendices

549

Article

16

A r t i c l e 22 Every m em ber of th e Supervisory B o ard is entitled to resign from his position if he has announced his intention in w riting six weeks before. If the position of a m em b er of th e B o ard falls vacant, the Supervisory B o ard nom inates a substitute who keeps his position until it is definitively filled by th e general m eeting. A r t i c l e 23 T h e Supervisory B o a rd takes all decisions by m ajority vote in the presence o^ at least five m em bers. If th e voting is equal, the chairm an has the casting vote. A r t i c l e 24 M inutes are taken of all proceedings and decisions and are signed by the Supervisory B oard m em bers present.

T h e m anagers are expressly forbidden to participate, either directly o r indirectly, in any similar enterprise. Article 17

T h e salaried m an ager can n ot allow a substitute to rep resent him without the permission of the co-m an agers, w hereas th e latter may do so any time they like on their own responsibility. A r t i c l e 18 T h e retirem en t of o ne o r m ore of the m anagers eith er throu gh death o r term ination of the em ploym ent does not entail the dissolution of the com pany and does not affect this ag reem en t in any way. In such a case those who rem ain in office must in the first week after th e demise o r term ination of em ploym ent call a general m eeting to decide on the filling of th e vacancy. A r t i c l e 19 A fter one year has passed, the m an ag er is allowed to leave the com pany, giving th ree m onths notice. Likewise, the two co-m anagers are entitled by unanim ous decision and with the co-operation of the general m eeting to give th ree m onths notice to the m an ager. T h e co-m anagers are entitled to leave at any tim e, giving three m onths notice. A r t i c l e 20 T h e m anagers m ust con tact a bank in the usual com m ercial m an n er and tran sfer to it, at interest, all cash which is not for im m ediate use o r necessary for th e cu rre n t expenses o f th e week, so as to be able to use it at any time it may be n eeded. Repaym ents by the bank must be receipted over the signature of th e m an ager and the two co-m anagers. A r t i c l e 21 T h e general m eeting of shareholders elects annually a Supervisory Board consisting of seven m em bers which superintends the conduct of business.

A r t i c l e 25 T h e Supervisory B oard m eets regularly once a m on th ; at the invitation of th e ch airm an as often as he deem s necessary, o r if two m em bers o r one o f th e m anagers dem and it.

A r t i c l e 26 T h e Supervisory B o a rd stands by the m anagers as controlling com m ittee, checks th e books and shares reco rd at any tim e, either directly o r th rou g h an authorised sh areh old er o r non-shareholder, inspects th e cash and th e balance-sheet. A r t i c l e 27 T h e m em bers o f th e Supervisory Board receive n eith er salary n or a prem ium fo r th eir trouble. A r t i c l e 28 E very year in the m on th o f Feb ru ary a general m eeting is held, the first of these in the year 1 8 4 9 . E xtrao rd in ary general m eetings may be called as often as the Supervisory B o a rd deem s necessary, o r if

550

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551

o ne of the m anagers o r 2 0 m em bers of th e com pany w ho own at least 4 0 shares dem an d it. A r t i c l e 29 T h e invitation to ord inary o r extraord in ary general m eetings is extend ed twice th rou g h the com p an ys new spaper, to extraord in ary ones with a brief indication of th e agenda. O rd in ary general meetings are called by th e Supervisory B o ard , extraord in ary ones by the latter o r by one o f the m anagers. A r t i c l e 30 T h e general m eeting consists o f all shareholders whose sharehold ings have been en tered in the com panys register fo r at least six weeks. R egistration is effected fo r the first tim e by signing the com pany co n tract, later upon w ritten dem an d with the com pany. T h e h old er of o ne sh are has o ne vote, o f fo u r shares two votes, of ten shares th ree votes, of fifteen shares fo u r votes, o f twenty and m ore shares five votes. Absentees can be rep resen ted by shareholders, but these can never com bine m o re than ten votes in o ne person. W ritten authority fo r representation of absent shareholders m ust be subm itted to th e Supervisory B o ard fo r inspection on the day of the general m eeting at th e latest. A r t i c l e 31 All decisions are taken by an absolute m ajority; if voting is equal, the ch airm an has the casting vote. All elections, how ever, are m ade by simple m ajority. If two o r m o re persons receive equal votes, the election is decided by lot.

can cast a separate ballot p ap er fo r each shareh old er h e represents, in addition to his own. A r t i c l e 34 R egu lar items fo r the agend a of the general m eeting are; a) M anagers re p o rt on last years business; b) Supervisory B o a rd s re p o rt on the audit of the accounts; c) decisions on any criticism raised by the Supervisory B o ard against th e accou n ts, and en d orsem en t; d) election of m em bers of the Supervisory B o a rd ; e) decision on m atters re fe rre d to the general m eeting by the Supervisory B o a rd , the m an agers, o r individual sh are holders. A r t i c l e 35 Special m otions by individual shareholders m ust be received by the m anagers at the latest a week before th e general m eeting, otherwise they are entitled to d e fe r th e decision to th e n e x t general m eeting. A r t i c l e 36 Minutes of th e p roceedings of the general m eeting are taken by a shareh old er appointed by th e ch airm an ; to be valid, they must be signed by the ch airm an , the Supervisory B oard m em bers present, and at least two o th e r shareholders. A r t i c l e 37 T h e m anagers draw u p a balance-sheet annually on 1st D ecem ber and to g eth er with the receipts pass it on for auditing to the Supervisory B oard at the latest on 20th Jan u ary . T h e B o ard must present it to th e ordinary general m eeting tog eth er with its rep o rt. A r t i c l e 38 D uring the last days before th e general m eeting the balance-sheet and receipts m ust be available to all shareholders for inspection in the business premises of the com pany. A r t i c l e 39 If at the closing of th e annual accounts after deduction of interest net surplus is shown, then 1) all co n tracted royalties are settled. ;nnl

A r t i c l e 32 Elections are always held by secret ballot, but decisions only when holders o f at least 50 shares dem and it. A r t i c l e 33 In case o f a secret ballot the ch airm an appointstwo scrutineers and distributes th e ballot papers which carry on th e reverse side the n um ber o f votes and his signature. Every authorised representative

552

A p p e n d ice s

A p p e n d ice s

553

2) ten p er cen t is p u t to a reserve fund fo r u n exp ected losses and im provem ents of the new spaper and fo r extrao rd in ary exp en d i tures, and 3) the rem aining sum is distributed as dividends am ong the shareholders. A r t i c l e 40 T h e use of th e reserve fund, which m ust n ot exceed the sum of 1 0 ,0 0 0 talers, is decided by the general m eetin g upon the m otions of the Supervisory B o ard and the m anagers.

A r t i c l e 46 Disputes between the com pany and shareholders shall be settled by arbitration. Printed by W. Clouth in C o lo ^ e

F irst p u b lish ed as a s e p a ra te le a fle t in Ju ly

1848

P rin ted a c c o r d in g to th e lea flet Pu blished in E n g lish fo r th e first tim e

A r t i c l e 41 T h e m anagers an n ou nce by two insertions in the com p an ys new spaper w here the interest and dividends can be collected annually com m en cing on 1st M arch.

A r t i c l e 42 In terest and dividends which have not been collected within two years from th e pay-day an nounced, o r collection of which has not been notified by any person within the specified period , becom e the p roperty of th e com pany. A r t i c l e 43 T h e com pany is automatically dissolved before the expiry of the period specified in A rticle 1 if losses o ccu r which exh au st four-fifths of the subscribed share capital.

A r t i c l e 44 In all these cases th e m anagers must call an extraord in ary meeting which shall decide on the m an n er in which th e com pany is to be liquidated. A r t i c l e 45 C hanges o f Articles can be decided at a general m eeting by a m ajority of three-q u arters of th e voters present or represented if th eir general co n ten t was indicated in the notice.

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L E G A L IN V E S T IG A T IO N A G A IN S T T H E N E U E R H E I N I S C H E Z E IT U N G

L E G A L P R O C EED IN G S A G A IN S T T H E N E U E R H E I N I S C H E Z E IT U N G

Cologne, Ju ly 7. T h e responsible publisher* of the N eue Rheinische Zeitung, K orff, and its editor-in-chief, Karl M arx, w ere interrogated yesterday at the office of the exam in in g m agistrate, both of them being accused of insulting o r libelling the C hief Public Prosecutor, H e rr Zweiffel, and the policem en w ho arrested A nneke. T h e interrogation began at 4 o clock. A fter its conclusion, at about 6 o clock, th e exam ining m agistrate and Public P ro secu tor Hecker accom panied th e accused to the office o f the editorial board, w here with th e aid o f a police inspector a search of the prem ises took place in o rd e r to discover the m anuscript and thus the a u th o r of the inculpated article.' T h e re was found a n ote in an unknown handw riting but it was n ot a copy o f th e inculpated article. T his note was added to the dossier of the indictm ent against Marx and consorts. In view of this last expression, it seem s that it is intended to institute proceedings against the editorial board en masse although the responsible publisher, K orff, who alone appends his signature to the new spaper, undertakes, of cou rse, also the legal responsibility fo r it.
First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 38, July 8, 1848

Cologne, July 2 2 . T h is m orn in g the editor-in-chief of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, Karl M arx, was again sum m oned before the exam ining m agistrate to be interrogated on accou n t of the incrim inated article on th e arrest of H e rr A nneke. T h is tim e the sum m ons did not include th e responsible publisher o f th e newspa per, H e rr K orff.
First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 53, July 23, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

Gerant. See footn ote on p. 5 4 4 . Ed. See this volum e, pp. 1 7 7 -7 9 .Ed

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R EPO R T O F T H E SPEECH ES M AD E B Y M A R X AN D E N G E L S A T T H E G E N E R A L M E E T IN G O F T H E D EM O C R A T IC S O C IE T Y IN C O L O G N E ON A U G U S T 4, 1848

neous elem ents, which by m eans of an exch an g e of views have to agree on th e m ost ap p rop riate m ode of adm inistration. H e rr Engels rep orts on the G overnm ents rejection of the application for citizenship of D r. Marx. As th e latter was a Rhineland Prussian by birth, and as since the M arch revolution all political refugees have had their citizenship restored to them , this interpretation of citizenship involved injustice and breach of faith; he would thereby be reg ard ed as a fo reig n er who could be expelled at any time.
First published in the newspaper Der Wachter am Rhein, 2. Dutzend, No. 1, August 23, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

[...] H ereu p o n D r. Marx, editor-in-chief of the Nexie Rheinische Zeitung, exam ines the principles o f H e rr W eitling, p ronou n ced at the m eeting of the D em ocratic Society held a fortn igh t ago, and in a pithy and fairly long speech seeks to prove, on the grou n d s of th e historical developm ent of the revolutions that have taken place d uring the last few centuries, that, the separation of political and social interests assum ed by W eitling is as unthinkable as their direct opposition, that, rath er, the political and social interests must in terp en etrate. T h e claim that social developm ent retard s political developm ent was also in correct; un fortu n ately, in respect of social developm ent we G erm ans had only now arrived at the point which the Fren ch had already reached in the year 1789; the present contradictions could only be resolved by sharply defining them and em phasising the interests of the individual classes; only in this way, that is by using intellectual w eapons, can an amicable settlem ent be achieved. T h e disregard of th e position of th e various strata of the population to o ne an oth er, the refusal to m ake reciprocal con ces sions and w rong notions about class relations have led to th e bloody outcom e in Paris. T h e dictatorship which W eitling proposed as the m ost desirable constitutional fo rm is, for similar reasons, reg ard ed by M arx as im practical and quite unfeasible, since pow er can n ot be attained by a single class; the intention to carry on a dictatorship in accordan ce with a system devised by a single brain, deserves to be called nonsensical. O n the co n trary, the govern in g pow er, just as the Provisional G overnm ent in Paris, must consist of th e most h eterogeO n July 21 , 1 848. Ed. See this volum e, pp. 4 0 7 -1 0 . Ed.

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attack. T h e y m erely have to m ake use o f th e sam e freedom s which the Association W ith God fo r K ing and F ath erlan d * and its branch associations enjoy. A N N O U N C E M E N T O F T H E C O N V O C A T IO N O F T H E R H E N IS H D IS T R IC T C O N G RESS O F D E M O C R A T IC A S S O C IA T IO N S ^
First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 66, August 5, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first

Cologne, A ugust 4. In accordan ce with the decision of the D em ocratic C ongress in F ran kfu rt, which resolved that Cologne should be th e seat of th e E xecu tive fo r th e Prussian R hine Prov ince and authorised the dem ocratic associations th ere to con vene a district congress fo r organising the d em ocratic p arty in the province, the C entral C om m ittee of th e associations h ere*^ invites all dem ocratically-m inded associations in th e R hine Province to appoint delegates to this congress, which will take place h ere on Sunday, A ugust 13. T h e delegates m ust re p o rt th eir arrival in the upstairs hall o f the Stollwerk prem ises. T h e C entral C om m ittee of the th ree d em ocratic associations in C ologne

S chneider II, M arx

(F o r the D em ocratic Society)

M oll, S cbapper

B ecker, S cbutzendorf

(F o r the W ork ers Association) (F o r the Association fo r W orkers and Em ployers At a m om ent when reaction, o peratin g u n d er th e nam e of itinerant constitutional congresses, is reviewing and con cen tratin g its forces th rou gh ou t the state, d em ocrats do not need any m ore exhaustive exposition of th e necessity fo r an energetic ro u n ter-

^ Words from the decree o f Frederick William III issued on March 17, I8 I3 , announcing the setting up o f the army reserve. Ed.

560

561

T H E L E G A L P R O C EED IN G S A G A IN S T T H E N E U E R H E I N I S C H E Z E IT U N G

K A R L M A R X T O P O L IC E S U P E R IN T E N D E N T GEIGER**

Cologne, August 4. O u r entan glem ent with the office of th e Public Prosecu tor continues to take its cou rse. Last Monday th e responsible publisher K orff was again sum m oned before th e exam ining magis trate and yesterday two of o u r editors, D ronke and Engels, were cited as witnesses. D ronke is away at present; Engels ap p eared but was not interrogated on oath, since it is supposed that the n ote recently confiscated in o u r office* is in his handw riting and it is possible, th erefo re, that he, too, will be involved in the indictm ent. It is clear that the prosecution is not satisfied with th e m anager functioning as th e responsible publisher. T h e editor-in-chief has to be im plicated, th e au th o r of th e article in question has to be discovered, th e editors any one o f whom could be th e a u th o r of the article in question have to be m ade to give evidence against one another, indeed, if possible, against themselves.
First published in the N eiu Rheiniscke Zeilung}^o. 66 , August 5, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

T o Police S u p erintendent Geiger H ere. Sir, I inform you that I have im m ediately appealed^ to the Ministry of the In terio r against th e p a p e r draw n up by you* and that I continue to reg ard myself as before as a citizen of th e G erm an E m pire. C ologne, A ugust 5, 1848 Editor-in-C hief of th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung D r. K arl Marx

First published in the Zeitschrift fiir Geschichtsu>issenschaft No. 3, 1968

Printed according to the manu script Published in English for the first time

See this volum e, p. 55 4 . Ed.

* See this volum e, pp. 4 0 7 -1 0 . Ed. Ibid ., p. 408 . Ed.

562

Appendices

563

FRO M T H E M IN U T E S O F T H E G E N E R A L M E E T IN G O F T H E D EM O C R A T IC S O C IE T Y IN C O LO G N E H E L D ON A U G U S T 11, 1848

A fter the minutes o f the p reced in g general m eeting had been read and approved at the request of acting President M arx, H e rr W olff T ead o u t the p rotest to th e G erm an N ational Assembly against the partition o f Poland,* which was joyfully greeted and adopted with acclam ation. H e rr Rittinghatisen gave m any reasons vindicating H e rr M arxs righ t to citizenship recendy contested by the Prussian Government.*" H e considered that the best thing would be, by m eans of a deputation tom orrow , to m ake th e G overnm ent reverse this illegal and altogeth er ridiculous action , and if the G overnm ent is unwilling to do that, to send a protest at such behaviour directly to the Minister. T h e protest was read and adopted , and in the event of the refusal o f citizenship fo r M arx not being withdrawn people will be invited to sign the protest this evening. H e rr M arx dwelt in m o re detail on th e grou n d s proving the injustice o f the m easures adop ted against him , and the applause of th e whole m eetin g testified to the force of his argum ents. T h e circum stance on accou n t o f which the G overnm ent refused him the righ t of citizenship really lies in th e fact that previously attem pts had been m ade in vain to win him over to th e side o f th e G overnm ent. H e rr Engels rep o rted a new vexatious police m easure against S ch apper by which the latter is threaten ed with deportation.*" H e described the intervention of th e police and especially stressed that in any case S chapper as a citizen o f Nassau has the righ t to be
* S e e this volum e, pp. 5 6 4 -6 5 . Ed.

reg ard ed as a G erm an and as such, by th e decision o f th e F ran k fu rt N ational Assembly, is entitled to reside in any o f th e 3 8 G erm an states. R ittinghausen, Schneider and B u rg ers w ere elected as delegates to put the case o f M arx and S ch ap p er b efore th e Regierungsprdsident and th e Police S u p erintendent and try to effect a reversal of the decisions in question. D eputy Gladbach, whose ap p earan ce was greeted with storm y applause, explained at length that salvation should not be exp ected to com e eith er fro m th e Berlin Assembly o r from th e Fran k fu rt Assembly. H e rr E r^ e b stressed that it was Gladbach who had always distinguished him self by his liberal outlook and audacity and especially by his vigorous p rotest against th e way the SchleswigH olsteiners w ere dealt with in Spandau.* T h e re u p o n th ree ch eers were given for H e rr G ladbach.

First published in the newspaper Der Wachter am Rhein, 2. Dutzend, No. 2, August 25, 1848

Printed according to the newspai>er Published in English for the first dme

^ Ib id .. pp. 4 0 7 -1 0 . d.
Ib id ., pp. 3 8 3 -8 4 . See this volum e, pp. 180-81 and 1 9 2 -9 3 . Ed.

564

Appendices-

565

P R O T E S T O F T H E D EM O C R A T IC S O C IE T Y IN C O L O G N E A G A IN S T T H E IN C O R P O R A T IO N O F PO SEN IN T H E G ER M A N CONFEDERATION^^

Poland and th e flouting of liberty in the sam e way as did the V ienna C ongress and the G erm an Federal Diet; 8. that nevertheless th e healthy p a rt o f the G erm an people will not and can n o t take any p a rt in oppressing th e Polish nation fo r the benefit of reaction and in the interests o f a nu m b er o f Prussian b u reau crats, landow ners and hucksterers; resolves in its sitting today: to m ake a form al p rotest against the decision ad op ted by the G erm an N ational Assembly on July 2 7 , 1 8 4 8 , in reg ard to the G ran d D uchy of Posen and herew ith to lay before G erm any, Poland and th e whole of E u ro p e its vigorous objections to this incorporation which is solely of advantage to the reaction ary party in Prussia, Russia and A ustria. O n behalf of the Democratic Society,

Cologne, A ugust 12. T h e Democratic Society o f C ologne has subm itted the following p ro test to th e National Assembly: T o the H igh National Assembly! T h e D em ocratic Society o f C ologne, considering 1. that G erm any, which is engaged in a struggle fo r freed om , does not desire to oppress o th er nationalities but to prom ote their efforts for freed om and independence; that the liberation of Poland is a vital question fo r G erm any; that Poland has in fact been repeatedly robbed o f its freed om and national ind ependence by three despots; that since 179 2 all attacks upon Poland and all partitions of Poland have always been aim ed by reaction against th e freedom of the whole of E u ro p e, and, on the o th er han d , w henever a liberation of the peoples took place th ere was insistence also on the restoration of Poland; 5. that even the C om m ittee o f F i f t y , i n the nam e of th e G erm an people, indignantiy rejected any sh are in the o u trag e com m it ted against Poland and clearly proclaim ed th e d u ty o f the G erm an people to co -op erate in the restoration of an indepen den t Poland; 6. that after th e M arch revolution even th e King of Prussia, com pelled by th e force o f public opinion, solemnly assented to the reorganisation of Posen; 7. that despite that the N ational Assembly in F ran k fu rt, which, it is tru e, arose from indirect elections, in its sitting o f July 27, 1848, voted fo r th e incorporation of th ree-q u arters o f the G rand D uchy of Posen in the as yet non-existent G erm an E m p ire and thereby in cu rred the guilt of a new partition of

The Com m ittee

Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

First published in the Neue Rkeinische ZeitungN o. 74, August 13, 1848

566

567

T H E L E G A L IN V E S T IG A T IO N A G A IN S T T H E N E U E R H E J N I S C H E Z E IT U N G

R EC O R D O F E N G E L S S P E E C H A T T H E P U B L IC M E E T IN G O F T H E F IR S T C O N G RESS O F R H E N IS H D EM O C R A T S H E L D A T C O L O G N E O N A U G U S T 13, 1848

FRO M A N EW SPA PER R EPO R T

Cologne, A ugust 12. T h e interesting relations between o u r news p ap er and the Public P ro secu tors office continue to take their cou rse. Y esterday o ne o f o u r editors, E rn st D ronke, was again sum m on ed to ap p ear before the exam in in g m agistrate as a witness. T h e re was n o in terrogation on oath since inform ation had been received that, on the evening a fter A nn ek es arrest, D ronke had visited A n n ek es wife and obtained there particulars about th e arrest. W hen the witness asked against whom the indictm ent was being m ade, an explanation of th e term M arx and con sorts was given to the effect that it was m erely possible that th e responsible publisher K orff would be indicted w hereas they intended to indict the editor-in-chief, Karl M arx, as the supposed au th o r o f th e incrim i nated article. Incidentally, D ronke stated that h e did not consider himself bound to tell th e tru th , since as ed itor it was possible h e m ight be im plicated in the auth orship of th e article and h e would not testify against himself.
First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 74, August 13, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

Engels fro m C ologn e: A ch aracteristic feature of th e R hineland is hatred o f Prussian officialdom and dyed-in-the-w ool Prussianism ; it is to be hoped that this attitude will en d u re.
First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 101, September 13, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the firsi

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569

N O T E IN T H E N E U E R H E I N I S C H E Z E IT U N G ON M A R X S D E P A R T U R E F O R V IE N N A

FRO M A N E W S P A P E R IT E M L IS T IN G T H E N A M ES O F V IS IT O R S W H O H A D JU S T A R R IV E D IN V IE N N A

New Arrivals A ugust 27 Cologne, A ugust 2 4 . T h e ed ito r-in < h ief o f the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, Karl M arx, yesterday went to V ienna fo r a few days.^^
First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeihing No. 85, August 25, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

H e rr Steriol D am esa, m erch ant, from Semlin. B aroness Beust, wife o f th e royal and im perial cavalry captain from T arn o w . H e rr A nton Feuerstein, m erch ant, from Schw arzenberg. H e rr Carl M arx, Ph. D., from Paris.* M essrs. A lex. Kusa and Basil. Ghika, m en of private m eans, from England.*
First published in the Wiener Zeitung No. 236, August 30, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Publi.shed in English for the first time

T here follows a list of other persons who had arrived in Vienna that day. Ed.

570

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571

[Wiener Zeitung No. 2 5 2 (supplem ent), Septem ber 17, 1848]

N EW S PA P E R R E P O R T S O F M A R X S S P E E C H IN T H E V IE N N A D EM O C R A T IC A S S O C IA T IO N O N A U G U S T 2 8 , 1848

... in a V iennese Association, w here a debate about the dismissal of the Ministers was in progress, an academic from abroad really had the audacity to say th e following: U p to now th e speakers m entioned only two g reat powers, the Im perial Diet and th e E m p e ro r, to whom they intended to appeal in o rd e r to bring about th e dismissal of th e M inisters; but th e greatest pow er, the people, has been forgotten! We must appeal to the people and must try to influence it employing every possible means. We must raise a storm against the Government, and must work towards this end in every possible way, even using Mephistophelian means. We use the press, posters and discussions to achieve this. ^^
Printed according to the newspapers

[N ew Rheinische Zeitung No, 94, September 5, 1848]

Vienna, A ugust 2 9 . A t yesterdays m eetin g o f th e D em ocratic Association it was discussed w hether th e Association should ap p roach the E m p e ro r o r th e Im perial Diet so as to bring about the downfall o f M inister Schw arzer o r ra th e r th e fall o f th e entire D oblhoff Ministry. H e rr Julius F rob e! and H e rr M arx were present as guests and both took part in the debate from different standpoints. H e rr Julius Frobel was of the opinion that the Association should ap p roach th e E m p ero r, w hereas H e rr M arx m aintained that the d em ocratic principle was to be fou nd in th e Im perial Diet. N o one h ere is surprised that th e Berlin th eo retical so-called d em ocrats in practice seek to reach ag reem en t with the sovereigns.

Published in English for lime

the first

[Der Radikale No. 64, August 31, 1848]

Vienna, A ugust 3 0 . T h e m eeting of th e D em ocratic Association on the 28th of this m onth is o ne of th e m ost interesting and im portant events in o u r cu rre n t history. A m on g the guests p resen t we mention the well-known political w riter Julius Frobel and th e ed itor of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, H e rr Karl M arx; both of them have becom e im portan t on accou n t of th eir p articu lar fate. As w riters, too, they occupy a definite position which is o f im p ortan ce for G erm any.... H e rr Marx was o f the opinion that it was a m atter o f indifference who was Minister, for h ere too as in Paris it was now a question of the struggle between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. His speech was very witty, tren ch an t and instructive....

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57 3

N EW S P A P E R R E P O R T S O F M A R X S S P E E C H IN T H E F IR S T W O R K E R S A S S O C IA T IO N O F V IE N N A O N A U G U S T 3 0 , 1848

R E P O R T O F M A R X S L E C T U R E O N W A G E L A B O U R AND C A P IT A L A T T H E M E E T IN G O F T H E F IR S T W O R K ER S ' A S S O C IA T IO N O F V IE N N A O N S E P T E M B E R 2 , 1848^'^

[Die CoTufitufitm No. 133, September 1, 1848]

Dr. M arx spoke about th e w orkers, especially the G erm an workers ab road. T h e national workshops and th e latest w orkers revolution in Paris. H e asserted that the G erm an w orkers could be p ro u d that a considerable num b er of those d ep orted w ere th eir com p at riots. T h e Chartists in England and the recen t C hartist m ovem ents. England and the com plete em ancipation of th e w orkers of E u rop e. Belgium .

[Der Volksfreund No. 109, September 3, 1848]

Dr. Marx, ed itor o f the \^Neu^ Rheinische Zeitung, greeted the Association and said that he felt it an h o n o u r to speak also to a w orkers association in Vienna, as he had already done in Paris, London and Brussels.
Printed according to the newspapers Published in English for the first time

D r. M arx delivered a fairly long lecture on wage labour and capital. H e said in his introduction that all revolutions are social revolutions. Capital consists not of m oney, but of raw m atenals, instrum ents of production and articles of con su m p tion ; w age labour produces capital as distinct from th e products. T h e assertion that the interests of th e capitalist and of th e wage labou rer are identical is false Along with division of labour, com petition am ong the workers grows and wages fall; but this occu rs still m o re owing to th e use of m achines. P roduction costs determ in e wages. Civihsation does not increase th e well-being of th e w orkers, but does the opposite. T a x e s and the p rice of th e necessities of life increase. T h e lectu rer spoke also about the rem edies that h ad been tried and th eir inadequacy, such as, fo r exam p le, M althus theory of over-population. T h e workhouses in England. Industrial training. Abolition of protective tariffs and of taxes. Finally, he stated that conditions must im prove because not ail th e w orkers are used as workers, but part of them are m aintained....
First published in Die No. 136, September 5, 1848 ConstiJution Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first

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575

REPO RT O F PLA TO O N LEA D ER M ENTES O F T H E C O L O G N E C IV IC M IL IT IA T hird Standard Report of the 5th Platoon of the Stan d ard G uard o f Septem ber 1, 1848 Absent from th e standard guard without excuse: C orp oral H e rr C. M ohr d u to '* F erd . Rhien M ilitiaman J . A. Fischer ditto G. W eerth d itto E . D ronke ditto F. Engels ditto F . Schnabel ditto C. Kayser ditto R. Kayser ditto M. Olzem ditto Ja c . Schmidt ditto Fried . Greven ditto W m . Engels ditto Jo h . Struben ditto Ign . W ieners ditto J. P. M ohr d itto M. W oocker ditto C. D eckker C ologne, Septem ber 2 , 1848 Platoon leader M. Mentis
P r in te d a c c o rd in g to th e sc rip t P u b lish e d f o r t h e first tim e m anu

REPLY

Com pany No. X V I

Sculptor Pharm acist C ap-m aker E d ito r o f the Neue Rheinische Zeituns ditto ditto Cap-maker M erchant ditto ditto Shoem aker B u tch er G arm ent-m aker ditto R oofer G rocer

No. 2 0 1 of th e Breslauer Zeitung publishes a re p o rt from Berlin that knight Schnapphahnski** has bought m any shares in th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung and fo r this reason the series of featu re articles about him has com e to an end, because it is n ot possible fo r a new spaper to w age a polemic against its own shareholders. T h e allegedly d em ocratic Ef^seldorfer Zeitung considers itself bound to rep ro d u ce this insinuation in its colum ns. W h atever concoctions it may be desired to invent in Berlin, a Silesian new spaper ou g h t to have known that this assertion was a lie and why it was a lie. U n fortun ately fo r it, how ever, th e treach ero u s assertion com es too late. N o. 9 2 o f th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung, which was published long before the arrival o f N o. 2 0 1 o f th e Breslauer Zeitung, contains the continuation of th e featu re articles in question. M oreover, th e Neue Rheinische Zeitung is th e new spaper o f a party and has already given sufficient p roof that it is not to be bought.

The Responsible Publishers o f the N eue R heinische Z eitung

F irst p u b lis h e d in th e s u p p le m e n t to t h e N eue JJ/tetniscAe Zeitung N o . 9 3 , S e p te m b e r 3. 1 8 4 8 P rin te d a c c o r d in g to t h e n e w s p a p e r P u b lish e d in E n g lish fo r th e first tim e

I n th e o n g m a l th e w h o le lin e is c ro ss e d o u t a n d th e fo llo w in g n o te in s e rte d - h e t u r n e d u p . Ed.

576

577

L E G A L PR O C EED IN G S A G A IN S T T H E N E U E R H E I N I S C H E Z E IT U N G

AD DRESS T O T H E G ER M A N N A T IO N A L A S S E M B L Y IN F R A N K F U R T A D O P T E D B Y A P U B L IC M E E T IN G H E L D IN C O L O G N E ON S E P T E M B E R 7, 1848^^

Cologne, Septem ber 5. Y esterday one of o u r editors, Friedrich Engels, was again sum m oned to ap p ear before th e exam ining m agistrate in the investigation against M arx and consorts,* but this time not as a witness but as co-accused. T h e prelim inary investigation has ended, and if th e Public P ro secu tors office does not m ake any fu rth er proposals, th e Council C h am ber will shortly have to decide w hether M arx, Engels and K o rff will have to ap p ear before the Assize C ou rt on the ch arg e of insulting o r libelling Chief Public P rosecu tor Zweiffel and th e six policem en.
First published in the N ew Rheinische Zeitung No. 95, September 6 , 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

An arm istice with D enm ark, which has been ratified by Prussia, has been presented by the Prussian G overnm ent to th e Im perial G overnm ent, and by th e Im perial G overnm ent to you. T h e undersigned G erm an citizens resident in Cologne protest against this arm istice, and, considering: L that Prussia has concluded this arm istice on the basis of an authorisation issued by the Im perial Regent but not co u n ter signed by any responsible Im perial M inister, and hen ce legally invalid; 2. that Prussia has exceed ed this authorisation in every point thus pursuing only the interests of absolutism and its own, unG erm an plans; 3. that no political ag reem en t may be concluded w ithout previous authorisation of the National Assembly; 4. that this arm istice forces th e victorious G erm an troop s to an ignominious retreat, instals a Danish G overnm ent in SchleswigHolstein and L au en bu rg, betrays to D enm ark th e Provisional G overnm ent, which arose from th e revolution and was recognised by G erm any, and all its decisions; withdraws the Schleswig troops from th e G erm an High C om m and and delivers Schleswig-Holstein to civil war; 5. that w hereas G erm any has constantly fought th e revolution in Italy, Posen and P rague, the Danish war is th e only one in which G erm any defends the revolution against'legitim ism and ab solutism;
Archduke John of Austria. Ed.

See this volum e, p. 5 6 6 . Ed

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Appendices

579

request y o u : to reject th e arm istice concluded by Prussia in violation of the authorisation and in defiance of the C en tral A uthority and the National Assembly, and to defend th e revolution in SchleswigHolstein even at th e risk of a E u rop ean war, and never again to entrust the present Prussian G overnm ent with diplom atic negotia tions on behalf o f G erm any; and, finally, to declare that G erm any will on no accou n t force the Danish-speaking N orth Schleswig to becom e a p art of G erm any against its will. C ologne, Septem ber 7, 1848
First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 98, September 9, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

M IN U T E S O F T H E C O M M IT T E E M E E T IN G O F T H E C O L O G N E W O R K E R S A S S O C IA T IO N H E L D O N S E P T E M B E R 11, 1 8 4 8

A fter read ing th e m inutes o f the previous m eeting, th e secretary, Citizen Kalker, declared that because o f his d ep artu re from h ere, which would take place tom orrow , it would no lon ger be possible for him to give his services as secretary of th e Association and that he herew ith handed o ver his functions to the Association. T h e re u p o n Citizen Blum ju n . was proposed as secretary and accepted. T h e latter then took the floor and related th e detailed circu m stances o f th e a rre st of him self and Citizen Salget last Sunday evening in W esseling by th e B u rg om aster of that place. F o r, on their way back to C ologne, after visiting a W o rk ers Association founded earlier in Cassel, they visited the W o rk ers Association in W esseling; they had spoken th ere about social re fo rm fo r barely a q u a rte r o f an h o u r, when G eier, the local B u rg om aster, suddenly ap p eared accom panied by a policem an, arrested them , and placed them in custody in the latters house, but n e x t m orn in g, with the m ost friendly civility, he let them go h om e peacefully. P resident Moll th ereu p o n asked Citizen Blum w hether he had p erhaps prom ised the B.UTgomaster of W esseling not to take any steps against him , and when th e question was answ ered in the negative, he m oved that, to safeguard their rights and prevent similar illegal and arb itrary arrests, th e m eeting should decide to take th e necessary steps, nam ely th rou g h the cou rts, which was ag reed unanim ously. Citizen R oser requested th e m anaging com m ittee o f th e Society to invite th e W o rk ers Association in Frech en to th e public m eeting to
See this volum e, p. 4 2 6 . Ed

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581

be held on the 15th in W o rrin gen . T h e secretary was instructed to com ply. Citizen D ronke: W e have now reached a point which could be m ore im p ortan t and frau ght with m ore consequences than many m ight p erhaps think. T h e G overnm ent of A ction has fallen, along with its w orld-enchanting financial plans. B u t let us not assume that we are now at the goal of o u r desires, o r that anything will be done for us; let us not even count on getting a G overnm ent of th e L e ft. On the co n trary , we now have the prospect of a G overnm ent which does not even belong to th e C h am b er and will consist of people from the past, von Vincke etc. B ehind such a G overnm ent stands absolutism in all its g ran d eu r, all its insolence and arro g an ce. It will probably wish to disperse the C ham ber with the aid of Pom eranian bayonets, and then the struggle between m onarchy and nation will be inevitable. P erhaps while we are sitting h ere they are already fighting on the barricades in Berlin. T h ereu p o n the m eeting turned to the social question, and President Moll rem arked that we had com e to a halt on the question w hether an organisation of work was possible o r n ot. People often threw at us the failure of th e national workshops in France^ in o rd er to prove that an organisation of work was impossible. Citizen Engels m ade a lengthy speech on this subject. His speech was received with g reat applause. A fter a written reply from the local T ow n Council had been read , con cerning the request that th e expenses o f o u r delegates to the workers' con gress in Frankfurt* be defrayed, in which th e Tow n Council asks fo r fu rth er details, the m eeting was closed. Voluntary contributions am ounted to 11 silver groschen and 7 pfennigs.
First published in the Zeitung des ArbeiUrVereines zu Koln No. 33, September 21, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first rime

L E T T E R W R IT T E N B Y VO N K U H L W E T T E R , M IN IS T E R O F T H E IN T E R IO R , T O K A R L MARX*'

T o Dr. Marx, Esquire, in Cologne In reply to y ou r submission of th e 2 3 rd o f last month,* I have to inform you that I can n o t consider it illegal that for th e tim e being the Royal G overnm ent in Cologne has rejected y ou r request to be accorded th e status of Prussian, since you do not possess a right to naturalisation; for y ou r status of Prussian becam e extin ct u n d er P aragrap h 20 of the law of D ecem ber 3 1 , 1 8 4 2 , Statute Book 1 8 4 3 , p. 17, by you r accep tan ce o f the Deed of Release which you requested fo r the purpose of em igrating to N orth A m erica in the year 1845,* of which you also availed yourself when you settled abroad. A claim to readm ission, how ever, is n eith er co n fe rre d on the em igrant by that law n o r can it be derived from th e decision of the Prussian Assembly of M arch 3 0 of this year n or from general legal principles. Berlin, Septem ber 12, 1848 M inister o f the In terio r von Kiihlwetter
First published in the Frankfurter Zeitung und Handelsblatt No. 176, June 27, 1913 Printed according to the manu script Published in English for the first time

See this volum e, pp. 4 0 7 -1 0 . Ed.

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MASS M E E T IN G A N D T H E C O M M IT T E E O F P U B L IC S A F E T Y

Cologne, Septem ber 14. W e retu rn to the subject o f yesterdays mass m eeting and its results, since these have caused a fairly considerable sensation in o u r city. T h e mass m eetin g on th e Frankenplatz was opened shordy after 12 o clock by H e rr W . W olff, w ho briefly explained its purpose and proposed that H e rr H . B u rg ers should preside o v er it. H e rr B u rg ers, w ho was elected by acclam ation, cam e on to th e platform and gave the floor again to H e rr W olff, who then proposed that a C om m ittee o f Public Safety be form ed to rep resen t the parts o f the population o f C ologne n o t rep resen ted in th e existing legal authorities. H e rr F. Engels seconded the m otion, which was supported also by H e rr H . B eck er and H e rr E . D ronke. T h e proposal was adopted am id storm y applause by th e audience of at least 5 ,0 0 0 -6 ,0 0 0 persons, with only five votes against, after no opp oser had com e forw ard despite rep eated invitations. It was then decided to fix th e n u m b er of m em bers o f the C om m ittee at 3 0 , and these 3 0 w ere elected.^ Since these included also two, G ottschalk and A nneke, who w ere u n d er arrest, two substitutes fo r them w ere also elected. H e rr F. Engels then proposed th e following address to the Berlin Assembly: T o the Assembly which is to ag ree on th e Prussian C onstitution in Berlin. T h e undersigned citizens of C ologne, considering: that the Assembly which is to ag ree on the Prussian Constitution has m ade it the bounden duty of the G overnm ent to issue w ithout fu rth er delay the d ecree

decided on A ugust 9 con cern in g reactionary efforts of officers so as to calm th e cou n try and also avoid a breach with the Assembly that in consequence of this decision the AuerswaldH ansem ann G overnm ent has been dismissed an d th e King has ch arged Im p erial M inister B eck erath , w ho has just been overthrow n, to fo rm a new G overnm ent; that H e rr B eck erath by no m eans afford s th e requisite guarantees fo r im plem enting th e decision of th e A ssem bly; and th at, on th e co n tra ry , in view of his known cou n ter-revolu tionary sentim ents, an attem p t to dissolve th e Assembly is to be exp ected ; that an Assembly elected by th e people fo r reaching agreem en t on th e C onstitution between King and people can n o t be unilaterally dissolved, because otherw ise the C row n would not be on a level with, but above the Assembly; that a dissolution of th e Assembly would th e re fo re be a co u p d etat; call up>on the [m em bers of the] Assembly, in th e event of an attem p t to dissolve the Assembly, to do th eir duty and d efend th eir seats even against th e force of bayonets. T his address was unanim ously adopted, following which the m eeting cam e to an end. A lthough n u m erous delegates fro m th e Citizens Association were present in th e u p p e r parts o f th e square, and although it is said that a nu m b er of well-known wailers ^ did th eir utm ost to recru it rowdies by persuasion and the o ffer of m oney, and fu rth erm o re although policem en in plain clothes were present in fairly large num bers, nevertheless th e m eeting was skilful enough to prevent all attem pts at disturbing the peace. M eanwhile the com m an d ers of th e civic militia w ere sitting in the T ow n Hall and debating what to d o, fo r some of them considered that disturbances w ere bound to occu r. In the m iddle o f their deliberations th e d o o r open ed and th e leaders o f th e Citizens Association burst into th e ro o m , declaring that the C om m ittee of Public Safety was the first step tow ards revolution, that C ologne was in d an ger and th e red republic on the v erge o f being proclaim ed,

See this volum e, pp. 4 1 7 -1 8 . Ed

584

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585

and that if the civic militia by itself was insufficient to m aintain ord er, the Citizens Association w i^ all its resources would put itself at the disposal of H e rr von Wittgenstein! H e rr von W ittgenstein was adroit enough to refuse this o ffer and to refrain also from calling any of the CIVIC militia to arm s. T h e consequences proved how right the civic militia was on this occasion. N ot satisfied with this, while th e mass m eetin g was still in progress the gentlem en of the Citizens Association posted up copies o f a Protest , which we rep ro d u ce below. Within five minutes the Protest, which was unsigned^ disappeared w ithout trace from every part of th e city. Tow ards evening it reap p eared as a leaflet in bold type, p n n ted at the press o f the Kolnische Zeitung and distributed to subscribers to this newspaper. This time it had th e following am usine introduction:
Cologne, September 13, 1848 " P 'o i ' alarm caused by the lalest decisions of the Assembbes in Frankfurt and Berlin m order to regain the ground they have increasingly Jost and to provoke a conflict at all costs. With this aim too the Hgnificance and danger o f the friction between the army and the citizens which ^ c u ^ e d in Cologne on the 11th of this month has been recklessly depicted with w st^r^^evertlfifm ^''' criminal purposes.^" By means of a wallj ^ meeting was convened to be held in the open air at midday, and this meeting actually elected by acclamation a list of persons who had been proposed and agreed upon in advance, to a Committee o f Public Safety It IS unquestionably true that no one should recognise such an authority, which has "lass o f people, bypassing the existing official bodies, and that the members o f th,s committee, should they presume to act as such, at once than r \ T I proceedings. It is however better to prevent crimes victims ^ committed and perhaps claimed many danger"""^ attention to the present

T h e C om m ittee o f Public Safety held its first m eeting yesterday evening and in th e first place decided to file this am using protest, and th e gentlem en of th e Citizens Association will evidently have to be satisfied with that. T h e C om m ittee elected a president,* a secretary^ and th ree m em bers of an Executive C om m ittee. F u rth e r m ore, it adopted a com m unication addressed to the Regierungsprdsident, the C om m an d an ts office, the T o w n Council, and the com m and of the civic militia, in which it notified these authorities o f its form ation and inform ed them that it would use all legal m eans to pursue th e aim of m aintaining calm , in agreem en t with the authorities w herever possible, but at the same tim e w atching o ver the preservation of th e peoples rights. It resolved m oreover to announce this by m eans of a wall-poster to the inhabitants of C ologne. W e shall publish both docum ents tom orrow . T his m orn in g, peoples minds have already been to som e extent set at rest. People laugh at yesterdays alarm which caused them to see in the C om m ittee a Provisional G overnm ent, a comite de salut public, a conspiracy for a red republic, in short, everything but what it actually is: a committee elected direcdy and publicly by the people, a com m ittee which undertakes the task of rep resentin g th e interests of the p art of th e population not represented in the legally instituted authorities, a com m ittee which operates only in a legal way and has no intention of w anting to arro g a te any oth er authority than the m oral influence which the right of free association, th e laws, and the confidence of th e electors allow it to e x e rt.
First published in the N ew Rheinische Zeitung No. 103, September 15. 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

T o this end. the following protest is issued, together with an appeal: Protest T he formation of a Committee o f Public Safety is the first step towards
R ev olu tio n .

S o e v e r wants true freedom and order is invited to support the existing authorities with all his might, to oppose the criminal efforts o f a minority and to protest agjunst the formation of a Committee of Public Safety. In particular, all members o f the civic militia are urged to do their duty and energetically protect law and order. T he pretended danger from the army is S^feTy' formation of a Committee o f Public
Several m em bers o f th e m anaging com m ittee o f th e C o lo g n e C itiz e n s' A ssociation,

Hermann Becker. Ed. ^ Funk. Ed. Weyll, Bernigau and Moll. Ed.

586

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O n the proposal of Fried rich Engels fro m C ologne, th e following address was unanim ously ad op ted : MASS M E E T IN G IN W O R R IN G EN T o th e G erm an N ational Assembly in F ran k fu rt. T h e G erm an citizens h ere assembled hereby d eclare that if as a result of th e resistance of th e Prussian G overn m en t to the decisions of the N ational Assembly and the C en tral A uthority a conflict should arise betw een Prussia and G erm an y, they will be read y to sacrifice their lives and p ro p erty on the side of G erm any. W o rrin g en , Septem ber 17, 1 8 4 8 O n the proposal of Schultes from H itd orf it was resolved that the Kblnische Zeitung did not rep resen t the interests o f the R hine Province. In addition, th ere w ere speeches by W . W olff fro m C ologne, F. Lassalle fro m D usseldorf, 55r from Neuss, Weyll, Wackier, Becker and Reichhelm from C ologne, Wallraf from F rech en , Muller, a m em ber of th e W o rrin g en W o rk ers Association, Leven from R heindorf, and Imandt from K refeld. T h e p roceedings concluded with a sh ort speech by H en ry Brisbane o f New Y o rk , the well-known ed itor of th e dem ocratic-socialist New-York Tribune. D uring the m eeting, news cam e fro m a trustw orthy sou rce that it was intended "o n T u esd ay to send th e 2 7 th R egim ent again to C ologne, to draw in also the rem aining battalions of th e regim en t, to provoke conflicts between the soldiers and th e citizens, and to take advantage of this occasion to proclaim the city in a state of siege, to disarm th e civic militia, and in sh ort to deal with us in the sam e way as with M ainz . In case this re p o rt should actually prove to be well fou nd ed and a clash take place, the inhabitants o f th e areas aro u n d C ologne present at th e m eetin g prom ised their help. In fact, th e people from W orrin gen are only waiting to be called u p on fo r them to ap p ear on the scene. L e t the ex-co m m an d er o f the civic militia, H e rr W ittgenstein, take n ote of this.
First published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung J<io. 106, September 19, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first

Y esterday a larg e public m eeting took er* h C ologne five o r six larg e'R h in e barges each w iA a few h u n dred persons, and with th e red flag at th e prow m ade th e trip down the Rhine. M ore o r less n u m erous delegations Diisseldorf, K refeld, H itd orf, F rech en of RV ^ ot the Rhine, com prised at least 6 ,0 0 0 -8 ,0 0 0 persons th e side

appointed ch airm an , and 1-nednch Engels fro m C ologne secretary. O n a proposal put by the

c airm an, the m eeting declared unanimously, except fo r one vote in

r ^ l b l ic ^ ^ d em o cratic social republic, a red

t o ^ h f B e r n r a from C ologne, the sam e address to th e B erh n Assembly that had been adop ted the previous W ednesday at the m eetin g on the Frankenplatz in C ologne (in which e Assembly was called u p on , m the event o f its being dissolved not

rdo^TyTh^r^rS;^
dded t^ r e c o ^ p S l C o rh r^ !-h m otion o f a m em b er o f th e m eeting three hearty ch eers w ere given fo r this C om m ittee.
^ See this volum e, pp. 582-84.Ed.

See this volum e, pp. 2 0 and 2 3 . Ed.

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T he office of the N eue R beiniscbe Z eitu n g ia prepared to accept contributions fo r the support of the insurgents and their families.*
D EC IS IO N O F T H E MASS M E E T IN G
First published in the Neue Rheinische ZeitungU o. 110, September 23, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

T he fav o u r o f re p rin tin g is requested.

P R O C L A M A T IO N

The citizens assembled in a m ass m eeting in Coloenae on September 2 0 / considering: that the decision o f the Frankfurt National Assembly o f the 16th, approving the dishonourable arm istice with Denmark, is a betrayal o f the German people and o f the honour o f German arm s, declare: A rticle 1. The members o f the Frankfurt so-called National Assembly, with the exception o f those who have announced to the people th eir readiness to resign, are traitors to the people; A rticle 2. T he fighters at the barricades in Frankfurt have rendered a m eritorious service to the fatherland. This proclam ation is to be distributed as widely as possible by wall-posters and through the press.

A separate leaflet with the text of the Proclamation was also issued. In this leaflet the introductory phrase was printed in the following form; T h e citizens assembled in a mass meeting, which was summoned by the Committee o f Public Safety, the Democratic Association and the Workers Association, in Cologne on Seotember

20...." Ed.

' In the leaflet this sentence is replaced by the following text: T h e office of the Neue Rheinische ZeUung has consented to accept contributions m aid of those who fought on the barricades in Frankfurt and their families, and it will forward them to Deputy Schloffel from Silesia for appropriate use. T h e other democratic newspapers will undoubtedly act in a similar way. td .

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AN N O U N CEM EN T O F T H E R E S P O N S IB L E P U B L IS H E R S O F T H E N E U E R H E I N I S C H E Z E IT U N G

A N N O UN CEM EN T O F T H E R E S P O N S IB L E P U B L IS H E R S O F T H E N E U E R H E I N I S C H E Z E IT U N G

T O OUR SUBSCRIBERS

TO OUR SUBSCRIBERS

D uring the state o f siege im posed on C ologne, when the pen has to subm it to th e sabre, the
NEUE RHEINISCHE ZEITUNG

A ccord in g to the assurance o f the office o f th e Fortress C om m an d an t received in reply to o u r inquiry, the state o f siege will end in C ologn e on O ctob er 4 and accordingly the
NEUE RHEINISCHE ZEITUNG

has been forbidden to ap p ear and fo r th e tim e being is unable to fulfil its obligations to its esteem ed subscribers. W e h op e, how ever, that the exceptional situation will continue only fo r a few days m o re, and then d u rin g the m onth o f O ctob er we shall be able to en sure the dispatch o f o u r new spaper to o u r subscribers in an enlarged format, with new powerful means fo r its su p p ort, the m o re punctually because before long the printing will be d on e by a new rap id printing-press. C ologne, Septem ber 2 8 , 1848
THE RESPONSIBLE PUBLISHERS

WILL APPEAR AGAIN ON OCTOBER 5.367

Published as a leaflet

Printed according to the leaflet Published in English for the first time

W e take this opportunity, th erefo re, to invite the friends o f o u r p ap er, with referen ces to th e circu lar of Septem ber 2 8 , to subscribe fo r the 4 th q u arter, and accordingly to notify th e n earest post-office as soon as possible. New equipment will enable us in future to avoid any irregularity in dispatch. T h e subscription ra te fo r th re e m onths in Cologne is 1 taler 15 silver g rosch en , and in all o th e r places in Prussia 1 taler 2 4 silver groschen- 6 pfennigs. A dvertisem ents a re 1 silver grosch en 6 pfennigs p er 8-point line of colum n width (4 colum ns p er page) o r the equivalent space. Cologne, Septem ber 3 0 , 1848
THE RESPONSIBLE PUBUSH ERS

Published as a leaflet

Printed according to the leaflet Published in English for the first lime

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IN V IT A T IO N T O S U B S C R IB E T O T H E N E U E R H E I N I S C H E Z E IT U N G

W A R R A N T FO R T H E A R R EST O F H E IN R IC H B U R G E R S A N D F R IE D R IC H E N G E L S

T h e N eue Rheinische Zeitungwas quite unjustifiably suppressed for som e days by the arm ed reaction d u rin g the state o f siege im posed on the city of C ologne. A fte r todays lifting o f th e state o f siege, the N eue Rheinische Zeitung will once more defend the democratic interests of the whole people with energy and circumspection. This is just now the more essential since we have all seen with what brazen ruthlessness the armed reaction has come out in the most recent period in opposition to the freedom justly won by the people. M aking this an n ou n cem en t to su p p orters of d em ocracy, we ask them at the sam e time fo r really nu m erous subscriptions fo r th e fo u rth q u arter now com m encing, since the d em ocratic newspapers, which m o reov er en co u n ter hostility from m any sides, especially need the active co-operation of their supporters.
For Cologne, the subscription per quarter costs 1 taler 15 silver groschen. In Prussia outside Cologne it is 1 taler 24 silver groschen 6 pfennigs. Outside Prussia the printed matter mail charges in the foreign country concerned have to be added. Advertisements: per 8-point line of column width (4 columns per page) or the equivalent space, cost 1 silver groschen 6 pfennigs.

W arrant fo r arrest T h e persons described below have taken refu ge in flight fro m th e investigation instituted against them on accou n t of crim es envisaged in Articles 8 7 , 91 and 102 of the Penal C ode. On th e basis o f th e o rd e r fo r th eir ap p earan ce in co u rt issued by the exam in in g m agistrate h e re , I th erefo re request all authorities and officials w hom it m ay co n cern to be on the look-out fo r them and, if d iscovered, to a rre st them and have them b ro u g h t b efo re me. C ologne, O ctob er 3 , 1 8 4 8 F o r th e C hief Public P rosecu tor, Public P ro secu tor H e c k e r Description. I. N am e: Joh. H einr. Gerhard Biirgers; occupation: w riter; place o f birth and residence: C ologne; religion: C atholic; age: 2 8 years; height: 5 feet 7 inches; hair, eyebrows and eyes: brown; fo reh ead : ro u n d ; nose: thin; m ou th : m edium ; b eard : brow n; teeth: good ; chin and face: oval; com p lexion : healthy; figu re: slender; langu age: G erm an. II. N am e: Friedrich Engels; occupation: m erch an t; place o f birth and resid en ce: B a rm e n ; religion: Evangelical; age: 2 7 years; height: 5 feet 8 inches; h air and eyebrows: d ark blond; fo reh ead : ord in ary; eyes: g rey; nose and m ou th : w ell-proportioned; teeth: g ood ; beard: brow n; chin and face: oval; com p lexion : healthy; figu re: slender.
First published in the Kolnischt Zeitung 271, October 4, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

C ologne, O ctob er 3, 1 8 4 8 . H . K o rff Responsible Publisher of the N eue Rheinische Zeitung

Published as a leaflet Printed according to the leaflet Published in English for the first time

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B L A C K L IS T

FR O M T H E M IN U T E S O F T H E C O M M IT T E E M E E T IN G O F T H E C O L O G N E W O R K E R S A S S O C IA T IO N O N O C T O B E R 16. 1848. E N T R Y O F M A R X S S P E E C H IN C O N N E C T IO N W IT H H IS A S S U M P T IO N O F T H E P R E S ID E N C Y

Co/ogw, O ctober 13. A very w ell-inform ed friend in Brusseb writes to us:

'Engels and Dronke were arrested and transported across the frontier in a prison van only because they were imprudent enough to give their names. A worker from Cologne, Schmitz, who is supposed to have played an active part in the freeing of Wachter, shared the same fate. T h e fact is that the Brussels police had a long list of persons who have fled from Cologne. Thus the Belgian police were accurately informed also about the alleged participation o f Schmitz in the freeing of W achter.

Is p erhaps acting Police S u p erintendent G eiger inform ed about the authors and senders o f this black list?
First published in the Neue Rheinische ZeitungN o. 116, October 14, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first lime

T h e acting President, Citizen R oser, stated that D r. M arx had acceded to the request of the deputation sent to him fro m the Association that he should p u t him self at the head of o u r Association, and he th e re fo re asked him to take his seat. Dr. M arx: His position in C ologne was precarious. T h e reply he had received fro m ex-M inister Kuhlw etter to his request fo r renaturalisation* was tan tam o u n t to a concealed o rd e r fo r his expulsion. H e would, o f cou rse, lodge a p rotest against it in the N ational Assembly. O n the o th er han d , he was to be tried at the Assize C o u rt fo r an alleged press offen ce. M oreover, owing to the tem p orary dispersion of th e editorial b oard of the N eue Rheinische Z eitu n gh e was overb u rd en ed with w ork. N evertheless, he was ready, provisionally until D r. Gottschalk was set free, to acced e to th e desire of the w orkers. T h e G overn m en t and the bourgeoisie ou g h t to realise th at, despite th eir acts of persecution, th ere w ere always persons to be fou nd w ho would be ready to put them selves at the disposal o f th e w orkers. D r. M arx then spoke in som e detail about the revolutionary activities o f the G erm an w orkers ab road, and in conclusion stressed th eir outstanding role in the re ce n t V ienna revolution. H e th erefore p roposed an address to the V ienna W o rk ers Association. (A dopted with acclam ation.)... T h e Presidents proposal (con cern in g the rules of p roced u re) was that the first h o u r should be devoted to the interests o f the Association (i.e. to its internal and extern al affairs), that d u rin g the

See this volum e, pp. 4 5 9 -6 1 .Ed

See this volum e, p. 5 8 1 . Ed.

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second h o u r social and political questions should be discussed, and that the m eeting should begin at 8 .3 0 . (A dopted.)...
First published in the Zeitung des ArbeiterVereines zu Koln No. 40, October 22, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

FR O M T H E M IN U T E S O F T H E G E N E R A L M E E T IN G O F T H E C O L O G N E W O R K E R S A S S O C IA T IO N O N O C T O B E R 2 2 , 1848

T h e President, D r. Marx, opened th e m eeting with som e rem arks about th e system of indirect election. Citizen R oser: W e have received a request to send a delegate to the D em ocratic C ongress to be held in B erlin o n the 2 6 th of this month. In this connection, how ever, the question arises w hether the W ork ers Association should send som eone separately o r tog eth er with the D em ocratic Association. A t th e last com m ittee m eetin g of y ou r Association decision was taken in favou r of th e fo rm er alternative, namely to act independendy, but it rem ains fo r the general m eetin g to give its approval and in connection with such accep tan ce it is essential that th e question of cost should be taken into accou n t. T h e re fo re I m ove: T h a t we elect a delegate to rep resen t us alone, and that we levy a voluntary contribution to cover the expenses. T h e m otion was adopted and the contributions fixed at a m inim um o f o ne silver g rosch en .... Citizen B eust was p roposed and elected delegate to the C ongress in Berlin. T h e President, D r. M arx, and the V ice-President, Citizen Roser, w ere confirm ed in th eir official positions by the m eeting....
First published in the newspaper Freiheit, Briiderlichkeit, Arbeit No. 2, October 29, 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first time

See this volum e, pp. 4 9 0 -9 2 . Ed.

59 8

FRO M T H E M IN U T E S O F T H E C O M M IT T E E M E E T IN G O F T H E C O L O G N E W O R K E R S A S S O C IA T IO N ON N O V E M B E R 6 , 1848. E N T R Y R E L A T IN G T O M A R X S R E P O R T O N T H E E V E N T S IN V IE N N A

NOTES AND INDEXES

... T h e President, D r. M arx, gave a sh o rt re p o rt on th e events in V ienna and stressed especially that it was only as a result of the m anifold betrayal on the p art o f th e bourgeoisie th ere that it becam e possible fo r W indischgratz to cap tu re the city....
First published in the newspaper Freiheil, Briiderlichktit, Arbeit N o. 6 , November 12 1848 Printed according to the newspaper Published in English for the first lime

601

N O TES

^ Demands of the Communist Party in Germany were written by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels in Paris between March 21 (when Engels arrived in Paris from Brussels) and March 24, 1848. This document was discussed by members of the Central Authority, who approved and signed it as the political programme of the Communist League in the revolution that broke out in Germany. In March it was printed as a leaflet, for distribution among revolutionary German emigrant workers who were about to return home, Austrian and German diplomats in Paris informed their respective governments about this as early as March 27, 28 and 29. (The Austrian Ambassador enclosed in his letter a copy of the leaflet which he dated March 25.) T h e leaflet soon reached members of the Communi.st League m other countries, in particular, German emigrant workers in London. Early in April, the Demands of the Communist Party in Germany were published in such German democratic papers as Berliner Zeitungs-Halle (special supplement to No. 82, April 5, 1848), Diisseldorfer Zeitung(No. 96, April 5, 1848), Mannheimer Abendzeitung (No. 96, April 6 , 1848), Triersche Zeitung(No. 97, April 6 , 1848, supplement), Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung (No. 100, April 9, 1848, supplement), and Zeitung fu r dax deutsche Volk (No. 21, April 9, 1848). Marx and Engels, who left for Germany round about April 6 and some time later settled in Cologne, did their best along with their followers to popularise this programme document during the revolution. In 1848 and 1849 it was repeatedly published in the periodical press and in leaflet form'. Not later than September 10, 1848, the Demands were printed in Cologne as a leaflet for circulation by the Cologne Workers Association both in the town itself and in a number o f districts of Rhenish Prussia. In addition to minor stylistic changes, point 10 in the text of the leaflet was worded differently from that published in March-April 1848. At the Second Democratic Congress held in Berlin in October 1848, Friedrich Beust, delegate from the Cologne Workers Association, spoke, on behalf of the social question commission, in favour o f adopting a programme of action closely following the Demands. In November and December 1848, various points of the Demands were discussed at meetings of the Cologne Workers' Association. Many editions o f the Demands published during the revolution and after its defeat have survived to this day in their original form, some of them as copies kept in the police archives.

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Ai ihe end of 1848 or the beginning o f 1849 an abridged version of the Demands was published in pamphlet form by Weller Publishers in Leipzig. The slogan at the beginning of the document, the second paragraph o f point 9 and the last sentence o f point 10 were omitted, and the words T h e Committee were not included among the signatories. In 1853, an abridged version of the Demands was printed, together with other documents of the Communist League, in the first part of the book DU Communisten-VeTschwomngen (Us neuniehnten Jahrhunderis, published in Berlin for purposes of information by Wermuth and Stieber, two police officials, who staged a trial against the Communists in Cologne in 1852. Later Engels reproduced the main points o f the Demands in his essay On the History o f the Communist leagu e, published in November 1885 in the newspaper Sozialdemokrat, and as an introduction to the pamphlet: K. Marx, EnthiiUungen uber den Kommunisten Prozess zu Koln^ Hottingen-Zurich, 1885. English translations of the Demands of the Communist Party in Germany appeared in the collections: The Communut Manifesto o f Karl Marx and Friedrick Engels with an introduction and explanatory notes by D. Ryazanoff, Martin Lawrence, London (1930); K. Marx, Selected Works, Vol. II, ed. V. Adoratsky, Moscow-Leningrad, Co-operative Publishing Society of Foreign Workers in the U SSR (1936); ibid., New York (1936); Birth o f the Communist Manifesto, edited and annotated, with an Introduction by D. J. Struik, International Publishers, New York, I 9 7 I, and in other publications. p. 3 ^ T h e letter to the editor o f the Populaire and the Declaration are in Engels handwriting. Both documents were drawn up at the end o f March 1848 after Engels arrival in Paris and reflect the struggle which the leaders of the Communist I ^ g u e were waging against those German petty-bourgeois emigrant leaders in Paris, Herwegh and Bornstedt among others, who intended to speed up revolution in Germany by moving in a volunteer legion organised by using private donations and subsidies from the Provisional Government of the French Republic. Appeals to enlist were accompanied by demagogic appeals to the patriotic and revolutionary sentiments of GerniQn emigrants. Marx, Engels and other members o f the Central Authority o f the Communist League spoke out against the adventurist nature o f such plans to export revolution and advised German workers instead to return to their home country individually in order to take part in the revolutionary events that were brewing there. We opposed this playing with revolution in the most decisive fashion, Engels later wrote in his work On t/w History o f the Communist League. T o carry out an invasion, which was to import the revolution forcibly from outside, into the midst of the ferment then going on in Germany, meant to undermine the revolution in Germany itself, to strengthen the governments and to deliver the legionaries ... defenceless into the hands o f the German troops. T h e letter and the Declaration were first published in English in the journal Science and Society, 1940, Vol. IV, No. 2. T h e first publication in the language of the original appeared in the collection Der Bund der Kommunisten. Dokumente und Malerialien, Bd. I, 1836-1849, Berlin, 1970. p. 8 T h e German Democratic Society (below it is called the Society of German Democrats) was formed in Paris after the February revolution of 1848. T he society was headed by petty-bourgeois democrats, Herwegh, Bornstedt (the latter expelled from the Communist League) and others, who campaigned to raise a vohintei-i legion of German emigrants with the intention of marching into

Germany. In this way they hoped to carry out a revolution in Germany and establish a republic there. Late in April 1848 the volunteer legion moved to Baden where it was dispersed by government troops. p. 8 T h e German Workers Club was founded in Paris on March 8 and 9, 1848, on the initiative of Communist League leaders. T h e club's aim was to unite German emigrant workers in Paris, to explain to them the tactics of the proletariat in a bourgeois-democratic revolution, and also to counter the attempts of the bourgeois and petty-bourgeois democrats to stir up the German workers by nationalist propaganda and enlist them into the adventurist invasion o f Germany by volunteer legions. T h e club successfully arranged the return of German workers one by one to their home country to take part in the revolutionary struggle there. P- ^ On March 29, 1848, the supplement to No. 89 o f the T riersche Zeitung carried a report from Paris, dated March 24, in which the activity of the German Democratic Society (see Note 3) was criticised. This article was apparently written by one o f Marxs followers in the Communist League, probably with Marxs help. The author vehemently denounced the idea of an armed invasion o f Germany by the volunteer legion and stated that the German Workers Club associated with the Communist League had nothing to do with this venture. Deeply hurt by this article, the leaders o f the German Democratic Society sent Marx a note signed by Bornstedt, Lowenfels, Bornstein, Volk and Mayer in which they demanded the authors name. T he reply is published here from a copy made by Engels. A fter Marx had rejected their demand, one of the societys leaders, Herwegh, wrote a memorandum for the German periodicals (on April 3, 1848), in which he justified the idea of a volunteer legion and venomously attacked communists. ? Marxs letter was published in L'Alba on Ju n e 29, 1848, with the following introductory note by the editors: W e publish the following letter received from Cologne to show what feelings the noble-minded Germans entertain towards Italy; they ardently wish to establish fraternal relations between the Italian and German peoples, whom European despots have tried to set against each other. T h e reply by the editors o f L A lba, signed by L. Alinari, is quoted in Engels article Germanys Foreign Policy (see this volume, p. 167). An English translation o f this letter was published in the magazine Labour Monthly No. 5, 1948, and in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Selected Correspondence (M oscoy/, 1955, London, 1956). p. 11 This statement of the editorial board was printed in the first number of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, which appeared in the evening of May 31, but was dated June 1, 1848. (In English the statement was published in the magazine Labour Monthly No. 5, 1948, and in the collection: Kari Marx and Frederick Engels, ArlicUsfrom the Neue Rheinische Zeitung. 1848-49, Progress Publishers. Moscow, 1972.) Marx and Engels began to plan the publication of a German revolutionary paper as far back as March 1848 when they were still living in Paris. On March 26 and 28, 1848, Engels wrote about this plan to his brother-in-law Emil Blank. T h e publication o f a proletarian newspaper was regarded by Marx and Engels as an important step towards a mass party of the German proletariat, which, they believed, should be founded on the basis o f the Communist League. On their arrival in Germany, they realised that the conditions for creating such a party were not yet ripe: the German workers were disunited; their immaturity and lack of

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organisation made them easy prey to narrow craft and petty-bourgeois influences and particularist moods, while the Communist League, for which there was no sense in continuing secret activities during the revolution, was too weak and small in number to be instrumental in consolidating the workers. Marx and Engels realised this afte r studying the reports submitted by the Central Authority emissaries on the situation in the Leagues local communities. In this context, the role of a newspaper in influencing the masses, in their ideological and political education and consolidation, seemed peculiarly important. T h e paper could be used for political guidance of the activities of Communist League members, who were instructed by Marx and Engels to avail themselves o f every legal opportunity and join the emerging workers associations and democratic societies. Marx and Engels decided to publish the paper in Cologne, the capital o f the Rhine Province, one o f the most economically and politically advanced regions in Germany. T h e new paper was given the name of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung to emphasise that it was to continue the revolutionary-democratic traditions of the Rheinische Zeitung, which Marx had edited in 1842 and 1843. Taking account of the specific circumstances, with the absence o f an independent mass workers party in Germany, Marx, Engels and their followers entered the political scene as a Left, actually proletarian, wing of the democratic movement. This determined the stand o f the N eue Rheinische Zeitung, which began to appear under the subtide T h e Organ o f Democracy. When they started the paper, Marx and Engels had to cope with serious financial difficulties as well as with the opposition from sectarian elements in the Communist League (Hess, Anneke and others), who intended to publish a purely local sheet under a similar tide. In April and May 1848, Marx and Engels worked hard selling shares in the paper, finding contributors and establishing regular contacts with democratic periodicals in other countries. T h e editorial committee was known for its unanimity of views, well-co-ordinated work and strict division of functions. As a rule, M arx and Engels wrote the editorials formulating the papers stand on the most important questions o f the revolution. These were usually marked *K 6 ln and " * * K o ln . Sometimes editorial articles marked with one asterisk were printed in other sections under the heading o f news from Italy, France, England, Hungary and other countries. In the early months o f the papers existence Marx was fully occupied with administrative and organisational matters and most o f the leading articles were written by Engels. In addition to this, Engels also contributed critical reviews o f debates in the Berlin and Frankfurt National Assemblies, articles on the national liberation movements in Bohemia, Posen and Italy, and on the war in Schleswig-Holstein, revolutionary developments in Hungary and political life in Switzerland. Wilhelm W olff contributed articles on the agrarian question, on the condition o f the peasants and their movement, particularly in Silesia. He was also responsible for the current events section. Georg Weerth wrote feuilletons in verse and prose. Ernst Dronke was for some time the Neue Rheinische Zeitung correspondent in Frankfurt am Main and wrote several articles on Poland. Ferdinand Wolff was for a long time one of the papers correspondents in Paris. T he only article which Heinrich Burgers wrote for the Neue Rheinische Zeitung was almost entirely rewritten by Marx. Ferdinand Freiligrath, who became one o f the papers editors in October 1848, published his own verses. The Neue Rheinische Zeitung was a daily paper (from September 1848 it appeared every day except Monday). Its editors often published a second edition

on one day in order to supply their readers with prompt information on all the most significant revolutionary developments in Germany and Europe; supple ments were printed when there was too much material to be squeezed into the four pages of the number, while special supplements and special editions printed in the form of leaflets carried the latest and most important news. T h e consistent revolutionary tendency of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, its militant internationalism and political accusations against the Government displeased its bourgeois shareholders in the very first months o f the papers existence: its editors were persecuted by the Government and attacked in the feudal-monarchist and liberal-bourgeois press. Following the appearance of the paper's first number, which carried Engels article T h e Assembly at Frankfurt (see this volume, pp. 16-19), a large number of the shareholders withdrew their financial support, and articles in defence of the Ju n e uprising of the Paris proletariat frightened away most o f the rest. T h e editors now had to rely on German and Polish revolutionary circles for funds. T o make Marxs stay in the Rhine Province more difficult, the Cologne authorities, on instructions from Berlin, refused to reinstate him with the rights of Prussian citizenship (which Marx had renounced in 1845); on several occasions he and other editors of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung were summoned to court. On September 26, 1848, when a state of siege was introduced in Cologne, several democratic newspapers, the Neue Rheinische Zeitung among them, were sus pended. T o avoid arrest, Engels, Dronke and Ferdinand W olff had to leave Germany for a time. Wilhelm W olff stayed in Cologne but for several months lived illegally. When the state o f siege was lifted, the paper resumed publication on October 12, thanks to the great efforts o f Marx who sank all his ready money into the paper. Until January 1849, the whole burden of the work, including editorial articles, lay on Marxs shoulders since Engels had to stay out of Germany (in France and Switzerland). Persecution of the Neue R hein w he Zeitung editors by the legal authorities and the police was intensified, particularly after the counter-revolutionary coup in Prussia in November-December 1848. In May 1849, when the counter-revolution went into the offensive all over Germany, the Prussian Government issued an order for Marxs expulsion from Prussia on the grounds that he had not been granted Prussian citizenship. Marxs expulsion and repressions against other editors of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung caused publication o f the paper to be ceased. Its last issue (No. 301), printed in red ink, came out on May 19, 1849. In their farewell address to the workers, the editors of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung said that their last word will everywhere and always be: emancipation o f the working class! p^ T he September Laws, promulgated by the French Government in September 1835, restricted the rights o f jury courts and introduced severe measures against the press. They provided for increased money deposits (caution money) for periodical publications and introduced imprisonment and large fines for publication of attacks on private property and the existing political system. p. 15 ' T h e opening session o f the all-German National Assembly, the purpose of which was to unite the country and draft a Constitution, took place on May 18, 1848, in Frankfurt am Main at St. Pauls Church. Among the deputies elected in various German states late in April and early in May, there were 122 government officials, 95 judges, 81 lawyers, 103 teachers, 17 manufacturers and wholesale dealers, 15 physicians and 40 landowners. T h e liberal deputies, who were in the majority.

604

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organisation made them easy prey to narrow craft and petty-bourgeois influences and particularist moods, while the Communist League, for which there was no sense in continuing secret activities during the revolution, was too weak and small in number to be instrumental in consolidating the workers. Marx and Engels realised this after studying the reports submitted by the Central Authority emissaries on the situation in the Leagues local communities. In this context, the role of a newspaper in influencing the masses, in their ideological and political education and consolidation, seemed peculiarly important. T h e paper could be used for political guidance o f the activities o f Communist League members, who were instructed by Marx and Engels to avail themselves o f every legal opportunity and join the emerging workers associations and democratic societies. Marx and Engels decided to publish the paper in Cologne, the capital of the Rhine Province, one of the most economically and polidcally advanced regions in Germany. T h e new paper was given the name of the N ew Rheinische Zeitung to emphasise that it was to continue the revolutionary-democratic traditions o f the Rheinische Zeitung, which Marx had edited in 1842 and 1843. Taking account of the specific circumstances, with the absence of an independent mass workers party in Germany, Marx, Engels and their followers entered the political scene as a Left, actually proletarian, wing o f the democratic movement. This determined the stand o f the Neue Rheinische ZeitUTig, which began to appear under the subtide T h e Organ o f Democracy. When they started the paper, Marx and Engels had to cope with serious financial difficuldes as well as with the opposition from sectarian elements in the Communist League (Hess, Anneke and others), who intended to publish a purely local sheet under a similar title. In April and May 1848, Marx and Engels worked hard selling shares in the paper, finding contributors and establishing regular contacts with democratic periodicals in other countries. T h e editorial committee was known for its unanimity of views, well-co-ordinated work and strict division of functions. As a rule, Marx and Engels wrote the editorials formulating the papers stand on the most important questions of the revolution. These were usually marked *K61n and **K61n. Sometimes editorial articles marked with one asterisk were printed in other sections under the heading of news from Italy, France, England, Hungary and other countries. In the early months o f the papers existence Marx was fully occupied with administrative and organisational matters and most of the leading articles were written by Engels. In addition to this, Engels also contributed critical reviews of debates in the Berlin and Frankfurt National Assemblies, articles on the national liberation movements in Bohemia, Posen and Italy, and on the war in Schleswig-Holstein, revolutionary developments in Hungary and political life in Switzerland. Wilhelm W olff contributed articles on the agrarian question, on the condition of the peasants and their movement, particularly in Silesia. He was also responsible for the current events section. Georg Weerth wrote feuilletons in verse and prose. Ernst Dronke was for some time the Neue Rheinische Zeitung co rresp o n d en t in Frankfurt am Main and wrote several articles on Poland. Ferdinand W olff was for a long time one of the papers correspondents in Paris. T he only article which Heinrich Biirgers wrote for the Neue Rheinische Zeitung was almost entirely rewritten by Marx. Ferdinand Freiligrath, who became one o f the papers editors in October 1848, published his own verses. T h e Neue Rheinische Zeitung was a daily paper (from September 1848 it appeared every day except Monday). Its editors often publi.shcd a sccond cfliiion

on one day in order to supply their readers with prompt information on all the most significant revolutionary developments in Germany and Europe; supple ments were printed when there was too much material to be squeezed into the four pages o f the number, while special supplements and special editions printed in the form of leaflets carried the latest and most important news. T he consistent revolutionary tendency of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, its militant internationalism and political accusations against the Government displeased its bourgeois shareholders in the very first months o f the papers existence; its editors were persecuted by the Government and attacked in the feudal-monarchist and liberal-bourgeois press. Following the appearance of the papers first number, which carried Engels article T h e Assembly at Frankfurt (see this volume, pp. 16-19), a large number o f the shareholders withdrew their financial support, and articles in defence o f the Ju n e uprising of the Paris proletariat frightened away most o f the rest. T h e editors now had to rely on German and Polish revolutionary circles for funds. T o make Marxs stay in the Rhine Province more difficult, the Cologne authorities, on instructions from Berlin, refused to reinstate him with the rights of Prussian citizenship (which Marx had renounced in 1845); on several occasions he and other editors of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung were summoned to court. On September 26, 1848, when a state o f siege was introduced in Cologne, several democratic newspapers, the Neue Rheinische Zeitung among them, were sus pended. T o avoid arrest, Engels, Dronke and Ferdinand W olff had to leave Germany for a time. Wilhelm W olff stayed in Cologne but for several months lived illegally. When the state o f siege was lifted, the paper resumed publication on October 12, thanks to the great efforts o f Marx who sank all his ready money into the paper. Until January 1849, the whole burden o f the work, including editorial articles, lay on Marxs shoulders since Engels had to stay out of Germany (in France and Switzerland). Persecution of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung editors by the legal authorities and the police was intensified, particularly after the counter-revolutionary coup in Prussia in November-December 1848, In May 1849, when the counter-revolution went into the offensive all over Germany, the Prussian Government issued an order for Marxs expulsion from Prussia on the grounds that he had not been granted Prussian citizenship. Marx's expulsion and repressions against other editors of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung caused publication of the paper to be ceased. Its last issue (No. 301), printed in red ink, came out on May 19, 1849. In their farewell address to the workers, the editors o f the Neue Rheinische Zeitung said that "their last word will everywhere and always be: emaTicipalion o f the working class!" p. 15 T h e September Laws, promulgated by the French Government in September 1835, restricted the rights of jury courts and introduced severe measures against the press. They provided for increased money deposits (caution money) for periodical publications and introduced imprisonment and large fines for publication of attacks on private property and the existing political system. p. 15 ^ T h e opening session o f the all-German National Assembly, the purpose o f which was to unite the country and draft a Constitution, took place on May 18, 1848, m Frankfurt am Main at St. Pauls Church. Among the deputies elected in various German states late in April and early in May, there were 122 government officials, 95 judges. 81 lawyers, 103 teachers, 17 manufacturers and wholesale dealers, 15 physicians and 40 landowners. T he liberal deputies, who were in the majority.

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turned the Assembly into a mere debating club, incapable of taking any resolute decisions. In writing this and the following articles concerning the debates in the Frankfurt National Assembly, Marx and Engels made use of the stenographic reports which later appeared as a separate publication, Stenographischer Berichl iiber die Verhandlungen der deutschen constituiTenden Nationalversammlung zu Frankfurt am Main, Frankfurt am Main and l^eipzig, 1848-1849. Engels article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the "N ew Rheinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972. p. ig At the sitting o f the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 19, 1848, the liberal Deputy Raveaux prop>osed that Prussian deputies elected to both the Berlin and Frankfurt Assemblies should have the right to be members of both. T he Berlin Assembly, i. e. the Prussian National Assembly, was convened on May 22, 1848, to draft a Constitution by agreement with the Crown". T h e Assembly was elected under the electoral law of April 8 , 1848, by universal suffrage and an indirect (two-stage) voting system. Most of the deputies belonged to the bourgeoisie or libera] bureaucracy. p. 17 The limited understanding o f a loyal subject an expression used by the Prussian Minister o f the Interior von Rochow. In his letter o f January 15, 1838, addressed to the citizens of Elbin who expressed their dissatisfaction at the expulsion of seven oppositional professors from the Hanover Diet, Rochow wrote: Loyal subjects are expected to exhibit due obedience to their king and sovereign, but their limited understanding should keep them from interfering in affairs o f heads of state. p. 18 T h e Preparliament, which met in Frankfurt am Main from March 31 to April 4, 1848, consisted of representatives from the German states, most o f its delegates being constitutional monarchists. T h e Prepariiament passed a resolution to convoke an all-German National Assembly and produced a draft o f the Fundamental Rights and Demands o f the German People. Although this document proclaimed certain rights and liberties, including the right of all-German citizenship for the residents of any German state, it did not touch the basis of the semi-feudal absolutist system prevalent in Germany at the time. p. 18 T h e seventeen "trusted men" who represented the German governments were summoned after the March revolution in Germany by the Federal Diet, the central body o f the German Confederation (which was founded in 1815 by the Congress o f Vienna). T h e trusted m en, among them Dahlmann, von Schmerling, Uhland and Bassermann, met in Frankfurt am Main from March 30 to May 8 , 1848, and drafted an all-German Imperial Constitution based on constitutionaJ-monarchical principles. T h e Federal Diet consisted o f representatives o f the German sutes. Though it had no real power, it was nevertheless a vehicle o f feudal and monarchical reaction. After the March revolution of 1848, reactionary circles in the German states tried to revive the Federal Diet and u.se it to undermine the principle of popular sovereignty and prevent the democratic unification of Germany, p. 18 Auerswalds decree, dated May 22, 1848, and published on May 23, 1848, in the Preussische Staats-Anzeiger N o. 21, p. 215, included Raveauxs proposal (see
N ote 10).
p. 19
2S

T h e article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx, On Revolution, ed. by S. K. Padover, New York, 1971 (T h e Karl Marx Library" 20 series). Vol. I. O n May 22, I 8 I 5 , Frederick William I I I who, during the war with Napoleonic France, had to respond to the demand for a Constitution, issued a decree in which he promised popular representation, that is, to set up Provincial Assemblies of the Estates in Prussia and to convoke an all-Prussia representative body. All that ever resulted from these promises, however, was the law of June 5. 1823, which created Provincial Assemblies o f the Estates with limited, advisory functions. T h e German Confederation see Note 13. p. 20 Lazzaroni a contemptuous nickname for declassed proletarians, primarily in the Kingdom o f Naples. They were repeatedly used by the absolutist Government in p. 25 the struggle against liberal and democratic movements. T h e reference is to the cordial agreement (entente cordiale) between France and England in the early period of the July monarchy (1830-35). T he agreement, however, proved unstable and was soon followed by intensified contradictions. p. 25 Sanfedists (from santa fede holy faith) supporters o f the papacy who joined terrorist gangs to fight against the Italian national liberation movement, p. 25 On August 10, 1792, the monarchy in France was overthrown by a popular uprising in Paris. T h e sculpture of a dying lion by Thorwaldsen was installed in Lucerne some time later, to commemorate the Swiss guards who were killed defending the royal palace. On July 29, 1830, the Bourbons were overthrown in France. In July 1820, the Carbonari, aristocratic and bourgeois revolutionaries, rose in revolt against the absolutist regime in the Kingdom of Naples and succeeded in having a moderate liberal Constitution introduced. Intervention by the powers of the Holy Alliance, however, led to the restoration o f the absolutist regime in Naples. On all these occasions Swiss mercenaries were used by the counter-revolutionary forces. P- 26 T h e reference is to treaties concluded between the middle o f the fifteenth and the middle o f the nineteenth centuries between Swiss cantons and European states for the supply of Swiss mercenaries. P- 26 An article dealing with this subject was originally written by Heinrich Burgers, but Marx editorially deleted half o f it and rewrote the rest (see Marxs letter to Ferdinand Lassalle of September 15, 1860). An English translation o f this article was first published in the collections; Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972, and Karl Marx, The Revolutions o f 1848. Political Writings, Vol. 1, London, Penguin Books, 1973. p- 27 In 1848-49 the advocates o f a bourgeois constitutional system in Germany called the republican democrats agitators (Wiihler) and these in turn called their opponents wallers (Heuler). P- 28

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On March 29, 1848, the Camphausen Government in which Hansemann held the post of the Minister of Finance replaced the Government of Count ArhimBoitzenburg, which had been formed on March 19, 1848, when revolution broke out in Prussia. In writing this and other articles concerning the Prussian National Assembly, the authors made use o f the stenographic reports, which later came out as a separate edition entitled Verhandlungen der constituirendim Versammlung fur Preussen 1848, Berlin, 1848. T h e article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx, The Revolutions o f 1848. Political Writings, Vol. 1, London, Penguin Rooks, 1973. p. 30 T h e United Diet an assembly of representatives from the eight Provincial Diets of Prussia, similarly based on the estate principle. T h e United Diet sanctioned new taxes and loans, discussed new Bills and had the right to petition the King. T h e First United Diet, which opened on April 11, 1847, was dissolved in Jime, following its refusal to grant a new loan. T he Second United Diet met on April 2, 1848, when the Camphausen Ministry was in office. It passed a law on the elections to a Prussian National Assembly and sanctioned the loan. T h e United Diet session was closed on April 10, 1848. p. 32 See Note 10. p. 33

T h e report on the defeat of the German federal troops appeared on May 30, 1848, in No. 11179 o f the Borsen-Halle, and was then reprinted in most of the German papers. In English it appeared on June 3 in The Times No. 19880. p. 34 T he reference is to the presidents of the Provincial Diets o f the Estates, which were formed in 1823 and consisted of heads o f princely families, representatives o f the nobility (the latter enjoying the greatest influence), and representatives of towns and rural communities. I'h e competence of the Diets was limited to local economic and administrative problems. They could also express opinions on government Bills submitted for discussion. p. 36 See Note 25. p. 36

3>The article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx, The Revolutions o f 1848. Political Writings, Vol. 1, London, Penguin Books, 1973. p. 39 An allusion to the speech which the French lawyer Andre Dupin addressed to the Duke of Orleans (representative of the younger branch o f the Bourbons), made King o f the French by the July revolution of 1830. In his speech, Dupin emphasised that the Duke of Orleans was elected not because he was a Bourbon but although he was a Bourbon". This was an answer to the question whether the King should adopt the name of Philippe V II or IxDuis Philippe. p. 40 Concerning the German-Danish war over Schleswig-Holstein see Note 28. p. 42 T h e army o f the and-French coalition, in which Prussian forces participated, defeated Napoleons army in the vicinity of Berlin at the battles o f Grossbeeren p. 42 (August 23, 1813) and (September 6 , 1813). F.xcerpt5 from an announcement published in the supplement to the Berliner Zeitungs-Halle No. 128, June 4, 1848, under the title "Berliner Tagcsgeschichte [Si'cherheits-Ausschutz], are quoted in this article with some digressions, p. 46 In February 1846, the Prussian police in Posen tracked down the leaders of preparations for a national liberation uprising in Poland and carried out wholesale arrests. As a result, a general uprising aimed at restoring Polands independence was staved o ff and only sporadic outbursts occurred (among them an unsuccessful attempt b> a group o f Polish revolutionaries to capture the Posen fortress on March 3). Only in the Republic of Cracow, which since the Congress of Vienna had been under the joint control of Austria, Russia and Prussia, did the insurgents gain power on February 22 and create a National Government o f the Polish Republic, which issued a manifesto abrogating all feudal obligations. T h e Cracow uprising was suppressed in early March 1846 and, in November, Austria, Prussia and Russia signed a treaty incorporating the free city of Cracow into the Austrian Empire. P- 47 In late April and early May 1848, Berlin was the scene of a compositors strike for higher wages and shorter working hours. T h e workers disregarded the threat of deportation, and succeeded in forcing their employers to abandon an attempt to make them sign, as a condition of agreement, a statement in which the workers would acknowledge their errors and repent. p- 4 '

27

According to tradition, around 390 B. C. the Cauls captured Rome with the exception of the Capitol, whose defenders were warned of the approaching enemy by the cackling of the geese from the Tem ple of Juno. p. 33 In this article Engels describes one of the episodes in the war between Germany and Denmark over Schleswig and Holstein. By the decision o f the Congress o f Vienna (1815) the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein were incorporated into the Kingdom o f Denmark in spite of the fact that Germans constituted the majority of the population in Holstein and in Southern Schleswig. Under the impact o f the March revolution, the oational liberation movement of the German population grew in strength and assumed a radical and democratic nature, becoming part o f the struggle for the unification of Germany. Volunteers from all over the country rushed to the aid of the local population when it rose up against Danish rule arms in hand. Prussia, Hanover and other .states o f the German Confederation sent to the duchies federal troops, under the command o f the Prussian General Wrangel, who entered Jutland on May 2. T he Prussian Government, however, declined to take a firm stand on the SchleswigHolstein issue, for it feared a popular outbreak and an intensification o f the revolution. T h e liberal majority o f the Frankfurt National Assembly also cherished secret hopes o f an agreement with the Danish ruling circles, at the expense o f national unity. Things were complicated by the intervention of Britain, Sweden and Russia in favour of Denmark, and their demand that federal troops be withdrawn from the duchies. (In this connection, Engels alludes to the Note of May 8 , 1848, which Chancellor Nesselrode handed in to the Berlin Cabinet and in which this demand was accompanied by the threat of a break between Russia and Prussia.) All these circumstances had a negative effect on the military operations against Denmark undertaken by the German federal troops and volunteer deiachmenis.

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The article was first published in English in the collections: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, A rticles fro m the N eue Rhetnische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972, and Karl Marx, T he Revolutions o f 1848. P olitical Vol. 1, London, Penguin Books, 1973. Excerpts from itappeared earlier in the collection: Karl Marx, O n Revolution, ed. by S. K. Padover, New York, 1971, under the title A United German State , which was supplied by the editors. p. 48 The* Left wing of the Frankfurt National Assembly consisted of two factions: the Left (Robert Blum, Karl Vogt and others), and the extreme Left known as the radical-democratic party (Arnold Ruge, Friedrich Wilhelm Schloffel, Franz Zitz and others). Though the sympathies of the N eue Rheinische Z eitu n g v /ere with the extreme Left wing rather than with more moderate groups of democrats, it criticised the former for their vacillations and halfway stand on the basic problems of the German revolution abolition of feudal survivals and unification of the country. p. 4 3 See Note 13. p. 49

The Prussian Government was forced to promise that a committee would be set up to carry through the reorganisation of Posen (creation of a Polish army, appointment of Poles to administrative and other posts, recognition of Polish as an official language etc.). Similar promises were given in the Convention of April 11, 1848, signed by the Posen Committee and the Prussian Commissioner. On April 14, 1848, however, the King of Prussia ordered that the Duchy of Posen be divided into an eastern Polish part and a western German" part, which was not to be reorganised. During the months following the suppression of the Poles by Prussian troops that broke the Convention, the demarcation line was pushed further and further east and the promised reorganisation was never carried out. PIn the table of contents of this issue of the N eue Rheini'iche Zeitung, the article is listed under the tide A New Partition of Poland , but the text itself begins with the heading The Seventh Partition of Poland. This refers to the decree issued on June 4, 1848, by General Pfuel, the commander of Prussian troops in Posen, which further extended the territory of the western German part of the duchy at the expense of its eastern Polish part, which was to he reorganised as promised by the Government, but never was (see Note 46). This was the fourth time that the line of demarcation was pushed further east to the detriment of the Polish population (the three previous occasions were April 14, April 22 and May 2, 1848). Ironically calling this the seventh partition of Poland , Engels shows it to be a continuation of the policy of appropriation of Polish lands by the European powers. This found reflection in the three partitions of Poland (by Prussia, Austria and Russia) at the end of the eighteenth century (1772, 1793, 1794-95); m the transfer to Russia (by Napoleon, under the Peace Treaty of Tilsit concluded in 1807) of a part of Polish territory in exchange for recognition of the Duchy of Warsaw, created by Napoleon as a vassal state; in the decision of the Congress of Vienna (1815), which abolished the Duchy of Warsaw and oncc again sanctioned the annexation of the Polish lands by Prussia, Russia and Austria, and also in Austria's annexation of the free city of Cracow in 1846. p. 64 The reference is to the return of the Prince of Prussia to Beriin (on June 4, 1848) from England, where he had fled during the March revolution. p. 67 Following the unsuccessful revolutionary action of the Paris workers on May 15, 1848, the Constituent Assembly adopted a decree on the reorganisation of national workshops, and steps were taken to abolish them altogether; a law was passed banning gatherings in the streets, a number of democratic clubs were closed and other police measures taken. P- 6 8 supporters of the repeal of the Anglo-Irish Union of 1801, which abrogated the autonomy of the Irish Parliament. Ever since the 1820s, the demand for the repeal of the Union became a mass issue in Ireland. In 1840, a Repeal Association was founded whose leader, Daniel OConnell, proposed a compromise with the English ruling circles. In January 1847 its radical elements broke away from the Association and formed an Irish Confederation; representa tives of its Left revolutionary wing stood at the head of the national liberation movement and in 1848 were subjected to severe repression. P- 6 8 The Com m ittee o f Fifty was elected by the Preparliament (see Note 12) in April 1848, mainly from among the representatives of ils constitutional-monarchist majority, with moderate republicans receiving only 12 seals. The Committee rejected the

The H oly Rom an E m pire o f the G erm an N ation was founded in 962 and lasted till 1806. At different times, it included the German, Italian, Austrian, Hungarian and Bohemian lands, Switzerland and the Netherlands, forming a motley conglomeration of feudal kingdoms and principalities, church lands and free cities with different political structures, legal standards and customs. p. 50 The agreem ent debates ( Vereinbarungsdebatten) was the name given by Marx and Engels to the debates in the Prussian National Assembly, which met in Berlin in May 1848 to draft a Constitution by agreement with the Crown according to the formula propHJsed by the Hansemann-Camphausen Government. Marx and Engels labelled the Berlin Assembly, which adopted this formula and thereby rejected the principle of popular sovereignty, the Agreement Assembly and its deputies the agreers. p. 5 3 The reference is to the treaty signed by Russia and Prussia on March 29, 1830, on the extradition of deserters, prisoners of war and criminals. A secret declaration adopted simultaneously with the agreement made persons guilty of political offences also subject to extradidon. The governments of both countries used this convention in their struggle against the Polish national liberation movement. p. 53 Abbreviation for Preussiscke Seehandlungsgesellsckaft (Prussian "Sea Trade Society). This trade credit society, founded in 1772, enjoyed a number of important state privileges. It offered large credits to the Government and actually played the part of banker and broker. In 1904 it was made the Prussian State Bank. p. 54 According to the Verordnung wegen der kiinftigen B ehan dlu n g des gesammten Staatsschulden-W esem (Decree on the Future Handling of All Government Debts), issued in Prussia on January 17, 1820, new loans and government debts had to be guaranteed by the forthcoming Prussian Assembly of the Estates, as well as by the Government. p. 5 5 After the March revolution of 1848. an insurrection of the Poles broke out in the Duchy of Posen for liberation from the Prussian yoke. The Polish peasants and artisans took an active part in this together with members of the lesser nobility.

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proposal of the Federal Diet (see Note 13) to create a directory of three men to constitute a provisional Central Authority of the German Confederation. At the beginning of June 1848, a similar proposal was submitted to the Frankfurt National Assembly. As a result of the debate, the Assembly decided on June 28 to form a provisional Central Authority composed of an Imperial Regent and an Imperial Ministry. p. 68 The property o f the entire nation" the words inscribed by armed workers in Berlin on the walls of the palace of the Prince of Prussia, who had fled to England during the March revolution of 1848. p. 68 The reference is to the republican insurrection in Baden, led by the pettybourgeois democrats Friedrich Hecker and Gustav Struve, which was crushed in April 1848. The main regions of the insurrection were the Lake district (Seekreis) and the Black Forest (Schwarzwald). p. 68 See Note 23. p. 70

Emperor Ferdinand I to proclaim the manifestos of May 16 and June 3, in which he made a number of new concessions; among other things, he gave the status of Constituent Assembly to the Imperial Diet, which was about to be convened. p. 79
63

W^nds the German name for the Labe Slavs who, in the early Middle Ages, occupied the territory between the Elbe (Labe) and the Oder (Odra). In the middle of the eleventh century, while fighting against German and Danish expansion, they formed an early feudal confederation, which existed till the first third of the twelfth century; it also comprised a group of West-Slavonian tribes living on the Baltic coast (future Pomerania), who were ethnically close to the Wends. Pcompared with that of the general election that had taken place on May 10, 1848. Both were elections of deputies to the Frankfurt National Assembly. The article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx, T he Revolutions o f 1848. P olitical Writings, Vol. 1. London, Penguin Books, 1973. p. 87
C itizens associations (Burgervereine), consisting of moderate liberal elements, arose in Prussia after the March revolution. Their aim was to preserve law and order within the framework of a constitutional monarchy, and to combat anarchy , i. e. the revolutionary-democratic movement. P- 87

^ In this article the outcome of the Cologne by-election of June 14, 1848, is

On June 9, 1848, the Frankfurt National Assembly rejected a Bill bringing the approval of any future peace treaty with Denmark within the Assemblys jurisdiction. The Assembly thus avoided taking any responsibility for the final settlement of the Schleswig-Holstein question and allowed the Federal Diet complete freedom of action'on this issue. p. 72 ^ Part of this article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, A rticles fro m the N eue R heinische Z eitu n g. 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972. p. 73 The decree on the press, by Frederick William IV, published on March 18, 1848, cancelled the censorship of periodicals and introduced caution money (from 500 to 2,000 talers) instead as a guarantee against the publication of anti-government articles; this system existed in Prussia until the adoption of the 1874 press law. p. 73 This was how the conflict between the King and the United Diet (see Note 25) in 1847 was described in government circles. p. 73 On March 24, 1848, soldiers and non-commissioned officers killed on the night of March 18 during the popular insurrection were buried at the Invaliden Cemetery in Berlin. In their public announcements the authorities deliberately underesti mated the number of casualties in order to disguise the extent of the fighting and to cover up the fact that the troops had been beaten by the people. p. 74

The D em ocratic Society in Cologne, which met in Franz Stollwerks Cafe, was founded in April 1848. Among its members were small proprietors, workers and artisans. Marx and Engels took an active part in the management of the Society. At the meetings, Marx, Engels and other members of the editorial staff of the N eue Rheinische Zeitung managed to get certain resolutions adopted which unmasked the anti-revolutionary policy of the Prussian Government and condemned the irresolute conduct of the Berlin and Frankfurt Assemblies. A year later, when Marx and his followers took practical steps to create an independent mass party of the proletariat, they decided to sever all organisational links with petty-bourgeois democrats, and withdrew from the Democratic Society. Nevertheless they continued to give support to the revolutionary actions of democratic forces in Germany. PEnraged by the disavowal of the March revolution by the Prussian National Assembly (see this volume, pp. 73-86), workers and artisans from Berlin stormed the arsenal on June 14, 1 8 4 8 , i n order to arm the people in readiness todefend ihe gains of the revolution. This was, however, a spontaneous and unorganised action and military reinforcements as well as civic militia detachments quickly dispersed and disarmed the people. PInfluenced by the revolutionary action of the working people of Berlin, the Prussian National Assembly adopted a resolution of June 15, 1848, which declared that the Assembly does not need the protection of the armed forces but instead places itself under the protection of the people of Beriin. P- 89
D u rin g the night o f August 4. 1789, the French Constituent Assembly, under the impact of the growing peasant unrest, announced the abrogation of a number of feudal obligations which had already been abolished by the insurgent peasants, p . 89

Among the Left deputies of the Prussian National Assembly were Johann Jacoby, Georg Jung, Karl dEster and Benedikt Waldeck. p. 75 On June 3, 1848, the Berlin National Assembly debated a motion that members of the Assembly should join the march, organised by students, to the grave of the revolutionary fighters who had fallen in March; the motion was rejected by a majority vote. p. 76 On May 15 and 26, 1848, there was a popular armed uprising in Vienna to defend the gains achieved during the March revolution. This forced the Austrian

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* On M arch 2 1 , 1848, Frederick William IV, frightened by the barricade fighting in Berlin, issued an appeal T o My People, and the German Nation in which he promised to set up a representative institution based on the estate principle, and to introduce a Constitution, ministerial responsibility, public trials, juries etc. p. 89 ' This article was first published in English in the magazine L ab ou r Monthly, 1948, Vol. X X X , No. 4, and also in the collections: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, A rticles fro m the N e w R heinischs Z eitung. 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972, and Karl Marx, T he Revolutions o f 1848. Political Writings, Vol. 1, London, Penguin Books, 1973. p. 91 See Note 46.
p. 91

Most Prussian fortresses capitulated to the French without a fight after the defeat of the Prussian troops at Jena and Auerstedt (October 14, 180^6). The fortress of Ciistrin, for mstance, surrendered to a small French detachment on November 10, 1806, and Magdeburg, with its many-thousand-strong garrison and artillery, was surrendered by General Kleist on November 8 , 1806, after the first salvo fired by the French from light field mortars. p. 99
Code civi/ French code Code was introduced by South-Western Germany after that regions union

of civil law of 1804 known as the C ode N apoleon. This Napoleon into the conquered regions of Western and and remained the official law of the Rhineland even with Prussia. p. 103

The S lav Congress met in Prague on June 2, 1848. It was attended by representatives of the Slav countries forming part of the Austrian Empire. The Right, moderately liberal wing, to which Palacky and Safafik, the leaders of the Congress, belonged, sought to solve the national problem through autonomy of the Slav coimtries within the framework of the Habsburg monarchy. The Left, radical wing (Sabina, Erie, Libelt and others) wanted to act in alliance with the revolutionary-democratic movement in Germany and Hungary. Radical delegates took an active part in the |>opular uprising in Prague (June 12-17, 1848), which was directed against the arbitrary rule of the Austrian authorities, and were subjected to cruel reprisals. On June 16, the moderate liberal delegates declared the Congress adjourned for an indefinite period. p. 91 After the suppression of the Prague uprising, the Czech liberals took the lead of the national movement, which they turned into an instrument against the revolutionary-democratic forces of Germany and Hungary, and into a prop for the Habsburg monarchy and, indirectly, for Russian Tsarism. This was the reason why the N eue R keinische Zeitung denounced this movement in the months that followed. p. 9 3 See Note 59.
76

The Prussian General Pfuel ordered the heads of captured insurrectionists in Posen in 1848 to be shaved and their arms and ears branded with lunar caustic (in German H ollenstein, i. e. stone of hell). This was how he got the nickname "von Hbllenstein. p. 104 The assault upon the arsenal on June 14, 1848 (see Note 67) led to a ministerial crisis in Prussia and the downfall of the Camphausen Government. The conservative and aristocratic members of the Government, Kanitz, Schwerin and Amim, resigned on June 17. An attempt to reorganise the Government failed and on June 20 the entire Ministry resigned. The article was first published in English in the collections: Karl Marx, On Revolution, ed. by S. K. Padover, New York, 1971 (The Karl Marx Library" series), and Karl Marx, T h e R evolutions o f 1848. Political Writings, Vol. 1, London, Penguin Books, 1973. P- 107 The Camphausen Government began its activities on Marcfc 50, /848. At about the same time, a national liberation uprising broke out in Posen and was cruelly suppressed by this Government (see Note 46). p. 107 The reference is to the national liberation war against Austrian domination. On March 18, 1848, a popular armed uprising broke out in Milan, the capital of Lombardy; and after five days of bitter fighting the Austrian troops were driven out. The Austrians were also driven out of the Venice region, where a republic was proclaimed. On March 25, Charles Albert, King of Sardinia (Piedmont), declared war on Austria in the hope of exploiting the patriotic movement in his own dynastic interests. In April, the Italian army won a number of minor victories in the vicinity of Verona, but the hesitant policy of Charles Albert resulted in a serious defeat for the Italians at Custozzaon July 25, 1848, and the Austrian army under the command of Field Marshal Radetzky reoccupied Milan on August 6 . On August 9, Charles Albert concluded an armistice, which aroused vehement popular protests. Once again Lombardy found itself under the yoke of the Austrian Empire. Fighting was resumed in March 1849, but the Sardinian forces were routed on March 21-23 at the battles of Mortara and Novara. p. 109 The Provisional Government of Lombardy was formed on March 22, 1848, after the Austrian troops had been driven out of Mil?n; its members were mainly moderate liberals. P- 109
Pandours soldiers of the Austrian army, whose irregular infantry units were recniited mainly in the South-Slav provinces of the Austrian Empire. p. 109

98

The reference is to the wars waged by the peoples of Europe against Napoleonic France in 1813-14 and 1815, following the defeat of Napoleons army in Russia in 1812. These were, indeed, of a contradictory nature and their character was affected by the counter-revolutionary aims and expansionist policy of the ruling circles in the feudal monarchical states fighting on the side of the and-French coalition. But especially in 1813, when the struggle was aimed at liberating German territory from French occupation, they turned into a genuinely popular national liberation war against foreign oppression. In this passage, Engels ridicules the over-patriotic zeal with which the representatives of Germanys ruling classes speak of the 1813-14 and 1815 wars. Later, when once again considering that p>eriod of the history of Germany, Engels in a series of articles entitled Notes on the W ar" (1870) stressed the progre.ssive nature of the people's resistance to Napoleons rule and in his work T he R ole o f F orce in H istory (IS 8 S ) wrote: "The peoples war against Napoleon was the reaction of the national feeling of all the peoples, which Napoleon had trampled on. The batde of the nations at L eip z ig ( O c to b e r 16-19, 1813) ended with victory for the Russian, Prussian, Austrian and Swedish troops over Napoleons forces. At the battle of W aterloo (June 18, 1815) Napoleons forces were defeated by British and Prussian troops commanded by Wellington and Blucher. p. 98

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The article was written a few days before a new Government which replaced the Camphausen Ministry was finally formed. The formal head of the new Government the so-called Government of Action (June 26-September 21, 1848) was Rudolf von Auerswald, a dignitary close to the Court; Hansemann, one of the candidates for the post of Prime Minister, remained the Minister of Finance just as he had been under Camphausen, but was the actual leader of the Government. Representatives of the Right groups, such as Milde and Gierke, entered the Ministry together with some of the form er Ministers. Karl Rodbertus, one of the leaders of the Left Centre, was also a member of the Government, but he soon resigned from his post. p. 111 An allusion to the speech from the throne made by Frederick William IV al the opening of the United Diet on April 11, 1847. The King said he would never agree to grant a Constitution which he described as a written scrap of paper. The words bourgeois grain and wool merchants refer to Camphausen who, in his youth, engaged in oil and corn trading, and to Hansemann who started his commercial career as a wool merchant. p. 1 15
87

Engels is referring to the spontaneous rising of textile workers in Prague towards the end of June 1844. The revolt, in the course of which mills were destroyed and machines smashed, was brutally crushed by Austrian troops. p. 119 The full title of this Committee, which was set up in Vienna during the revolutionary events of May 1848, was the Committee of Citizens, the National Guard and Students for Maintaining Safety and Order and Defending the Rights of the People. p. 120 ^ By referring to Windischgratz as the Tilly of Prague Engels is comparing him with Johann Tilly, the army commander of the Catholic League during the Thirty Years War, famous for the savage way he dealt with the Protestant population of conquered towns as well as for his military pillage. p. 12 0 The nation al g u ard an armed civic militia that was formed in Paris at the beginning of the French revolution of 1789-93 and existed, with intervals, till August 1871. During the February revolution of 1848, a considerable section of the national guard took the side of the insurgents, but in the course of the Paris uprising in June 1848 the Provisional Government employed the national guards of bourgeois districts in the fight against the workers. p. 121 In the N eue R heinische Zeitung this item was followed by a report on the events in Paris printed in smaller type and based, apparently, on the French news papers which had just arrived. Parr of it read: The immediate cause of the new uprising was measures directed at abolishing the national workshops censuses of the workers, expulsion of workers who were not born in Paris to their native parts or to Sologne to build canals, introduction of piecework in the remaining workshops etc. as well as the law on reintroduction of caution money for journals, open attacks (see todays issue of our paper, Paris, June 22) on the popular press, debates in the National Assembly so closely resembling those in the Chamber of Peers under Louis Philippe that even the noble knight MontaUmhert, in his speech at the session on the 2 2 nd, said the same things, in a somewhat different form, which he had said shordy before the February revolution in defence of money-bags, the law against street gatherings etc. The report quoted at length the French newspaper Jo u rn a l des D ehati politiques et litt^aire^s account of the events of June 22 in Paris. It was hostile towards the insurgents and misrepresented their conflict with the Minister of Public Works, Marie, a moderate republican and spokesman of the Government, For this reason the N eu e R heinische Zeitun^s report ended with a warning; It should not be forgotten that the J o u m a i d e s Debats, which printed this ref>ort, is an old Court sheet and M arie is an advocate of the law against street gatherings and the man of the N a tio n a l" p- 121 ^ This refers to the address sent by the electors of Berncastel to August Reichensperger, their deputy in the Prussian National Assembly, expressing their indignation at his conduct, and that of other deputies from the Rhine Province, during the debate on the revolution; their vote to pass on to the agenda was considered repudiation of the revolution. p. 1 2 2
100

An English translation of this article was first published in the collection: Karl Marx, O n Revolution, ed. by S. K. Padover, New York, 1971 (The Karl Marx Library series), under the tide Prussias Feudal Reforms. p. 117
L ieg e m oney dues which the feudal lord was entitled to receive on the selling of a vassal estate. p. 117

See Note 69.

p. 118

P atrim onial jurisdiction the right of landlords to pass judgment upon their peasants and to fine them; limited in Germany in 1848 and abolished in 1877, p. 118

The Bill on the establishment of m ortgage banks envisaged the founding of annuity-offices for the realisation of the redemption of peasant obligations under terms extremely favourable to the landlords. The bank was to advance compensation to the landlords amounting to eighteen times the value of the annual obligations of the peasants, the latter having to pay back this sum within 41 years. p. 118 Between 1807 and 1811, the Ministers Stein and Hardenberg carried out certain agrarian reforms in Prussia. In October 1807, serfdom was abolished but all the feudal obligations of the peasants remained. In September 1811, the peasants received the right to redeem their obligations on the condition that they surrendered up to half of their land to the landlord or paid a corresponding sum of money. In 1845, the amount of the redemption payment was established at twenty-five times the value of annual feudal dues. p. 118 The article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles fro m the N eue R heinische Z eilu n g. 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, -----1972. p. 119 Following the revolutionary action of the Viennese masses on May 15, 1848, Emperor Ferdinand and his Court fled to Innsbruck, a small town in Tyrol, which became the mainstay of feudal aristocratic counter-revolution.

YJip reference is to the L ab ou r Com m ission that met at the Luxembourg Palace under the chairmanship of Louis Blanc. This was set up on February 28, 1848, by the Provisional Government under pressure from the workers, who demanded a

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Ministry of Labour. The Commission, in which both workers and employers were represented, acted as mediator in labour conflicts, often taking the side of the employers. The revolutionary action of Paris workers on May 15, 1848, led to the end of the Luxembourg Commission, since the Government disbanded it next day. N ation al workshops were instituted by a government decree immediately after the February revolution of 1848. The Government thus sought to discredit Louis Blancs ideas on the organisation of labour in the eyes of the workers and, at the same time, to utilise the workers of the national workshops organised on military lines in the struggle against the revolutionary proletariat. Revolutionary ideas, however, continued to gain ground among workers employed in the national workshops, and the Government took steps accordingly to limit the number of workers employed in them, to send some off to public works in the provinces etc. This caused great indignation among the Paris proletariat and was one of the reasons for the June uprising. After its suppression, the Cavaignac Government issued a decree disbanding the national workshops (July 3, 1848). On June 7, 1848, the Constituent Assembly passed a law against gatherings. Any violation of this law was punishable by imprisonment of up to ten years. p. 124 The m obile gu ard was set up by a decree of the Provisional Government on February 25, 1848, to fight against the revolutionary masses. These armed units consisted mainly of lumpenproletarians and were used to crush the June uprising in Paris. p. 125 The P alais Royal was the residence of Louis XIV from 1643; in 1692 it became property of the Orleans branch of the Bourbons. Following the February revolution of 1848 it was proclaimed state property and its name was changed to Palais National. p. 125 The reference is to the C a fe T orlon i on the boulevard des Italiens; when the Stock Exchange was closed, business transactions were carried on in this cafe and its vicinity. As distinct from the official Stock Exchange, the Cafe Tortoni and the adjacent district became known as the small Stock Exchange. p. 125
104

Dronke, of Coblentz, ex-state prisoner; F. Wolff, of Cologne (was ten years in Paris); H. Biirgers (of Cologne, a favourite popular orator, and member of the first popular assembly at Frankfort): Frederick Engels, whose able writings have often graced the columns of the S(ar, and George Weerth, a name honourably known to our readers as the unmasker of the Freetrade delusionists at the celebrated Brussels Conference. We wish our contemjwrary a long career of usefulness and victory. p- 129 Words from the French patriotic song based on the Song of the Girondists from C h ev alier d e M atson-Rouge, a play by Alexandre Dumas (father) and Auguste Maquet which was staged in 1847. The words and music of the refrain are taken from Rouget de Lisle. The song won wide popularity not long before the 1848 revolution and was known as "the second M arseillaise. p. 130 See Note 76. p. 131

The Society o f the Rights o f M an an d the C itizen was a democratic organisation that arose during the July monarchy, Led by Armand Barbes, Aloysius Huber and others, the Society united a number of clubs in the capital and the provinces and fought for the implementation of the Jacobin Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen adopted in 1793. Some of the members of this Society were leaders of the June uprising. For instance, the retired officer Kersausie, Chairman of the Societys Committee of Action, drew up a plan for an armed uprising which was partially carried out during the Jun^ events in Paris. p. 133 The reference is to the heroic defence of Saragossa during the Spanish'people's war of liberation against Napoleons rule. The city was twice besieged by the French (from June to August 1808 and from December 1808 to February 1809) and it was only after the second siege, during which over 40,000 of its defenders perished, that Saragossa surrendered to the superior forces of the French. p. 135 The m un icipal gu ard o f Paris, formed after the July revolution of 1830, was subordinate to the Prefect of Police and used to suppress popular uprisings. Following the February revolution of 1848, the municipal guard was disbanded. p. 138 The il e Louvier, separated from the right bank by a narrow branch of the Seine, was connected with the mainland in 1844, forming a stretch between the boulevard Morland and the Henry IV embankment. p. 142 ' An allusion to the fact that, in suppressing the proletarian uprising, the republican guard undertook police functions similar to those of the monarchist municipal guard. P- 142 A passage from this article by Marx was later included in the first article of the series From 1848 to 1849 (subsequendy published by Engels under the title T he Class Struggles in France), printed in the journal N eue R heinische Zeitung. Politisch-O konom ische in 1850. An English translation of this article was first published in 1851 under the title June 29, 1848 in No. 16 of the Chartist weekly Notes to the P eople which was edited by Ernest Jones. Later translations appeared in England and the United

m un icipal gu ard o f the republic (also known as the republican guard) a detachment of 2,600 men subordinated to the Prefect of Police was formed on May 16, 1848, by decree of the French Government, frightened by the revolutionary action of the Paris workers on May 15. The republican guard fulfilled police functions in Paris. p. 126

This article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, A rticles fro m t/w N eue R heinische Z eitu n g. 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972. p. 128 An article published in T h e N orthern Star N o. 557, June 24, 1848, under the title The New Rhenish Gazette stated: N eue R heinische Zeitung is the title of a new daily journal lately started at Cologne. This journal, which announces itself the organ of the democracy, is conducted with singular ability and extraordinary boldness: and we hail it as a worthy, able, and valiant comrade in the grand crusade against tyranny and injustice in every shape and form. The principal editor is Dr. Marx, one of the ablest of the defenders of Labours rights in Europe. The assistant editors include W. Wolff, of Breslaw, a sterling democrat: Dr

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States between the 1920s and the 1940s. In 1972 the article was published in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, A rticles fro m the N eu e Rheinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, and in 1973 in the collection Karl Marx, The Revolutions o f 1848. P olitical lVrihng5, Vol. 1, London, Penguin Books. p. 144 The party which formed around the daily paper L e N ation al in the 1840s was composed of moderate republicans headed by Armand Marrast; it was supported by the industrial bourgeoisie and a section of the liberal intellectuals. The party that supported the French daily L a R eform e consisted of democrats and republicans headed by Ledru-Rollin; petty-bourgeois socialists led by Louis Blanc were also associated with it. p. 1 44 The Executive Comm ittee (the Commission of the Executive Government) the Government of the French Republic set up by the Constituent Assembly on May ID, 1848, to replace the Provisional Government which had resigned. It survived until June 24, 1848, when Cavaignacs dictatorship was established. p. 144 The dynastic opposition an oppositional group in the French Chamber of Deputies during the July monarchy (1830-48). The group headed by Odilon Barrot represented the views of the liberal industrial and commercial bourgeoisie, and favoured a moderate electoral reform, which they regarded as a means of preventing revolution and preserving the Orleans dynasty. p. 147 The legitimists were supporters of the Bourbon dynasty, which was overthrown in 1830. They upheld the interests of the big hereditary landowners. p. 147 See Note 49. 148

On July 25, 1792, the Duke of Brunswick, commander-in-chief of the Austro-Prussian army fighting against revolutionary France, issued a manifesto, in which he threatened to raze the whole of Paris to the ground. p. 165 In 1785 an upri.sing against the rule of the aristocracy and the Catholic clergy who supported William of Orange broke out in the Netherlands. The uprising, which was led by the republican bourgeoisie, deposed William of Orange. Two years later, however, with the help of Prussian troops, he again became the Stadholder p. 165 of the Netherlands. Under an agreement between Britain, France and Russia concluded at the London Conference of 1830, Greece, whose people rose in revolt against Turkish rule in 1821 and won national independence, was to become a monarchy. The Bavarian Prince Otto was made King of Greece in 1832 while still a minor. He arrived in Greece accompanied by Bavarian troops and high officials and ruled as Otto I. This rule was strongly opposed by the Greek p>eople. p. 165 At the Congress of the Holy Alliance (a covenant of European monarchs founded on September 26, 1815, on the initiative of the Russian Emperor Alexander 1 and the Austrian Chancellor Metternich), which began in Troppau in October 1820 and ended in Laibach in May 1821, the principle of intervention in the internal affairs of other states was officially proclaimed. Accordingly, the Laibach Congress decided to send Austrian troops into Italy to crush the revolutionary and national liberation movements there. French intervention in Spain with similar aims was decided at the Congress of Verona in 1822. Ypsilanli was a Greek patriot who made an unsuccessful attempt to raise a revolt against Turkish rule in March 1821. He fled to Austria, was arrested and imprisoned until 1827. P- 165 In the 1820s and 1830s Austria and Prussia supported the clerical and feudal party headed by Dom Miguel, which opposed any measures designed to restrict absolutism in Portugal. P- 165 Austria and Prussia supported Don Carlos, who in 1833 started a civil war in Spain in order to win the throne with the help of the clerical and feudal par ty. PSee Note 36. See Note 83. P- 166 P- 167

The reference is to an official poster which appeared in the streets of Paris on June 26 announcing that the insurgents have been defeated, the struggle has ceased, and order has triumphed over anarchy". p. 152

121

This article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles fro m the " N ew R heinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972. p. 157 The reference is to the Paris uprising of June 5-6, 1832, prepared by the Left wing of the republicans as well as by members of secret societies including the Society of the Friends of the People. The uprising flared up during the funeral of General Lamarque, an opponent of Louis Philippes Government. T he insurgent workers threw up barricades which they defended with great courage and persis tence. p. 1 58 The royalist uprising in Paris on 12 and 13 Vendemiaire (October 4 and 5), 1795, was suppressed by the republican troops under the command of General Bonaparte. p. ]g] An abridged English translation of this article was first published in the magazine L ab ou r Monthly, London, 1923, Vol. 5, No. 1, pp. 32-33. The article was published in full in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, A rticles from the N e w R heinische Zeitung", 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972. p. 165

122

133 The party of the N ation al see Note 115. The party o f T hiers united bourgeois politicians with royalist tendencies supporting the Orleans dynasty and voicing their opinions in the newspaper L a CoTLstitutionnel Before February 1848, they upheld a monarchy with republican institutions and thereafter a republic with monarchical institutions. The dynastic opposition see Note 117. p- 168 134
Executive C om m ittee see Note 116. The Septem ber L aw s see Note 8 .

168

The reference is to the clashes between Prussian troops stationed at Trier and its citizens on May 2, 3 and 4, 1848, provoked'by the authorities. On the order of

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Schreckenstein, commander of the 2nd Army Corps, the civic militia of T rier was disbanded. p. 171 See Note 137
8.

p. 171

The H oly H erm an d ad a league of Spanish cities founded at the end of the fifteenth century with the co-operation of the royal authorities who wanted to make use of wealthy townspeople in their fight against the feudal magnates in an attempt to establish royal absolutism. From the middle of the sixteenth century the armed forces of the Holy Hermandad carried out police functions. Thus the police in general has often been ironically labelled the Holy Herman dad. p. 177 Anneke spoke at the meeting of the Cologne Workers Association (see Note 245) which took place at the Giirzenich Hall on June 25, 1848, to debate the setting up of a united commission which was to consist of representatives from the three democratic organisations of Cologne; the Democratic Society, the Workers Association and the Association for Workers and Employers. p. 178

organise a vote on a motion to limit the powers of the committee. The deputies of the Left walked out of the Assembly in protest. The Right made use of this to pass the motion prohibiting the committee from travelling to Posen and interrogating witnesses and experts on the spot. Thus the Assemblys original decision was illegally annulled. For debates on the Posen committee see this volume, pp. 57 -6 1, 195-98 and 200-07. p. 188 On April 8 , 1848, during a secret mission on behalf of the King of Prussia Major Wildenbruch handed a Note to the Danish Government. It stated that Prussia was not fighting in Schleswig-Holstein in order to rob Denmark of the duchy but merely in order to combat radical and republican elements in Germany. The Prussian Government tried every possible means to avoid official recognition of this compromising document. p. 191 The article was published in a special supplement to the N eue Rheinische Zeitung No. 39, and also in No. 40 of this newspaper where it was dated Cologne, July 9 . p. 199 See Note 145. p.
2 01

139 The C ode p en al the penal code adopted in France in 1810 and introduced into the regions of Western and South-Western Germany conquered by the French. The Code p en al and the C ode civ il remained in effect in the Ithine Province even after the region was annexed by Prussia in 1815. The Prussian Government attempted to reduce the sphere of its application and reintroduce the Prussian Penal Code: a whole series of laws and decrees were promulgated designed to guarantee feudal privileges. These measures, which met great opposition in the Rhineland, were annulled after the March revolution by the decrees issued on April 15, 1848. p. 178 On March 3, 1848, Anneke was arrested together with Gottschalk and Willich because they had helped to organise a mass meeting in Cologne. All three were accused of incitement to revolt and founding an illegal association. They were released from prison on March 21, 1848,on the royal amnesty. p. 178 The K oslin address on May 23, 1848, junkers and officials of the town of Koslin (Pomerania) issued an appeal to the Prussian population to march on Berlin to crush the revolution. 181 These countries were the chief markets for Prussias spinning and weaving industry. They were lost even before the revolution of 1848 and 1849. p. 182 The Prussian General Pfuel ordered the heads of captured Polish insurgents in Posen to be shaved in order to humiliate them. p. 182 During the summer of 1848, a special detachment of armed men dressed in civilian clothes was set up in Berlin: These persons were to be used in addition to the regular police to break up street gatherings and mass demonstrations. Another of their functions was to gather intelligence. These special policemen were called constables by analogy with the special constabulary employed in England to disperse the Chartist demonstration on April 10, 1848. p. 185 At the close of the session of July 4, 1848, the Prussian National Assembly decided to grant the committee investigating the events at Posen unlimited authority. Contrary to all parliamentary rules, representatives of the Right a tte T iip tc d to '

The Thirty Y ears War, ] 6 1 8 -4 8 a European war, in which the Pope, the Spanish and Austrian Habsburgs and the German Catholic princes rallied under the banner of Catholicism and fought against the Protestant countries: Bohemia, Denmark, Sweden, the Republic of the Netherlands and a number of German states. The rulers of Catholic France rivals of the Habsburgs supported the Protestant camp. Germany was the main arena for this struggle, the object of plunder and territorial claims. The Treaty of Westphalia (1648) sealed the political dismemberment of Germany. p. 202 The L o n g P arliam ent (1640-53) the English Parliament which was convened by Charles I and became the constituent body of the English revolution. p. 206 On October 20, 1842, the R h ein h ch e Zeitung published a Bill on divorce which was being secretly prepared in government quarters. This started a broad public discussion of the Bill in the newspapers. The publication of the Bill in the Rheinische Zeitung a n d the blunt refusal of its editors lo name the person who had sent in the text of the Bill was one of the reasons for the suppression of the Rheinische Zeitung. For details .see present edition. Vol. 1, pp. 274-76 and 507-10. p. 208
Kam ptz member of the Central Investigation Commission in Mainz (see Note 308), which was instituted in 1819 by decision of the conference of German states. He was one of the instigators of the campaign against the repre.sentatives of the opposition among students, intelligentsia and other liberal elements; known as the demagogues, they upheld Germanys unity and constitutional reforms. B lack, red and gold the colours of the national liberation movement in Germany. p. 208

See Note 139.

p .

209

On the motion of the Democratic Society (see Note 6 6 ), the popular meeting that gathered in Cologne at the Giirzenich Hall on July 9, 1848, adopted an address to

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the Prussian National Assembly in which the activities of the AuerswaldHansemann Government were denounced and the Prussian Assembly was asked to declare the Ministry divested of the confidence of the country. p. 210 See Note 149. p.
212
167

agricultural produce in order to maintain high prices on the home market. In this way, the League sought to weaken the economic and the political position of the landed aristocracy, as well as to cut workers wages. The struggle between the industrial bourgeoisie and the landowning aristocracy over the Corn Laws culminated in their repeal in 1846. P- 238 On April 2, 1848, the republican minority headed by Friedrich Hecker and Gustav Struve walked out of the Preparliament (see Note 12), to show its opposition to the policy of compromises pursued by the liberal majority. They counted on support among broad circlcs of the revolutionary-minded population in Southern and Western Germany, particularly in Baden. Frightened by the growth of the republican movement, the Baden Government decided to increase its army, asked for military assistance from neighbouring German .states and issued an order for the arrest of the republican Joseph Fielder, who was denounced by the liberal Karl Mathy. These measures led to the republican uprising on April 12, 1848, under the leadership of Hecker and Struve. Ill-prepared and lacking organisation, the uprising was crushed by the end of April. P- 239 In most German states elections to the Frankfurt National Assembly were mdirect. Under the law of April 8 , 1848, the Prussian National Assembly too was elected by p. 248 two-stage votmg. See Note 13.
170

S vom ost the Czech national militia formed after the revolutionary events of

March 1848 in the Austrian Empire. It was recruited mainly from among students. Its main detachment gtiarded the Czech Museum in Prague where the Slav Congress was in session (see Note 73). During the June uprising in Prague, this detachment was disarmed and arrested by government troops. The Austrian authorities disbanded the national militia even though it was commanded by moderate representatives of the Czech movement (Baron Karel Villany) who disapproved of the insurgents. p. 213
Fictitious purchases business transactions concluded for a definite period during which no transfer of goods or securities takes place. The speculative clement arises from the difference between rates of exchange on the market and commodity prices. p. 224

See Note 44,

p, 229

The first article, dated Cologne, July 17", from the cycle The Debate on Jacobys Motion, was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. Articles fro m the N eue R hein iscke Z eitu n g. 1848-49, Progress Publishers. Moscow, 1972. All the other articles in this cycle are published in English for the first time. p. 232 On June 28, 1848, the Frankfurt National Assembly decided to set up a provisional Central Authority consisting of the imperial Regent (Archduke John of Austria) and an Imperial Ministry. Since the Central Authority had neither a budget nor an army of its own. it posses.sed no real power. In the Prussian National Assembly the formation of a provisional Central Authority was debated at the session of July II , 1848, when Johann Jacoby tabled this motion on behalf of the Left deputies. p. 232 See Note 13. See Note 12. p. 232 p. 234

p. 249

An English translation of this article was first published in the collection: Karl Marx, T h e Revolutions o f 1848. P olitical Writings, Vol. 1, London, Pengum Books, 1973. . PIn June 1848, Danish and Prussian plenipotentiaries met at Malmo (Sweden) to negotiate an armistice in the war over Schleswig-Holstein (see Note 28). An agreement was reached on July 8 and approved by the King and the Pnissian Government, but the commander-in-chief. General Wrangel, refused to sign it because it was obviously di.sadvantageous to the German side. The armistice was signed in a modified form on August 26, 1848 (see Note 271). p. 253 See Note 41. p. 253

173

The Custtmis U nion (Zollverein) of the German states, which established a common customs frontier, was founded in 1834 and headed by Prussia. Brought info being by the necessity for an all-German market, the Union embraced all the larger German states with the exception of Austria. p. 236
Vendee a department in Western France; during the French Revolution the centre of a largely peasant-based royalist uprising. The word Vendee came to denote counter-revolutionary actions. p. 237

An ironical allusion to the Magna Carta Libertatum a deed which the insurgent barons of England forced King John to sign on June 15, 1215. Magna Carta introduced certain limitations on the royal prerogative, primarily to the advantage of the big feudal lords. Some concessions were also granted to the knights and the townspeople. PSec Note 17. p. 259

See Note 149.

p. 238

The A n ti-C o m L aw L eagu e was founded in 1838 by the Manchester factory owners Cobden and Bright. By demanding unrestricted free trade, the League fought for the abolition of the Corn Laws, which established high tariffs on imported

On the armistice negotiations with Denmark see Note 171. The article was first published in English in the collection; Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. A rticles from the N eue R keinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972. P- ^ 6 6
.See N o te 13. X 266

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The Sound tax was a toll which, from 1425 to 1857, Denmark collected from all foreign vessels passing through the Sound. p. 268
178

The W orkers'Congress m e t in Berlin between August 23 and September 3, 1848, on the initiative of several workers organisations. At this Congress, many workers associations united into the Workers Fraternity. The programme of the Congress was drawn up under the influence of Stephan Born and set the workers the task of implementing narrow craft-union demands, thereby diverting them from the revolutionary struggle. A number of its points bore the stamp of Louis Blanc's and Proudhon's utopian ideas. The editors of the N e w R heinische Z eilung did not approve of the general stand taken by Born, but they refrained from criticising his views in the press, bearing in mind the progressive nature of the endeavour to unite workers associations. The programme of the Workers Congress was published in the N eu e R h ein lv h e Zeitung (No. 31, July 1, 1848) as a report from Berlin without editorial comment. p. 271 On April 6 , 1848, the Posen Assembly of the Estates rejected the proposal of the Prussian Government to incorporate the Grand Duchy of Posen into the German Confederation (see Note 13). p, 273 The government Bill on the compulsory loan was submitted to the Prussian National Assembly on July 12, 1848. p. 2 78
S lid in g scale a way of regulating tariffs on imported grain products practised in England during the operation of the Corn Laws, a system of raising or lowering tariffs in proportion to the fall or rise of grain prices on the home market. One set of sliding-scale regulations was introduced by the Peel Ministry in 1842.

Classes. Catholic organi.sations in the Rhine Province associations of Pius IX {Piusvereine) which campaigned for a moderate constitutional programme resorting to demagogical phraseology, joined either the liberal or the reactionary camp. P- 289 This article was first published in English in the collections: Karl Marx and Frederick F.ngcls, A rticles from the N e w R heinische Z eitung. 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972, and Karl Marx, T h e Revolutions o f 1H4S. Political Vol. 1. London, Penguin Books, 1973. p. 290 Feudalism was abolished, and juries and the Coda N ap oleon v /ere introduced in the Rhine Province during the French Revolution and Napoleon's Empire. Feudal relations were not restored in the Rhineland even after its incorporation into Prussia (1815) where remnants of feudali.sm survived in spite of the reforms of 1807-11, allowing redemption of feudal obligations. The Bill abolishing feudal obligations was submitted to the Prussian National Assembly by the Minister of Agriculture Gierke on July II , 1848, and discussed on July 18. P- 2 9 0 See Note See Note 69. p. 293 p. 295

179

180

This article was first published in English in the magazine L abou r Monthly, 1948, Vol. X X X , No. 8 , and later in the collection; Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the "N eue Rheinische Z eitu n g. 1848-49, Progress Publishers. Moscow, 1972. P- 296 Under the Poor Law of 1834 the only relief available to the poor who were fit for work was admis.sion to a workhouse. These were dubbed Poor Law Bas tilles". P- 296 In 1824, under mass pressure the English Parliament repealed the ban on trade unions. However, in 1825 it passed a Bill on workers associations confirming the repeal of the ban on the trade unions but vigorously limidng their activities. Merely to urge workers to join a union and take part in a strike was considered, for example as coercion and violence and was liable to criminal prosecu tion. P- 297
192

On special constnhles s e e Note 144. On Fickler's arrest see Note 167.

p, 288

The First Democrulic Congress in Frankfurt am Main was held between June 14 and 17, 1848; it was attended by delegates from 89 democratic and workers' associations from different towns in Germany. The Congress decided to unite all democratic associations and to set up district committees headed by the Central Committee of German democrats, with headquarters in Berlin. Frobel, Rau and Kriege were clected members of the Central Committee and Bayrhoffer, Schutte and Anneke their deputies. Even after this decision, the democratic movement in Germany still lacked unity and organisation because of the weakness and vacillations of its petty-bourgeois leaders. The Congress discussed the political programme and organisational structure of the democratic party. A programme point that ran as follows was adopted: There is only one acceptable constitution for the German people: a democratic republic, i.e. a system under which the whole society is responsible for the freedom and welfare of its every member. However, nothing definite was said about the ways to attain this aim. p. 289 Moderate liberal elements in Germany, adherents of the constitutional monarchy, began to unite into constitutional associations and clubs, headed by the Constitutional Club in Berlin, and into citizens associations (see Note 65). Associations of Right-wing forces sprang up alongside them, particularly in Prussia, such as the Prussian associations (Prem senvereine) and the counter revolutionary Association for the Protection of Property and the Well-Being of AD

This refers to bloody clashes between workers and police in Birmingham, Glasgow, Newcasde and Sunderland in 1839. The most significant event was the Newport rising in November 1839, due to the deplorable conditions of the South-Wales miners and growing discontent after Parliament had turned down the Chartist petition and a number of popular Chartist agitators (Henry Vincent and others) were arrested. The leaders of the insurrection intended it to lead to a general armed struggle for the Peoples Charter. Three poorly armed insurgent detachments (numbering 3,000 men) entered Newport at dawn on November 4 but were dispersed by troops and police who had been brought in advance. On January 13, 1840, the leaders of the insurgents were sentenced to capital punishment which was commuted to transportation as a result of a protest campaign. When Parliament rejected the second Chartist petition in Augu.st 1842 in c o n d itio n s o l economic crisis and growing |X)verly, disturbances broke o u t in som e

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of ihe industrial districts in England. In Lancashire and in a considerable parr of Cheshire and Yorkshire strikes assumed a general nature and in some places (Stockport, Preston and others) they turned into spontaneous revolts. The Government responded with mass arrests and severe sentences for Chartist leaders. p. 297 See Note 166.
p. 299

^ The fight for Icgi.slative restriction of the working day to ten hours began in England as early as the end of the eighteenth century, and from the 1830s on large scrtions of the workers became involved in it. In an attempt to use this popular slogan against the industrial bourgeoisie, representatives of the landed aristocracy supported the Ten Hours Bill in Parliament. The Bill limiting work ing hours for women and young children was passed by Parliament on June 8 , 1847. p. 299 This refers to the battle of Custozza, near Verona, between the Austrian army, under the command of Radetzky, and Piedmont troops under the command of King Charles Albert. The fighting went on for three days, from July 23 to 25. without bringing decisive victory to either side. Eventually the Austrian command mustered superior forces and dealt a heavy blow at the Piedmont troops, who were scattered largely due to poor generalship which doomed them to inaction at the decisive moment. p. 30.5 In the battle of Curtatone (five kilometres from Mantua) on May 29, 1848, the Austrian troops forced the Tuscany corps, which fought on the side of the Piedmont army, to retreat. The resistance offered by this corps, however, enabled the Piedmont troops to regroup their forces and on May 30, in the battle of Goito, to hurl back the Austrians to their former positions. Nevertheless, the Piedmont command failed to make u.se of this success. p. 305 This article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx, T he Ruvolutions o f 1 848. P olitical Writings, Vol. 1, London, Penguin Books, 1973. In this article the phrase secret treaties with Napoleon refers to the Treaty o f T ilsit s ig n e d in July 1807 by France, Russia and Prussia. In an attempt to split the defeated powers, Napoleon made no territorial claims on Russia and even managed the transfer of part of the Prussian monarchys eastern land to Russia. He consolidated an alliance with Alexander I when the two emperors met in E rfu n in the autumn of 1808. At the same time, this treaty imposed harsh terms on Prussia, which lost nearly half its territory to the German states dependent on France, had to pay indemnities, had its army limited etc. However, Russia, as well as Prussia, had to sever alliance with England and, to her disadvantage, join Napoleon's Continental System. Napoleon formed the vassal Duchy of Warsaw on Polish territory seized by Prussia during the pardtions of Poland at the end of the eighteenth century, and planned to use the duchy as a springboard in the event of war with Russia. Sharp contradictions between France and Russia led to Napoleons campaign against Russia in 1812. p, 307 This refers to the "Appeal to the Germans issued on March 25, 1813, in Kalisch after the defeat of Napoleons Grand Army lji Russia in 1812. The Russian Tsar and the King of Prussia called upon the Germans to fight Napoleon and demagogically promised them freedom and independence. It later transpired that the monarchs intention was to use the national liberation movements to strengtlien the feudal monarchies and privileges of the nobility. p. 308

For the congresses o f the H oly A llian ce held in L aib ach and Verona, see Note 128. The delegates of the states forming the German Confederation held a conference in Carlsbad in August 1819. On the initiative of the Austrian Chancellor Metternich and with the approval of the Russian Tsar, measures of struggle against the opposition movement were worked out. The decisions of the conference were approved by the Federal Diet (see Note 13) on September 20, 1819. The Carlsbad decisions envisaged the introduction of preliminary censorship in all German states, .strict supervision ot universities, prohibiuon ol snidents' societies, establishment of an investigation commission to suppress so-called demagogues. p. 308 See Note 164. See Note 12. p, 309 p. 310

The first parririon of Poland took plate in 1772 between Prussia, Austria and Russia. p. 310
203

See Note 146.

p. 310

204 -j-jijj. j-gfers to the Polish national liberation u p ris in g o f N ovem ber 1 8 3 0 -0 ctoh er I8 3 I. The majority of its participants were revolutionary nobles (the szlachcics) and its leaders came from the ranks of the aristocracy. It was suppressed by Russian troops, with the support of Prussia and Austria. In spite of its defeat, the uprising was of major international significance because it diverted the forces of counter-revolution and thwarted their plans regarding the bourgeois revolution of 1830 in France and the 1830-31 revolution in Belgium. p. 311 This refers to the rescripts by Frederick William IV of February 3, 1847, convening the United Diet, in which the King referred to the laws on estates representation promulgated in Prussia between the 1820s and the 1840s. The convocation of the United Diet (see Note 25) was presented by the King as implementation of his earlier promises to introduce a Constitution. p. 31 I An allusion to the suppression of the Cracow national liberation uprising in 1846 by Austrian troops and the abolition of the status of the free city of Cracow (the Cracow Republic) by decision of the three powers Austria, Prussia and Russia (see Notes 36 and 47). p. 311 In the summer of 1848, the anti-feudal movement and the struggle for complete liberation from the yoke of the Turkish Sultan grew in intensity in the Danube principalities (Moldavia and Wallachia), which formally remained autonomous possessions of Turkey. The movement in Wallachia grew into a bourgeois revolution. In June 1848, a Constitution was promulgated, a liberal Provisional Government was formed and George Bibesco, the ruler ot Wallachia. abdicated and fled from the country. On Juno 28, 1848, twelve-thousand Russian troops entered Moldavia and in Julv of the same year, Turkish troops also invaded the country. Intervention helped to restore the feudal system and the subsequent entry of Turkish troops into Wallachia, with the consent of the Tsari.st Government, brought about the defeat of the bourgeois revolution. p. 311 (jrave economic difficulties (almost universal crop failure) and natural calamities (cholera epidemics and devastating fires) exacerbated the class contradictions in

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631

Russia in the spring and summer of 1848. This year witnessed the rise of the peasant movement, cholera riois in St. Petersburg and Riga and popular revolts in some gubernias, for example, in Vladimir Gubernia. An important seat of revolutionary ferment was the Kingdom of Poland. p. 312

- " A n allusion to the closest entourage of Frederick William IV (ihe Gcrlach brother.s, Radowitz and other prominent figures with counter-revolutionary p. .^20 aspirations). Proudhons speech is set forth and quoted in this article according to newspaper reports. The full text of Proudhon's speech at the session of the French National Assembly on July 31, 1848, was published in C um pte r en d u des sean ces d e IAy>emblee n a lio n a le, Vol. II, Paris, 1849, pp. 770-82, p- -^21 The In q u is itio n p r o c e ed in g s a form of criminal proceedings under absolutism, which allowed exiremely wide powers to judges, who combined the functions of prosecutor and examining magistrate, trial in camera, and the use of torture to obtain evidence. The Inquisition proceedings became particularly notorious in Catholic Church courts and especially those of the Holy Inquisition which examined crimes of heresy. P- ^^5
Lettres d e cachet, i.e. warrants for arrest signed by the King of f ranee at the lime of the absolute monarchy. Any person could be imprisoned without investigation or court proteeding.s. P-

The item was printed in the column French Republic. It deals with the Press Bill submitted to the French Constituent Assembly at the end of July 1848 and widely discussed in the German press. T h e Bill provided for severe punishment for insult, in the press, of the authorities, attacks on property, religion and family principles. It was passed by the Assembly on August 9-11, 1848. p. 314

210

The N eite R tu in iv h e Zeitung of July 6 , 1848, carried a report received from Ewerbeck, its Paris correspondent, under the heading Bakunin. The author reported the current rumour that Mikhail Bakunin was in the secret service of Nicholas I and that George Sand was in possession of evidence to this effect. Such rumours circulated among Polish emigrants even before the 1848 revolution. On JuJy 16, the N eue R heinLvJu Zeitung reprinted Bakunins statement to the editors of the A llgtm ein e O der Z eiiu n gin which he refuted these accusations. It also carried Bakunins letter to George Sand asking her to make a public statement testifying to the falsity of the rumour, which discredited him as a revolutionary. On August 3, Marx received Cieorge Sands letter to the N eue H heinische Z eitung th r o u g h the Polish democrat Koscielski and immediately published it with an introductory note from the editors. In 1853 certain English newspapers accused Marx of having used .the N eue R h iin isch e Zeitung to spread insinuations against Bakunin. Early in September 1853 Marx refuted these charges the authors of which were emigrants hostile to proletarian revolutionaries in statements to the editors of the M orn ing Advertiser and the People's P aper (see present edition, Vol. 12). In the statement to the M orning A dvertiser he recalled that the N eue R hein vxhe Zeitung had publi.shed Bakunins letters of self-acquittal and the relevant letter of George Sand; he also quoted the editors introductory note to this letter. Subsequently, in his letter to Lassalle written on March .3, 1860, Marx gave the following description of this episode: I printed in the N e w Rheinische. Zeitung-n denunciation of Bakunin received from two different sources in Paris, the one being a Pole I knew and the other the Paris liUtcgraphic bulletin, which would anyway have circulated this denunciation to a ll papers even if /h ad not printed it. The fact that the accusation was made publicly was in the interest of the cause as well as of Bakunin himself. I reprinted im m ediately Bakunins refutation which appeared in the N eue O der Zeitung. Kascielski, whom Bakunin sent to Cologne in order to challenge me to a duel, examined the letters fro m P aris and became convinced that as an editor I was in duty bound to have the denunciation printed (it appeared as a report with no comments). T hereupon he wrote to Bakunin informing him that he could no longer represent his interests. Koscielski became one of the best and most treasured friends of the N eu e R heinische Zeitung. I gave public satisfaction to Bakunin in the N eue R heinische Zeitung'dnd made it up with him when we met in Berlin in August 1848. Subsequendy (in 1851)1 broke a lance defending him in the T ribu ne. (This refers to Revoludon and CounterRevolution in Germany, an article which Engels wrote for Marx and in which he highly praised Bakunin as a participant in the Dresden uprising of May 5849.) p. 315

See Note 92.

p. :V2S

The thre.'ihing g a rd en ers (D reschgdrtn er) t h e name applied in some places in Germany, particularly in Silesia, to dependent peasants who rented a plot of land with a house from the landowner and. in return, had to work for him (mamly harvesting) for a small payment in cash or in kind. p. 330 Banaii(i5 (thc original has Zu>angs- utuI Bu nnreclite) i c u d a ] lords' right to impose taxes on peasants for the obligatory use of flour mills, wine presses etc. owned b\ 331 feudal lords. Traditional holidays with carnivals in Belgium to celebrate its separation from Holland and its independence proclaimed at the time of the 1830 revoluPThe debates on the (irand Duchy of Posen were held in the Frankfurt National Assembly on July 24-27, 1848. P- 337 See Note 47. P- 337

Engels refers to the repealed promises of Frederick William III to introduce a Constitution in Prussia based on the estate principle. p. 338 This refers to the cowardly and servile conduct of ihe Prussian bureaucracy after the defeat of Prussia by Napoleonic France in the batdes of Jena and Auerstcdt in p , 342 October 1806 (see also Note 77).

22.? The treaties signed by Russia, Prussia and Austria in Vienna on May 3, 1815, and
the Final Act of the Congress of Vienna signed on June 9, 1815, which legalised tfie abolition of the Duchy of Warsaw established in 1807 by Napoleon and a new partition of the Polish lands between Austria, Prussia and Russia, pledged ihat representative bodies and national political institutions would be sot up in all

632

Notes

Notes

633

Polish lands. In Posen this resulted in the convocation of an assembly of the estates endowed with advisorv functions. p. 343 See Note 36. .'544

up, try at least to prevent him from digesting you. See also his work C on sid eration s s u r le g o u v e m em e n t d e P ologn e, et su r so re'form ation projette. p- 366 At a session of the Frankfurt National Assembly on August 7, 1848, Deputy Brentano spoke in favour of amnesty for the participants in the Baden republican uprising and for their leader Hecker. The Right-wing deputies kept interrupting Brentano and finally forced him to leave the rostrum. p- 368 Paragraph 6 of the F u n d a m en ta l R ig h ts o f the G er m a n P eop le worked out by the Frankfurt National Assembly as part of the future Constitution (it was adopted on August 2, 1848) abolished all estates privileges and all titles not connected with office. P- 368 Don Carlos who, in 1833, appeared as a pretender to the Spanish throne against Isabella, daughter of King Ferdinand VII, referred to the 1713 law prohibiting succession to the throne along the female line. In 1838-40, Lichnowski took part in the civil war unleashed by Don Carlos and was promoted to the rank of brigadier-general. PW asserp olack en original name of ferrymen on the Oder who were mainly natives of Upper Silesia; subsequently it became widespread in Germany as a nickname of p. 370 Silesian Poles.

The C u n v en tion o f Ja r o s la w ie c was concluded between the Posen Committee of Polish insurgents and the Prussian Commissioner General Willisen on April 11, 1848. It stipulated that the Polish insurgents were to lay-down their arms and disband. In return, ihe Poles were promised the national reorganisation of Posen, i.e. the formation of a Polish army, the appointment of Poles to administrative and other posts and recognition of Polish as an official language. However, fhr Convention was treacherously violated by the Prussian administra tion, and the national liberation movement in Posen was hrntaily suppressed by Prussian troops. The border between the western (German) part of the Duchy of Posen, which was not liable to reorganisation, and the eastern (Polish) one, was shifted further to the east. The promised reorganisation was never carried p. 346 See Note 149. p. .S46

The ch am bers o f reu n io n (cku m b res d e reu n ion ) were set up by Louis XIV in 1679-80 fo justify and provide legal and historical grounds for Frances claims to ccrtain lands in neighbouring slates, primarily in the territory of Germany; these lands were subsequendy occupied by French troops. p, 347 The P olish (Jnnstitution o j 1 7 9 1 expressed the aspirations of the progressive sections of the nobility and urban bourgeoisie. It abolished the liberu m veto (the principle that resolutions of the Diet rould only be passed unanimouslv) and the elective monarchy, provided for a Government responsible to the Diet and granted the urban bourgeoisie various political and economic rights. The Constitution was directed against feudal anarchy and aimed at strengthening the C.entral Authority; it also alleviated to some extent the po.sition of peasant serfs by recognising the legal force of commutation agreements betw^een landowners and peasants. As a result of the revolt of the nobility and the interference on the parr of Catherine 11 of Russia and Frederick William II of Prussia, the Clonstitulion w'as repealed in 1792-93 and a second partition of Poland between Russia and Fru.ssia took phue. p, 3 5 1 The majority of deputies to the Frankfurt National Assembly were members of the libeial Cnifr^'w^hirh, in its turn, wa.s split into two factions the R ig h t C en tre (Dahimann, Gagern, Bassermann, Mathy, Mevi.ssen and others) and the L e ft C en tre (including Mittermaier, Werner and Raveaux). I'he deputies of both centres were supporters of the constitutional monarchy. p. 3 5 4 On August 6 . 1848. troops of all German states were, by an order issued by the Imperial Minister of War Peucker on July 16, 1848, to take the oath of allegiance to the Imperial Regent Archduke John at the celebration parade. Frederick William IV, who himself claimed to be the Supreme Commandei of the Armed ^orces of the German (Confederation, cancelled the parade in Prussia appointed for August 6 . p 359 Janiszew'ski apparently quoted the following words by Jean Jacques Rousseau addressed to the Poles: If you cannot prevent the enemy from swallowing you

The A lh ig e n s ia n u-ari (1209-29) were waged by the feudal magnates of Northern France, together with the Pope, against the movement of townspeople and the lesser nobility, supported by peasants, in Languedoc, in the south, who were seeking independence from the north. This movement took the form of a heresy, being directed again.st the power and doctrine of the Catholic Church as well as against the secular power of the feudal state. And its adherents were called Albigenses from the city of Albi, one of their main centres. The Albigensian heresy was wiped out after twenty years of war, and a considerable part of Languedoc annexed to the lands of the French kings. The whole of Languedoc was annexed to France in 1271. retaining, however, a measure of self-government which was finally abolished at the time of the ab.solute monarchy. p. 372 See Note 73. P-

During the Cracow national liberation uprising in 1846 (see Note 36) the Austrian authorities provoked clashes in Galicia between Ukrainian peasants and detachments of Polish insurgents. When the uprising was suppressed, the participants in the peasant movement in Galicia were severely persecuted. p. 375 The W a h l-M a n ifest d e r r a d ic a le n R efo r m p a rte i f i i r D eu tschlan d written by _Ruge and published in D ie R efo r m No. 16, April 16, 1848, proclaimed the editing ra tio n a le of events" as the main task of the National Assembly. The reference is to one of the legends woven round the foundation of the Swiss Confederation, the origin of which dates back to the agreement of the thi-ee mountain cantons of Schwyz. Uri and Unterwalden in 1291. According to this legend, representatives of the three cantons met in 1307 in the Griitli (Ruth) meadow and took an oath of loyally in the joint struggle againsi Austrian
rule.

'

p.

//

634

Notes

Notes

635

T h is r e fe r s to a system o f g e n e ra l tre a tie s set u p by th e V ie n n a C o n g re ss (S e p te m b e r 1 8 1 4 -J u n e 1 8 1 5 ) w h irh e m b ra c e d th e w h o le o f E u r o p e , w ith th e e x c e p tio n o f th a t p a rt th en in c o r p o ra te d in 1 u rk ey . T h e d e cisio n s o f th e C o n g re ss h e lp e d to r e s to re fe u d a l o rd e r, p e r p e tu a te d th e p o litical fr a g m e n ta tio n o f G e r m a n y a n d Ita ly , sa n ctio n e d th e in c o r p o ra tio n o f B e lg iu m in to H o lla n d a n d th e p a rtitio n s o f P o la n d a n d o u tlin e d m e a su re s to c o m b a t th e re v o lu tio n a ry m o v e m e n t. p 37 ^

242

L a m a rtin e's m a n ifesto (o f M a rch 4 , 1 8 4 8 ) a c ir c u la r o f th e M in iste r o f F o re ig n A ffa ir s o n th e fo r e ig n p o licy p rin c ip le s a n d g o a ls o f th e P ro v isio n al G o v e rn m e n t o f th e F r e n c h R ep u b lic . p ^7^ O n Ju ly 2 7 , 1 8 4 8 , th e F r a n k fu r t N a tio n a l A ssem b ly a p p ro v e d th e d e cisio n passed e a r lie r by th e F e d e r a l D ie t (see N o te 13) to in c lu d e a n u m b e r o f re g io n s o f th e G r a n d D u ch y o f P o se n in to th e G e r m a n C o n fe d e ra tio n , sa n ctio n e d th e pow ers vested in th e tw elve d e p u tie s e le c te d fr o m th e se re g io n s (th o u g h th e P olish p o p u la tio n h a d re fu se d to ta k e p a rt in e le c tio n s to th e F r a n k fu r t P a rlia m e n t), c o n fir m e d th e d e m a rca tio n lin e e sta b lish e d by G e n e r a l P fu e l in P o se n a ft e r th e re p e a te d tr a n s fe r e n c e o f th is lin e f u r th e r east an d ob lig ed th e P ru ssian G o v e rn m e n t to g u a ra n te e th e secu rity o f G e r m a n s re sid in g in P o s e n . T his d e cisio n a ro u se d s tro n g in d ig n a tio n in d e m o c ra tic circle s in Crerm any. F o r e x a m p le , o n A u g u st 1 1 , a g e n e ra l m e e tin g o f th e C o lo g n e D e m o c r a tic S o ciety , p re sid ed o v e r by M a rx , a d o p te d a re so lu tio n o f p ro te st ag ain st th e F r a n k fu r t A sse m b ly d e cisio n s o n th e P olish q u e stio n a n d se n t it to th e A ssem b ly (see this v o lu m e , p p . 5 6 4 -6 5 ) . p S e e N o te 2 3 0 .

b e g in n in g , G o ttsch a lk 's tactics w ere re sisted by th e su p p o rte rs o f M a rx an d E n g e ls. A t th e e n d o f J u n e a c h a n g e -o v e r to o k p lace u n d e r th e ir m fh ie n c e in th e activities o f th e W o rk e rs ' A sso ciatio n , w h ich b e c a m e a c e n tr e o f re v o lu tio n a ry a g ita tio n a m o n g th e w o rk ers, a n d fr o m th e a u tu m n o f 1 8 4 8 o n w ard s, also a m o n g th e p easan ts. M e m b e rs o f th e A sso ciatio n o rg a n ise d d e m o c ra tic a n d w orkers a sso ciatio n s in th e v icin ity o f C o lo g n e , d isse m in a te d re v o lu tio n a ry h te ra tu re , in c lu d in g th e D e m a n d s o f th e C o m m u n ist P a rty in G e r m a n y , an d c a rrie d on a m o n g th em selv es e d u c a tio n in sc ie n d fic c o m m u n ism th ro u g h th e study o f M a rx s w ritin gs. T h e A sso ciad o n m a in ta in e d c lo se c o n ta c t w ith o th e r w o rk e rs and d e m o c ra tic o rg a n isa tio n s. . W h e n in th e sp rin g o f 1 8 4 9 . M a rx a n d K n gels to o k step s to o rg a n ise th e ad v an ced w o rk e rs o n a n a tio n a l scale a n d actu ally sta rte d p re p a rin g fo r th e c re a tio n o f a p ro le ta ria n p a rty , th ey re lie d to a c o n sid e ra b le e x te n t o n th e C o lo g n e W o rk e rs A sso cia tio n . . , - 1 T h e m o u n tin g c o u n te r -re v o lu tio n an d in te n sifie d p o h ce re p risa ls p re v e n te fu r th e r activities o f th e C o lo g n e W o rk e rs ' A sso ciatio n to u n ite an d o rg a n ise th e w o rk in g m asses. A fte r th e Weue R heinische Zeitung ceased p u b lica tio n a n d M arx S c h a p p e r a n d o th e r le a d e rs o f th e A sso ciatio n le ft C o lo g n e , it g rad u ally " rn e d in to a n o rd in a ry w o rk e rs e d u c a tio n a l so ciety . P-

243

P a ra g r a p h I o f A rtic le 1 o f th e F u n d a m e r it a lR ig h L s o ft h e G e r m a r iP e o p le ^ o T k e d o x u b y th e F r a n k fu r t N a tio n a l A ssem b ly was ad o p te d at its session o f Ju ly 2 1 , 1H48. w ith th e fo llo w in g w o rd in g : E v ery G e r m a n p ossesses th e g e n e ra l G e r m a n rig h t o f c itiz e n sh ip fr o m w h ich it a c cru e s th a t a c itiz en o f ev ery se p a ra te sta te e n jo y s all rig h ts o f a n a tu ra lis e d citizen o f a n o th e r state. P'

244

p 333

F o r th e C o lo g n e D e m o cra tic S o ciety , see N o te 66 . T h e C o lo g n e W o rk ers A .v ;ociation a w o rk e rs o rg a n isa tio n fo u n d e d b y A n d re a s G o ttsc h a lk o n A p ril 1 3, 1 8 4 8 . Its 3 0 0 m e m b e rs h ad in crea sed to 5 ,0 0 0 , th e m a jo rity o f w h o m w e re w o rk e rs a n d artisan.s, by th e b e g in n in g o f M ay. T h e A sso cia tio n was led b y th e P re sid e n t a n d th e c o m m itte e , w hich co n sisted o f r e p re se n ta tiv e s o f v a rio u s tra d e s. T h e n e w sp a p e r Z eilu n g des A rh e ite r -V er e in fs zu K o ln was th e o rg a n o f th e A sso c ia tio n , h u t fr o m O c to b e r 2 6 it was re p la c e d by th e F r eih eit, B n id er lic h k eit, A r b e it T h e r e w ere a n u m b e r o f b ra n c h e s o f th e A sso cia tio n . A ft e r G o tts c h a lk s a r r e s f, M oll w as electe d P r e s id e n to n J u l y 6 an d h e h e ld th is p o st till th e sta te o f sieg e was p ro c la im e d in C o lo g n e in S e p te m b e r 1 8 4 8 , w h en h e h ad to e m ig r a te u n d e r th r e a t o f a r r e s t. O n O c to b e r 16, M a rx a g r e e d to a ssu m e th is p o st te m p o ra rily a t th e re q u e s t o f A sso cia tio n m e m b e rs. In N o v e m b e r R o s e r b e c a m e a c tin g P re sid e n t a n d o n F e b r u a r y 2 8 , 1 8 4 9 , S c h a p p e r was elected P re sid e n t a n d re m a in e d in th is p o st u n til th e e n d o f M ay 1 8 4 9 . T h e m a jo rity o f th e le a d in g m e m b e rs (G o ttsch a lk , A n n e k e , S c h a p p e r . M oll, L e s s n e r, Ja n s e n , R o se r , N o th ju n g , B e d o r f ) w ere m e m b e rs o f th e C o m m u n ist I.e a g u e . D u rin g th e in itia l p erio d o f its e x iste n c e , th e W o rk e rs ' A sso ciatio n was in flu e n c e d b y G o ttsc h a lk w ho, sh a rin g m a n y o f th e view s o f th e tr u e so cialists . I g n o r e d th e h isto rica l tasks o f th e p ro le ta ria t in th e d e m o c ra tic re v o lu tio n , ca rrie d on se c ta ria n ta ctics o f b o y c o ttin g in d ire c t ele c tio n s to th e F e d e ra l a n d P russian N atio n a l A ssem b lies a n d c a m e o u t a g a in st su p p o rt o f d e m o c ra tic c a n d id a te s in e le c tio n s. H e c o m b in e d u ltr a -L e ft p h ra se s w ith very leg a listic m eth o d s o f stru g g le (w o rk e rs p e titio n s to th e G o v e rn m e n t a n d th e C ity C o u n cil e tc .) an d su p p o rte d th e d e m a n d s o f th e w o rk ers a ffe c te d b y c r a ft p re ju d ic e s etc. F ro m th e very

2'* A ft e r th e b a ttle o f C u stozza (see N o te 1 9 5 ) th e P ie d m o n t tro o p s re tre a te d . O n A u g u st 4 1 8 4 8 th ey w e re d e fe a te d n e a r M ilan , in to w h ich th e A u stria n a rm y o f R a d e tz k y e n te re d o n A u g u st 6 . O n A u g u st 9 . 1 8 4 8 , an a rm istic e was c o n clu d ed u n d e r w h ich P ie d m o n t u n d e rto o k to w ith d raw its a rm e d fo r c e s fr o m th e cities a n d fo r tre s s e s o f L o m b a rd y an d V e n ic e , th u s s u r re n d e rin g th e m to th e A iistrian s. T h is a rticle was firs t p u b lish ed in E n g lish in th e c o lle ctio n : K a r l M a rx a n d F r e d e r ic k E n g e ls , A rticles fr o m the " N eu e R h ein isch e Z eitu n g . 1 8 4 8 -4 9 , P u b lish e rs, M oscow , 1 9 7 2 . P'

24 Carfeonari m e m b e rs o f b o u rg e o is a n d a risto cra tic re v o lu tio n a ry s e c re t societies w h ich a p p e a re d in Ita ly in th e e a rly n in e te e n th c e n tu ry . T h e y fo u g h t f o r n atio n a l in d e p e n d e n c e an d u n ific a tio n o f Italy a n d a t th e sa m e tim e d e m a n d e d lib e ra l-c o n stitu tio n a l re fo r m s . T h e C a r b o n a ri played a n im p o rta n t ro le m th e re v o lu tio n a ry d e v e lo p m e n ts in th e k in g d o m s o f N ap les a n d S a r d in ia e a rly in th e 18 2 0 s a n d also d u rin g th e re v o lu tio n a ry stru g g le in Italy ag ain st A u stria n ru le an local fe u d a l m o n a r c h ie s in th e 18 3 0 s . D u rin g th e re v o lu tio n o f 1 8 2 1 in P ie d m o n t. P rin c e C h a rle s A lb e rt o f C a n g n a n o m a d e o v e rtu re s to th e C a r b o n a ri a n d th e y a p p o in te d h im re g e n t. H o w ev er, a fra id to lose h is rig h t to th e S a r d in ia n C ro w n i f ev en ts to o k an u n fa v o u ra b le tu r n , h e fle d fro m T u r in , a b d icate d his re g e n c y an d h e lp e d to su p p ress th e mov^ern en t. ^

p. 000

T h e b attle o f G o ito (M ay 3 0 . 1 8 4 8 ) was p a rt o f th e h o stilities b e tw ee n th e allied Ita lia n fo r c e s an d A u stria n vassals, w h ich sta rte d w ith th e b a td e o f C u r ta to n c (see ^ T h c 'b S t l e o f M oz a m ba n o (Ju ly 2 4 , 1 8 4 8 ) was a n ep iso d e in th e b a ttle o f C usio/za (see N o te 1 9 5 ) b etw ee n th e P ie d m o n t an d A u.strian arm ies.

636

Notes Notes

637

In both cases, the Piedmont Command proved incapablc of encrgeiic action against the enemy and of taking advantage of successes achieved at separate sectors along the front. p See Note 248, p. 389

2 f> \ See Note 235.

p. 400

Quotations are taken from the rescript of Frederick William IV dated March 18, 1848, on the speeding up of the convocation of tlie L'nited Diet (see Note 25). p. 390 See Note 2 4 6 . p. 39J

This article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, A rticles from the R h ein isch e Z eitu n g". 1 8 4 8 -4 9 , Publishers, Moscow, 1972. P' The armistice between Sardinia and Austria concluded on August 9, 1848 (see Note 247), was originally to last six weeks but was prolonged. It was annulled on March 12 1849, but soon after hostilities were resumed the Sardmian army was^ defeated, Charles Albert abdicated and Victor Emmanuel II, the new Kmg, again concluded an armistice with the Au.strians on March 26. P- 402 On August 21, 1848. workers disturbances started in Vienna, caused by the growth of unemployment and the Governments decree on the reduction ol wages. On August 23 the national guards of bourgeois and aristocratic distriws opened fire on unarmed workers who were protesting against this measure. 1 he counter-revolutionaries who supported Kmperor Ferdinand (who returned to Vienna from Innsbruck on August 12) and his court camarilla, and were preparing to attack the achievements of the revolution, took advantage of the situation, which had undermined the unity of the democratic forces. p. 402 This article was first published in English in the Frederick F.ngels, A rticles fr o m the N e u e R b etm sc h e Z eitu n g Publishers, Moscow, 1972.

Tins is a list of the battles between the Austrians and the French during the trench Revolution, the Directory, the Consulate and the Empire, in which the Austrian army was defeated at Jeinappes {November 6 . 1792), at Fleurus (June 26, 1794), at Millesimo (April 13-14, 1796), ar. Rivoli (January 14-15, 1797), at Neuwied (April 18, 1797), at Marengo (June H , 1800), at Hohenlinden (Decem bers, 1800),atU lm (October 17, 1805). at Au.sterlitz (December 2 1805) at Wagram (July 5-6, 1809). p 3 95
S o n d erh u n d d separatist union formed by the seven economically backward Catholic cantons of Switzerland in 1843 to resist progressive bourgeois reforms and defend the privileges of the church and the Jesuits. The decree of the Swiss Diet of July 184 / on the dissolution of the Sonderbund served a.s a pretext for the latter to start hostilities against other cantons early in November. On November 23. 1847, the Sonderbund army was defeated by federal forces. p. 396

1 8 4 8 -4 9 ,

On the defeat of the Piedmont army at Custozza on July 25, 1848, see Note 195. On July 26-27 the Austrians routed the Piedmont troops at Volta and on August 6 , 1848, occupied Milan, p ggg See Note 238. p. onr 390

The revolution of 1848 in Italv, followed bv revolutionary eveius in other European countries, was started by the people's uprising of Januarv 12 in Palermo and the successful armed struggle in Sicily against the absolute moni.rchy of the Neapolitan Bourbon.s, ggy This article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, A rticles fr o m the N e u e R h e in h c h e Z eitu n e" . 1 8 4 8 -4 9 , Progress Publishers, Moscow% 1972. p For the storming of the arsenal, see Note 67. On August 21, 1848, meetings and demonstrations were held in Berlin against the assault, engineered by reactionary forces, on members of the Democratic Club in Charlottenburg (then a suburb of Berlin). The demonstrators demanded the resignation of the Auerswald-Hansemann Ministry and the punishment of those involved in the incidents in Charlottenburg; they also threw stones at the building in which Auerswald and other Ministers met. The Covernmeni retaliated with further repression. p ^.qq

The so-called R isq u o n s-T o u t tn a l, held in Antwerp from August 9 to 30, 1848, was a fabrication of the Government of Leopold, the King of the Belgians, ag^nst the L r T h e pretext was a clash, which took place on March 29, 1848, between the Belgian Republican Legion bound for its home country from France and a detachment of soldiers near the village of Risquons-Tout not far from the French border Mellinet, Ballin, Tedesco and other principal accused were sentenced to death, but this was later commuted to 30 years imprisonment, and still later t ^ were pardoned.
2 ^

The G er m a n W orkers A sso cia tio n was founded by Marx and Engels in Brussels at the end of August 1847, with the aim of politically educating German workers residing in Belgium and spreading the ideas of scientific comnriinism among them. Its best cadres were members of the Commumst League and it mamtained contacts with Belgian workers and democratic associations. Its activities ceased soon after the February revolution of 1848 in France when its members were arrested and deported by the Belgian police. POn his arrival in Cologne on April U . 1848, Marx successlullv applied to the Cologne City Counril for citizenship. However, the derision was subject to approval by'the local royal authorities who were slow in ^ beeinning of August 1848. after four months delay, Marx was informed that his had been turned down. The conduct of t^e Cologne au th o n t.s aroused indignation in the city's democratic circles. The C o l o g n e Demociatic Society sent a deputation demanding that police measures against M^arx should cease (see this volume, pp. 562-63). In reply to Marxs complaint, the Minister of the Interior Kiihlwetter approved the decision of the local authorities on September 12, 1848 (see this volume, p. 581). Although the protest campa.g.i

260 .....

Ihis reters to Prussia s participation in the wars of the anri-French coalition against Napoleon in 1813-14 and 1815 (see Note 76). p. 4Q0

638

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639

prevented reactionary circles from carrying out their schemes with regard to Marx immediately, he was in danger of being deported from Prussia as a foreigner. Subsequently, the Prussian Government deported Marx for alleged violation of the right of hospitality. This act and repressive measures against other editors of the N eue R heinische Zeitung caused the newspaper to cease publication in May 1849. p 4Q 7 Under the impact of the March revolution in the German states, the Federal Diet (see Note 13) established by its special decision of March 30, 1848, the representation quota to the German National Assembly. On April 7, an amendment to this decision was approved which extended the right to vote and to be elected to political refugees who returned to Germany and were reinstated in German citizenship. p 4 Qg See Note 12. 408

On August 26, 1848, an armistice for the term of seven months was signed between Denmark and Prussia in the Swedish city of Malmo. The armistice provided for a ceasefire between Prussia and Denmark, replacement of the provisional authorities in Schleswig by a new Government to be formed by the two contracting parties (the representatives of the Danish monarchy predominant), separation of the troops of Schleswig and Holstein, and other onerous terms for the national liberation movement in the duchies. The revolutionary-democratic reforms which had been introduced were now virtually eliminated. Though the Prussian ruling circles had waged the war against Denmark in the name of the German Confederation, they sacrificed all-German interests to dynastic and counter-revolutionary considerations when they concluded the armistice. They were also prompted by the desire to avoid complications with Russia and Britain, which supported Denmark. Nonetheless, as Engels foresaw, on September 16, the Frankfurt National As.sembly approved by a majority vote the armistice concluded m Malmo. p. 411
272

case of a loan ... make it possible to exchange government bonds, which are sluggish in circulation and exposed to big fluctuations in exchange, for interest-bearing notes; it will also give the private individual and every worker the chance to invest his savings at interest without losing his disposal of them and free him from the ciimber.some savings-banks and from the intermediary of bankers with their usual deductions for commission. The interest-bearing notes plan will entice out of its hiding-place and bring into circulation the ready cash at present lying unproductively in the hands of timid capitalists and as a necessary consequence promote the flow of ready cash back to the state banks, while at the same time impeding the export abroad of coined metal. This can only be to the benefit of the country.... The same security that in any case would have to be put up by the Government for any loan will form the security for the Prussian interest-bearing notes, but this plan spares the Government the humiliation of having to haggle with foreign bankers over the amount to be gained by the latter at the expense of Prussia; ihe plan also gives the Government a favourable opportunity to show the world that Prussia possesses sufficient means within it.self to pay for its requirements, thereby reinforcing the confidence of the Prussian people in their own strength and emancipating them from the arbitrary power of foreign usurers. p. 416 On August 9, 1848, in view of the frequent sorties of Prussian officers, the Prussian National Assembly voted for the proposal of Stein, a deputy of the Left, requesting the Minister of War to issue an army order to the effect that officers opposed to a constitutional system were bound to quit the army. Despite the National Assemblys decision, Schreckenstein. the Minister of War, did not issue the order; so Stein tabled his motion for the second time at the session of the National Assembly on September 7. As a result of the voting, the AuerswaldHansemann Ministry had to resign. Under the Pfuel Ministry that followed,the order though in modified form was issued on September 26, 1848, but this also remained on paper. p. 417 This refers to the visit of Frederick William IV to Cologne on August 13-1.5, 1848, in connection with the festivities to mark the sixth centenary of the laying of the cornerstone of St. Peters Church. p- 420 This article was first published in English in the collection; Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress p. 421 Publishers, Moscow. 1972. See Note 146. p. 424

This editorial note was published in parentheses at the end of the article The Financial Project of the Left in the N eue Rheinische Zeitung. It gave the following information: " B erlin , Sept, 6 . The deputies Waldeck, Zenker, Anwandter, Krackriigge. Reuter, d Ester, Stein, Eisner. Otto, Behrends, Jacoby, Schultz and others on the I-eft have placed the following financial plan before the National Assembly: The Ministry is empowered to issue paper money to the sum of million talers at 3 /% per cent interest and to be redeemed in twenty consecutive years against an annual sum of million talers. This paper money will bear the name Prussian interest-bearing notes. 1 he author then lists the terms of issue and circulation of the above-mentioned interest-bearing notes and quotes the opinion of the Left-wing deputies on the advantages of their financial project. The following consideration is given particular mention: 1 he above plan will provide the Government with the means it needs to meet the requirements of the state and save it from resorting either to the hated measure of a compulsory loan or the expensive one of a loan from individual bankers.... By issuing smaller denominations the interest-bearing notes plan will satisfy the pressing need for a freer circulation of capital, which docs not occur in the

Re August 10, 1792, see Note 20. During May 3 1 -Ju n e 2 . 1793, the Girondist Government represenring the republican circles of the industrial and commercial bourgeoisie, which strove to prevent the further development of the revohuion, was overthrown by the masses in Paris. Twenty-nine Girondist leaders were expelled from the National Convention (later on, many of them took part in counter-revolutionary conspiracies and riots), and the revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the Jacobins was established in France. P- 42.5 The second, third and fourth articles of this series (dated September 12. 13 and 15) were published in the N eue R heinische Zeitung under the tirlr Crisis"

640

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641

Excerpts of the third article were first published in English in the magazine L abo ia M onthly, 1948, Vol. X X X , No. 9, and in the collection; Karl Marx, O n R evolu tion , ed. by S. K. Padover, New York, 1971; all these articles were published in English in full in the collections: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, A rticles fr o m the "Ne.ue R h ein isch e Z eitu n g . 1 8 4 8 -4 9 , Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972, and Karl Marx, T h e Rex)olulions o f 1 8 4 8 . P o litic a l W ritings, Vol. 1, London, Penguin Books, 1973. p . 427 ' Decrees (ord on n an ces) issued by the King of France on July 2 6 , 1 8 3 0 , abolished freedom of the press, dissolved Parliament and changed the doctoral law, reducing the electorate by seventy-five per cent. These emergency measures taken by Charles X s Government led to the July 1830 bourgeois revolution in France as a result of which the Bourbon monarchy was replaced by the Louis Philippe liberal monarchy. On F ebru ary 2 4 , 1 8 4 8 , the Louis Philippe monarchy was overthrown and the Second Republic proclaimed in France. p. 430 In his message of September 10, 1848, Frederick William IV agreed with the view of his Ministers that the resolution passed by the Prussian National Assembly on September 7, 1848 (see Note 273), was an infringement of the principle of constitutional monarchy, and approved their decision to resign as a protest against the Assemblys action. p. 430 This refers to Steins proposal accepted by the Prussian National Assembly on August 9 on the resignation of reactionary officers (see Note 273). The Assembly passed a resolution couched in rather mild terms after it had discussed the situation in the army following the shooting down on July 31 by the garrison of the Schweidnitz fortress in Silesia of the civil guard and townspeople, as a result of which 14 people were killed and 32 seriously wounded. The Minister of War was asked to warn officers to abstain from reactionary tricks, and it was recommen ded that they resign from the army if they disagreed with the resolution. The Auerswald-Hansemann Ministry raised no objection because it was sure the deputies would not demand the faithful implementation of the resolution. But the Minister of W ars non-observance of the Assemblys recommendations led to a conflict between the Government and the Assembly and to a ministerial crisis. p. 432
V en d ee see Note 164.

the w'ar of 1655-60 between Sweden and Poland, he inanoeuvied between the warring parties and thus secured the final incorporation of Eastern Prussia in Brandenburg. On .A.pril 5, 1795, in Basle. Prussia concluded a separate peace treaty with France, the first anti-French coalition having alread> begun to disintegrate. In November 1805, Ru.ssia and Prussia concluded a convention in Potsdam on joint action against Napoleonic France. The Prussian Government undertook lo join the third anti-French coalition (Britain, Austria, Russia and Naples), but after the defeat sustained bv the Austrian and Russian armies at Ausrerlitz. it renounced its obligations. PThis refers to the debate in the Frankfurt National Assembly in the summer and autumn of 1848 on the status of Limburg, a province of the Kingdom oi the .Netherlands, then part of the German Confederation. Numerous explanations on this subject were offered to the Assembly by representatives of the so-called Central Authority (the Imperial Ministry). P- 435 This article was first published in English in the collections: Karl Marx, On R evolu tion , ed. by S. K. Padover. New York, 1971, and Karl Marx and Frederick F.ngels, Article.'^ from the "N eu e R h ein isc h e / e i t u n g . 1 8 4 8 -4 9 . Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972. P- 436 After the Ministers sent in their resignation, Frederick 'William IV, in his message of September 10. 1848, while expressing his agreement with their motives for resigning, asked them to carrv out tbeii duties pending the appointment of successors. P' This article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, A rlirles fr o m the N e n e K hA n ische Z eiiung''. 1 8 4 8 -4 9 . Progiess Publishers, Moscow. 1972. POn .September 16, 1848, the Frankfurt National Assembly ratified the Malnio armistice by a majority vole. This evoked profound indignation among democratic circles and the broad masses. On September 17 the cinzens of Frankfurt and the surrounding neighbourhood held a mass protest meeting at w'hich they demanded lhai the Assembly be di.ssolved and a new repre.sentative body set up. The Imperial Government countered bv summoning Prussian and Austrian troops to Frankfurt. An insurrection broke out the next day, but the poorlv armed people sustained a defeat despite their stubborn barricade fighting. Unrest in many pans of (iermany, particularly in the Rhineland, and anothei attempt ai a lepublican uprising in Baden on September 21, were an echo of the Frankfurt events. The first article on the Frankfurt uprising had no title because it was published in the supplement lo ihc M eue R h ein isch e Z n t u n g w h ic h had no table of contenls. The article was first published in English in the collection; Kail Marx and Frederick Engels, A rticles fr o m the S'cue R h ein isch e Z eiln n g " . 1 8 4 8 -4 9 , Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972. P-

The Constituent Assembly in France (C o n stitu an le) held its sessions from July 9. 1789, to September 30, 1791. p. 432 On vSeptember 13, 1848, a clash took place between the soldiers and officers of the 1S t and 2nd Regiments of the Guards stationed in Potsdam. This was provoked by the Command detaining a letter written by the soldiers to Deputy Stein and the National Assembly thanking them for adopting the September 7 resolution on the resignation of reactionary officers. During these disturbances the lower ranks at one point resorted to building barricades. Cuirassiers of the Guards stationed in Nauen refused to obey their officers and attack the civil population. p. 433 In 1648 Frederick William, the Klector of Brandenburg, supported the candidature of John Casimir lo the Polish throne; in 1656. after taking advantage of the King of Poland's difficult situation he concluded n military pact with Charles Gustav. King of Sweden, and supported his claims lo thf- Polish crown. In

2 '.> 0 On September 21, 1848, a Ministry headed by Pfuel was formed in Prussia b\
roval order. It consisied of top officials and high-ranking officers. Oiif^vardh its attitude towards the National Assembly was one of loyalty, but aitualK the PfucI Ministry sought to organise and unite the counter-revolutionarv force*^ PI ucl jik .I

642

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his colleagues paved the way for the overtly counter-revolutionary Government of Count Brandenburg (November 8 , 1848), which accomplished a coup detat ui Prussia. p. 448 See Note 23. p. 448

The Committee of Public Safety consisting of 30 people was formed by the democratic and workers organisations of Cologne at their mass meeting on September 13, in view of the ministerial crisis in Prussia, the menace of a counter-rcvohitionary coup and the increasing popular unrest in the Rhine Province aroused by the armistice with Denmark concluded at Malmo. The editors of the N eue R heinische Zeilung, including Marx, Engels, Wolff, Dronke and Burgers, as well as the leaders of the Cologne Workers Association Schapper and Moll, were elected among its members. The Committee of Public Safety became a guiding centre of the Cologne solidarity movement with the Frankfurt insurgents and of the mass struggle against encroachments on the revolutionary gains and democratic freedoms by the Prussian authorities, who .started openly to persecute members of democratic and proletarian organisations. p. 450 The public meeting at Worringen (near Cologne), at which, besides the townspeople, peasants from the neighbouring villages were present, was railed by the workers and democratic organisations on September 17, 1848. It played an important part in rallying the masses to fight against the counter-revolution. The meeting recognised the Committee of Public Safety in Cologne, adopted an address supporting the protest made by demtxrratic circles against the armistice between Prussia and Denmark and declared for a democratic social republic in Germany. For details on the meeting sec this vohime, pp. 586-87, p. 4.51 See Note 23. See Note 137. p. 4.'52 p. 452

send Austrian troops to the Croatian Ban Jellachich who, supported by the Imperial Court, had started a counter-revolutionary campaign against Hungary but sustained defeat at the hands of the Hungarian revolutionary troops on September 29. The masses, headed by the petty-bourgeois democrats, prevented the Vienna garri.son from marching on Hungary and, after fierce fighting, captured the city. The Austrian Emperor and his court fled to Olmutz (Otomouc) on October 7, 1848, and were later followed by the Ministry. The majority of Czech deputies to the Austrian National Assembly (Reichstag) who belonged to the national-liberal party departed for Prague in haste, p- 457 The reference is to the holidays held in September 1848 to mark the eighteenth anniversary of the Belgian revolution of 1830. p- 459 This article was first published in English in the collections: Karl Marx, On Revolution, ed. by S. K. Padover, New York, 1971, and Karl Marx. T h e Revolutions o f 1848. P olitical Writings, Vol. 1, London, Penguin Books, 1973. p. 462 At the session of the Prussian National Assembly on September 29. 1848, Deputy dEster demanded that the Government lift the siege of Cologne and call the Cologne Garrison Headquarters to account for unlawful actions. p. 462
,?02

On October 2. 1848, a group of counter-revolutionary bourgeois in Cologne (Stupp. Ammon and others) handed an address to the Prussian National Assembly in which they stated that the demand that the siege of Cologne be lifted put forward by dEster and supported by the Rhine Province deputies Borchardt and Kyll allegedly does not reflect the mood and opinions of the burgh ers. P- 462 p. 463

303 See Note 245.

The Cologne authorities, frightened by the upsurge of the revolutionarydemocratic movement, resorted to police persecution and on September 26, 1848, placed the city in a state of siege to safeguard the individual and property. The military commandants office issued an order prohibiting all associations that pursued political and social aims, cancelled all meetings, disbanded and disarmed the civic militia, instituted courts martial and suspended publication of the N eu R keinische Zeitung and a number of other democratic newspapers. On October 2 the protest campaign made the Cologne military authorities lift the state of siege, and on October 3 subsciiption to the N eue R hein iscke Zeitung was resumed. However, Marx was not able to resume publication of the newspaper until October 12 because of lack of funds and berause F.ngels and Dronke had had to leave Cologne, under threat of arrest. p. 455 In English, this article was first publi.shed in an abridged form in the magazine
L ab ou r Monthly, 1948, Vol. X X X , No. 10, and in full in the collections: Karl Marx, O n Revolution, ed. bv S. K. Padover. New York, 1971, Karl Marx and Frederick F.ngels, A rticles fro m the N eue R keinische Z eitu n g. 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972, and Karl Marx, T he Revolutions o f 1848. Political Writings. Vol. 1,

For Stein's Army O rder see Note 273. On September 17, 1848, the commander of the Brandenburg military area. General Wrangel. issued an army order which demanded that public law and order be secured, threatened elements who were against law and called upon the soldiers to rally around their officers and the King. p. 463 When the popular unrest in Cologne provoked by the arrests of democratic and workers leaders on orders of the Cologne authorities was at its highest, Marx and his associates called upon the workers to refrain from premature armed actions and from succumbing to provocation in a situation imfavourable for the revolutionary forces. Marx uttered this warning at the meeting of the Cologne Workers Association in the Kranz Hotel on September 25, 1848, and later at a popular meeting in the Eiser Hall attended by members of the Cologne Democratic Society. P' 306 -j'j.ijf.j-s' work published in the newspaper L a Con.<:titutionnel in September and October 1848, was later printed in pamphlet form under the title D e la propnete. p. 467 Paris, 1848. Thiers speech was a reply to the proposal made by Deputy Turck to found a stale mortgage bank w th a fixed rate of exchange. p- 467 The D irect Commission o f M ainz was founded in 1819 by decision of the (.arlsbad confcrence of German states (see Notes 152 and 199) to investigate tricks of the

London, Penguin Books, 1973.

p. 457

A popular uprising that took place in Vienna on October 6-7, 1848, whs sparked off by the orders of the Austrian Government to dissolve the Hiingarian Din ;3 nd

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demagogues, i.e. for the struggle against the opposition movement in ihe German states. The Commission, whose members were appointed by the individual governments of the German states, was authorised to hold direct inquiries and make arrests in all the states of the German Confedera tion. p, 472 The reference is to the law on the protection of the Constituent National Assembly and the officials of the Central Authority according fo which offences against National Assembly deputies and the officials of the Central Authority were punishable by imprisonment. This law was a repressive measure adopted by die Frankfurt National Assembly majority and the Imperial Government on Octobcr 9, 1848, i.e. after the September uprising in Frankfurt. B lack-red-golden a symbolic combination of colours signifying the unity of Germany. p. 473 In September 1848 Turkish troops supported by the Tsarist Government occupied Wallachia to suppress the national liberation movement. In Bucharest, they were guilty of bloody outrages against the civil population. The proclamation published by the Turkish government commissioner Fuad Effendi declared the necessity of establishing constitutional order and eliminating all vestiges of the revolution. p. 47.^ Sec Note
86.

printing a number of articles, including the proclamation T o the German People written by the republican Friedrich Hecker. Despite the negative findmgs of the examining magistrate, who in October 1848 suued that there were insufficient grounds for prosecution, the Public Prosecutors office insisted on pressing its accusations and, in addition, put forward new ones (see Marxs articic Three State Trials against the R heinische Zeitung'. present edition, Vol. 8 ). .'Another chargc was brought against Marx for his participation in ihcrevolutionary movement as a leader of the Cologne democratic organisa tion. P- 485 See Note :^10. Sec Note 139.
320

p. 485 p. 486

The reference is to the opposition of Marx and his followers in March 1848 to the plan of the German legion of volunteers lo enter Germany with the aim of starting a revolution' this plan was supported bv Herwegh, Bornstedl and others (see Xotc 2) P- 488

p. 474 p. 476

The D exaxhe V olkszeitu n giw April 17, 1848, published a report from Paris which censured the German communists negative altitude towards Herwegh s p. 488 plan. This article was first published in English in the collections: Karl Marx, On Revohthon, ed. by S. K, Padover, New York. 1971, and Karl Marx, T h e Revolution.s o f 1S48. P olilical Writings. Vo!. 1, London. Penguin Books. 1973, p. 490 The reference is to tlie Secnnd D em ocratir Congress which was held in Berlin irom October 26 to 30, 1848. Here, a new Central Commitiee of German democrats (dEster, Reichenbach. Hexamer) was elected, the question of constitutional principles was discussed and the Declaration of the Rights of Man adopted. However, the motley composition of the Congress led to discord and differences on the main issues. In response to the proposal of the Left-wing represemarives to appeal to the people to support the Viennese insurgents, the majoritv of the delegates, who were against it, walked out. But the appeal was adopted by the rest of the delegates. Though worded in a bombastic style, it actually contained merely an appeal for aid from German governments which were manifestly hostile to revolutionary Vienna. On the whole, instead of adopting resolute measures to mobilise the masses for struggle against counter-revolution, the Congress limited itself to passing sterile and contradictory resolutions. It took a more consi.stent and radical position during the di.scussion of the social question on October 30. Several points of the Demands of the Communist Partv in Germany were made the basis of the practical proposals of the reporter on this question (the reporter being a delegate from the Cologne Workers Association Beust) which were submitted for discussion bv the Congress to all democratic societies. P' Sec Note 23. 3-^ This article was first published in English in the collecdons; Karl Maix. Or, R ew li'lion. ed. bv S. K. Padover. New York. 1971. and Karl Marx and Frederick

See Note 273.

On fvenU: o f August 2 3 in V ienna see Note 264. On October 5, 1848, it became known in Vienna that Austrian troops were to be sent to suppress the Hungarian national liberation movement and that a battalion of grenadiers had received marching orders. This news caused general indignation and a popular uprising on October 6 and 7. p. 477 See Note 133. p. 478

On May l.'i, 1848, a popular uprising in Naples, caused by King Ferdinand ll's infringement of constitutional rights, was savagely crushed (see ihis volume, pp. 24-26), declassed elements {lazzaroni} being active in its suppression. Early in September 1848 Neapolitan troops sent by Ferdinand II to suppress the revolutionary movement in Sicily bombarded the town of Messina for four days and, having captured it, committed violent outrages. Ferdinand earned for himself the derisive nickname Bomba. The capture of Milan by Austrian troops on August 6 , 1848, was accompanied by outrages against the population. p. 481 See Note 18. p. 481

In the summer of 1848 the Cologne Public Prosecutors office was already trying to start legal proceedings against the editors and the publisher of the N eue R heinische Zeitung, accusing them of insulting the Public Prosecutor and police in connection with the newspapers defence of the arrested leaders of the Cologne Workers Association Gottschalk and Anneke (see this volume, pp. 176-79). In the autumn, the Cologne Public Prosecutor Hecker issued orders fo bring to trial Marx, the editor-in-chief, and Korff, the newspapers responsible publisher, for

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Engels, A rticles fro m the "N ene R heinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress PiibJishers. Moscow, 1972. p 493 An ironical allusion to the previous political activities of Bruggemann who for his participation in the student opposition movement and his support for freedom of the press at the Hambach festivities (1832), was sentenced to death for high treason. This sentence was later commuted to life imprisonment. During the amnesty in 1840 Bruggemann was pardoned. p. 4 9 7 The N eue Rheinische Zeitung gives reports on events in Vienna from the above-mentioned PreUssische Staats-Anzeiger, and the A llgem ein e Oder-Zeip. 497
328

O n Ike fir.% t sheet there are the following designations (in angular brackets are names crossed out by Engels; in square brackets inexact names of localities in the manuscript): 1) Route from A uxerre to Chalon with marks: A uxerre__ S a in t-B r is Vermenton Pont a u x Alouette L u c y le Bois Avallon (Rouvray) Saulieu <in^ the direction of Dijon) Chanteaux Rouvray in the direction of Dijon Arnay-le-Duc Chateau (a long vil lage) here I went to the post-office coal mines an inn a beautiful valley, wine the same Chagny Chalon. 2) Route from B eau fort to G eneva with marks: "Beaufort Orgelet Ain Moirans Pont du Lizon [in the manuscript Pt. dIsoni Saint-Claude La Meure M ijou x~ G ex Ferney Succony

rhis article was first published in English in the collections: Karl Marx, <yn Revolution, ed. by S. K. Padover, New York, 1971, and Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, A rticles fro m the N eue R h ein u ck e Z eitu n g, 1848-49, Progress Publishers. Moscow, 1972. p, 498

Geneva." i_ On the same sheet there are several drawings, including one of a rider m the Czechs Magyar; Slovaks
\y H
t/ lc p c t u r t .< i . ' t t c c t

Slovanskd L ip a a Czech national society founded at the end of April 1848. 'I'he

leadership of the society in Prague was in the hands of moderate liberals (Safafik, Gauc), who joined the counter-revolutionary camp after the Prague uprising in June 1848, whereas the provincial branches were mostly led by radicals, p. 498 During the French Revolution, Koblenz was the centre for the counter-revoluti onary emigres. p, 4 9 9 See Note 238.
352

Croats Illyrians Slovenes

Serbians Bosnians Bulgarians

--------- ^ --------

Poles I Rutheniang

1) Route from Auxerre to G eneva with marks: A u x e r r e -S a in t-B r is - Vermenton Pont aux Alouette Lucy le B</is Avall o n ( R o u v r a y > S a u lie u A r n a y - le - D u f a l o n g v i l l a g e B e a u f o r t O Iv r y L a C a n g e M o iC h a g n y C h a l o n S a in t- M a r c e l L o u h a n s r g e l e t - A m

499

Revolution, ed. by S. K. Padover, New York. 1971.

This article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx, On p. 50^-5

rans two mountains Pont du Lizon [in the manuscript Pt. dlsoii] Saint-Claude La Meure Mijoux Gex Geneva. 2) Route from M oirans to S ain t-C lau de with marks: Moirans wind mills Font du Lizon fin the manuscript Pt. dlson] SamtClaude. .^) Route from G eneva to L e L o d e with marks: Geneva Bellerive Coppet Nyon Rolle Aubonne Morges Cossoay La Sarraz Orbe Y verdon Saint-Croix Flcurier T ravers Les Tonts Le Locle. An ethnographic note and drawings appended to the manuscript suggest that Engels stopped writing his travel notes when, at Marxs request, he started on an article The Struggle in Hungary (see present edition. Vol. 8 ). p. 507 ^36 Chant du depart (A Marching Song) one of the most popular songs of the French Revolution. It also remained popular later. M ourir pour la patrie see Note 107. P- 5^^ See Note 100. P-

The A cadem ic L eg ion a student military organisation set up in Vienna in March 1848. Each faculty of the University formed a detachment divided into companies. I he majority of the Legion were radical democrats. Lecturers and professors of the University as well as writers, p>oets, journalists and doctors, made up*part of the Legion. The Legion played an important part in the revolutionary movement in Austria in 1848. p 503 See Note 101. p
5Q 5

Frederick Engels travel notes From Paris to Berne have survived in the form of an unfinished fair copy. Prior to his trip the following events took place: On September 26, 1848, a state of siege was declared in Cologne and an order to arrest some of the editors of the N eue Rheinische Zeitung, Engels among them (see this volume, p. 593), was issued. Engels emigrated to Belgium and, together with Dronke who joined him en route, arrived in Brussels: but the Brussels police arrested both of them and, on October 4, deported them from Belgium (see this volume, pp. 459-60). On October 5, Engels and Dronke arrived in Paris. After a few days, Engels, who had almost no ready money, started on foot for Switzerland. About November 9 he reached Berne via Geneva and Lausanne, where he stayed for a while. Engels began writing his travel notes in Geneva, as evidenced by the original title to the manuscript, From Paris to Geneva. The manu.script is appended with two sheets of sketches drawn by F.ngels en route (see illustrations between pages 508 and .'i09 of this volume) between Auxerre (France) and Le I.orle (Switzerland).

The m axim um /au/.^and the law against buying tip fo o d supplies { ju n e 26, 179.'^; in the manuscript Engels uses the German transliteration A kkapareurs for the French word accdparpur-meaning "usurer, profiteer) were adopted by the Conven tion under pressure from the masses, who were demanding fixed prices and effective measures against profiteers in food at a time of deepening food crisis and rising prices. The first maximum adopted on May 4, 1793, introduced fixed prices for grain; the decree of September II , 1793, fixed a single price for gram and flour: on .September 29, 1793. fixed prices 011 other staple goods (serond maximum) were introduced. P-

648

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649

AH ihe ihree receipts are in Engels handwriting. The address T o All Workers of Germany on behalf of the Mainz Workers Educational Association was drafted by the emissary of the Communist League who arrived from Paris, member of the Central Authority Karl Wallau, and Communist League member Adolf Cluss. T h e address was published in several democratic newspapers. On April 8 , 1848, on iheir way to Cologne, Marx and Engels stopped at Mainz where, together with the local communists, they discussed the further plan of arrion aimed at preparing ground for a mass party of the German proletariat with the Communist League forming its nucleus. p. -W5 ' On December 1. 1845, Marx, then residing in Brus.sels, asked officially to be relieved of his Prussian citizenship with the intention of depriving the Prussian authorities, who were making attempts to get him expelled from Belgium, of any opportunity to interfere in his affairs. After the March revolution of 1848 in Germany Marx returned to his homeland and applied for Prussian citizenship. He wrote his application to the police office on the second day after his arrival in Cologne. T he rough copy of the application has also survived. T he fair and the rough copy of the application are written in an unknown hand; the signature, place and date are in Marx's handwridng. T he fair copy differs considerably in some places from the rough one, which mentions Marxs intention to publish the N eu e R h ein isch e Z eitung. Apparently Marx thought better about informing the police o f this. On April 18 Marx was summoned to Police Inspector Hiinermund who wrote an account of Marxs statement. From the text of the account (see next document) it is evident that Marx declined once again to reveal to the police his plans to publi.sh a newspaper. Subsequent events showed that Marx had good reason not to trust the police. T he Cologne regional police office deliberately delayed answering his application and, after the publication of the N e u e R h e in is c k f /.eitu n g , it firmly rejected it. In a report to the Minister of the Interior, the regional police office described the editors of the newspaper as very dangerous revolutionaries who were striving to overthrow the existing system. Oherprdsidenl of the Cologne Province Eichmann called Marx the "soul of the N e u e R h e in h r h e Z eitnng, stressing that he was the most prominent figure among the republicans of Cologne. T h e Prussian Government did their best to induce the Cologne police to take measures against the acdvities of the editor-in-chief of the revolutionary newspaper. This was why Marx was refused Prussian citizenship (see this volume, pp. 407-10). p. 537 This document is not included among those kept in the police archives, connected with granting Marx Prussian citizenship. Apparently it was given back to

paper, having nothing to do with the class struggle of the proletariat and lacking any understanding of the true tasks o f the German revolution. T h e announce ment evoked different responses; various rich bourgeois offered financial advice, petty-bourgeois intellectuals offered to collaborate. Communist League members expressed astonishment at the papers programme. Marx and Engels hastened their return to Germany. On April 11, 1848, they arrived in Cologne and at once started to discuss the idea of a newspaper with Communist League members. Marx and his followers succeeded in strengthening their position. Hess, who was barred from taking part, left Cologne for Paris. Much k fo r t was made to setde issues with the democrats who, as one of the conditions for supporting the newspaper, demanded a repudiation of republican propaganda; financial problems were also acutc, since the cautious attitude o f the Rhenish bourgeois towards Marx and Engels convictions greatly reduced the financial sources for the newspaper. In mid-April, Engels went to Barmen, Elberfeld and other towns to seek out shareholders. The decision to include Heinrich Biirgers, who was prone to the pettybourgeois influence, on the editorial board of the newspaper was a compromise. Biirgers wrote the prospectus, published here, in the spirit of petty-bourgeois socialism, in a moderate and ellusive tone (even the bourgeois Elberfdder Zeitung mentioned on April 30, 1848, the indefinite expressions of this swialist republican document). T h e prospectus, however, expressed the intention of publishing an all-German poHtical newspaper rather than a local sheet and the necessity of paying attention to the social question and the condition of the workers estate. It also proved the importance o f choosing Cologne the centre of the Rhine Province, the most progressive in Germany as the place of its publication. T h e names o f the editors were not mentioned. Although by that time it had already been decided that Marx would be editor-in-chief, the composidon of the editorial board was not yet settled. . Displaying great resourcefulness and persistence in overcoming pohtical and financial difficulties, Marx succeeded in enlisting on the editorial board true proletarian revolutionaries, thus ensuring a clear revolutionary line for the Neue Rheinische Zeitung. In a brief space of time he completed the formidable organisational preparations for a daily political newspaper. At the end of May, the newspapers of the Rhine Province and other parts of Germany announced that the Neue Rheinische Zeitung w ould begin publication on June 1, 1848. p. 539 Before the March revolution o f 1848, there existed in Cologne a Communist League community which included dEster, Daniels, Burgers, Anneke, Gottschalk and others, the majority being under the influence of the true socialists. At the beginning o f April 1848, the community was joined by Communist League members who had returned from emigration. As seen from the minutes published in this volume, soon after the arrival of Marx and Engels in Cologne sharp differences arose between them and CrOttschalk. This document is signed by Burgers and Moll, the leaders of the community; Marx was present at the silting as the President of the Central Authority of the Communist League. p. 542 T h e meeting of the shareholders who financed the Neue Rheinische Zeitung was held at the end of May 1848, and a provisional committee was elected consisting of Hermann Korff, Karl Wachter and Georg Weerth who apparently undertook the final editing o'f the Articles. T h e document was discussed at meetmgs of shareholders on June 18 and 21; in July, the Articles, printed as a separate pamphlet by Wilhelm Cloutli, were sent to the shareholders.

Marx.

53S

This document reflects events prior 10 the publication of the N eu e R h ein isch e Z eitu n g and gives new information on the situation in which Marx and his followers were campaigning for the foundation of a truly revokuionary proletarian organ. Before his arrival in Cologne, Marx, who was already planning this publication, got to know from Georg Weerths letter that Hess and Annekc, members of the Cologne communities of the Communist League, intended to found a democratic newspaper of the same title. An announcement of the publication of a new paper printed in the K d ln isch e Z e ilu n g o n April 7, 1848, above their signatures showed that it was going to be an ordinary local petty-bourgeois

650

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651

From the very beginning, diliereiices arose between shareholders and editorial board. Many of the shareholders, displeased at the revolutionary trend o f the newspaper, refused their contributions. They were particularly disturbed by the articles in defence ot tJie proletarian uprising in Paris in Ju n e 1848. This led to the cdilor-in-chief, Marx, seeking other financial sources (the aid of the German and Polish democrats etc.) including his own personal means. p. 543 Hermann Becker, one of the leaders of the Cologne Democratic Society, despite Marxs objections, invited Wilhelm Weitling who had returned from emigration to address a general meeting. In his speech delivered on July 21, 1848, Weiding, who called himself a democrat, socialist and communist", proclaimed as a vital task of the revolution the establishment o f a dictatorial Provisional Government consisting of a narrow circle of persons very keen people", having in mind himself as the sole dictator. Like Gottschalk, Weitling ignored the bourgeois-democratic character o f the revolution and called for immediate and revolutionary fulfilment o f his utopian plans for social transformation, considering that political questions merely distracted from the main aim. At the next meeting of the Democratic Society on August 4, Marx gave his reply. We can only judge the contents o f his speech from this newspaper report. T he author o f this highly imperfect report, apparently, did not clearly understand the meaning o f Marxs speech and some propositions are therefore presented in very confusing and inexact manner. In his speech, Marx dealt especially with the peculiarities of the German revolution and its vital task: to eliminate the remnants of feudalism. In his controversy with Weitling, Marx stressed the close connection between political and social struggle, the inseparability and interdependence of political and social demands. T h e principal difference between Marxs position and that of Weitling was also manifest in the issue o f the form o f government which should be established after the victory of the revolution. Emphatically rejecting the idea of a one-man dictatorship, Marx saw the necessity to establish a revolutionarydemocratic dictatorship founded on the union of those classes which had accomplished the revolution proletariat, peasantry and petty bourgeoi sie. p. 556 T h e First Rhenish District Congress of Democratic Associations was held in Cologne on August 13 and 14, 1848. Marx and Engels took part in the work of the Congress. li was proposed that regional committees should be organised of representatives o f democratic associations, with their headquarters in a number of cities. T he Regional Committee of the Rhine Province and Westphalia was to have its seat in Cologne. T he Central Committee of the three democratic associations in Cologne (see Note 348), which was organised prior to the Congress, was confirmed as the Rhenish Regional Democratic Committee, which included, besides its President Schneider II, Marx, Schapper and Moll. Under the influence of the Communisi League members deputies to the Congress a resolution was passed on the necessity o f conducting work among the factory proletariat and also among the peasants. T h e Congress recommended that every po.ssible support be rendered to the democratic press (this primarily concerned the Neue Rkeinische Zeitimg). p. .558
S48

Democratic Congress in Frankfurt am Main. This Committee functioned as the Regional Committee until the convocation of the Rhenish Congress of Democrats. Marx was its member. P349

The document is written in an unknown hand, but signed by Marx.

p. 561

This protest was made on August 11, 1848, at a general meeting of the Cologne Democratic Society. T he meeting was presided over by Marx (see this volume, p. 562). PIn its address T o the German People on April 6, 1848,the Committee of Fifty, which was elected by the Preparliament in April 1848 (see Note 51) and consisted jstly of liberals, called for support for activities aimed at returning Poles their p. 564 homeland". This call was. however, very vaguely worded. Marx went to Vienna to strengthen ties with the democratic workers organisations and to collect funds for the publication of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung in view of the refusal of many shareholders to subsidise the newspaper after it came out in defence o f the Paris insurgents. Marx left Cologne on August 23, and stayed for a few days in Berlin, where he met Left-wing deputies of the Berlin National Assembly, the Russian revolutionary Mikhail Bakunin and other democrats. Marx arrived in Vienna on August 27. T h e next day, at a meeting of the Democratic Association, he spoke against the representative of the Berlin Central Committee of Democrats, Julius Frobel, who supported the proposal to petition the Emperor to dismiss Minister of Labour Schwarzer the main culprit in the bloody clashes between the bourgeois national guard and the workers in Vienna on August 23, 1848. Marx was opposed on principle to conciliating monarchs. On August 30 Marx delivered a lecture to the first Vienna Workers Association on the June insurrection in Paris, noting that German emigrant workers had taken part in it. and on September 2 lectured on wage labour and capital. During his talk with the leader of the German-Bohemian faction in the Austrian National A.ssembly (Reicksla^ Borros, he was convinced that the national antagonism between Czechs and Germans did not extend to relations between the workers of the two nationalities since these were united by common class interests. On his way back, Marx visited Dresden and again Berlin. Here he attended sessions of the Prussian National Assembly and met the Polish revolutionary Kokielski who in the name of the Polish democrats later sent him two thousand talers for the publication of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung. About mid-September Marx returned to Cologne. PReference to Paris is apparently made because of the passport Marx had on him, issued by the Paris police office on March 30, 1848 (sec illustrations between pages 408 and 409 of this volume). P- ^69

3 .-)4 This excerpt was in the retrospective review signed PBS and published in the
supplement to the Wiener Zeitung. T h e author of the review wrote with overt hostility about the encroaches of the Left organisations, criticising a certain association this refers to the Vienna Democratic Association because it let foreign politicians drastically criticise the measures of the Austrian Government and breed distnist. Having cited Marx, the author exclaims: For me these words are unforgettable as they reflect all the chasm, all plans of this party.

T h e Central Committee of thq three democratic associations of Cologne the Democratic Society, the Workers Association and the Association for Workers a n d Employers was organised at the end of June on a decision o f the First

650

Notes

Notes

651

From the very beginning, differences arose between shareholders and editorial board. Many of the shareholders, displeased at the revolutionary trend o f the newspaper, refused their contributions. They were particularly di.smrbed by the articles in defence of the proletarian uprising in Paris in Ju n e 1848. This led to the editor-in-chief, Marx, seeking other financial sources (the aid o f the German and Polish democrats etc.) including his own personal means. p. 543 Hermann Becker, one o f the leaders o f the Cologne Democratic Society, despite Marxs objections, invited Wilhelm Weitling who had returned from emigration to address a general meeting. In his speech delivered on July 21, 1848, Weitling, who called himself a democrat, socialist and communist, proclaimed as a vital task of the revolution the establishment o f a dictatorial Provisional Government consisting of a narrow circle of persons very keen people, having in mind himself as the sole dictator, Like Gottschalk, Weitling ignored the bourgeois-democratic character o f the revolution and called for immediate and revolutionary fulfilment o f his utopian plans for social transformation, considering that political questions merely distracted from the main aim. At the next meeting o f the Democratic Society on August 4, Marx gave his reply. We can only judge the contents of his speech from this newspaper report. T he author o f this highly imperfect report, apparently, did not clearly understand the meaning of Marxs speech and some propositions are therefore presented in very confusing and inexact manner. In his sj>eech, Marx dealt especially with the peculiarities o f the German revolution and its vital task: to eliminate the remnants of feudalism. In his controversy with Weitling, Marx stressed the close connection between political and social struggle, the inseparability and interdependence of political and social demands. T h e principal difference between Marxs position and that of Weitling was also manifest in the issue of the form of government which should be established after the victory o f the revolution. Emphatically rejecting the idea of a one-man dictatorship, Marx saw the necessity to establish a revolutionarydemocratic dictatorship founded on the union o f those classes which had accomphshed the revolution proletariat, peasantry and petty bourgeoi sie. p. 556 The First Rhenish District Congress of Democratic Associations was held in Cologne on August 13 and 14, 1848. Marx and Engels took part in the work o f the Congress. It was proposed that regional committees should be organised of representatives o f democratic associations, with their headquarters in a number of cities. T h e Regional Committee of the Rhine Province and Westphalia was to have its seat in Cologne. T he Central Committee of the three democratic associations in Cologne (see Note 348), which was organised prior to the Congress, was confirmed as the Rhenish Regional Democratic Committee, which included, besides its President Schneider 11, Marx, Schapper and Moll. Under the influence o f the Communist League members deputies to the Congress a resolution was passed on the necessity o f conducting work among the factory proletariat and also among the peasants. T he Congress recommended that every possible support be rendered to the democratic press (this primarily concerned the N etu R heinm ke Zeitung). p. 558 .S48 Central Committee of th<; three democratic associations of Cologne the Democratic Society, the Workers Association and the Association for Workers and Employers was organised at the end o f Ju n e on a decision of the First

Democratic Congress in Frankfurt am Main. This Committee functioned as the Regional Committee until the convocation of the Rhenish Congress of Democrats. Marx was its member. 558 T h e document is written in an unknown hand, but signed by Marx, p. .561

This protest was made on August 1 1 ,1 8 4 8 , at a general meeting of the Cologne Democratic Society. T h e meeting was presided over by Marx (see this volume. p. 564 p. 562), In its address T o the German People on April 6, 1848,the Committee of Fifty, which was elected by the Preparliament in April 1848 (see Note 51) and consi.sted mosdy of liberals, called for support for acdvides aimed at returning Poles their homeland. This call was, however, very vaguely worded. p. 564 Marx went to Vienna to strengthen ties with the democratic workers organisations and to collect funds for the publication of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung in view of the refusal of many shareholders to subsidise the newspaper after it came out in defence of the Paris insurgents. Marx left Cologne on August 23, and stayed for a few days in Berlin, where he met Left-wing deputies of the Berlin National Assembly, the Russian revolutionary Mikhail Bakunin and other democrats. Marx arrived in Vienna on August 27. T h e next day, at a meeting of the Democratic Association, he spoke against the representative of the Berhn Central Committee of Democrats, Julius Frobel, who supported the proposal to petition the Emperor to dismiss Minister of Labour Schwarzer the main culprit in the bloody clashes between the bourgeois national guard and the workers in Vienna on August 23. 1848. Marx was opposed on principle to conciliating monarchs. On August 30 Marx delivered a lecture to the first Vienna Workers Association on the June insurrection in Paris, noting that German emigrant workers had taken part in it, and on September 2 lectured on wage labour and capital. During his talk with the leader of the German-Bohemian facdon in the Austrian National Assembly (Reichstag Borros, he was convinced that the national antagonism between Czechs and Germans did not extend to relations between the workers of the two nationalities since these were united by common class interests. O n his way back, Marx visited Dresden and again Berlin. Here he attended sessions of the Prussian National Assembly and met the Polish revolutionary Kokielski who in the name of the Polish democrats later sent him two thousand talers for the publication of the Neue Rheinbche Zeitung. About mid-September Marx returned to Cologne. P- 568 Reference to Paris is apparently made because of the passport Marx had on him, issued by the Paris police office on March 30, 1848 (see illustrations between pages 408 and 409 of this volume). ? 569 This cxcerpt was in the retrospective review signed PBS and published in the supplement to the Wiener Zeitung. T he author of the review wrote with overt hostility about the encroaches of the Left organisations, criticising a certain association this refers to the Vienna Democratic Association because it lei foreign politicians drastically criticise the measures of the Au.stnan Government and breed distrust. Having cited Marx, the author exclaims: For me these words are unforgettable as they reflect all the chasm, all plans of this , p. 571 party. *

652

Notes

Notes

653

On September 8 , 1848, the N e u e K h ein isch e Z eitung published the following note by its Vienna correspondent Miillcr-Tellering concerning this report: At todays sitting of the first Vienna Workers Association Marx delivered a specch on the social-economic question. p, 5 7 3 In a series of satirical articles, Cieorg Weerth ridiculed the Prussian reactionary Prince Lichnowski under the name of the knight Schnapphahnski. The articles "Lite and Deeds of the Famous Knight Schnapphahnski were published unsigned in the N eue R heinische Zeitung in August-Sepremhcr and December 1848. p. 5 7 5 The public meeting in Cologne at which this address was adopted in conncction with the debates on the ratification of fhc armistice at Malmo (see Note 289) in the Frankfurt National Assembly, was convened on the initiative of the N eiu R h ein iv h p Zf/mng, as may be judged from the extant handwritten notes which Marx w T o te l a t e r (at t h a t time he was away). Fngels apparently took part in the drafting of the address. I hc editorial board of the N eue R heinische Zeitung published the text of th e address in the editorial marked Cologne, September 8 and supplied it with fhc follow-ing note: Last night a public meeting was held in Rauchs Riding School to protest agamst the Prus.sian-Danish armistice and against the Prussian civic militia law which has been partially passed. Although the posters announcing the meeting were put up only late in the morning, the ^arge hall, which h o ld s no fewer than two a n d a half thousand people, was filled to overflowing, and at least twice that number were turned away because there was no room .... p_ 577 During the summer of 1848, fhc Cologne Workers' Association discussed the social question. Marx's followers (Schapper, Moll and others) were trying to explain to the workers the groundlessness of utopian plans ro transform society on the basis of existing capitalist relations, like IxDuis Blancs scheme to create a workers association with the aid of the state (organisation of labour), and other similar pettv-bourgcois socialist projects. Engels made a detailed report, but its content was not noted in the minutes. The Cologne discussion on the social question was of groat importance for the dis.scmination of the ideas of scientific communism among the workers. p. 5 8 O See Note 100.

A copy of this letter sent to the Cologne regional administration is extant. The postscript runs as follows; The copy of the above-mentioned instruction is sent to the royd regional administration for information, being at the same time a reply to the notice of the 2 0 th of last month on remission of the applica tion. P' 581 In his letters to Gortz, the Chief Burgomaster of Trier, of October 17 and November 10, 1845 (see present edition. Vol. 4), Marx supported his request to be relea.sed from Prussian citizenship by stating his intention to emigrate to the United States of America (no other documents testifying to this intention are available). In accordance with this, the letter of Kegierungsprasident o f Trier von Auerswald to Oberpriisident of the Rhine Province and the Minister of the I nterior of November 6 , 1845. concerning Marxs release from citizenship mentions the same motive. Officially Marx was released from Prussian citizenship on December I, 1845. P- 581
.S63 O n th e e le c tio n o f M a rx , E n g e ls an d o th e r e d ito rs o f th e N eue Rheinische Zeitung to th e C o lo g n e C o m m itte e o f Public S a fe ty see N o te 292. p. . i82 364 The C itizen s A ssociation see Note 65.

W aiters see Note 23.

p. 583

On September 11, 1848, soldiers of the 27th Regiment billeted in Cologne clashed with citizens supported by the democratic part of the civic militia. p. 584 This proclamation was published in the N e w Rheinische Zeitung without title and also as a separate leaflet the title of which is given here. The text of the leaflet differs somewhat from the version printed in the newspaper. Different wording is given in the footnotes. P- 588 Because of its lack of funds and other difficulties the publication of the N a ie R heinische Zeitung w as resumed not on October 5 but 12, 1848. p. 591

580

On Julv 15. 1848, an Artisans Congress opened in Frankfurt to work out the 'Iradc Rules. As apprentices were not admitted to the Congress by fhc worker-masters. the former convened their own congress on July 20 and invited representatives from the workers associations. The work of the Apprentices Congress lasted.with intervals, till September 20. At the Congress along with the protest against the narrow position of the Artisans Congress and the criticism of the Trade Rules the following ideas were widespread: the ideas of the German economist Winkelblech (who took part in the work of both congresses) on the re-establishment of guilds, his theory of federal socialism, and the desire to evade political questions. The Apprentices Congress supported the idea of establishing the all-Cerman Workers Union with fhe aim of improving the workers' conditions and proposed to the National Assembly that a social Parliament" be cufivoked and a social Ministry be formed. p. 580

654

Name Index ist; deputy to the Prussian National As sembly (Left Centre) in 1848. 207 Aschoff von Prussian general, comman dant of Berlin; during April and May 1848 commanded the Berlin civic militia. 46,47 d A spre, Constantin, Baron (17891850) Austrian general, took part in suppressing the 1848-49 revolution in Italy. 386 Altila (d. 453) King of the Huns (4335 3 ) ,_ 3 8 7 Auersperg, Karl, Count von (17831859) Austrian field marshal, com mander of the troops in lx)wer Austria during the revolution of 1848-49; took part in suppressing the Vienna upris ing in October 1848. 491, 503 Auerswald. Alfred von (1797-1870) Prussian Minister of the Interior (March-June 1848). 19 Auerswald, Rudolf von (1795-1866) Prussian statesman, liberal aristo crat, Prime Minister and Mini.ster of Foreign Affairs (June to September 1848). 38. 96, 106, 170. 172, 174, 183-85, 191, 194, 210, 217. 229, 240, 267, 269, 303. 417, 430. 435. .583 Augusta, M arie Luise Katharina (18111890) wife of William, Prince of Prussia. 106 Barbarossa sec Frederick I or Redheard)

655 Barharosso"

N AM E IN D E X

B arbh. Armand (1809-1870) Frcnch revolutionary, a leader of secret socie ties during the July monarchy; depu ty to the Constituent Assembly in 1848; sentenced to life imprisonment for hi.s participation in the popular insurrec tion of May 15, 1848. and pardoned in 1854; emigrated to Belgium. 155 Barrot, Camille Hyacinthe Odilon (17911873) French politician, leader of the liberal dynastic opposition until February 1848; from December 1848 to October 1849 headed the Ministry, which relied on a monarchist coali tion. 440 Hassermann, Friedrich Daniel (18111855) German politician, rep resented the Baden Government in the Federal Diet during the 1848-49 rev olution; deputy to the Frankfurt Na tional Assembly (Right Centre). 17, 237, 313, 464. 489 Bastide, Jules { 1800-1879) French politician and journalist, an editor of the newspaper Le National (1836-46); moderate republican, Minister of Foreign Affairs from May until De cember 1 8 4 8 .-1 3 5 , 377, 480, 481 Baudin. Charles (1784-1854) French admiral. 25 B auer (died c. 1850) Prussian official in Krotoschin (Posen); depiuy to the Prussian National A.ssembly (Left Centre) in 1848. 196, 197

A B m n o Eberhard (1803-1848) Prussian official; deputy to the Prus sian National Assembly (Centre) in 1848 243 AbTamowicz, Ignacy (1793-1867) Polish officer, Chief of Police in Warsaw from
I 8 4 4 ._ 3 ( j9

1884) German writer, contributed to democratic journals in 1848 and 1849; wife o f Friedrich Anneke. 177, 178, 566 Appitis Claudius Caesux (died c. 448 B. C.) Roman consul and cen sor. 304 Archimedfn (c. 287-212 B.C.) Creek mathematician and engineer. 293 Arioslo, Lodovico (1474-15.33) Italian poet of the Renaissance, author of l.'Orlando furioso. 359, 364 Aristotle (384-322 philosopher. 264 B. C.) Greek

A davi French worker, Rlanquisl; in 1848 Vire-President of the Club do la Frateriiite in Paris; after the June uprising emigrated to Belgium and then to London; in 1850 signed an agreement of the Blanquists with the Communist I.eague. 459 Alcihiades (c. 450-c. 404 B. C.)Athe nian politician and general.512 A linari, L . Italian democrat, member of the editorial board of the newspaper L A iba. \&l Ammon von Prussian official; Public Prosecutor at Diisseldorf (1848). 488 Annekf, Friedrich (1818-1872) Prussian artillery officer, discharged from the army for his political views; member of the Communist League, one o f the founders of the Cologne Workers' As sociation (1848).editor of the MeueKolnische Zeitung, member of the Rhenish District Committee of Demo crats. 176-78, 186, .S26, 554, 555, 566, 582 Anneke. Mnthilde Franziska (1817-

Arndt. Erjist Moritz (1769-1860) German writer, historian and philolo gist; took part in the liberation strug gle against Napoleons rule; deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly (Right Centre) in 1848. 371 Amim-Boytzenhurg, A dolf Heinrich, Count ron (1803-1868) Prussian statesman, junker, Minister of the Interior (184245) and Prime Minister (March 19-29, 1848). 208 Amim-Suckoui, Heinrich Alexander, Baron vO Ti (1798-1861) Prussian statesman, moderate liberal, Minister of Foreign Affairs from March 21 nmi! June 19. 1848 54. .56. 74 Amtz. Aegidius Rudolph X icolaw (18121884) German Iaw\er .jnd journal

Bakunin, M ikhail (1814-1876) Russian revolutionary and writer, an ideologist of the Narodnik trend and of anarchism. 315 Ballin, Felix (born c. 1802) Belgian democrat, member of the Democratic Association in Brussels, one of the de fendants at the Risquons-Tout trial. 405, 406 Baltzer. Wilhelm Eduard. (18141887) German preacher; deputy to the Prussian National AsscmNv (Left wing) in 1848. 243

Bauer, Heinrich (b. 1813) prominent figure in the German and interna tional working-class movement, a leader of the League of the Just, member of the Central Authority of the Communist League; shoemaker. 7, 9, 533 Bauerband. Johann Joseph (18001878) German lawyer; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Right wing) in 1848. 207, 302 BaumstarK Eduard (1807-1889) German professor; deputy to the-

656

Nam e In d ex

Nam e Index

657

Prussian National Assembly (Right wing) in 1848, 198, 219. 242-46, 250. 302. 303, 336 Bavay, Charles Victor de (1801*1875) Belgian officer of justice; Public Prosecutor-General at the Brussels (lonrt o f Appeal from 1844. 188, 40-5, 459 Bayard. Pierre Terrail. Seigneur de (c. 1475-1524)French warrior called by his conremporaries the ''chevalier sans peur el sans reproche. 184. 368 Beaumarckai.'!, Pierre Augustin Caron de (1732-1799) French dramatist.264 Becker, Felix French poei and rev olutionary, took part in the Polish up rising of 1830-31; an organiser o f the Belgian Legion formed in Paris in Feb ruary and March 1848. 406 Becker, Hermann Heinrich (18201885) German lawyer and journal ist, a leader of the Cologne Association for Workers and Employers, member of the Rhenish District Committee of Democrats, editor o f the Westiinitsche Zeitung(iTom May 1849 to July 1850); member of the Communist League from 1850. 452, 463, 558, 582. 585, 587 Becker, N ikolam (1809-1845) German poet. 154 Beckerath, Hermann von (1801-1870) German banker, moderate liberal; deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly (Right Centre) in 1848; Mini.ster of Finance in the Imperial Government (August and September 1848). 4 2 7 ,4 3 0 ,4 3 3 , 583 Bedeau, Marie Alphonse (1804-1863) French general and politician, moderate republican in 1848. 137 Behnsch deputy to the Prussian Nation al Assembly (Left wing) in 1848. 183, 1 9 1 ,2 1 9 ,2 2 8 , 230 Rerends, Julius (b. 1817) owner of a printing-press ai Berlin: deputy to the

Prussian National Assembly (Left wing) in 1848. 72, 75, 77, 78. 79, 8284, 100, 173. 230 Berg, Philipp Karl Peter von (18151866) Prussian Catholic priest; dep uty to the Prussian Nation^ Assembly (Left Centre) in 1848. 189, 195, 2384 1 ,4 1 9 Berly. K arl (1781-1847) German journalist, editor of the Frankfurter Oherpostamts-Zeilung (1829-47), secret agent of the French Government dur ing the July monarchy. 471 B em igau (d, 1849) Cologne democrat, member o f the Committee of Public .Safety in Cologne. 585 Beseler, W ilhdm Hartwig (18061884) Schleswig-Holstein politician, in 1848 head o f the Provisional Gov ernment of Schle.swig-Holstein, deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly (Right Centre). 269 Besser Prussian official, liberal; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Left Centre) in 1 8 4 8 .-2 2 7 -2 8 Beurmann, K arl Moritz von (18021870) Prussian official, Oberprdsident of Posen (1848). 104. 357 Beust Baroness. 569 Beust, Friedrich von (1817-1899) Prussian officer, member of the Com mittee of the Cologne Workers Association (1848); an editor o f the Neue Kolnische Zeitung (September 1848-February 1849); delegate to the Second Democratic Congress in Berlin (October 1848); in 1849 took part in the Baden-Palatinate up rising.597 Biedermann, Friedrich Karl (18121901) German historian and liberal journalist; deputy to the Frankfurt Na tional Assembly (Centre) in 1848 237, 313 Birk, Johan n Prussian official, acting Regierungsprdsideni of Cologne from September 1848. 497

Bixio, Jacques Alexandre (1808-1865) French journalist, moderate repub lican, an editor of the newspaper L e National. Vice-President of the Constituent Assembly (1848), deputy to the Legislative Assembly (1849). 137 Blanc, Jean Joseph Louis (1811-1882) French petty-bourgeois socialist, his torian; in 1848 pursued a policy of conciliation with the bourgeoisie. 298. 512 Blank, Joseph ^ Bonavila (1740-1827) German Catholic priest, professor of natural sciences at Wurzburg Uni versity. 337 Blanqni, Louis Augiiste (1805-1881) French revolutionary, utopian com munist, organised several secret so cieties and plots; during the 1848 rev olution adhered to the extreme Left of the democratic and proletarian movement. 155 Blesson, Johann Ludwig Urbain (17901861) German military writer, com mander of the Berlin civic militia in June 1848. 47 Bloem. Anton (1814-1885) German lawyer; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Left wing, later Left Centre) in 1 8 4 8 .- 5 8 , 201 Blum (/unior) serretarv of the Cologne Workers As.sociation (from September 11, 1848). 426, 579 Blum. Robert (1807-1848) German democrat, journalist, leader of the Left in the Frankfurt National Assembly; took part in the defence of Vienna in October 1848; court-martialled and executed. 19,3.59, 366 Bodelschwingh, Kmst. Baron von (1794)y 54 ) Prussian conservative states man, Minister of Finance from 1842, Minister of the Interior (1845 to March 1848). 36, 80, 229, 250, 274, 276, 3 1 7 ,3 1 8 Boker member of the Clologne Town Council. 500

Borchardt, Friedrich German democrai, lawyer from Cologne; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Left wing) in 1848. 302, 303, 462 Bomemann. Friedrich Wilhelm Ludxuig (1798-1864) Prussian lawyer, liberal, Minister of Justice (March-June 1848); deputy to the Prussian National Assem bly (Right wing) in 1848. 106, 111 Bomstedt. Adalbert von (1808-1851) German journalist, founded and edited the Deutsche-Brihseler-Zeitung (1847-48); a leader of the G er man Democratic Society in Paris; member of the Communist League until he was expelled in March 1848; a secret agent of the Prussian police dur ing the 1840s. 9, 10 Barries, wonPrussian official; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Right wing) in 1848. 217, 226 iJottrfcom French royal dynasty (15891792. 1814-15 and 1815-30). 24, 40, 96. 429. 520 Bourbons royal dynasty in Naples (1735-1806 and 1 8 1 4 -6 0 ),-2 3 -2 6 Boyen, Leopold Hermann Ludwig von (1771-1848) Prussian general, or ganiser of an army reserve during the war against Napoleon, Minister of War (1814-19, 1841-47). 3 6 ,2 2 8 ,2 2 9 Brea, Jean Baptiste FidHe (17901848) French general, took part in suppressing the June uprising of 1848, shot down by the insurgents. 137 Bredt Prussian official; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Right wing, later Right Centre) in 1848. 304 Brehmer German teacher; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Right wing) in 1848. 78 Brenlano, Lorenz Peter (1813-1891) Baden democrat, lawyer; deput\ to the Frankfurt National Assembly (Left wing) in 1848; headed the Baden Provisional Government in 1849.-368

658

Name Index

N am e In d ex

659

Bright, John (1811-1889) English man ufacturer, a leader of the free traders and founder of the Anti-Corn Law League. 151 BrtU German democrat; deputy to the Prussian Nafional Assembly (Left wing) in 1848. 190, 191,303 Brvibane, Albert (the Neue Rheinische Zeitung gives his name as Henry) (18091890) American journalist, follower of Fourier. 587 Mrodowski, Alexander von (1794-1865) Polish landowner: in 1848 mem ber o f the Posen National Commit tee and deputy to the Prussian Na tional Assembly (Left wing). 273 Bruggemann, Karl Heinrich (18101887) German journalist, moderate liberal; editor-in-chief of the Kdlniscke Zeitung (\S45-55). 150, 152-53, 156, 242, 396, 464, 497 Brunswick, K arl Wilhelm Ferdinand, Duke o f (1735-1806) German general; in 1792-94 was in command of the Austro-Prussian armies fighting against France. 165 Brutus, Marcus Junius (c. 85-42 B.C.) Roman politician, reptiblican. an ini tiator o f the conspiracy against Julius Caesar. 234. 489 Bucher, Lothar (1817-1892) Prussian official, journalist; deputy to the Prus sian National Assembly (Left Centre) in 1848. 274, 276 Biickler, Johann (c. 1780-1803) German robber whose nickname was Jack the Skinner (Schinderhannfs }. 498 Bugeaud de la Piconnerie, Thomas Robert (1784-1849) French marshal, mem ber of the Chamber o f Deputies dur ing the July monarchy, Orleanist; dep uty to the Legislative Assembly (1848-49), 154 Biiquoy (Buquoi), J ir i Frantisek August de Longueval (1781-1851) Czech count of French descent: in 1848 represented che libera! wing of the luitiona) move

ment; arrested after the June uprising in Prague. 214 Burger, Gottfried August (1747-1794) German poet. 45 Biirger.';, Heinrich (1820-1878) German radical journalist, contributed to the Rheinische Zeitung (1842-43); member of the Cologne Community of the Communi.st League (1848); an editor o f the Neue Rheinische Zeitung. 15, 452. 541, .542. 563, 582. 593 Bussmann landowner from Posen: deputy to the Prussian National As sembly (Right wing) in 1848. 197 C Cabet, Etienne (1788-1856) French writ er, advocate of utopian communism, author of Voyage en Jcarie . 8, 298 Camphausen, Ludolf (1803-1890) German banker, a leader of the liberal bourgeoisie in the Rhineland; Prussian Prime Minister (March to June 1848). Prussian envoy at the Central Authority (July 1848-ApriI 1849). 30-33, 36-40, 43-45. 57-63. 66. 67, 72, 73, 74, 78, 79. 80. 8 3 ,8 9 ,9 6 , 97, 104-08, 111, 115, 117, 122, 170. 174. 194, 200. 202. 206. 232, 238, 400, 408, 413, 4 1 4 ,4 1 9 , 424, 428, 429. 431 466 Campohasso police official in Naples be fore the 1848 revolution, 24 Carlos. Don (Carlos Maria Isidro) (17881855) pretender to the Spanish throne, supported by the feudal aris tocracy and the clericals who unleashed a civil war in Spain (1833-40). 165. 311, 370 Carnot, Lazare Hippolyte (1801-1888; French journalist and politician, moderate republican; Minister of Education in the Provisional Govern ment. deputy to the Constituent As sembly (1848). 168 Catiline {Lucius Sergius Catilina) (c, 1OS62 B. C.) Roman poliririan, patvi-

cian, organiser of the conspiracy against the aristocratic republic. 234 Cato, Marcus Porcius {the Elder) (234-149 B. C,) Roman statesman and writer, upheld aristocratic privilegesf cen.sor in 184 B .C . 246 ,3 0 4 Caussidihe, Marc (1808-1861) French democrat, took part in the Lyons upris ing of 1834; Prefect of Police in Paris after the February 1848 revolution, deputy to the Constituent Assembly: emigrated to England in June 1 8 4 8 .- 1 6 9 ,2 9 8 .5 1 8 Cavaignac, Louis Eugene (1802-1857) French general and politician, mod erate republican, look parr in con quering Algiers; following the Feb ruary 1848 revolution became gover nor o f Algiers; War Minister of France from May 1848; played a leading part in suppressing the June uprising, head of executive power (June-December 1848). 128, 132-36,139-41,147,15255, 160-63, 170. 171, 377, 379, 402, 440, 445, 457. 4.59, 462, 478. 481, 513, 515 Cervantes Saavedra, Miguel de (15471616) Spanish author. 282. 286, 360, 365, 380, 448, 467 Cham {Amedee de Nof) (1819-1879) French cartoonist, contributed to the satirical journal L e Charivari . 58 Chamhord. H enri Charles Ferdinand Marie Dieudonne, Comte de (1820-1883) representative o f the elder Bourbon line, pretender to the French throne under the name of Henry V. 155 Charles U (Charles Louis de Bourbon) (1799-1883) Duke o f Lucca (181547), Duke of Parma from 1847, abdi cated in 1849. 24 Charles X (1757-1836) King of France (1824-30). 153 Charles Albert {Carlo Alberto) (17981849) King of Sardinia (18314 9 ) ._ 4 1 , 305. 306, 385-89, 395. 396 Chaial, Fierre Emanuel Felix, Baron (18081892) Belgian general, took part in

the 1830 revolution; War Minister (1847-50, 1859-66); originally a cloth merchant in Brussels. 336 Chezy, H elmina (Helmine) von (17831 ^5 (3) German romantic au thoress. 516 Christian Karl Friedrich August (17981869) Duke of Schleswig-Hol stein. 255 CiesTikowski, August (1814-1894) Polish philosopher and economist; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (l-cfr wing) in 1 8 4 8 .-1 9 8 ,2 1 9 Cincinnatus, l.ucius Quinctius (5th cent. B .C .) Roman politician and general, patrician, model of virtue and sim plicity. 234 Clemens, Friedrich Jacob (1815-1862) German philosopher and theolo gian; deputy to the Frankfurt Na tional Assembly in 1848. 367 Clouih. Wilhelm owner o f the Cologne printshop in which the Neue Rheinische Z e i t u n g w d S printed from June 1 to Au gust 27. 1 8 4 8 .-2 0 8 , 541,5.53 Cluss, A dolf {d. after 1889) German en gineer, member of the Communist League; secretary of the Workers' Edu cational Association in Mainz (1848); in 1849 emigrated to the United States where he stood as a disciple and fol lower of Marx and Engels. 535 Cobden, Richard (1804-1865) English manufacturer, a leader of the free traders and founder o f the Anti-Corn Law League. 151, 238, 299 Coburg descendants of the SachsenCoburg-Gotha dynasty, occupied thrones in Belgium, Portugal and other European countries. 166 Cockerill. John (1790-1840) English man u facturer. 340 Colomb. Friedrich August von (17731854) Prussian general who con^ manded the Prussian Army Corps in Posen (1843-48). 92. 104, 210, 313, 491

6 6 .0

Name Index

N am e Index

661

C v n ^ ev e,

S ir W illia m (1772-1828) English officer and military inven tor. 134

D eckker,

C . grocer, member of the Cologne civic militia. 574

D n cou x. F r a n (o is Jo s ep h

D el C arretto, F ran cesco S a v e r io (c. 1777-

ConUiy d A rm on t. M a r ie A n n e C h a rlo ile

(1768-1793) participant in a coun ter-revolutionary conspiracy during the French Revolution, assassin of Marat, executed on the decision of the Revoluiionary Tribunal. 154
C rip p s. 278 C rom w ell, O/irpr (1599-1G58) a leader

of the English revolution; became Lord Protector of England, Scotland and Ireland in 1653. 8 0 ,2 3 7 ,4 3 9
C riiger, F r ie d r ic h member of the Com

1861) Italian politician. Minister of the Police in the Neapolitan Kingdom (1831-January 1848). 24 D elescluze, L o u is C h a r le s (18091871) French revolutionary; Gov ernm ent Commissioner of the Depart ment du Nord (1848): member of the Paris Commune (1871). 404 D elolm e, J e a n L o u is (1741-1806) Swiss statesman and lawyer, advocate of constitutional monarchy. 430
D enjoy,

(1808-1873) French physician and politician, moderate republican; deputy to the Constituent Assembly (18'18); after the June uprising became Prefect of Police in Paris. 148
Fran z von (1793-1872) Prussian Minister of Finance (1846March 1848). 36

Engels, W . tailor, member of the Co

logne civic militia. 574

F.sselen, C h ristia n (1823-1859) German

writer, democrat; in 1848 a leader of the Workers Association in Frank furt, editor of the A llg e m ein e A rb eiterZ eitu n g . 18

D uesberg,

D u fau re, Ju le s A rm a n d S tan isla s (1798-

munist League, took part in the activity of the Workers Brotherhood founded bv Stephan Born. 534

(18091860) French politician, monarch ist; deputy to the Constituent Assem bly (1848-49): later deputy to the Legislative Assembly. 525
Jea n F r a n (o is P o lin is

1881) French lawyer, Orleanist; de puty to the Constituent Assembly (1848), Minister of the Interior (October-December 1848) in the Cavaignac Government. 168
D um ont, Jo s e p h

E.wr, C h ristia n Jo s ep h (born c. 1809) German worker, member of the Cologne Workers Association; in 1849 editor of its newspaper F reiheit. B riid erlich k eit, A rb eit. 178, 587
Esser I. J o h a n n H e in r ic h T h e o d o r P rub-

D iersch ke Prussian

D
D a h lm a n n , F r ie d ric h C h ristop h (17851860) German liberal historian and politician; deputy to the Frankfurt Na tional As.somblv (Right Centre) in 1 8 4 8 .- 2 3 7 ,4 1 4

judicial official ; deputy to the Prussian National As sembly (Left wing) in 1848. 82, 181, 182, 327, 328, 330, 331

(1811-1861) German journalist, moderate liberal: in 1831 became owner of the K oln isch e Z eilu n g. \ 50. 152-54, 156, 395, 462. 497, .501 1848 a leader of the Left Centre in the Prussian National Assembly. 37, 58. 2 4 1 ,2 4 2 .4 1 9 Wurtteniberg statesman. Minister of the Interior (1848-49) in the lib eral (iovernment.249

sian official, lawyer, clerical: VicePresident of the Prussian National Assembly (Centre) in 1848. 57, 85, 173, 185
d E s te r , K a r l L u d v ig J o h a n n (181318 5 9 )_ G e rm a n socialist and demo crat, physician: member of the Co logne community of the Communist League; deputy to the Prussian Na tional Assembly (Left wing) in 1848; in October 1848 became a member of the Central Committee of Democ r a is .- 8 6 , 173-75, 182-84, 216, 462

D u n cker Prussian official; in

D o blh o ff, A n to n , B a r o n T ^ on (1800-1872)

D am esa, S terio l merchant. 569 D am esm e, E d o u a r d A d o lp k e M a r ie (1807-

Austrian statesman, moderate liber al; Minister of Trade (May 1848) and Minister of the Interior (from July to October 1848). 570
D o llesch all police

D u v em o y , H e in r ic h G u stav (1802-1890)

official

at

Co

logne. 393
Dnm ba.de, C h ristop h e Jo s e p h A lex an d re M atth ieii de (1777-1843) French

D u v iv ier.

1848) French general, commanded the mobile guard during the suppres sion of the June 1848 uprising. 136, 137, 160
Dane. deputy to the Prussian National

F r a n c ia d e Fleu ru s (1794j 848) _ French general, took part in suppressing the June 1848 insurrec tion. 136, 137, 142. 162

Fay.

G er h a rd (1809-1889) German lawyer, liberal. 87

agronomist. 469
D om h. A u gu ste (1799-1848) French journalist and politician, moderate re publican; deputy to the Constituent Assembly (1848). 137

Feldham G e n m n teacher; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Right wing) in 1848. 229
E isen m a n n , G o ttfried (1795-1867) German journalist, physician; deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly (Centre, later Left wing) in 1848. 237 K a r l F r ie d ric h M oritz (18091894) Silesian radical journalist; deputy to the Pru.ssian National As sembly (Left wing) in 1848. 82. 85. 100, 182 F e rd in a n d I (1793-1875) F.mperor of

Assembly (Right wing) in 1848. 330

D a n iels, R o la n d (1819-1855) German

Austria (1835-48). 456. 499. .570

F e rd in a n d I I (1810-1859) King of Sici

physician, member of the Cologne Community of the Communist League, friend of Marx and En gels. 541
D an lon , G eorg es Ja c q u e s (1759-1794)

D ron ke,

prominent figure in the P'rcnch Revolution: leader of the Right wing of the Jacobins- 237
D a v en an t, C h arles (1656-1714) English

E rn st (1822-1891) German writer, at first true socialist, later member of the Communist League and an editor of the N e u e R h ein isch e Z eiln n g . 15, 459, 560, 566. 580, 582. 586, 594

ly and Naples (1 8 3 0 -5 9 ).-2 4 -2 6 , 143, 385-86, 471, 483 German dent. 176
F ic k ler,

Eisner.

democratic

stu

F eu erstein , A n to n merchant. 569 Jo s ep h (1808-1865) German democratic journalist, a leader of the Baden democratic movement in 18484 9 ,_ 2 3 9 . 288

D uchatel, C h arles M a r ie T a n n eg u y , C om te

economist and statistician, mercan tilist. 477

(1803-1867) French .statesman, Orleanist; Minister of the Interior (1839 and 1840-Fcbruary 1848). 38, 60. I l l , 122. 199, 220, 221, 250, 419

E n gels,

(1820-1895). 7. 15. 511-18, 522. 524-29,-560. 563, 567, 575. 582. 586. 593. 594
F red erick

6& 2

N am e In d ex

N am e In d ex

663

Fischer, J. A. cap-maker, member of the C^ologne civic militia. 574 Floltwell, Eduard Heinrich von (17861865) Prussian statesman, Minister o f Finance (1844-46), Oberprdsidenl o f Posen and later of Westphalia; deputy to ihc Frankfurt National Assembly (Right wing) in 1848. 356, 357, 368 FoTstmann German merchant; deputv to the Prussian National Assembly (Right wing) in 1848. 195, 223, 225 Fonld, Achille (1800-1867) French banker and politician, Orleanist. sub sequently Bonapartist; Minister of Fi nance several times in the period between 1849 and 1867. 125 Fouquier-TinvilU, Antoine Quentin (17461795) leading figure in the French Revolution; Public Prosecutor of the Revolutionary Tribunal (1793). 405 Fox, Charles /ames( 1749-1806)^"English statesman, leader o f the Whig Party. 102 Francis V (1819-1875) Duke of Mod ena (1846-59). 387 Frederick I ( Barbarossa or Redbeard') (c. 1123-1190) German King from 1152, Holy Roman F.mperor (115590); waged several campaigns against Italy 395, 396 Frederick H (the Great) 1786) King of Prussia 86). 242, 340, 341 (I7 I2 (1740-

73, 77, 106, 194, 25.5, 273, 275, 287, 311, 390, 3 9 1, 420, 430, 474, 476, 564, .583 Freiligrath, Ferdinand (1810-1876) German poet; member of the Com munist League; one o f the Neue Rheini%r.he Zeitung editors in 1848-49, 395-97, 4.56 Frencken Prussian official; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Right wing) in 1 8 4 8 .-2 0 7 Friedrich Christian August (18291880) Duke of Schleswig-Holstein (Prince from 1863); officer o f the General Staff o f the SchleswigHolstein army (1848). 192, 255 Frobel, Julius (1805-1893) German radical writer and publisher; deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly (Left wing) in 1848. 570 Fuad Pasha Mehemmed (1814-1869) Turkish statesman, government commissioner in the Danube prin cipalities (1848); took a leading part in suppressing the national liberation movement; in later years Minister of Foreign Affairs and Grand Vizier. 473, 485 Funk German democrat, member of the Democratic Society of Cologne (1848). 176, .585

Geier Burgomaster 426. 579

of

Wesseling.

Geiger, Wilhelm Arnold Prussian police official, examining magistrate (1848) and then Police Superintendent of Cologne. 178, 384, 390. 391, 393. 3 9 4 ,4 0 8 ,4 0 9 .5 6 1 .5 9 4 Gervinus, Georg Gottfried (1805-1871) German historian, liberal; editor of the DeuL'iche Zeitung (1847 to October 1848); deputy to the Frank furt National Assembly (Right Centre) in 1848. 29, 154 Ghika, Basil. 569 Gierke Prussian official; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Left Centre) in 1848; Minister o f A ^ c u lture in the Auerswald-Hansemann Government (June-Scptember 1848), - 2 9 1 - 9 5 . 328, 331 Girardin, Emile de(1806-1881) French journalist and politician; between 1830s and 1860s was editor of thenewspaper L a Presse several times; often changed his political views. 153 Gladbach. Anton (d. 1873) German democrat; in 1848 deputy to the Prussian National Assembly from Miilheim in the Rhine Province (Left wing); President of the Democratic Club in Berlin. 180. 181, 191-93, 195, 230, 304, 563 Gneisenau, August Wilhelm Anton, Count Neithardt von (1760-1831) Prussian field marshal, an organiser of the liberation struggle against Napoleons rule; took part in drawing up and carrying out Prussian army re forms. 228 Goeden, Ado//-German physician in Posen; deputy to the Frankfurt Na tional Assembly (Right wing) in 1 8 4 8 .-3 .5 4 , 355, 358, 3.59. 367, 369 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von (17491832) German poet, 116, 484, 528 Goschen Chairman of the German League in Leipzig (1848). 214

Gottschalk, Andreas (1815-1849) German physician, member of the Cologne community of the Com munist League; President of rho Cologne Workers Association (April]une 1848); exponent of the Left sectarian tendencies in the German working-rlass movement. 176, 177, 186, 325, 326, 542, 582. 595 Grabow, Wilhelm (1802-1874) Chief Burgomaster of Prenzlau, moderate liberal; President of the Prussian Na tional Assembly (Right wing) in 1 8 4 8 .-1 8 0 -8 3 , 185, 190-92, 193, 197, 198. 230. 273. 304, 419 Graff, Joseph Prussian judicial official: deputy to the Prussian National As sembly (Left wing) in 1848, 95, 243, 302 Grebel Prussian official, justice of the peacf; deputv to the Prussian National Assembly (Left wing) in 1848. 21719, 221, 229 Greven, Fried. butcher, member of the Cologne civic militia. 574 Griesheim, Karl Gustav von (17981854 ) Prussian military official: rep resentative of the Ministry of War in the Prussian National Assembly (1848). 97-99. 192 Grimm, Jacob Ludwig Carl (17851863) German philologist, professor of Berlin University. liberal; deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly (Centre) in 1848. 336 Grolmann, Karl Wilhelm Georg uon (17771843) Prussian general, took part in the liberation struggle against Napoleons rule; in 1806 participated in drawing up and carrying out Prus sian army reforms. 228 Guizot. Francois Pierre Guillaume (17S71874) French historian and conser vative statesman who actually directed Frances home and foreign polic> from 1840 until the February revolu tion of 1 8 4 8 ,- 3 8 . 68. 111. 122. 147. 188, 206. 472. 480. 481. 518

Frederick V II (Frederik Carl Chrutian VII) (1808-1863) King of Denmark (1848-63). 255, 268, 422-24, 434, 435 Frederick William (1620-1688) Elector of Brandenburg (1640-88). 244, 245, 435 Frederick William //(1744-1797) King of Prussia (1786-97). 348, 349 Frederick William I I I (1770-1840) King of Prussia (1797-1840). 338, 343 355, 411, 449 Frederick William /V (l 795-1861) King of Prussia (1840-61). 20, 54, 62, 63.

Gagem , H einrich Wilhelm August, Baron von (1799-1880) German politician, deputy to and President of the Frank furt National Assembly (Right Centre). President o f the Imperial Ministry (December 1848-March 1849). 232, 358, 368, 394, 424, 439 440, 448, 473 Gagem , M aximilian Ludwig, Baron von (1810-1889) German official; depu ty to the Frankfurt National Assembly in 1848; brother of Heinrich Gagern. 413 Ganneron, Auguste Victor Hippolyte (17921847) F-**nch industrialist, banker and politician. 125

664

Name In d ex

Nam e In d ex

66 5

H
H du sem an ri, D a v id Ju stu s (1790-1864)

H e in e .

German capitalist, < i leader of the Rhenish liberal bourgeoisie; Prussian Minister of Finance from March to September 1848. 36-38, 54, 55, 59. 60, 67, 73, 83, 106. I l l , 112, 115, 122, 170-75. 179, 182, 190, 194, 195. 199, 200. 202, 208, 210. 216-21. 226, 229, 230, 239, 250-52, 262, 268, 276, 27884. 286. 290, 291, 295. 313. 317, 3.36, 350. 382. 384, 400, 416, 419, 425. 427. 429, 448, 463, 466. 476. 583
fla r n e y , C eo r g e J u lia n (1817-1897) prominent figure in the English labour movement, a Chartist leader (Left wing): editor of T h e N orth ern S tar. S, 129

H e in r ic h ( 1797-1856) German revolutionary poef. 50, 112, 172, 189. 190, 205, 222, 248, 261, 284, 290, 304, 397, 457, 480

H iin erm u n d .

E d u a r d Police

Inspector

in Cologne. 538
Hii'ier. J o h a n n H a n s G m ta v H e in r ic h von

1848 until December 1849. 229, 232, 240, 253, 287. 411. 413, 577
Jo n a s , L u d u 'ig (1797-1859) German theologian, clergyman in Berlin; dep uty to the Prussian National Assembly (Right w'ing) in 1848. 85 h'.rnest C h a r le i (1819-1869) prominent figure in the English labour movement, proletarian poet and journalist, a Chartist leader (Left wing): friend of Marx and Engels.- 8. I H , 129 W ilhelm. (1819-1904) German writer: deputy to the Frankfurt Na tional Assembly in 1848; at first be longed to the Left wing, but after debates on Poland, joined the Centre. 351. 359-64, 366. 367, 378. 395 L u c ie n L e o p o ld (18041877) Belgian lawyer and w'riter. democrat: President of the Democ ratic Association in Brussels (1847). 405 G eo r g G otlluh (1814-1886) German writer, Young Hegehan. a manager of the R h etn isrh e Z eitung, deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Left wing) in 1848. 53, 59. 84, 100, 185

H e in r ic h LXX//(1797-1853) Prince of

Reuss-I.obenstein-Ebersdorf, a tiny German principality (1822-48). 234

H en ry V see C h am h ord , H e n r i C harles F e r d in a n d M a r ie D ieu d on n e. C om te de H erg en h a h n . A u g u st ( 1804-1874) German liberal politician; in 184849 Prime Minister of Nassau; deputv to the Frankfurt Xational Assembly (Right Centre). 19

(1782-1857) Prussian general: tommandanr of Mainz (1844-49). 17, 19, 20, 92. 133

Jo n e s, I Im a n d l, P eter German teacher, demo

crat; took part in the 1848-49 revolu tion: in later years a political emigre; member of the Communist League, follower of Marx and Engels. 587
Itzen p litz -d

Jo r d a n ,

H erw eg h ,

H a rp p rec h t. H e in r ic h von (1802-1859)

G eo r g F r ie d r ic h (18171875) German democratic poet, a leader of the German Democratic Society in Paris. 9, 10, 488

family

of

Prussian

counts. 56

lawyer. Piesident of the Supreme Court of Wiirttemberg. 249

H ebert, M ic h el P ier re A lex is (17991887) French lawyer and statesman, Orleanist; Chief Public Prosecutor (from 1841), Minister of Justice (1847February 1848). 1 8 7 ,4 5 9

H e y n e Burgomaster

of Bromberg (Posen); deputy to the Prussian Na tional Assembly (Left Centre) in 1848. 198

Jo ttra n d , Ja co b y .

H ild e n h a g e n . L o u is German clergyman:

deputy to the Prussian National As sembly (Left Centre) in 1848. 303

H ir sc h fe ld , A le x a n d er A d o lf v on (17871858) Prussian general; took part in suppressing the insurrection in Posen (1848), 210, 313

H e c k e r Prussian judicial official. Public

(\805-1877) German radical writer and politician; a leader of the Left wing in the Prussian National Assembly (1848); in the 1870s w'as close to the SocialDemocratic Parry. 82, 232, 233, 235, 236. 238. 239. 240-41, 242-43. 273
Jo h a r m Ja n C hryzostom (1818] 891 ) Polish theologian and politi cian: deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly in 1848. 365, 366, 368, 369

JuTig.

Prosecutor at Cologne (1848). 178. 186, 187, 208, 239, 314, 450, 451, 484-88, 513, 554, 593
H ecker. F r ie d ric h K a r l F ra n z (18111881) German democrat, a leader of fhe Baden republican uprising in April 1848; emigrated to the i;S A , 485-89

Ja n is z ew s k i,

f f o f e r German peasant: deputy to the

Prussian National Assembly (Right wing) in 1848. 81

H o h en z o lle m s dynasty of Brandenburg

Jan sen ,

H ecksch er, J o h a n n G u stav W ilh elm M oritz

(1797-1865) German lawyer, Im perial Minister of Justice (July-Augusf 1848) and Minister of Foreign Af fairs (August-September 1848); depu ty to the Frankfurt National Assembly (Right Centre). 413, 414
H eg el. G eo r g W ilh elm F r ie d ric h {1770-

electors (1415-1701), Prussian kings (1701-1918) and German emperors (1871-1918). 67

H o lberg . L u d v ig , B aron

Dani.sh writer, losopher. 422

(1684-1754) historian and phi

(1825-1849) German democrat, member of the Communist League; a leader of the Workers .\ssodation in Cologne (1848). follower of Gottschalk; shot for his participation in the BadenPalatinate insurrection of 1849. 178
Jo h a n n Jo s e p h (fe llu n c ). Jo s e f. C ou n t (1801-

K
K a is e r major-general. 459 K a lk e r, J o h a n n W ilh elm secretary of the

Workers Association in Cologne in 1 8 4 8 ,-1 7 8 , 579

K d m p f German teacher; deputy to the

fella ch ich

H o m e r semi-legendary

1831) German 364, 486

philosopher. 156.

epic poet of Ancient Greece, author of the Ilia d and the Odyssey . 66
Jo h a n n H e rm a n n

1859) Austrian general. Ban of Croatia; took part in suppressing the revolution of 1848-49 in Hungary and A ustria.~458. 473, 477, 491, 499. .503
fen tzsch deputy to the Prussian Nation

Prussian National Assembly Centre) in 1 8 4 8 .- 2 4 3

(Left

K am p tz, K a r l C hristoph A lb ert H e in r ic h v on (1769-1849) Prussian conserva

H iiffe r ,

H eim soeth , H e in r ic h Prussian official;

lawyer at the Court of Appeal in Cologne (lS 4 8 i.----189

(17841855)Chief Burgomaster of Mun ster, moderate liberal; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Right wing) in 1848. 173-75

tive statesman; Minister of Justice (1832-42). 208

K an itz. A ugust W ilhelm K a r l, C ou n t von

al Assembly (Centre) in 1848. 276 John (Johtnui) (1782-1859) .Archduke o f A u i i i i;). Imperial Reget)t from Jime

(1783-1852) Prussian general; Min ister of Wai (Mav a n t i June 1848) in

6 6 6

Nam e In d ex

Nam e In d ex

667

rhe Camphausen Government. 64, 74. 96

Kant, Im m anu el (1724-1804) German

Kotzebue, August F riedrich F erdin an d vov

Lam en n ais,

H ugues

F ilicite

Robert

de

Lelew ei,

(1761-1819) German writer and journalist, extreme monarchist. 153

K rau se deputy to the Prussian Nation

(1782-18.54) French abbot, writer, Christian socialist. 155

L am oriciere, Christophe L eoii Louii Ju chau lt de (1806-1865) French gen

philosopher. 486
K auniti-R ietburg, W enzel Anton, Prince von (1711-1794) Austrian statesman

al Assembly (Centre) in 1848. 217

Krogh, C erhardC hristopher{\ 785-\ 860)

and diplomat, a supporter of an en lightened" form of absolutism; took part in the first partition of Poland (1772); a bitter enemy of the French Revolution. 92
Kayser, C . merchant, member of the

Danish general, commander-inchief of rlic Danish armv (from July 1848 until April 1849, and in 1850) during the Schleswig-Holstein war. 434
Kuklwetter, F riedrich C hrisltan H ubert vov

eral, moderate republican; partici pated in suppressing rhe June uprising of 1848; Minister of War in the Cavaignac Government (June to De cember 1848); deputy to the Con stituent Assembly. 126, 136, 137, 161, 162, 163
L orofhejaqu elein (L o Rocheja^uelein). H en ri Auguste Georges Du V ergier, M ar quis de (1805-1867) French politi

Cologne civic militia. 574

Kayser, R . merchant, member of the

Cologne civic militia. 574

Kersaitsie, Jo a c h im R en e T heophile G aillard d e (1798-1874) French revolution

ary, took part in the July revolution of 1830; headed the Committee of Action of the Society of the Rights of Man and the Citizen (1848); author of a military plan implemented by the participants in the June uprising in Paris; later joined the Garibaldi move ment. 157, 158, 164
Kerst, Sam uel C ottjried (1804-1875)

(1809-1882) Prussian statesman; Minister of the Interior in the Auerswald-Hansemann Government (June to September 1848). 174, 181, 182, 185, 192, 193, 199, 202-07, 229, 230, 262, 275-76, 407, 581, 595
Kusa, Alex . 569 Kyll,

cian, a leader of the legitimist party; deputy to the Constituent Assembly (1848). 140, 149, 155. 323
Lassalle.

Joach im (1786-1861) Polish historian and revolutionary; partici pant in the Polish uprising of 1830-31; a leader of the democratic wing of the Polish emigrants; Committee member of the Brussels Democratic Association in 1 8 4 7 -4 8 .-3 5 1 . 354, 360, 361, 375 L en sin g (b. 1783) canon from the Rhine Province; deputy to the Prus sian National Assembly (Right wing) in 1 8 4 8 .-2 0 7 L eo, H nric/i(1799-1878) German his torian and writer, extreme monarch ist. ideologist of Prussian junkerdom. 361 l.eon id as King of Sparta (c. 488-480 B. C,); hero of the battle of I'hermopytae during the Greco-Persian war. 512 L eopold / (1790-1865) King of Belgium

lawyer, democrat; deputy to the Prussian Na tional Assembly (Left wing) in 1 8 4 8 .-4 6 2
Ulrich

F ran z German

L
Ladenherg, Adalbert von (1798-1855)

deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly (Centre) in 1848. 364, 366-69

Kohlparzer, Franz X av er deputy to the

(1825-1864) German writer and lawyer, pettybourgeois socialist; participated in the democratic movement in the Rhine Province (1848-49); founder of the General Association of German Workers (1863); an initiator of the opportunist trend in the German So cial-Democratic movement. 587
F erdin an d

(1831-65). 333, 336. 405. 482

Leroux. Pi<-rr( (1797-1871) French writ

er, utopian socialist: deputy to the Constituent (1848-49) and Legislative (1849) A.ssemblies. 150
L even German democrat. 587 Lichnow ski, F elix M aria, Prince uon(18H1 8 4 8 ) Prussian officer; deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly (Right wing); killed during the Sep tember 1848 uprising in Frank furt. 313, 364, 368-71, 375, 376, 499, 575

Latour, T heodor, Count B aillet i>on(1780-

Frankfurt National Assembly (Right Centre) in 1848. 110

K orff, H erm an n Prussian officer, democrat; in 1847 was discharged from the army on account of his political views; responsible publisher of the N eue R fu in iscke Zeitung (\84849); subsequendy emigrated to the L'SA. 486, 543, 354, 555, 560, .566, 576. 592

member of the Prussian bureaucracy. Minister of Religious Worship, Edu cation and Medicine (1848-50). 188
I.agerheirn. E lias (1791-1864) Swedish

1848) Austrian conservative states man; Minister of War in 1848; killed in October 1848 during the uprising in Vienna. 499, 503
L edru -R ollin, A lexandre A uguste (1807-

L ign e, Eugene L am oral, P rince d f (1804-

diplomat, Ambassador to Denmark (1848). 270, 287

L am arqu e, M axim ilien, Comte de (1770-

1832) French general; a leader of the liberal opposition during the Restoration period and under the July monarchy. 158
L am artin e, A lphonse M arie L ou is de (1790-

1874) French writer and politician, a leader of the petty-bourgeois demo crats; editor of l-a R ejorm e ; Minister of the Interior in the Provisional Govern ment in 1 8 4 8 .-1 2 8 , 298, 404, 440, 515
Lehm ann, Peter M artin O rla (1810Danish liberal, editor of the newspaper Faedrelandet (1839-42); Minister without Portfolio in 1848. 253
1870)

1880) Belgian statesman. Ambas sador to France from 1843 to 1848, to Italy in 1 8 4 8 -4 9 .-4 6 1
L isiec k i official in Posen; deputy to the

Prussian National Assembly wing) in 1848. 302

(Left

L oe, M axim ilian, B aron x>on Prussian

K o m German democrat; took part in

the revolutionary movement in Berlin (1848). 97

Kosch. R a ffa e l Ja k o b (1803-1872) German physician, moderate liberal; deputy lo the Prussian National Assemblv (Left Centre) in 1848. 419

1869) French poet, historian and politician; a leader of the moderate republicans in the 1840s; Minister of Foreign Affairs and virtually head of the Provisional Government (1848). 128, 131, 1 4 4 ,3 7 8 .4 0 4 .4 8 1 , 494

landowner; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Right wing) in 1 8 4 8 .-2 0 7

L ou is X I (1423-1483) King of France

L einingen, K arl F riedrich W ilhelm , F n n ce von ( 1 8 0 4 - 1 8 5 6 ) Bavarian general,

(1461-83). 372
Louvi X I V a 6 38- 1 715) King of France

Imperial Prime Minister September 1848). 377

(August-

(1643-1715). 326, 347

6 6 8

Nam e Index

Name Index

669

Louis X V (1710-1774) Kill}- of France (1715-74). 326 Louis X V I (1754-1793) King of France (1774-92): guillotined during the French Revolution. 1.53, 425 Louis Napoleon see Nopolenv H I Louu Philippe I (177.3-1850) Duke of Orleans. King of the French (183048). 24, 25, 30, 144, 147, 151, 153, 187. 252, 261, 29fi, 279. 315, 429, 481. 494, 522, 525 Low, Hermann (1807-1879) German professor; deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly (Right Centre) in 1848-49. 381 Loivenslein, Lipmann Hirsch (d. 1848) German orientalist, democrat; Piesident of the Workers' Association in Frankfurt in 1848, delegate to the First Democratic Congress held in Frankfurt (June 1848). 18 Lowinsohn, Moritz German democrat, a director of the Berlin Peoples Club, delegate to the Second Democratic Congress held in Berlin (October 1848). 97 I.iiliichau, Christian Friedrich Tonne. Count von Prussian official 343

Moral, Jean Pait/(1743-1793) a Jacobin leader during the French Revolu tion, 234 Marie de Saint Georges, Alexandre Pierre ThomM Amable (1795-1870) French lawyer and politician, moderate re publican; in 1848 Minister of Public Works in the Provisional Government, later Minister of Justice in the Gavaignac Government. 168 Marker, Friedrich Auf^ist (18041889) Prussian statesman; Minister of Justice in the AuerswaldHansemann Government (from June to September 1848); deputy to the Prus.sian National Assembly (Centre) in J848. 226, 318, 431 Marrast, Armand (1801-1852) French writer and politician, leading moder ate republican, editor-in-chief of Le National-, member o f the Provisional Government and Mavor o f Paris (1848). 128, 144, 1.53, 154, 168,515 Mane, Jenny (nee von Weslphalm) (18141881) wife of Karl Marx. 538 Marx, KaW (1818-1883). 7-12, 15,383, 407-09. 4.56, 486, 487, 488, 489. 538^ .541, 554-58, 561-63, 566, 568-73, 576 595, .597, 598 Mathy, Karl (1807-1868) official, jo u r nalist and politician from Baden, mod erate liberal: deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly (Right Centre) in 1848. 249, 288, 289, 448 Maize German teacher; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Left wing) in 1848. 189, 193. 219 Maucler, Paul Friedrich Theodor Eugen, Baron von (1783-1859) conservative statesman from Wiirttemberg; Mini.ster of Justicc from 1818; Chairman of the Privy Council (1831-April 1848). 249 Mellinet. Frnnfois Aim e (17681852) Belgian general of French descent; participant in the democratic movement and in the 1830 revolution in Belgium: Honorarv Presidentof the

Democratic Association in Brussels; one of the accused at the RisquonsTout trial. 335, 405-06, 461 Menth. M . platoon leader in the Co logne civic militia. 574 Metlemirk-Winnebnrg. Clemens Wenzel Lothar. Prince (1773-1859) Austrian statesman and diplomat; Foreign Minister (1809-21) and Chancellor (1821-48); a founder of the Holy A llia n c e .-92, 387. 396 Memebuch, von Prussian official; depu ty to the Prussian National Assembly (Right wing) in 1848. 58 Mevissen, Gustav von (1815-1899) German banker; tlepiity to the Frankfurt National Assemblv (Kight Centre) in 1 8 4 8 -4 9 .-1 9 4 Xfeyendorf. Fyolr Kazimirovich, Baron (1796-1863)' Russian diplomat; en voy to Berlin (1839-50).313

Miraheau, Honore Gabriel Riqveli., Comte (1749-1791) leading figure in the French Revolution, advocate of con stitutional monarchy. 102, 237 Mittermaier, Korl (1787-1867) German lawyer, moderate liberal; a leader of the Left Centre in the Frankfuri National Assembly in 1848. 239 MohL Robert vo?i (1799-1875) German lawyer, moderate liberal; deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly (Left Centre) in 1848; Imperial Minister of Justice (1848-49).473 \fohr, C'. .sculptor, corporal in the Co logne civic militia. 574 Mohr. J . P. roofer, member of the Cologne civic militia. 574 Moll. Joseph (1813-1849) prominent figure in the German and internation al working-class movement, a watch maker by trade; a leader of the League of the Just, member of the Central Authority of the (':ommunist League; President of the Cologne Workers Association (from July to September 1848), member of the Rhenish Districi Committee of Democrats; killed in battle during the Baden-Palatinate uprising in 1849. 7, 9, 452, 454, 463, 533. 542, 558, 379, 580, 585. 586 Moltke, Korl, Count von (17981866) Schleswig-Holstein statesman, leader of the Danish counter revolutionary party; from September 1848 head of the Provisional Govern ment of Schleswig-Holstein formed after the armistice between Prussia and Denmark. 412, 413. 447 Monecke, Edninnd German democrat. 176 student.

Min'oslau'ski,

Ludwik (1814.1878) prominent figure in the Polish national liberation movement; took part in the insurrection of 1830-31, in the preparations for the uprising of 1846 and in the 1848-49 revolution; later, a leader of the moderate wing of Polish democratic emigrants: sympathetic to Bonapartism. 354. 375

M Machiavelli, ;Vicco/o( 1469-1527) Italian politician, historian and writer.212 Molou, Jules Edouord Xavier (1810,1886) Belgian statesman; Minister of Finance (1844-47). 483 Mallhus, I'homas Robert (1766-1834) English clergyman and economist, advocated the misanthropic thcorv of population. 282, 573 Mnntiani della Rovere, Terenzio, Count (1799-1885) Italian poet and jour nalist, philosopher and politician, ad vocate of constitutional monarchy; Minister of the Interior to Pope Fius IX (from May to August 1848). 385

Mtguel, Maria F.varisI (Miguel Mnrm F.varisto dr Bragariza) (1802-1866) King of Portugal (1828-34). 165. 311 Milde. Karl Augnf (1805-1861) Silesian manufacturer. moderate liberal; in 1848 Minister of Trade in the Auerswald-Hansemann Min istry (from June to Septembei). President of the Prussian National Assembly (Right wing). 33, 57. 59. 85. 106. 199. 219, 238. 262, 304, 313. 400, 418 Mirintoli. Jid im . Barnn von (18051850) Prussian official and dip lomat: Chief of Police in Berlin in I 847 and 1848. 46, 47

Montesquieu. Charles Louis de Secondnl. Baron de In Brede et de (1689-175.5)French philosopbei and sociologist. E n lig h te n e r.-204, 206. 236, 246. 336, 430 Moritz, Daniel Sinnuel Prussian judicial official; deputv tothe Prussian N<iiion

670

N am e In d ex

Nam e In d ex

671

al Assembly (Lefr Centre) 1S4H.60. 185, 276, 331, 332

in

Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus (17561791) Austrian composer. 385 Muller German pastor; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Centre) in 1848 80, 81, 83 Muller m ftm her of the Workers As sociation in Worringen (the Rhine Province) in 1848, 587 Miiller. Friedrich (h. 1811) Police Superintendent in Cologne: deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Right Centre) in 1848. 87, 196, 409, 463 Mviler-Tellering, Eduard vm (born c. 1808) German lawyer and journal ist, democrat; N euf Rheinische Zeitung correspondent in Vienna in 1848 and 1849; after the revolution emigrated and made slanderous accusations again.st Marx and Engels. 4r37, 503 Mxviard. Philippe (1 793-1859) French musician and composer, 512 N
M apoleon I B o n a p a r te (1769-1821) Emperor of the Frenth (1804-H and 1815). 80, 153, 161, 228. 237. 250, 251, 290, 308. 309, 314. 520 (C h a rle s L o u is S 'ap oleov

Necker. Jacques (1 732-1804) Fren h banker and poiitirian; Mini.ster of Finance on several occasions in the 1770s and 1780s, attempted to carry out reforms, 39, 282 Nesselrode, Kart Vasilyevich, Count 07SO1862) Russian statesman and dip lomat; Foreign Minister (I8 i6 -5 6 ). Chancellor of Stale from 1845 on wards, 307-12 Nethe Prussian official: deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Centre) in 1 8 4 8 .-3 0 3 Neumann, von Prussian general, chief adjutant of the King of Prussia. 270 Nicholas I (1796-1855) Kniperor of Russia (1825-55), 103, 191, 308-13 363, 505 Niickel m em b e r o f the Cologne Town Council. 500

Pagnerre, Laurent Antoine (1805i'H 54)_Fren ch publisher, republican; deputy to the Constituent Assembly in 1 8 4 8 .-3 6 0 Palmerston, Henry John Temple, 3rd Vis count (1784-1865) British state.sman. Foreign Secretary (1830-34, 1835-41, 1846-51), Home Secretary (1852-55) and Prime Minister (1855-58 and 1859-65); at the beginning of his career a Tory, from 1830 onwards, a Whig, 480. 481 Parrisius. Eduard Rudolf (1818-1905) Prussian officer of justice; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Left Centre) in 1848, 57, 58, 61, 173, 221-22, 242 Fatow, Erasmus Robert, Haron von (18041890) Prussian statesman. Minister of Trade, Industry and Public Works in the Camphausen Ministry (from April to yune 1848). 106, 111, 117, 118, 171,' 292, 328 Payer, Jean Baptiste (1818-1860) French scholar; deputy to the Consti tuent Assembly (1848). 155 Peel. Sir Robert. 1st Baronet (17881 850) British statesman, moderate Tory; Prime Minister (1841-46); re pealed rhe Corn l.aws in 1846. 281. 298 Pellmann, Anion German lawyer; dep uty T O the Frankfurt National Assem bly in 1848. 87 Pelz. Eduard (1800-1876) German journalist, democrat; a leader of the Workers Association in Frankfurt (1848) and editor of the Deutsche Volkszeitung and Allgemeine ArbeiterZeitung. 18 Perrot, Benjamin Pierre (1791-1865) French general; took part in sup pressing l!ie June 1848 uprising in Paris.68. 163
p ja h l Prussian notary; deputy to the

Pfuel, Ernst Heinrich A dolf von (17791866) Pru-ssian general; CTOvernor of Neuchitel in 1832-48; commandant of Berlin in March 1848; headed the suppression of the uprising in Posen in April and May 1848; Prussian Prime Minister and Minister of W ar in Sep tember and October 1848.64. 65. 104. 1 1 6 ,2 5 1 ,3 1 3 ,3 4 7 ,4 6 3 .4 6 6 .4 7 3 , 476. 477. 489 Philipps, A dolf (1813-1877) Prussian official; Vice-President of the Prussian National Assembly in 1848. 216 Piegsa Polish teacher; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Lefr wing) in 1 8 4 8 .-2 2 9 Pillersdorf, Franz. Baron von (17861862) Austrian statesman; Prime Minister (from May to July 1848).

120

O
O Connell, Daniel (1775-1847) Irish lawyer and politician, leader of the liberal wing of the national liberation movement.- 113 O'Connor, Feargus Edward (17941855) a Chartist leader (Left wing), editor of The Northern Star. 113 114 129 Olherg Prm^ian officer; in 1848 look part in suppressing the national libera tion movement in Posen. 104 Olzem, M. merchant, member of the Cologne rivic militia. 574 Orange sradholders of the Nether lands irom 1572 to 1795 with inter vals, rovai dynasty after 1 8 1 5 .-1 6 5 336 Ostendorf. (iottjried Friedrich Johannes fulim (182.S-I877) German teacher, moderate liberal; deputy to the Frank furt National Assembly (Right Centre) in 1 8 4 8 -4 9 ,-3 6 7 Ollv I (1815-1867) Bavarian prince, King of Greece (1832-62), 165

Pinder, Julius Hermann (b. 1805) Prus sian official, moderate liberal; Oherprdsident of Silesia, deputy to the Prussian National As.sembly (Right wing) in 1848. 194 Pinto. Isaac (1715-1787) Dutch stock jobber and economist. 279. 281, 419 Pius IX {Giovanni M aria Mastai-Ferretti) (1792-1878) Pope (1846-78), .385 Plato (c, 427-c, 347 B,C.> Greek phi losopher, 244-45, 303 Plonnis Prussian official; VicePresident of the Prussian National Assembly in 1848. 84 Flougoulm., Pierre Ambroise (17961863) French official, lawyer; member of the Chamber of Deputies (1846-48). 187 Pohle Prussian officer of justice; depu ty to the Prussian National Assembly (Centre) in 1848. 198 Pokrzywnicki Prussian official o f Polish descent; deputy to the Prussian Na tional Assembly (Left wing) in 1 8 4 8 .-1 9 8 Poiirtalh. Albert. Count von (18121861) Prussian d iplomat. 269

i\'apoleon I I I B o n a p a rte)

(1808-1873) Prince, nephew of Napoleon I. President of the Second Republic (1848-51), Em peror of the French (1 8 5 2 -7 0 ),- 155, 5 1 5 ,5 2 2 ,5 2 5

S n tz m er.

von (d, 1890) Prussian of ficer, sentenced to 15 years o f impri.onment in a fortress for refu,sal to shoot at the people during the storm ing of the arsenal in Berlin on Ju n e 14, 1848; escaped in 1849.97-99

Xaunyn Burgomaster 1848.46

of

Berlin

in

\ a u t , S tep h a n A d o lp h a co-manager of the N eu e R h ein isch e Z eitv n g Com-

panv, 547

Prussian National Assembly wing) in 1848. 184

(Left

672
Prince oj Pmwia see WillMm 1

N am e Index

N am e In d ex

67.S

Proudhon, Pierre Joseph (18091865) French writer, ecoiioniisl itiid sociologist, a founder of anarrhisin; deputv to the Constitvicnt Asseiiiblv in 1 8 4 8 .-3 2 1 -2 4 Przyluski, Leon (1789-1H65) Arch bishop of C.ineson and Poscii (184.5-65).201, 338 Piittkamer. Eugen von (1800-1874) Prussian official; Chief of Police , in Beilin from 1839 to 1847. ^ 6 , 47

i?oi'eaux, Franz (1810-1851) German politician; deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly (Left Centre) in 1 8 4 8 -4 9 .-1 7 -1 9 Reedtz, Holger Chrisliun (18001857) Danish statesman, diplomat; represented the Danish Government during the armistice negotiations in the Schleswig-Holstein war (1848-50); Minister of Foreign Affairs (18505 l ) ._ 2 7 0 . 446 Rehfeld . deputy to the Prussian Nation al Assembly (Centre, later Right wing) in 1 8 4 8 .-5 4 -5 5 Rcichenbach, Eduard. Count von (18121869) Silesian democrat: deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (I.eft wing) in 1848; member of the Central Committee of Domorrats froin Oc tober 1 8 4 8 .- 8 2 , 100, 184. 220, 276 Reic.hensperger J. Angrisl (18081895) German lawyer and politi cian; deputy to the Frankfiiri National .Assembly (Right wing) in 18484 9 . - 8 4 , 94, 122 Reichensperger H. Peter Franz (18181892) German lawyer and politi cian; deputv to the Prussian National Assembly (Right wing) in 1848; brother of August R eich en sperger.~94. 174, 196, 202, 207, 236-.38. 302, 418. 436 Reichhelm German democrat; member of the Cologne Coimnitiec of Public Safety in 1848. 587 (died c. 1860) Prussian official: deputy to the Prussian National As sembly (Left wing) in 1848. 58. 60, 61, 196, 202 Rhien. Ferdinand phannacisl, corporal in the Cologne civic militia. 574 Ricci, Alherto (1795-1876) Sardinian diplomat, Ambassador to Fiance. 480 Richler, Karl (1804-1869) (ierman clergyman, professor of theology; dep uty to the Prussian National Assem bly (Left wing) in 1848. -4."). 201

Riedel, Addlj Friedrich Johann (18091872) Prussian politician; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Right wing) in 1848.84 Rimpler, O . Prussian resigned artillery officer: commander of the Berlin civic militia from July 1848. 476 Rittinghausen, Moritz (1814-1890) German journalist and politician, democrat, contributor to the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, member of the Cologne Democratic Society and, later, of the German Social-Democratic Party. 562, 563 Ritz Prussian official; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Right wing) in 1848. 58, 59, 173, 190-91, .303 Robespierre, Maximilien Francois Marie Isidore de (1758-1794) prominenl figure in the French Revolution, leader of the Jacobins, head of the revolutionary Government (17939 4 ) ._ 1 5 3 . 155 Rochow. Gustav Adolf Rochus von (17921847) Prussian Minister o f the In terior (1834-42).36 Rodbertus-Jagetzow, Johann Karl (18051875) German economist; leader of the Left Centre in the Prussian Na tional Assembly during the 1848-49 reyolution. I l l , 112, 174. 188, 195, 273, 419. 425, 427 Rogier, Charles Latour (1800-1885) Belgian Minister of the Interior (1847-52); moderate liberal. 188, 460, 461. 483 Rolin, Hippolyte (1804-1888) Belgian lawyer, politician, leader of the liberal party, Minister of Public Works (18485 0 )._ 3 3 5 Romanovs dynasty of Russian tsars and emperors (1 6 1 3 -1 9 1 7 ).-3 0 8 Rusenkranz. Johann Karl Friedrich {180H1879) German Hegelian philoso pher and literary historian.363 Roser, Peter Gerhard (18141865) prominent figure in the Ger

man workers' movement, cigar-maker by trade; Vice-President of the Co logne Workers' Association (1848-49), publisher of its newspaper Freiheit. Briiderlichkeit, Arheit, member of the Commimi.st League. 579, 595, 597 Rothichild, Jacoh (James). Baron de (17921868) head of the Rothschild bank ing house in Paris. 125, 468 Rotteck. Karl Wenzeslaus Rodecker von (1775-1840) German historian and liberal politician. 80 Rougemont de banker. 125 Lowemberg French

Q
Queuing police-sergeant logne. 390 R Radetzky, Josef, Connl. oj Rudelz (17661858) Austrian field marshal; commander-iii-chief of the Austrian forces in Northern Italy from 1831; headed suppression of the Italian national liberation movement in 1848 and 1 8 4 9 ,_ 9 2 . 109, 133, 136, 376, .386. 387, 395-97, 402, 473, 487 Rudoxi'itz, Joseph Maria von (17971853) Prussian general, conserva tive siaiesinan; a leader of the Right wing in the Frankfurt National Assem bly in 1848 and 1849. .314, 364-66, 376, 414, 426-28 Raimund. Ferdinand (1790-1836) Austrian actor and dramatist. 107-08 Raspail, Vrnn^.ois Vincent (17941878) French natural scientist, jou inalist and socialist; participant in the revolutions of 1830 and 1848; deputy to the Constituent Assembly. 157 Raumer, Friedrich Ludwig Georg von (1781-1873) Cxcrman historian; in 1848 Imperial Ambassador to Paris, deputy to the Frankfurt National As sembly (Right Crnrre). 377 in Co

Ruge, Arnold (1802-1880) German radical journalist and philosopher. Young Hegelian; deputy to the Frank furt National Assembly (Left wing) in 1 8 4 8 .-3 7 1 -8 0 Russell, John Russell, 1st Earl (17921878) British statesman. Whig leader; Prime Minister (1846-52 and 1865-66). Foreign Secretary (1852-53 and 1859-65),206, 377, 379

Sulget member of the Committee ol the Cologne W orkers Associa tion. 426, 579 Sand. George (pseudonym of Amandine Lucie Aurore Dupin, baronne Dudex>ant) { 1804-1876) F rench novelist, rep resentative of the democratic trend in romanticism. 315-16, 360 Savigny. Friedrich Karl von (17791861) German lawyer, head of the historical school of law; Minister for the Revision of Laws (1842-48). 317 SchaffgoLu'hes a family of counts in .Silesia. 56 Scliapper, K arl (c. 1812-1870) prominent figure in the (>orman and international working-class move ment, a leader of the League t>f the Just, member of the Central Au thority oi the Communist League,

674

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675

member of the Rhenish District Com mitter of Democrats; a leader (184819), and later President (from Feb ruary to May 1849) of the Cologne Workers Association. After the rev olution, a leader of the sectarian group in the Communist League, later a member of the General Council of the First International. 7, 9, 383, 384. 390-94, 452, 463, 558. 562. 586 Schappfr wife of Karl Schapper. 390 Schamhorsl, GeThard Johann David von (1755-1813) Prussian general and politician; Minister of War (1807-10) and Chief of the General Staff (180713): reorganised the Prussian army. 228 Schleiermacher, Friedrich Daniel Krtisl (176S-1834) German philosopher, theologian and preacher. 85 Schleinitz, Alexander, Baron von (18071885) Prussian statesman; .Minister of Foreign Affairs (June 1848. 184950. 1858-61). 1 0 6 ,' i l l , 210 Schlichting Prussian officer. 181 Schltijfel, Friedrich Wilhelm (18001870) Silesian factory owner, demo crat; deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly (Left wing) in 1848. 18, 368, 589 Schmerling. Anton von (1805-1893) Austrian statesman; in 1848 deputy to the Frankfurt National Assemblv (Right Centre), Imperial Minis ter o f the Interior (from July lo September), Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs (from September to December). 313, 473 Schmidt, Ernst Friedrich Franz German clergyman; deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly (Left wing) in 1848. 368 Schmidt, Ja c. shoemaker, member of the Cologne civic militia. 574 Schmitz worker in Cologne. 594 Schnabel. F. cap-maker, member of the Cologne civic militia. 574

Schnapphahnski see I.ichnowski, Felix Mnrin Schneider Prus.sian official; deputy lo the Pnjssian National Assembly (Right wing. later Left Centre) in 1H48. 233-35. 257 Schneider II, K arl German lawyer, democrat; President of the Cologne Democratic. Society and member of the Rhenish District Committee of Demo crats (1848). 87, 558, 563 Scholz deputy to the Prussian National Assembly in 1848. 185 Schramm, Rxidolf {ISIS-IHS'-I) German democratic journalist; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (I.eft wing) in 1848. 99, 219 Schreckenstein. Ludwig Johann Karl Cresory Emebiv3, Baron Roth von (17891858) Prus.sian general; Mini.ster of War from June to September 1848.20, 96. 106, I J l , 171, 180, 181, 183-84, 191-94, 228-31, 313, 418 Sckriider prison logne. 325 warder in Co

Austrian National Assembly. 365, 366 Schiitze Prussian officer of justice: dep uty to the Prussian National Assem bly (Right wing) in 1848. 304 Schiitzendorf German petty-bourgeois democrat, member of the Cologne Association for Workers and Em ployers in 1848. 558 Schwanbeck, Eugen Alexis (18211850) German journalist, an editor of the Kolnische Zeitung. 497 Schwarzer. Enuit (1808-1860) Austrian official and journalist; Minister of Public Works (July to September 1848).570 Schwerin, Afaximilian Heinrich Karl, Count von (1804-1872) Prussian statesman; in 1848 Minister of Reli gious Worship, Education and Medi cine (March to June), deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly (Right wing). 74, 82. 96 Sebaldt Prussian official; Landrat and Chief Burgomaster of T rier in 1 8 4 8 .-9 4 , 95 Sebastiani. Horace Fransois Bastien, Comte (1772-1851) French marshal, dip lomat. Orieanist; Minister of Foreign Affairs (1830-32), Ambassador to Lon don (1833-40). 147 Senard. Antoine M arie Jules (18001885) French lawyer and politician: President of the Constituent Assembly in June 1848, Minister of the Interior in the Cavaignac Government (June to October 1848). 137, 140 Senff, Em il Prussian officer of justice in Posen; deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly in 1848.3 5 4.356, 358. 359, 361. 367. 369 Shakespeare. William (1564-1616) English dramatist and poet. 466 Siebert deputy to the Prussian National Assemblv (Left wing) in 1848. 221 S',mans. Luchrig ( 1803- 1 870) German lawyer: depuly to the Prussian Nation

al Assembly (Right wing) in 1848; Minister of Justice (1849-60).207, 241. 301, 302 .Stnit/i, Adam (1723-1790) Scottish economist. 299 Sohieski, Ja n {John H I) (16241696) King of Poland (1674-96) who. as commander of the combined Polish and Austro-German forces, achieved a decisive victory over the Turks at Vienna in 1683. 196 Sohrier. Marie Joseph (c. 1825-1854) French democrat, member of secret revolutionary societies during the ]uly monarchy; founded the news paper Commune de Porwin March 1848 as a mouthpiece for the Paris prefec ture. 155 Solms-l.ich und Hohensolms, Ludwig, Prince von (1805-1880) Prussian lib eral landowner, advocate of constitu tional monarchy; marshal of the Rhenish Provincial Diet (1837-45) and later of the First United Diet of 1 8 4 7 .-3 6 Sommer, Johann Friedrich Jo sef (17931856) Prussian lawyer and politi cian; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Right wing) in 1848. 196 Stein, Heinrich Friedrich Karl, Baron vom und turn (1757-1831) Prussian statesman, one of those who initiated and helped implement moderate re forms. 246 Stein, Julitis (1813-1889) Silesian teacher and journalist; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Left wing) in 1848. 100, 2.33. 417, 418, 463. 476, 492 Steindcker, Christian K arl Anion Friedrich, Baron von (1781-1851) Prussian general, commandant of the Posen fortress in 1848.92. 210 Slemel, Gustav Adolf H arald (17921854) German historian; deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly (Left wine. later Right Centre) in 1 8 4 8 .-3 3 8 . 340-43. 344-48. 349, 353. 354. 356, 3.59

Schiicking, Christoph Bernard Levin (18141883) German writer; contributor to the Kolniscke Zeitung, author of many feuilletons (1845-52). 395-98 Schultes German democrat. 587 Schulz, Louis a co-manager of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung Company. 547 SchuUz(e) Prussian officer of justice; deputy to the Prussian National As sembly (Left wing) in 1848. 82, 190. 191 Schulze-Delitzsch. Franz Hermann (18081883) German economist and politi cian; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Left C:entre) in 1848; later one of the leaders o f the Progressist Party and advocate of producer co operatives. 78-80, 82. 227. 303 Schmelka, Franz (1811-1889) Austrian journalist and liberal politician; in 1848deputy to the Frankfurt .Vational Assembly (I.eft'w ing) and to ihe

676

Nam e In d ex

Nam e In d ex

677

S lr a d a l German

jurist

from

I'cp-

liiz 215
S h u b en . J o h . tailor, meinber of the Co

the F ran k fu rt National Assembly in 1 8 4 9 .- 4 6 , 59, 97. 230

T h eu x d e M eylandt, B a rth elem y T h eo d ore, C om te (1794-1874) Belgian states

deputy to the Constituent Assembly in 1 8 4 8 .- 4 6 7 , 468, 470

T ih h a u s Prussian official;

National Assembly in 1848-49. 194, 376, 420, 427, 428, 580

V ir g il (P iih liu s V erg ilin s M aro) (70-19.

logne civic militia. 574

S iru ve, G u iia v von (1803-1870) German democrat, journalist by pro fession; a leader of the Haden repub lican uprisings of 1848 and of fhr Baclcn-Palatinate uprising of 1849. 485, 488 H e in r ic h Jo a ep h (1793-1870) Prussian official, clerical; deputv to the Prussian National Assem bly (Right wing) in 1 8 4 8 .-1 0 1 -0 3 , 302, 336 K arl L e o p o ld A d o lf

man, head of the Catholic party; Prime Minister (1846-47). 483

T h iers.

deputy to the Pru.ssian National Assembly (Right wing) in 1848. 195, 196

B.C.) Roman poet. 67

Vogt, Krtr/(1817-1895) German natur

Slu pp.

(17971877) French historian and states man; Prime Minister (1836, 1840); deputy to the Constituent Assembly (1848); head of the Orleanist monarchist party after 1848; orga nised the suppression of the Paris Commune; President of the Republic (1871-73). 154. 168, 321, 323. 440, 467-71, 473, 478
L o u is A d o lp h e B e r te l

IJ
U n ru h. H ans V ictor von (18061886) Prussian engineer and politi cian; a leader of the Centre in the Prussian National Assembly in 1848, President of the Assembly from Oc tober. 417-19

al scientist, vulgar inaterialisr, pettybourgeois democrat; deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly (Left wing) in 1848-49. 235

W
W achsm u th. F ra n z R u d o lp h (b. 1810)

U rb a n German veteiinary; a leader of

Sydow,

(18001882) German clergyman and theologian; deputy to the Prussian National AsscmbK (Right vving) in 1H48.83, 84

T h orw ald sen .

(1768-

1844) Danish sculptor. 26

T h u n -H o k en stein , L eo, C ou n t von (1811-

the the the 14,

barricade fighting in Berlin during March events of 1848; took part in storming of the arsenal on June 1 8 4 8 .-9 7 V

Prussian official; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Left Centre) in 1848.246
W nchter. K a r l Cierman democrat; member of the Cologne Committee of Public Safety in September 1 8 4 8 .-5 8 7 , .594

T
T acitu s. C orn eliu s (v. 55-c. 120) Roman

1888) Austrian statesman of Czech descent; one of the most influential advisers of Emperor Francis Joseph 1; Minister of Religious Worship and Fducation from 1849 to 1860. 120
T h iirn u n d T o x is. K a r l A lex an d er, F n n c e von (1770-1827) German influential

V a ld en a ire,

(1791-1859) Prussian democrat; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Left wing) in 1848. 94, 301, 302
V ictor Jn k o b (1805-1871) German radical writer; deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly (Left wing) in 1848; after the 1848-49 revolution, liberal. 32, 154, 409

W aldeck,

historian and orator.370

T a lley ra n d -P M g o rd , C haH ea M a u ric e de

(1754-1838) French diplomat. Minister of Foreign Affairs (1797-99, 1799-1807, 1814-15), Frances rep resentative to the Congress of Vienna (1814-15).96
Tnmncni Prussian

prince, enjoyed hereditary post-office privileges in a number of German states. 349

T illy . J o h a n n T serclaes, C ou n t o f (1559-

V enedey.

B e n e d ik t F ra n z L e o (18021870) Cierman lawver and radical politician; Vice-President of the Prus sian National Assembly and a leader of its Left wing in 1848. 173, 235. 236, 419, 425, 427-29, 433

W aliu ch Prussian official, K egieru n g sp rd sid en t of Bromberg (Byd

goszcz). 357
W allau . K arl (1823-1877) German emigrant resident in Brussels; member of the Central Authority of the Communist League in 1848, Chairman of the Workers' Educational Association in Mainz. 535 K a r l. C ou n t von

1632) commander of the army of the Catholic l.cague in the Thirty Years War. 120
Tre'lat, Ulysse (1795-1879) French politician, moderate republican; depu ty to the Constituent Assembly (1848). Minister of Public Works (May to June 1848). 148

V erg n ia u d .

officer of justice; deputy to the Prussian National As sembly in 1848. 418

(17531793) prominent figure in the French Revolution, Girondist. 84

P ier re V ic tu m ien P ier re T heodore

V erh aeg en .

Tedescu,

V ictor A n d re (1821-1897) Belgian lawyer, socialist, a founder of the Brussels Democratic Associa tion; associate of Marx and Engels in 1847-48. member of the Com munist League; one of the defendants at the Risquons-Tout trial. 405, 406

1862) Belgian 336

liberal

(1800politician.

W allm od en -G im bo m .,

Tresckoui,

H e rm a n n von (18181900) Prussian officer; fought in the war again.st Denmark in 1848 and 1 8 4 9 .-3 4 8

V illdn y ( V illd n i) d e C ostello P illo n ic o K a r e l D r a h o lin M n rie (1818-1883) Czech

T resckow . S ig ism u n d O tto (ierm an mer

Tem rne. J o d o c m D o n a lu s H u b ertu s (1798-

1881) German lawyer, democrat; deputy to the Prussian National Assemblv (Left wing) in 1848; deputy to

chant, from 1796 owner of a landed estate in Owlnsk (Posen). 343, 348
T n rck ,

baron; representative o f the Left wing of the national movement (1848). member of the Preparatory Commit tee for the convocation o f the Slav C:ongress, arrested after the June up rising in Prague. 214
V incke. G eorg , B aron von (18111875) Prussian politician; a leader of the Right wing in the Frankfurt

(1792-1883) Austrian general; took part in suppressing the revolutionary movement in Bohemia and Hungary (1 8 4 8 -4 9 ).-1 2 0
W a llr a f German democrat. 587 W a n d er German clergyman; deputy to

the Prussian National Assembly (Left wing) in 1848. 226

W an g en h eim . K a r l A u g u st von (177318.f>()) Prussian official; deputy to

(1797-1887) French physician and journalist, politician:

L e o p o ld

678

N am e In d ex

Name Index

679

the Prussian National Assembly (I,eft Centre) in 1848.276 Wartensleben, Alexander, Count von (18071883) Prussian landowner; deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly (Right Centre) in 1848..864, 365 Weber, Carl M aria Friedrich Errul von (1786-1826) German composer. .516 Weerth, Georg (1822-1856) German poet and writer, member of fhc Com munist League, a founder of pro letarian poetry in Germany; an editor ol' the I^'eue Rh^inische Zeilungin 18484 9 . - 1 5 , 575 Weichsel Prussian officer o f justice; deputy to the Prussian National As sembly (Left Centre) in 1848. 1.72 Weilling, Wilhelm Christian (1808- 1871) one of the early leaders of the working-class movement in Germany, tailor by trade, a theoretician of uto pian egalitarian communism. 556 Welcker. K arl Theodor (17901869) German lawyer, liberal jour nalist; deputy to the Frankfurt Nation al Assembly (Right Centre) in 1 8 4 8 .-4 2 4 Welden. Franz Ludwig. Baron von (17821853) Austrian general; took part in the campaign against the national liberation movement in Italy in 1848; commandant of Vienna after the sup pression of the October 1848 uprising: commander-in-chief o f the Austrian troops fighting against the Hungarian revolution (April to May 1849). 109. 386, 387, 397 Wencelius deputy to the Prussian Na tional Assembly (Left wing) in 1848.94, 302 Werner. Johann Peter G erm an lawyer; deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly (Left Centre) in 1848. 19 Weyll, Barlholomdus Joseph German lawyer; member of the Democratic Society and the Committee o f Public Safetv in Cologne in 1848; delegate to

the Second Democratic Congress in Berlin (October 1848). 585, 587 Wiedenmann, Christian Prussian offi cial; deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly (Centre) in 1 8 4 8 .-2 3 7 Wieners, Ign. tailor, member of the Cologne civic militia. 574 Wigand, Otto (1795-1870) German publisher and bookseller, owner of a firm in I^ipzig, published works by radical writers. 360 Wildmbruch, Ltidwig von (18031874) Prussian diplomat; envoy ro Copenhagen in 1848. 191, 267, 310 424 William I (1797-1888) Princc of Prus sia, King of Prussia (1861-88), German Em peror (1871-88). 66. 68, 107, 427, 448, 466. 491 Willisen, Karl Wilhelm, Baron von (17901879) Prussian general and military theorist; royal commissioner in Posen in 1848. 104, 346, 347 Windischgriitz, Alfred Cundidus Ferdinand, Prince (1787-1862) Austrian field marshal; commanded the troops which crushed the uprisings in Prague and Vienna in 1848; led the Austrian army against the Hungarian revolu tion in 1848-49.91-93, 120, 133. 271, 313, 473, 491, 497, 498, 503, 505, 598 Windischgrdlz. M aria Eleonora (17951848) wife of Prince Alfred. 92, 214 Winkelried, Arnold (d. 1386) semi legendary hero o f the Swiss war of liberation against the Habsburgs; the legend runs that he secured the victory over the Austrian Duke Leopold in the battle at Sempach at the price of his l i f e . - 26 Wittgenstein, Heinrich von (18001868) Prussian official: in 1848 Regierungsprdsident CMay to September) and commander of the civic militia in Cologne. 450, 497, 584. 587

Wolfers, Franz Anton t;an(b. 1813) Ger man journalist of Belgian descent; contributor to and member of the editorial board of the Kolniscke Zeitung in 1 8 4 8 .-1 5 0 . L52-56, 296, 297, 497 Wolf(f). Ferdinand (1812-1895) German 'journalist, member of the Communist League, an editor of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung in 1848 and 1 8 4 9 .- 1 5 lyo/// German official; deputy to the Prussian Nati>nal Assembly (Left Centre) in 1848. 196 Wolff, Wilhelm (Lupvs) (18091864) German proletarian rev olutionary, teacher by profession, member of the Communist League: an editor of the Neue Rheiniv.he Zeittingm 1848 and 1849; friend and associate of Marx and Engels. 7, 15. .562. 582, 587 Woocker, M. grocer, member of the Cologne civic militia. 574 Wrangel, Friedrich H einrich Ernst. Count von ( 1784 - 1877 ) Prussian general; took part in the counter-revolutionary coup detat in Berlin and in dispersing the Prussian National A.ssembly in November 1848. 191, 268-69, 411. 463. 473, 491 Wuttke. Johann Karl Heinrich (18181876) German historian and politi cian: deputy to the fran kfurt National Assembly (1849); a founder of the Great German party, professor of Leipzig University. 213

Wynn, Sir Henry Watkin Williams {17SS1855 ) British diplomat; Ambas sador to Denmark from 1824 to 1 8 .5 3 .-2 7 0 , 287

Ypsilanti, Alexander, Prince (17921828) leader of the Gi-eek national liberation movement; in 1821 orga nised an uprising against the Turkish rule and after its defeat fled to Austria where he was arrested and kept in prison till 1827. 165

Zacharid Prussian officer of justice; deputy to the Prussian National As sembly (Right Centre) in 1848. 83, 86, 173, 174. 241 Zacharias merchant; deputy to the Prussian National As.sembly- 181 Zitz. Franz Heinrich (18031877 ) German lawyer, democrat; deputy to the Frankfurt National As sembly (Left wing) in 1848. 17 Zweiffel Prussian official. Chief Public Prosecutor at Ciologne; deputy to the Prussian National Assembly (Right wing) in 1848. 94, 179, 187. 207, 210, 211, 459. 554, 576

IN D EX OF 1.1 l ERARY AN'D M YTH OLO G ICA L NAMF.S Aeneas (Gr. Myth.) son of Anchises and Aphrodite, a chief defender of Troy, legendary ancestor of the Ro mans, the principal character of Vir gils epic poem Aeneid . 66,67 Aeohis (Class. M y th ,)-g o d of the winds. 481 Anchises (Gr. Myth,) King of Dardans. fathei of Aeneas. 66

Aphrodite (Gr. Myth.) goddess of love and beauty. 489 Ariadne (Gr. Myth.) daughter of Minos, King of Crete; the beloved of Theseus. 262 Castor (Class. Myth.) one of the Dios curi twins, son of Leda and Zeus; the

680

N am e In d ex

681

name of a star in the constellation Gemini. --3 3 Chrht. Jesn.^ (Bib.).397 C in e an island sorceress in Homers Odyssey who turned Odysseus' com panions into swine. 259 Dido(CT. Myth.) daughter of the King of T yrr; she was foundrr of Carthagr and fell victim to her tragic love for Aeneas. 6 ^ Don Ranudo de Colihrados the title character in the comedy written by the Danish writer Lucivig Holberg; an impoverished nobleman who re tained his arrogance and haughti ness- '644 Don Quixote the title eharartcr in Cer vantes novel. .'^60, 380, 448, 4G7 Ecknrt according to medieval German legends, a devoted servant and trustworthy guardian. 257 Fdlslafl, Sir Jo h n a character in the Shakespearean tragedy King Heniy IV and the comedy The Merry Wixjes of Windsor', a sly fat braggart and jester. 466 h'nmt hero of a medieval German legend and the title character in Ck>ethes tragedy. 485 Figaro the title character in Beaumar chais comedy L a folle journee, ou le rnariage de Figaro (The Wild Day or the Marriage o f Figaro). 264 Gabriel (Bib.). 492 Ledn (Gr. Myth.) wife of Tyndarus, King of Sparta; Zeus was enamoured

by her exceptional beaiity; according to legend the children o f Zeus and Leda were hatched. 33 Lycurgus legendary Spartan lawgiver of the 9th-8th centuries B. C. 472 Minotaur (Gr. Myth.) monster living on Crete and devouring youth.s and maidens sacrificed to it. 262 Mo .?p5 ( B i b .) - 103 Faiit (Bib .). 66 Priam (Gr. Myth.) King of Troy. 66 Rodomonl(e) a character in Ariosto's L'Orltindo furiaao, a boastful knight. 364 Sancho Panza a character in Cervantes Don Qiiixole . 365 Sibyl one o f the women in anciem times believed to possess prophctic powers; Sibylline books fabled to have been bought from her were burnt in 405 by Stilicho, an actual ruler of the Western Roman Empire. 152 Tannhaiiser a character in German . folk-lore, the title character of Hein rich Heines poem. 190 Tell, W illiam legendary hero of the Swiss struggle for independence against the Hab.sburgs in the late 13th-early 14th centuries, the title character in Schillcr's drama. 26 Theseus (Gr. Myth.) King of Athens; helped by Ariadne, he killed the Minotaur. 262 Wagiier a character Faust . 485 in Goethe's
W O R K S B Y KARL MAKX A N D I'R E D I.R IC K E N G E L S

IN D E X O F Q U O T E D AND M E N T IO N E D L IT E R A T U R E

Marx, Karl The June Revolution (lh\9. \ohim e) Die Junirevolution, In: Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 29, June 29, 1848. Leical Proceedings against the "^Seue Rheinische (this volume) Gcrichtliche Untersuchung gegen die Neue Rhemische Zeiiung . Rheinische Zeitung'No. 37. July 7, 1848. 207, 208 Legal Pivceedings agaim i the Neue Rheinische _ Gerichtliche Untersuchung gegen die -N eue Rhem.sche Ze.umg . In. Rheinische Zeitung'So. 41, July 11, 1848. 314
T he " Model State" of Belgium {this yohim*^)

7 Der "Mustersraat Belgien. In: Neue Rhetnische Zeitung No. 68, August 7, 148. 482

The Povert. o f Philosophy. Answer to the Philosophy o f Poverty" hy M. Proudhon (present

a P h .lo .o p h .e d c la d e M . P d h^

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Bible The Old Testament txodus. 290 Wisdom of Solomon.- -2.58 Daniel. 474 The New Testament Matthew. 108, 281. 282, 329, 363, 465 M ark 112 Luke. 363 1 Corinthians.66 Blanc, L. Ilistoire de dix <u,s. 1830-1840, T . 1-5, Paris. 1841-1844, T. 5 . - 2 9 8 __ Hisloire de la rk'olution franfaiie. T . 1-2, Paris, 1847. 298 Burger, C. A. Lenore .45 Calderon [de la Barca, Pedro], L a vida es iiimo. 112 Cervantes Saavedra, M. dc. Novelas ejemplares: Coloquio de las perros. 282, 286 __ Vida y Hechos del ingenioso H idalgo Don Quixote de la Mancha.360, 365, 380, 448, 467 Chant du depart.513 Cooper, y. F. The Last o f the Mohicans.S83
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The Kolnische Zeitun^ about the Jun e Revolution (this volume) Die Kolnische Zeitung uber die Junirevolution. In: N ew Rheinische Ze.itune. No. 31. July 1, 1848.479 * The Prague Uprising (this volume) Der Prager Aufsrand. In : Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 18, June 18, 1848.__119 Marx, K. or Fngels,F. Arrests (this volume) Verhaftungen. In: Neue Rheinisthe Zeitung'^o. 35, July 5, 1848.__186, 208 The Downfall o f the Camphausen Government (this volume) Sturz des Ministeriums Camphausen. In; Neue Rheinische Zeitung l^o. 23, June 23, 1848. 466 The Hnnsemann Government (this volume) ~ 1^848^^170^^*^ Hansemann. In: Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 24, June 24,

Ballance o f Trade., I.ondon. 1699. 477 Dombasle, C.-J.-A. Mathieu de, Annates agricoles de Roville, ou melanges d agriculture, d'economie rurale, et de legislation agricole, Paris, 1824-1837,469 FDronke E,1 Die breussviche Pacificirung und Reorganisation Posens. In; Neue Rheinische Zeitung Nos. 38, 39. 40, 43, 45, July 8, 9, 10, 13, 15, 1848. 200, 201 Ducpetiaux, E. M fmoire sur I'organisation des k oles de reforme, Bruxelles, 1 8 4 8 .-3 3 4

WORKS BY DIFFERENT AUI HORS Ariosro, L, L Orlando furioso .364 Ari.sroteles. Politica .264 Arndt, Ernst Moriiz. Des Deutschen Vnterland.Ql\ Der Freudenklang.400

Freiligrath, F. Die Rose.^395-97 Trotz alledem! 279, 319 Goethe, J. W. von. FflU5t.-31, 116, 317, 364, 378, 485 __ Kriegserkldrung .528 Prometheus.404, 513 Reineke Fuchs.68 Harries, H. Lied fiir den ddnischen Unterthan, an .seines Konigs Geburtslag zu singen. 78

Bakunin, M, Erkldmng. In: Os'deutsches Athendu'm, supplement lo the Neue Oder/etlu n g fu r Kumt, Wissenschaft und Literatur No. 151, 1848: Neue Rheinische Zeituna No. 46 (supplement). July 16, 1848. 313 Beaumarchais, P. A. C. de. L a folle joum ee. ou le mariage de Figaro.__264 Becker, N. Der deutsche Rhein. \54 fBcnkert. F. G.] Joseph Bonavita B lanks 1 8 I 9 ._ 3 3 7
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Shakespeare, W. Ju liu s C aesar.20 . 153 H enry IV . 466 R ichard I I I . 32 Sterne, L. T he L ife an d O pinions o f I ristram. Shandy. Gentlem an.IW Tem m e [, J. D. H.]. Behanntmachung, BeMin, June 15, In: \eue Rheunsrhe Zeitung No. 19, June 19. 1848. 97 Thiers, A. D e la propri^ e. In : L e C om iitutionne! N ns. 272, 273 , 2 7 4 ,2 7 6 , 285, 286 287, 289, 290, 291, September 28, 29, 30 and Ociober 2. i l , 12, L , , , /. 1848. 467 Virgil. A en eid . 66 Weber, C. M. von.
Euryanthe.

[Microslawski, L.J Dehat entre la revolution et la nyntrKrtivoluliun en P oloen e Lcio/ie 1848. 354 Montesquieu, Ch. de, D e I'Esprit des loix, Ck^neve, 1748. 204, 206, 246, 430
M onrir pou r la patrie. 130, 513

A romantic opera; libretto bv Helmine von

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Chezy. 516 Weichsel, F. F. Deutschlands E in heit und der E nlw urf des DeuUchen Reichsgrundgesetzes, Magdeburg, 1848. 18 Wolfers. D ie europdische Revolution und die H andelsfrerheit. In: Kolm.sche Zeitung No. 211, |uly 29, 1848: Kfiln. 2S. /uH. 296-300

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V^handlungen der deutschen conHituireruien Nalionalversammlunfr zu Frankfurt nn, Mam, Frankfurt a. M. und Leipzig, 1848-1849, Bd. 2 . - 3 5 7 A llgem ei^ Gewerbeordnung. Vom 17. Januar 1845. In: Ges^tz-Sammlung fiir die Konigltchen Preussischen Slaaten No. 5, Berlin, 1845. 332 Atlgemeines Landrecht fiir die Preussi.ichen Staatm . 178, 226, 250, 317 342 432 A ufruf an die Deutschen, Kalisch. March 13(25), 1813.__309 [A u frufdes demokratischen Kongresses in Berlin an das deutsche Volk,] October 29 1848 In: Volksbldtter No. 44, October 31, 1848: An das deutsche V o lk .-4 9 0 -m Bekannlmachung Berlin, June 1, 1848. In: K m iglich privilegirte Bertinhcke Zeitung vor, blaaU- und gelehrten Sachen No. 127, June 3, 1848.__46-47 Beknnntmachung in B etreff der Demarkationslime. Posen. 4. Juni 5<aats-Anziger No. 35, June 6. 1848.64 B elgim Constitution o f February 7, 1831.'205, 333 Code civil see Code Napoleon Code Napoleon. Edition originale et seule officielle. Paris, 1808. 103. 187 250 290 318, 520 521 * , Comple rendu des seances de IA ssemblee nationale, T . 1-10, Paris, 1849-1850 T . 1 2 4 (Ma:^ and Engels did not use this source directly, but throueh newsoaner articles). 135, 137, 140. 148, 149, 155, 160, 168, 169, 321-24, 440, 467-71, 525^26 Declaration wegen Eir^iehung und kiinfttger Vem-altung der geistlichen Cuter, ingleicken der Sjarosteten und anderer kimrgl. Giiter in Siidpreussen und der von der ehemaligen Republik roien neuerlich acqutnrten Provinzen, Berlin, July 28, 1796.__348 L e decret relatif aux atlroupements arm h ou non armes, June 7. 1848. In: Compte rendu des seances de lAssemblee nationale, T . 1, Paris, 1849.__124 168-69 L e decret relatif aux crimes et delits commis par la voie de la presse, August I I . 1848. In; Compte rendu des seances de I'Assemblee nationale, T . 2, 3. Paris, 1849-1850.__314 Edikt d ^ M eich^nen Besitz u n d den freien Gebrauch des Gmnd-Eigenthims, so u,ie die personlickeri Verhahnisse der Land-Bewohner betreffend. October 9. 1807. In; Sammlune Preussischen Staaten erschienenen Gesetze und Verordnungen von 1S06 bis zum 27sten Oktober 1810, Berlin, 1822. 118. 328 Edtkt die R e t i m in g der gulsherrlichen und bduerlichen Verhdltnisse betreffend. September No 21 328 KSniglichen Preussischen Staaten, Berlin, 1811, F.dikt iiber die Einfiihnm g einer allgemeinen Gewerbe-Sieuer, October 28. 1810. In; (jCsetz-Sammlung fiir die Kdniglichen Preussischen Staaten,'Berlin. 1810, \o. 4 .__33) In- Preussixrh.,

Edikl wegen der Miihlen-Gerechtigkeit, und Aufhehung des Miiklen-Zwangs, des Bier- und Brannlwein-Ziuangs in der ganzen Monarchie, October 28, 1810, In: Gesetz-Sammlung fiir die Kdniglichen Preussischen Staaten, Berlin, 1810, No. 4. 331 Entschddigungsgesetz zur allgemeinen Gewerbeordnung,'jan u ary 17. 1845. In: GesetzSammlung fiir die Kijniglichen Prewsischen Staaten, Berlin, 1845, No. 5.__332 Entwurf des Strafgesetzbuchs fu r die Preu.vi.ichen Staaten, nebst dem Ent^vurfdes Gesetzes iiber die E infiihnm g des Strafgesetzbuches und dem Enlwurf des Gesetzes iiber die Kompetenz und das Verfahren in dem Bezirke d^s Appellationsgerichtshofes zu Koln Berlin 1 8 4 7 __ 317-18 Entwurf einer Verordnung iiber Ehescheidung, vorgelegt von dem Ministerium fiir Revision der Gesetze, im Ju li 1842. In: Rheinische '/eitung fiir Politik. Handel und Gewerbe N'o. 293 (supplement), October 20, 1842. 208 Ftilumrj eines Gesetzes betreffend die Ausschreibung einer Zwang.'i-Anteihe. July 10, 1848. In; Stenographische Berichle iiber die Verhandlungen der zur Vereinbarung der preussischen StaaLs-Verfassung berufenen Versammlung, supplement to the Preussische Staats-Anzeiger, Bd. 1, Berlin, 1848. 278-86 Entwurf eines Gesetzes iiber die Errichtung der Biirgexwehr, ]uly 6, 1848. In: Stenographiiche Rerichte iiber die Verhandhingen der zur Vereinbarung der preussischen Staats-Verfassung berufenen Ver.%ammlung, Bd. 1, Berlin, 1848. 227, 256-64 Entwurf eines Gesetzes wegen unentgeltlicher Aufhebung verschiedener Lasten und Abgaben, July 10. 1848. In; Stenographische Berichte iiber die Verhandlungen der zur Vereiiibarung d fr preussischen Staats-Verfassung berufenen Ver.<iammlung,B6. I Berlin 1 8 4 8 __ 290-95 Entwurf eines interimistischen Pressge.setzes. In: Ko/nisc/ji-Z(ung No. 201 (first supple ment), July 19, 1848. 250-52 Entwurf eines Verfassungs-Gesetzes fiir den preussischen Slaai, May 20, 1848. In: Stenographische Berichle iiber die Verhandlungen der zur Vereinbarung der preussischen Staats-Verfa.%sung berufenen Versammlung, Rd. 1, Berlin, 1848.__72. 89, 96, 252 Der Erste Vereinigte Landtag in Berlin 1847, T h . 1, Berlin. 1847. 115, 474 Flottwell f, E. H. von]. D enkvhrift des Oberprdsidenten H erm Flottwell ueber die Verwaltung des Gross-Herzogthums Posen, vom Dezember 1830 his zum Reginn des Jahres I8 4 I, Strasburg [1841]. 357, 368 Friedrich Wilhelm III. Verordnung iiber die Organisation der Landwehr, March I7, 1813. In: Gesetz-Sammlung fiir die Koniglichen Preussischen Staaten, Berlin, 1813, No. 7 . - 3 4 3 . 355, 411, 449, .5.59 Friedrich Wilhelm IV. [Ansprache an die Deputation der Frankfurter Nationalver.^arnmhing beim Kolner Domhaufest,] August 14, 1848. In; Kdlnische Zeitung N o. 229, August 16, 1848. 474 [Aniwort an die Deputation der Berliner Nationalversummlung,] Octobt;r 15, 1848. In: Berliner Zeitungs-Halle No. 241, October 18, 1848. 474

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an die Deputation der Biirgerwehr,] October 15. 1848. I ir Berliner Zeitungs-Halle No. 241, October 18, 1848. 476 lAntwori a u f das Entlassungsgesuch der Minister,] San.ssouci. September 10, 1848. In: Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 102, September 14, 1848. 430, 436
[A n lw o T l

Lamartine, A. Manifeste a I'Europe. Circulaire du ministre des affaires etranghes aux agents diplomatiques de la Republique frangaise, [March 4, 1848,] Paris, 1848. 378 I.oi sur les crimes, delits et contraventions de la presse, el des autres moyens de publications. September 9, 1835. In: Lois Deitrots, Ordonnances, Reglements et ovis du conseil-detat, T . 35. P aris.1836. 15. 171, 250 {Manifest der Linken in der Frankfurter Nationalversammlung.] In: Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 7, June 7. 1848. 48-52 Motivirtes Manifest der radikal-demokratischen Partei in der konstituirenden Nationalversamm lungzuFrarikfurtam M ain. In: Neue Rheinische ZeitungNo. 6, June 6, 1848.48-52 Nesselrode. [Circular to All Russian Embassies.] In: Frankfurter Oberpo.'itamts-Zeitung No. 210 (second supplement), July 28, 1848: St. Petersburg, 6. jid i. Die russische Note. 307-13 Patent die ."itdndischen Einrichtungen betreffend. Vom3. Februar 1847. In: Gesetz-Sammlung fiir die Koniglichen Preussischen Staaten, Berlin, 1847, No. 4. 311 Patent wegen beschleunigter F.inberufung des Vereinigten Layidtages, March 18, J848. In: Reden. Pruklamationen, Botschaften, Erlasse und Ordres Sr. Majeslal des Konigs Friedrich Wilhelm IV.. Berlin, 1 8 5 1 .-3 9 0 -9 1 Proclamations o f the Vienna Town Council. In; Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 133 (second supplement), November 3. 1848; Berlin, I. Nov. {Uber die Kapitulation Wiens). 498 [Programm des Arbeilerkongres.'ies in Berlin.] In; Neue Rheinisclie Zeitung N o. 31, July 1, 1848: Berlin, 29. Juni. Arbeiterparlament.^271 Protest mehrerer 1848. 584 Vorstands-Mitglieder des Kblner Biirger-Vereins, September 13,

Fuad Mehemmed. Manifest an die Bojaren und an Euch Einwohner der Walachei alter Klassen. Bucharest, September 13-25. 1848, In : Neue Rheinische Zeilung No 118 (supplement), October 17. 1848; Bukarest, 28. September. 475, 48.5 Gesetz, betreffend den Schutz der comtituirenden Reicksversammlung und der Beamten der (.entralgewalt, October 9, 1848. In: Stenographischer Berickt uher die Verluindlungen der deutschen comtituirenden Nationalversammlung zu Frankfurt am Main, Frankfurt a M ijnd Leipzig, 1848-1849, Bd. 4 473 Gesetz iiber die Erwerbung und den Verlust der Figenschaft als Preumscher Unterthan u-i*nber den Eintntt in frem de SlaalsdienUe. Vom 31. Dezember iS42. In; Geseti-Sammlung fu r dte Konighchen Preussischen Staaten, Berlin. I84.S, No. 2. 408, 409 Gesetzbuch uber Strafen. Koln, 1-812. 178, 209-11, 250, 251, 405. 486. 487. .593 II Govemo provvisorio alia Nazione Germanica, Milano, April 6 1848 In ' Raccolia dei decreti, avvisi proclami, buUetini ec. ec. emantt dal Govem o provvuorio. dai diversi comitati e da altn dal giom o 18 Marzo in avanti, Milano, 1848.__167 Gnesheim [, K. G. von]. Bekanntmackung, Berlin, Juno 15, 1848. In; N ew R heinm he ZeitungN o. 19, June 19, 1 8 4 8 .-9 7 Gnmdrechte des deutschen Volkes. In; Stenographucher Bericht iiber die Verhandlungen der deutschen comtituirenden Nationalversammlung zu Frankfurt am Main, Bd. I-II Frankfurt a, M. und Leipzig, 1848, 249, 252, 288, .S68, 384, 391, 443 Jansen [, J. J.]. [Aufriij an die Mitglieder des Arbeiter-Vereinsund Biirger von Koln.] Koin, July 3, 1848. In: Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 35, July 5, 1848.__178 Kabinel^order vom 28sten Oklober 1807. betreffend die Aufhebung der Erb-Unterthdnigkeit auf sammthchen Preussischen Domainen. In; Sammlung der fiir die Kiiniglichen Pr^ssischen ^ aaten ^[^rhienenen Cesetze und Verordnungen von 1806 bis zum 27sten Oktober 1810, Berlin, 1822. 328 Kariel-Konvention, unterzeichnet von den BevoUmdchtigten Sr. Majestiit des Konigs von Preussen und Sr. Majestdt des Kaisers von Russland, Kijnigs von Polen,... ratifizirt und amgewecfiselt am 3. Jult 1844. In: Gesetz-Sammlung fiir die Kbniglichen Preussischen Staaten^ Berlin, 1844, No. 22.53-54 Konigliche Ordre an das Staats-Ministerium, betreffend die nationale Reorganisation de^ Grosshenogthums Posen,^ April 26, 1848. In; Reden. Proklamalionen. Botschaften, Erlasse und Ordres Sr. Majestdt des Konigs Friedrich Wilhelm IV., Berlin, 1851.__346 Konstytucja 3-go Maja 1791 r. Uslawa Rzadowa.i b i . 354, 372

Protokolle der DeuLvhen Bundesversammlung vom Jahre 1848, Frankfurt am Main, 1 8 4 8 .-4 0 8 -0 9 Przyluski, L. [D ie Korrespondenz des Erzbischofs von Posen, Przylu.fki, mit dem Berliner KabinelL] In: Neue Rheijiische ZeitungNos. 5, 7, 10, 14, 38, 39. June 5, 7. 10, 1 4 ,and July 8 and 9. 1848, and also in the book. {Brodowski. Kraszewski und Potworowski.] Zur Beurtheilung der polnischen Frage im Gfossherzogthum Posen im Jahre 1848, Berlin flS48J.201, 338 Sebaldt. Wamung. In: Trier'sche Zeitung No. 169, June 17, 1848. 95 Stenographischer Bericht iiber die Verhandlungen der deutschen konstituirenden \ationalversammlung zu Frankfurt am Main, Frankfurt a. M. und Leipzig, Bd. 1-9, 1848-1849, Bd 1-4 (Marx and Engels did nor use this source direcily, but through newspaper articles). 16-19, 72, 109, 110, 232, 235, 249, 288, 337, 338, 340-43, 344, 345-48, 353-58, 360-62, 364-72, 373, 374, 376, 377, 378, 379, 414, 421, 439, 440 . Stmographische Berichle uber die Verhandlungen der zur Vereinbarung der preussischen Staat^-Verfassung berufenen Vesammlung, supplement to the Premsische StaatsAnzeiger, Bd. 1-3, BerHn, 1848 (Marx and Fngels did not use this source direcdy, but through newspaper articles). 30-32. 37, 38, 45, 53-61, 66, 67, 72-86, 89, 94, 96-100. 117. 118, 170-75, 180-85, 189-93, 19.5-98. 2 0 1 -0 7 ,2 1 6 -2 3 ,2 2 6 -3 7 ,2 3 8 -4 1 .

[Kosliner Adresse,] May 2.S, 1848. In ; Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 14, Ju n e 14,
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[AntwoTl an d u nepulation der Hiirgerwehr,] October 15, 1848. In: Berliner Zeitungs-Halle No. 241, October 18. 1848. 476 [Antwort a u f das Entlassungsgesuch der Minister.] Sanssouci, September 10, 1848. In: N ew Rheinhche Zeitung No. 102, September 14, 1848. 430, 4-56 Fuad Mehemmed. Manifest an die Bojaren und an Euch Einwohner der Walachei aller Klass.en, Bucharest, September l.S-25, 1848. In: Nene Rhetnische Zeitung No 118 (supplement), October 17. 1848: Bukarest, 28. September. AIS, 48.5 Gesetz, hetreffend den Schutz der constituirenden Reicksversammlung und der Beamten der Centralgewait, October 9, 1848. In: Sienographischer Bericht iiber die Verhandlungender deutirhen constituirenden Nationalversammlung zu Frankfurt am Main Frankfurt a M und Leipzig, 1848-1849, Bd. 4, 47.S Geseti iiber die Erwerhung und den Verlust der Eigenschaft als Preussischer Unterthan. .< owie \iber den Eintriil in frem de Staatsdienste. Vom 31. Dezember 1842. In: Ceseti-Sammlung fiir die Koniglirhen Preussischen Staaten, Berlin, 1843, No. 2. 408, 409 Geselzburh iiber Strafen. Koln, I-812 178, 209-11, 250, 251. 405, 486, 487. 59.S II Covem o provyisorio alia Nuzione Germanica, Milano, April 6, 1848. In: Raccoltu dei de.creti, avvisi, proclami, buUetini ec. ec. emanli dal Govemo provvuorio. dai diversi comitati e da altri dal giom o 18 Marzo in avanli, Milano, 1848. 167 Gnesheim [, K. C. von]. Bekanntmarkung, Berlin, June 15, 1848. In; Netie Rheinische Zeitung 19, June 19, 1848.97

Lamartine, A. Manifeste a VEurope. Circulaire du ministre des affaires elranghes aux agents diplomatiques de la Repuhlique jraufaise, [March 4, 1848,J Paris, 1848. 378 Loi sur Ui crimes, de'lits et contraventions de la presse, et des autres moyens de publicaiiuns, September 9, 1835. In; Lois Deitrots, Ordonnances, Reglemenis et avis du conseil-detal, T , 35, Paris,l8 3 6 . 15, 171, 250 [Manifest der Linken in der Frankfurter Nationalversammlung] In: Neue Rheinische Zeitung N o. 7, June 7, 1848.48-52 Motivirtes Manifest der radikul-demokratischen Partei in der konstituirenden Nationalversamm lnngzu Frankfurt um Main. In: Neue Rheinische Zeitungf^o. 6, June 6, 1848. 48-52 Nesselrode. [Circular to Alt Ruvian Embassies.] In: Frankfurter Oberpo-Uamts-Zeitung No- 210 (second supplement), July 28. 1848: St. Pdersburg, 6. Juli. Die russische 307-13 Potent die stdndischen Einrichtungen betreffend. Vom.S. Fehruar 1847. In: Gesetz-Sammlung fiir die Konigtichen Preussischen Staaten, Berlin, 1847, No. 4. 311 Patent wegen beschleunigter Einberufung des Vereinigten Landtage.'!, Marcli 18, 1848. In: Reden, Proklamaiionen, Botv-haften, Erlas.'ie und Ordres Sr. Majestdt des Konigs Friedrich Wilhelm IV., Berlin, 1851. 390-91 Proclamations o f the Vienna Town Council. In: Neue Rheinische ZeitungNo. 133 (second supplement). November 3, 1848: Berlin, I. Nov. (U ber die Kapitulation W iens).^ 498 [Programm des Arbeiterkongresses in liertin.] In; Nene Rheinische ZeitungN o. 31, July I, 1848; Berlin. 29. Juni. Arbeiterparlument.^271 Protest mehrerer 1 8 4 8 .-5 8 4 Vorstands-Mitglieder des Kdlner Burger-Vereins, September 13,

Grundrechte des deulschen Volkes. In : Stenograpkischer Bericht iiber die Verhandlungen der deutschen constituirenden Nationalversammlung zu Frankfurt am Main, Bd. I-II Frankfurt a. M. und Leipzig, 1 8 4 8 .-2 4 9 , 252, 288, 368, 384, 391, 443 Jansen [. J. J,]. [A ufruf an die Mitglieder des Arbeiter-Vereins und BUrger von Kijln.] Koln, July 3, 1848. In; Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 35, July 5, 1848.__178 Kabinettsorder vom 28sten Oktober 1807. betreffend die Aufkebung der Erb-Unterthdnigkeit au f sammthchen Preus.mchen Domainen. In: Sammlung der fUr die Kiiniglichen Preussi schen .Staaten er.frhienenen Gesetze und Verordnungen von 1806 bis zum 27sten Oktober 1810, Berlin, 1822. 328 Kartel-Konvention, unterzeichnet von den BevoUmdchtigten Sr. Majestdt des Konigs von Preussen und Sr. Majestdt des Kaisers von Ru.^sland, Konigs von Polen,... ratifiiirt und ausgeweckselt am 3. Ju li 1844. In; Gesetz-Sammlung fiir die Konigtichen Preussischen Staaten, Berlin, 1844, No. 22.53-54 Konigliche Ordre on das Staats-Minlstenum, betreffend die nationale Reorganisation des ' Grossherzogtkums Posen, April 26. 1848. In: Reden. Proklamaiionen, Botschaften, Erlasse und Ordres 5r. Majestdt ds Konigs Friedrich Wilhelm IV.. Berlin, 1851.__346 Konstytucja 3-go M aja 1791 r. Ustawa Rzadowa.S o l , 354, 372

ProtokoUe der Deulscheti Bundesversammtung vom Jahre 1848, Frankfurt am Main, 1 8 4 8 .-4 0 8 -0 9 Przyluski, L, [D ie Korrespondenz des Erzbischofs von Posen, Przylmki, mit dem Berliner KabinetL] In; Neue Rheinische ZeitungN oi. 5, 7, 10, 14, 38, 39. June 5, 7, 10, 14, and July 8 and 9, 1848. and also in the book, | Brodowski, Kraszewski und Potworowski.] Zur Beurtheilung der polnischen Frage im Grossherzogthum Posen ith Jahre 1848, Berlin [1848].201, 338 Sebaldt. Wamung. In; Trier'sche ZeitungN o. 169, June 17. 1848. 9.5 Stenograpkischer Bericht iiber die Verhandlungen der deutschen konstituirenden Nationalversammlung zu Frankfurt am Main, Frankfurt a. M. und Leipzig. Bd. 1-9, 1848-1849, Bd 1-4 (Marx and Engels did not use this source directly, but through newspaper articles) 16-19 72. 109, 110, 232, 235, 249, 288, 337, 338, 340-43, 344, 345-48, 353-.5B, 360-62, 364-72, 373, 374. 376, 377, 378, 379, 414, 421, 439, 440 . Slenographische Berichte uber die Verhandlungen der zur Vereinharung der preussischen Staais-Verfassung berufenen Vesammlung, supplement to the Freussische StaatsAnzeiger, Bd. 1-3, Berlin, 1848 (Marx and Engels did not use this source direcdy, but through newspaper article.s). 30-32, 37. 38. 45. 53-61, 66. 67, 72-86. 89. 94. 96-100. 117. 118. 170-75. 180-85, 189-93. 195-98, 2 0 1 -0 7 ,2 1 6 -2 3 ,2 2 6 -3 7 ,2 3 8 -4 1 .

[Kosliner Adresse,} May 23 . 1848. In : Neue Rheinische Zeituns No

1848. 181 *

14

Uine M

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242-45. 256-65, 273, 275-78, 280-84, 285, 291, 294, 301-04, 327, 330 331 417-19 432, 433, 434, 463. 476. 492 . Struve, G., Hecker. F. Proclamation. In: Kolnische Zeitung No. 225 (supplement), June 12, 1848: Bericht des Ausschusses juT die Priifung der in dem Waklbezirke Thiengen in Baden stattgehabten Wahl zur deuLv.hm Nalionai-Versammlung. 485 Stupp [, H. J.]. Amendements zu dem Gesetz wegen Vnverlelzlichkeit der Abgeordneten No. 23. In: Sammlung sdmmtiicker Druck%acken der Prexissischen Nalionai-Versammlung vom 22. V. bis 5.X II. 1848, Bd. I, No. 23. 101-05 Telegraphische Depesche dfs Ministers des Inn em F.ichmann an den Regierungsprdsidenten v. Moller in Koln iiber Unruhen in Berlin. In: Kolnuche Zeitung No. 297, November 3, 1848: Berlin. I. November, 2 Uhr narhmittags.497 Verfassungs-Urkunde fiir das Konigreich Wiirttemberg. Stuttgart, 1843.__249 Verhandlungen des Deutschen Parlaments, Frankfurt am Main, 1848. 18, 310, 408 Verkandlungen des zum 2. April 1848 zusammenberufenen Vereinigten Landtages, Berlin, Verordnung iiber die Bildung des Vereinigten Landtages, February 3, 1847. In; Cesetz-Sammlung fiir die Kimiglichen Preussischen Slaaten, Berlin, 1847, No. 4. 310 Verordnung iiber die Bildung eines Ausschusses der Stands des Konigreichs Prewisen. Vom 21. Ju n i 1842. In ; Oe.<ieti-Sammlung fiir die Kdniglichen Preussischen Slaaten, Berlin 1842, No. 20. 311 Verordnung iiber die periodische Zusammenberufung des Vereinigten stdndi%chen Ausschus ses und dessen Befugnisse. Vom 3. Februar 1847. In: Cesetz-Sammlung fiir die K6niglichen Preussischen Staaten, Berlin, 1847, No. 4.__311 Verordnung iiber die zu bildende Reprdsenlation des Volks. Vom 22sten Mai I8 I5 . In: Gesetz-Sammlung fiir die Kdniglichen Preus.<ii%chen Staaten, Berlin, 1815. No. 9.__20 Verordnung wegen der kiinftigen Behandlung des gesammten Staatvchulden-Wesens. Vom 17ten Jan u ar 1820. In: Gesetz-Sammlung fiir die Kdniglichen Preussischen Staaten. Berlin, 1820, No. 2. 55 [ WaffenstilUtandsvertrag zwischen Preussen und Danemark.] Malmo, August 26, 1848. In; Stenographischer Bericht iiber die Verhandlungen der deutschen kunslituirendeti Nationalversammlung zu Frankfurt am Main, Bd. 3. Frankfurt a. M. und Leip 7ig 1 8 4 8 .^ 1 1 - 1 5 ,4 2 1 - 2 5 ,4 3 9 Wahlgesetz fiir die zur Vereinbarung der Preussischen Staats-Verfa^sung zu benifende Versammlung. Vom 8. April 1848. In; Gesetz-Sammlung fiir die Kdniglichen Preussischen Staaten, Berlin, 1848. No. 12. 33. 37, 285, 429 Wildenbruch \ . Louis]. Note an die ddnischeRegierung, A pril S, 1848. In: Stenographische Berichte iiber die Verhandlungen der zur Vereiiibarung der preussischen Staats- Verjassung bem fenm Versammlung, Bd. 1, Berlin, 1848. 191, 267, 310. 425

Windischgrcitz's manifestos. In: .Vetw Rheinische Zeitung No. 121. October 20, 1848; Olmrilz. Proklamalion No- 129 (sccond edition), Octobcr 29, 1848; Wien, 23. Okt. No. 131. November 1, 1848; Wien, 24. Okt. No. 133, November 3, 1848: Wien, 27. Okl. No. 135, November 5, 1848; Berlin, 2. Nov .498 Wrangcl 1, F. H. F... Graf von]. Armee-Befehl. In; Neue Rheinische Zeitung September 22. 1848. 463
A N O N Y M O U S ARH IC I.E S A N D R E P O R T S P U B L IS H E D IN P E R IO D IC E D IT IO N S

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Allgemeine Zeitung No. 155 (special supplement). June 3, Mai. 305 No. 156, June 4, 1848: Ilalien . 305

1848;

Verona, .^/.

Berliner Zeitungs-Halle No. 128 (supplement), June 4, 1848; Berliner Tugesgeschichte. 46 No. 143. June 23, 1848; Wien. 20. Ju n i. \20 No. 194, August 24. 1848: Das Rheinlands Herz zu Preussen.^399 No. 213, September 15, 1848: Berlin, 14. September.436, 437 Berlinische Nachrichten von Staat.%- und gelehrten Sacken No. 258, November 3. 1848: Berlin, 3. Novbr. (Telegraphische Depesche ). 501 Bdrsen-Halle. Hamburghche Abend-Zeitung fur Handel, Schiffahrt und Politik No. 11224 (first edition), July 21, 1848; Kopenhagen, den 19. Ju li . 270 L a Concordia No. 161, July 7. 1848. 271 No. 168, July 15, 1848. 271 Deutiche Allgemeine Zeitung No. 174 (supplement), June 22, 1848; Aussig, 18. Ju n i . 223 Deutsche Zeitung No. 160, June 9, 1848: Vom Rhein, .5. Ju n i (militdrische Vorkehrungen). 69 No. 172. June 22, 1848; Berlin, 16. Ju n i . 115. 116 __ No. 206, July 26, 1848: KarLsruhe, 23. Ju li. Frm t der Regierung. die Aufhebung der demokratischen Vereine belreffend .289 Fuedrelandet 179, July 13, 1848.253, 254, 255, 267 No. 180, July 14, 1 8 4 8 .-2 6 8 September 9, 1848.434, 435 No. 237, September 16, 1848. 446-47 Frankfurter Oberpo.<:tamts-Zeitung No. 280, October 16, 1848: Vorgonge in Wien .472 L'Independance beige No. 170, Ju n e 18, 1848.482 June 21, 1848. 482 No. 179, June 27. 1848. 135. 139, 483 Julv 5 and 10, 1848 482 IJher die neuesten

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No. 273, September 29, 1848: Nouvdtes de Paris d atijourdhui . 467 No. 286, October 12, 1848: Bruxelles, le 11 octohre, Revue Politique.467 Le Journal d'Anvers No. 243, August .'il, 1848: A ffaire de Risquons-'l'out. Verdict dii jury .406 Journal de.-: Debats, July 30, 1848: Parv;, 29 juillet . 168 Kolnische Zeitung Nos. 281, 285, 290, 293, 294, 300, 301. 303, October 8, 12, 17. 20, 21, 27, 28. 30, J847. Series of articles on Proudhons work Systeme des contrndidiom economiquea ou Philosophie de la misere. 324 No. 161, June 9, 1848: Berlin. 6. Juni. VerMmmlxmg zur Vereinbarwig der preu.mschen Verfassung .66-67 No. 175, June 23. 1848: Berlin, 20. J u n i . ~ l l 6 No. 176 (special supplement), fune 24, 1848: Koln, Samstag 24. Ju n i, abend<i 10 U hr.~\ 52, 154 No. 179 (supplement), June 27, 1848; Paris, 24. Ju n i, U Uhr. 155 No. 179 (special supplement), June 27, 1848: Paris. 25. Ju n i, 10 Uhr mor gens. 134-35 No. 179 (special supplement), June 27, 1848: Paris, 25. Ju n i, I I Uhr . 152 No. 180 (special supplement), Ju n e 28, 1848; Paris, 26. J u n i 152 No. 181, June 29, 1848: Koln. 28. Juni. Die Pariser Ereignisse . 1.52-56, 479 No. 182, June 30, 1848: Berlin, 27. Ju n i . 171 No. 203, July 21, 1848: Koln, 20. Ju li. Die Debalte iiber den Jacohyscken Antrag. 242. 244. 246 No. 211, July 29, 1848: Kfiln, 28. Juli. D ie europdische Revolution und die Handelsfreiheit.296 No. 215, August 2, 1848; Koln, 31. Ju li . 319-20 No. 256, September 16, 1848: Berlin, 12. Sept. 436 No. 265, September 27, 1848: Koln, 26. Sept. 462 No. 268, September 30, 1848: Koln, 29. September. Die Barrikaden in Koln . 462, 464 No, 297 (special supplement), November 3, 1848; Kiiln. 2. November, W Uhr abends. -491 No. 299, November 5, 1848: Berlin, 3. Nov .^501 No. 299, November 5, 1848; Breslau, 2. Nov .501 L e L ibhn l Liegeois No. 218, September 1. 1848: Liege, le i " septembre article). 406 ih e London Telegraph No. 122, June 26. 1848 (leading article). 150, 151 L e Moniteur beige. Journal officiel No. 212, Julv 30. 1848: Emigration aux Elats-Vnis de I'AmMque du Nord . 333 No. 213, July 31, 1848: Exportation.%. Marclumdises beiges. 335 Morgenbladet No. 322 (supplement), November 18, 1846: Skandinavnme og Dan mark.423 La Nation, October 7, 1848. 459-60 October 10, 1848. 461
N eue Hertijier Z eitu n g'S o. I ( s u p p l e m e n t ) , J u n e 2 0 , 1 8 4 8 : London. 15. J u n i . 1 1 3 , 1 14

Rheinisdie Zeitung. Organ der Demokratie No. 1. June 1, 1848: Wien, 25. Mai. Morgens 7 Uhr. 457 No. 1, June 1, 1K48: Briissel, 30. Mai. 460 No. 25 (special supplement), June 25, 1848: Bemcastel, IS. /ion, 122 __ No. 29, Jime 29, 1848: Paris, Schlus^ der Sitziing der Nationalversammlung vom 25. J u n i 140 No. 30, June 30, 1848: Paris, 27. J u n i 156 No. 31 (supplement), July 1, 1848: Paris, 28. J u n i 169 No. 33. July 3. 1848: Franzo.nsche Repubtik. 167. 169 No. 40, July 10, 1848: Berlin, 7. JuU. 199 No. 47, July 17, 1848: Berlin, 14. Ju li (Pressgesetz). 250 No. 49, July 19, 1848: Stuttgart. 15. Juli.249 No. 50, July 20, 1848: Heidelberg, 17. Ju li. 249 __ No. 62, August 1, 1848: Mailand, 25. Juli. 305, 327 No. 62. August I, 1848: Mailand, 26. Juli. .Mittags.305, 327 __ No. 64, August 3, 1848: Paris, 31. Ju li... National-Versammlung. 321 No. 72, August 11, 1848: Kopenhagen, 5. August.382 No. 92. September 2, 1848: Koln, 1. Sept. {D ie Debatte iiber Aufhelmng der Slandesprivilegien. Schluss). 575 No. 103, September 15. 1848: Kiiln. 14. Sept. 450 No. 127. October 27. 1848: Wien, 21. 0ktober. b03 The Northern Star N o. 558, July 1. 1848: Liberty, Equality. fralernity.47H __ r\'o. 559, July 8, 1848: The Counter-Revolution . 478 l.'Ob.'iervateur Beige No. 272, September 30. 1848.467 La Presse No. 4499, October 19, 1848: Qxiestion italienne. D em iere phase de la mediation anglo-fran{.aise {Communication ). 480 Preu.'i.^i.scher Staats-Anzeiger No. 90. August 2. 1848: Berlin, I. Augvsl. 317 La Reforme. July 2, 1848: Paris 1^ juillet. La conspiration de la caloiimie. 47S __ Xo. 289. October 18. 1848: Paris. 1 7 octobre. L a Conciliation et Iamnislie . 478-79 The Times No. 19383, October 2. 1848: London, Monday, October 2. 1848. The perfect tranquillity... 460

(leading

695

IN D E X O F P E R IO D IC A L S

L'Alba. G iom ale politico-letlerarioan Italian democratic newspaper published in Florence in 1847-49. 11, 12, 167. 271 Allgemeinf O deneitung a German newspaper published in Breslau (Wroclaw) in 1846-49; in 1848 voiced democratic views.501 AUgemeine Xeitunga German conservative daily founded in 1798; from 1810 to 1882 it was published in Augsburg. 154, 305, 464 ATbeiter-Zeitungsee Zeitung des Arbeiter-Vereines zu Kiiln D ie begrijjene Welt. Blatter fiir wvisensckafllicke Unterhaltung d monthly published by Wilhelm Jordan in Leipzig in 1845-46. 360 Berliner Zeitungs-Hallez German daily published by Gustav Julius in Berlin from 1846; in 1848-49 it was a leading democratic newspaper.7, 119, 399, 401, 436. 437, 448 Berlinische Nachrichten von Staatx- und gelehrlen Sachena German newspaper published in Berlin from 1740 to 1874. In 1848-49 it took a constitutionalmonarchist stand. 436 Borsen-Halle. Hamburgische Abendzeitung fu r Handel, Schiffahrt und P olitik ^ a German daily published from 1805. 270 Breslauer Zeitung a German daily founded in Breslau in 1820; in the 1840s voiced liberal views. 497. 501, 575 l.a Concordiaan Italian liberal daily published in Turin in 1848-49. 271. 272 Dip Constitution. Tagblntt fiir constitutionelle^ Volksleben und Belehrung2. democratic newspaper which appeared in Vienna from March to October 1848; its editor was L. Hafner. 572, 573 Le Constitutionnel^-d French daily published in Paris from 1815 to 1817 and from 1819 to 1870; in the 1840s it voiccd the views of the moderaie wing of ihc Orleanists

696

Index o f Periodicals

In d ex o f Periodicals

697

and during the 1848 revolution became the mouthpiece for the monarchist bourgeoisie (the Thiers party). 154, 156, 187, 467. 479 Daily Newsan English liberal newspaper, which appeared under this title in London from 1846 to 1930 as an organ of rhe industrial bourgeoisie. 461 Debalssee Journal des Dehnts politiqut^s et lilteraires Deutsche AUgemeine ZeitungR German newspaper published under this title in Leipzig from 1843 to 1879; until the summer of 1848 it voiced conservative views and later liberal ones.21.^ Deutsche Jahrbiicher fiir Wissenschajt nrul Kunsta Young Hegelian literary and philosophical journal published under this title in Leipzig from July 1841 under the editorship of Arnold Ruge. In January 184.'i it was closed down and prohibited throughout Germany.380 Deutsche Volhizeitunga. German democratic daily published in Mannheim in April 1848 under the editorship of Julius Frobel and Eduard Pelz. 488, ,'i36 Deutsche Zeitunga German d,iily published in Heidelberg under the editorship of Georg Gcrvinus from 1847 to September 1848; then, up lo 1850, it appeared in Frankfurt am Main; it supported constitutional monarchy and unification of Germany under Prussian hegemony.69, 115, 116, 325, 464 Dilveldorfer Zeitunga German daily published under this title in Diisscldorf from 1826 to 1926.575

Hallische Jahrhiicher fiir deuLsche Wissenschaft und Kunsta literary and philosophical journal of the Young Hegelians published in Leipzig from January 1838 to June 1841. In July 1841 it began to appear under the tide Deutsche Jahrbiicher fu r Wi.i^ensrhaft und Kunst. Until June 18 4 1 the journal was edited by Arnold Huge and Theodor Echtermeyer in Halle and from July' 1841, by Arnold Ruge in Dresden.380 L lndependance beigea Belgian liberal daily founded in Brussels in 1831. 139, 134, 1 .5 6 ,3 3 5 ,4 6 1 ,4 6 7 ,4 7 9 L e fou m al d'Anversa Belgian conservative Catholic newspaper published in Antwerp from 1848 to 1878. 406 Journal des Debats politiques et lilterairesa French daily founded in Paris in 1789; a government organ during the J\ily monarchy; during the 1848 revolution it voiced monarchist views. 154, 168, 463, 526 Kdlnische Zeilung a German daily published under this title from 1802 to 1945; in the 1840s organ of the liberal bourgeoisie: in 1848-49 advocated anti-revolutionary tendencies and fought against the Neue Rheinhche Zeitung. 116, 134, 150, 152-55, 171, 188, 296-300, 319, 320, 324, 333-36, 395-98. 430, 436, 461, 462. 464. 479, 487, 496, 501, 584, 587, 595 Km iglich privilegirte Berlinische Zeitung von Staats- und gelehrten Sachen a German daily published in Berlin from 1785; in the 1840s advocated moderate liberal views: also known as the Vossische Zeitungaiter its owner Christian Friedrich Voss.436 J.e l.iberal l.iegeois a Belgian daily o f a radical trend published in Liege from 1845 to 1 8 4 8 .-4 0 6 I'he London Telegraph an English daily published in London in 1848. 150-52, 153 The Manchester Guardian an F.nglish daily, organ of rhe free traders; from the middle of rhe 19th century organ of the Liberal Party; founded in Manchester in 1821. 151 Mannheimer Abendzeilung a German radical daily founded in 1842 by Karl Griin; ceased publication at the close of 1848. 536 L e Messager de Gand et des Pays-Basa daily published in Ghent from 1830; it was subsidised by the Dutch Orangists and the local Flemish bourgeoisie associated with them; in 1848 it came out in support of the demands advanced by the workers.460 Le Moniteur beige. Jou m ai officiel a Belgian daily founded in Brussels in 1831, oflicial organ of the Government.333, 483 Le Moniteur universela French daily, official organ of the Government, published in Paris from 1789. L53-56. 216, 472 Morgenbladet a Norwegian newspaper founded in Christiania (Oslo) in 1819; in the 1830s and 1840s was an organ of what was known as the peoples party".422 The Morning Chroniclean English daily published in London from 1769 to 1855; m the 1840s became the organ of the Whigs. 191

L'Emnnripntiona Belgian daily founded in Rnjssels in 1830. 188

F a f d r e l a n d e ^ a Danish newspaper published in Copenhagen from

1834 to 1839 weekly, and then daily; in 1848 it was the semi-official organ of the Danish Government. 253, 2.54, 267, 268. 269, 434. 435, 446-47

Frankfurter Jou m ai a German daily published in Frankfurt am Main from the seventeenth ceiuury up to 1903.213 Frnnkfurter Oberpostamts-Zeitung~z German newspaper published in Frankfurt am Main from 1619 up to 1866; it was owned by Thurn und Taxis princes: during the 1848-49 revolution it was the organ of the Imperial Regent and Imperial Ministry, 307, 472, 473 I.a Fratemite de 1845. Organe du communismea workers monthly of the Babouvist trend, published in Paris from January 1845 to February 1848. 298 Freiheit, Briiderlichkeit, Arbeita German newspaper, organ of the Cologne Workers' Association, published in Cologne from October 26, 1848, twice a week. On January 14. 1849, Gottschalk's followers made an attempt to substitute it by the Freiheit. Arbeit, a newspaper disavowed by the leaders o f the Association; the paper resumed publication on February 8, 1849, and appeared up to rhe middle o f 1849. 597, 598 (,/izzetta di Milano an Italian newspaper published from 1816 to 1875; until the late 1850s it was the official organ of the Austrian authorities in Northern Italv. 487 Zeilungsee Deutsrhe Zeitmig

698

In d ex o f Periodicals In d ex o f Periodicals

699

I m .\'ation, urbane qriolidien democrale socialistea Belgian democratic newspaper published in Brussels from 1848 lo 1856.459, 460 Le Nationala Frcnch daily published in Paris from 1830 to 1851; in ihe 1840s, organ of the moderate republicans. 144, 154, 155, 168, 480, 481 \fiue H)>rliner Zeitun^a German conservative and monarchist dailv published in Berlin from June to October 1848, 113, 114 Neun Kfilnische Zeilung fiir Biirger, B au em und Soldatm a German revolutionarvdemocraiic newspaper published in Cologne in 1848-49 by Friedrich Anneke and Friedrich Beust.455 Neue Rheinische Zeituvfr. Organ der Demokmtiea German daily published in Cologne under the editorship of Marx from June 1, 1848, to May 19, 1849 (with an interval between September 27 and October 12, 1848); organ of the revolutionary proletarian wing among the democrats during the revolution of 1848-49 in Germany. 11, 12. 15, 19, 23, 26, 29, 33, 35. 38, 40, 41, 44, 4.5,47, 52, 56, 61, 63. 65, 67. 71, 7 2 ,8 6 , 8 8 ,9 0 ,9 3 ,9 5 .9 9 , 105, 106, 108, 110, 112, 114, 116,. 118, 119, 120-23, 127-29, 133, 138, 143, 149, 156, 158. 164. 167-69, 172, 175, 176. 179. 185. 186. 187, 188, 193, 194, 198-99, 207, 208. 211, 212, 215, 222. 225, 231, 235, 238, 242, 247, 249. 252, 2.55, 265, 269, 270, 271. 272, 277. 286, 287, 289. 300. 304-06, 313^ 314^ 318. 320, 324. 326, 332. 336, 371. 376, 379, 381-84, 387, 389, .391-94, 398, 401, 403, 406. 407, 409, 410, 415, 416, 419, 420, 425, 426, 433, 435, 438, 440, 445, 447, 450, 451-53, 458, 4.59, 460, 465, 466, 471. 473, 475, 477-79, 481, 482, 484-89. 492, 495-97. 499, 500. 502, 506, 539-53. 554-56, 559-61, 565-68, 570, 572, 574-75 578 585. 587 589-92, 594, 595 New-York Daily Tribunean American paper founded by Horace Greeley and published from 1841 to 1924, Until the mid-1850s, it was an organ of the Left wing of the American Whigs, later organ of the Republican Party. In the 1840s and 1850s it took a progressive stand against the slave-owning .system; Marx and Engels began to contribute to the paper in August 1851.:587 I'he Northern. Skir^n English weekly, central organ o f the Chartists; published from 1837 to 1852, first in Leeds, then in London. It.s founder and editor was Feargus O'Connor, George Harney being one of its co-editors. Engels contributed to the paper from 1843 to 1850. 129, 151, 298, 478 L Ohsfirvatenr beigea Belgian liberal daily published in Brussels from 1835 to 1 8 6 0 ,-1 8 7 , 336. 467 Le PeupU constitunnta French republican daily published in Paris from February to July 1848; its editor was Hugues Lamennais. 155 L e Politiquea Belgian daily published in Brussels in 1847 and 1848, organ of the constitutionalists. 187 Le Populaire de 1841 a French newspaper published in Paris from 1841 to 1852; it propagated peaceful utopian communism; up to 1849 if was edited bv Eiienne Cabet. 298 L a Pressea French daily published in Paris from 1836; in the 1840s, mouthpiece for the opposition to the July monarchy; organ of moderate republicans in 1848-49, later a Bonapartist paper. 187

Freussischer Staots-Anzeigera paper founded in Berlin in 1819; from 1819 to April 1848 it was a semi-official organ of the Prussian Government. 30, 216. 316, 497 Der Kadikale. DeuLv.he Zeilung fiir In- nnd Auslandan Austrian democratic paper published in Vienna in 1848. 570 Ln Reforrrn^a French daily, organ of the republican democrats and petty-bourgeois socialists, published in Paris from 1843 to 1850. Several of Engels articles were published in this paper between October 1847 and January 1848. 144, 298, 478, 493-95 Le Reprhentant du Peuple. Journal quolidien des travailleursa French newspaper published in Paris between April and August 1848 under the editorship of Proudhon. 322 Rheinische Zeilung fiir Polilik, H andel und Cewerbe 2. German daily founded on January 1, 1842, as an organ of the Rhenish bourgeois opposition, and published in Cologne till March 31, 1843. When edited by Marx (from October 15, 1842, to March 17, 1843), the paper became a mouthpiece of revolutionary-democratic ideas which led to its suppression. Engels was one of its contributors. 208, 497 La Ruche populairea French workers monthly published in Paris from 1839 to 1849; it was associated with utopian socialists. 298 Schlesisrhe Zeitunga German daily published in Breslau (Wroclaw) from 1742; organ of the constitutional monarchists on the eve and during the revolution of 1848-49. .501 Schles-wig-Holsteinische Zeilung (Altona), 34 Seehldtter a German paper published in Constance from 1837 to 1849; it voiced modera.tely liberal ideas until 1848, when it assumed a democratic trend. 536 5rma>'a pchela {Northern Hee) a Russian political and literary newspaper, semi official organ of the Tsarist Government, published in St. Petersburg from 1825 to 1864. 191 S ik le __a Frcnch daily published in Paris from 1836 to 1939. In the 1840s it was an oppositional organ which demanded electoral and other reforms. 187 Le Speclateur republicairt-ra French journal published in Paris from July to September 1 8 4 8 .-4 0 2 Spenersche Zeitungsee Berlinische Nachrithlen von Stants- und gelehrten Sachen Slants-Anzeiger see Freussischer StaaL<.-Anzeiger Slants-Zeitung^ce Freussischer Stuali-Anzeiger The Timesan Knglish conservative dailv founded in London in 1785. 151, 216, 460. 461 L lJm on . Bollelin des iiuvriers redige et publie par eux-mhr<e.^-n French i t x . n r h l v published in Paris from December 1843 to September 1846 by a group of workeis influenced by Saint-Siincii)'s ideas. 298

700

In d ex o f Periodicals

701

D('t Volksfreund. ZeiUchrift fu r Aufklarung iind Frheitprung dps Volkesan Aiiitrian democratic newspaper published in Vienna. 572 Vossische Zeitungsee Kdniglich privilegirtf Rerliniscke Zeilung von Staali- und gelehrtfin Snchen
S U B J E C T I N D E X

Der Wiichler am Rhein a German democratic newspaper published in Cologne in 1848 and 1849 under the editorship o f Kramer. ^ 5 5 , 563 Wiever Zeilung an official daily published in Vienna from 1780 to 1931. 569, 571
Z eitu n g des A rb eiter-V erein es zu K oln a German newspaper, organ of fhe Cologne

Workers' Association, published from April to October 1848; edited by Andreas Cottschalk (rill July 1848) and by Joseph Moll (from July to September).32.'>. 455. 596
Z cih in g s-H a lle sec B e r lin e r Z eitu n g s-H n lle

Absolutism sec Monarchy, absolute Academic Legion 503 Agitation 239, 298, 423 Agricultural chemistry 470 Agriculture 3, 342, 363, 468-71 Sec also Agricrdtural chemistry A hace 423 Analogy, historical 51, 351 Anti-Com Law League 238, 299 Aristocracy, landed 55, 118, 119, 298, 290, 351, 354, 363, 373, 433, 520 Arming, arms 3. 73, 96, 180, 260, 437 Army its organisation after victorious democratic revolution 3 as component part of state ap paratus 77, 437 mercenaries 25, 26, 165 - Austrian 11, 109, 257, 387, 395, 396 Danish 42, 436 Prussian 34, 43, 69, 85, 107-09, 227-28, 257, 258, 262-63, 264-65, 283, 355, 383, 400, 431, 433, 438 of German states 42, 165 of the T w o Sicilies 25, 388 See also Arming, arms; Artillery, Military, the\ Military art Articles o f consumption 4 Artillery 161 As50ciati0m o f workers 297 Athens 512 Ausfria 92-93, 109 political svstcm 350

history 396 national question 11 and Germany 11, 396, 400 and Hungary 165 and Italy 11, 92, 165, 167, 386, 387, 396, 397, 400, 403, 421. 487 and Portugal 165 and Ru.ssia 350 and Polish lands 11, 92, 350-51, 373 and Slavs 91-93 See also Austro-ltnlian War o f 1848-49; Bourgeoisie, Austrian; Hungary- Rev olution o f J8 4 8 -4 0 in Austrian Empire; Working class of Austro-Italian war o f 1848-49 109-10. 212, 305-06, 376, 385-89, 395-97, 400. 402, 421, 473 Autocracy 116, 363

B {April Baden republican uprising 1848) 68, 239, 24.5, 368 Ban&j 4, 118, 470, 484, 485 Barbarism 116, 351, 423 See also Feudalism Be/gium 165, 333-36, 404, 405. 423. 483-85 social and political system 333, 484-85 economic conditions-3 3 3 - ^ 5 . 483-84 foreign tra d e --3 3 4

702

Su b ject Index

Su bject In d ex

703

pauperism 333-35 revolution of 1830-31 405 before European revolution of 1 8 4 8 -3 3 3 -3 5 in 1 8 4 8 - 4 0 4 - 0 6 . 460-62. 484-85 the press 187-88, 406, 461 democratic movement, democrats, radicals 404-05 home policy and situation 28384 political parties of ruling classes 485 See also Bourgeoisie. Belgian; Working class o f fielgiMm Berlin 399-401 Bills o f exchange 55, 470 Bohemia. Bohemians (Czfchi) 92, 93, 339, 457, 498, 504 Sec also P ragw uprising in July 1848'. Slav Congress in Prague. Slovamkd Lipa; Svomost Bonapartism 520, 522 Borders 341, 348-49, 350-53 Bourgeoisie 4, 55, 465, 497 general characteristics 497 struggle against feudal nob ility ~ 2 6 2 economic domination 299 big bourgeoisie 73. 166, 234 279. 445 industrial bourgeoisie 299, 300 political rule 262, 299, 300, 35253, 378, 444, 445, 495, 505 republican bourgeoisie 147 democratic bourgeoisie 74 and absolute monarchy 495 deals with reactionaries 74, 402, 4 1 4 - 1 5 .4 5 8 .4 9 7 ,5 0 0 ,5 0 3 - 0 6 and peasantry 295, 519-22 its theoreticians and ideolog ists 378-79 and national question 166, 349 377 middle class 497 m edievar 245, 338, 344, 350 372, 519 Bourgeoisie, Austrian 504, 505 Bourgeoisie. B elgian 334, 405, 484 Bourgeoisie. English 150, 296-300. 377, 379, 381, 482, 497 Buvrgeoisie, Frm ch 133. 138, 139, 140, 147, 295. 298. 300, 378, 379. 380, 401,

403, 481, 493, 494, 496, 504, 513, 519 520 establishment of military dictator ship and massacres of the pro letariat in June 1848 125-26, 133, 135-44, 148-49. 161-62, 170, 378, 458 Bourgeoisie. German 55, 295, 300, 379, 380. 381, 425, 427. 4 3 1 .4 9 6 . 500 503-06 See also Burghers Bourgeoisie, Italian 300, 380 _ Bourgeoisie. Polish 339, 350 Bourgeoisie. Prussian 245, 260, 295 350 Bourgeoisie, Spanhh 380 Burdens imposed upon peasants 3, 117, 118. 291. 309, 328-29, 351, 363 See also Corvee-, Dues Bure<nicracy 4, 74, 77, 104, 194, 2020.5. 209i 210, 236, 251, 259, 261, 274-76, 283. 342-43, 355, 366, 381 383, 431, 445 Burghers 19. 81, 150, 189, 235, 245, 338, 340. 349, 351, 352, 372, 381, 405 423, 520

Capital 573 Capitalists 521 Carbonari 26, 386, 389 Castilia 372 Censorship 258 Centralisation o f the state 51, 237, 273, 274, 339-40, 400-01. 440 Chartism 68, 113, 114. 129. 153, 297, 473, 478. 572 Cherusci 290 Church 4, 85 See also Clergy Civilisation 116, 212, 379, 423 528 573 See also .Society, bourgeois Classes 556 class rontradictions 299, 494-95 in antiquity 153 - in feudal society 153. 351. 519 class rule 73-74, 147-48. 293. 378. 414, 444, 482, 495, 497. 556 - exploiting classes 147, 300

exploited, oppressed indtjsrrious classes 3, 147, 171. 330, 520-22 middle classes, strata and es tates 166, 497 conservative 55 reactionary, counter-revolurionary 55, 108, 504-05 revolutionary 520-21 progressive 373 class hatred 298 abolition o f classes in future com munist .society 495 See also BourgeoLsie'. Interests'. Nobility. Peasantry; Working class Class struggle 1.52, 495 in antiquity 130, 153 in feudal society 477, 494, 520 between proletariat and bour geoisie 147, 153, 265, 296-300, 324, 489, 495, 496. 522, 570 and revolution 147, 152, 297 as political struggle 489 abolition of classes as condition for its cessation 495 See also Chartism; June uprising o f Paris proletariat in 1848; Revolution; W'orking-class movement (in Austria, etc.) Clergy 4, 77, 348, 380, 519 CologTie Democratic Society 87, 562-65, 582-87 Cologne Workers Association 4, 18, 17879, 384, 393, 394, 464, 465, 558, 579-80, 586-88, 595*97 Colonisation o f Slav lands by Ger mans 65. 338-41, 343-44. 347, 350 Commerce, trade 65, 334, 338, 340, 341, 342, 344, 372, 379, 468, 469, 513 Committee o f Public Safety in Co logne 450, 582-88 Communist League 3-4, 11-12, 15, 271, 272, 533-34, 535, 542, 552, 558, 582-89 tactical principles in 1848-49 rev olution 3-4 critique of Stephan Borns tac tics 271-72 critique of Gottschalks sectarian position 542 and petty-bourgeois demo crats 27-29, 48-52, 74-78, 82, 490-92

associations in Belgium 406 associations in Germany 53 5 ,5 4 2 Competition 573 Constitution constitutional issue in Prussia 73, 74. 103, 431 and division of powers 204-05. 430-32 constitutionalism of Prussian liber al bourgeoisie 87, 11 6 ' constitutionalism of German bourgeoisie 289. 445 constitutionalism of French bou rgeoi sie 445 Contradictions, .social 148-49 Coniention o f Jaroslawiec 346 Co-operation, co-operative movement 3 C om Laws 238. 281, 299 C onw 3, 245, 293, 308. 309. 328-29 Counter-revolution 108, 373, 377 Courts and legal procedure 265. 325, 437 Cracow. Cracow Republic (1846 ) 166, 310, 339. 351, 374 Credit 4, 224-25, 322-23 C r im e - 334, 335 Crime, political 96-97 Customs Union 236 D Danish-Prussian war o f 1848-50 34, 42, 43, 69, 107, 267-69, 3 8 9 .4 0 0 . 421, 424 and stand taken by Frankfurt National Assembly 34, 7^, 389. 414, 425, 439, 440, 577-78 and policy o f Prussian Govern m e n t - 4 3 , 44, 191, 265, 267, 411, 425, 442 and European powers 43, 69, 253, 268, 310-77. 378, 425 See also Malmd, negotiations and armistice; Schleswig-Holstein question Danube principalities 311, 474 Democracy 55, 73, 76, 87-88, 108, 116, 129, 149, 1 67,288, 3 2 4 ,3 5 2 ,3 5 4 ,3 5 5 , 373, 375. 400, 421, 440, 473, 562-65 East-European 351, 363, 373. 375 bourgeois 27-30, 74, 75, 262. 365, 378. 403, 406 petry-bourgeois 27-29, 403, 430

704

Su bject In d ex

S u b ject In d ex

705

revolutionary 119, 149, 403, 437. 453. 558, 564-65, 586-90. 592 ^ as form of social order and political system 167, 373, 400 noblemens 363 peasant 351. 363, .364, .375 Democratic congresses in Germany in Frankfurt am Main 288-89 in Berlin 490-92 Democratic liberties 11, 73, 248-49 Democratic Society in Cologne 87-88, 384. 463, 556-57, 562-65. 582-88, 597 Denmark $4, 42, 43. 422, 423, 424, 435, 446-47 See also Army (Danish); Danish-Prussian war o f 1848-50 Despotism \l, 71, 209, 251, 321, 358. 372, 400, 494 Dialect 372. 524 Dictatorship in accordance with a system de vised by a single brain 556 military 125-26, 133, 135-44, 148-49, 161-62, 170, 234, 3 7 6 ,4 2 9 , 459. 482, 497, 513 counter-revolutionai7 168 revolutionary-democratic 4, 50, 205, 237, 431-33 Diplomacy 165, 307, 308, 310, 481 Division o j labour 573 Doctrinairism, doctrinaires 39, 147 Dues 3, 117

finances, bii^^et, taxes 224, 468-70 Parliament 61, 216, 227. 381 the press 114, 129 class contradictions 488 law on associations of workers (1825) 297 pauperism 296 workhouses (Poor Law Bastilles) 296, 573 foreign policy 108, 377 and France 25, 372, 481 and Germany 165. 377, 425 and Russia 308, 379 and Schleswig-Holstein question 424-25 and preconditions and prospects for social revohition 572 See also Anti-Corn Law League: Bourgeoisie, English; Chartism; Com taws; English revolution o f 1640-60; Free Trade; London; Scotland; Trade unioru in England; Working class of England; Working-class movement in England English revolution o f 1640-60 49, 206. 237, 437, 439 Epoch, bourgeois 262, 304 Kquality 3'M, 556 Estates, social 39, 111, 166, 203, 260, 274. 566 Europe 51, 52. 165. 237 Exchange 3.S9. 4 9 6 Exploitation 147. 148

Economic relations 51, 488, 494, 495 Economics and politics 329, 505 Education 4 Emigration 5$-54, 65. 369-75, 408-09 England .511 English nation, national charac t e r - 3 0 0 . 378, 405 as leading capitalist power 298, 379-80 historical development, its peculiarities 298, 299. 300, 477 _ in 1848 68, 108, 113-14, 296, 297. 377, 424-25. 481 industry 469 agriculture 469, 470 landed aristocracy 298-99

Family 4, 324, 519 Fatherland 130 Federal Diet 18, 49, 72, 109, 232-34 Federalism 51 F e u d a l i s m s . 89, 245, 260, 268. 373, 444, 504 fe u d a l law 292 a n d m o n a r c h y 491 to w ns, to w n sp eo p le 520 cla sses, class c o n tra d ic tio n s 519 fe u d a l b a ro n s 260 b o u rg e o isifie d fe u d alism 51 its d o w n fa ll 117-18, 290, 291, 292-95. 329-30, 350-53, 468 Sec also Aristocracy, landed; Burghers,

Estates, social; Guilds, guild system; Ju ris diction, patrimonial; Knights; Landed property; Liege money; Monarchy, abso lute; Nobility; Peasantry; Serfdom; State, the Flanders, the Flemish 406, 423 Foreign policy 166, 167, 377, 481 France 206, 236, 298 territory, borders 511-19, 524, 529 natural conditions 511-18, 52529 population 516, 524, 525, 528, 529 formation of French nation 37274 national charaetcr 92. 405, 519 economy 330, 468, 469, 512, 513, 515, 519, 520, 521 agriculture 468, 469 vine-growing 511-13 legislation 68, 1 2 4 .1 4 8 .2 5 1 ,2 5 2 . 308, 314 usury 330 finances 224 taxes 469 social and political system 216, 227 classes and class struggle 493-95 hi the Middle Ages 326, .347, 372, 520 under absolutism in 17th and 18th centuries 347, 520 during Thermidorian reaction and Directory 161, 520 during Consulate and First Em p ire 209, 237, 250, 290, 308, 309, 396, 520, 521 during Restoration 96. 165, 178, 188, 262, 378-80, 493, 521 foreign policy and diplomacy 26, 110, 116, 165, 290, 308, 311, 37780, 396, 480-81, 524 See also Bourgeoisie, French; French Revolution o f 1789-94; French revolution o f 1830 {July); July monarchy in France (1830); Napoleonic wars; Peasant'i, French; Revolution in France. Second Republic (IH4H-5J); Working class o f France; Working-class movement in France: M V / r.'; against Albigniscs f!!0920); Wars o f First French Republic

Frankfurt am M ain 49-50, 443 Frankfurt National Assembly 16-19, 4851, 72, 76. 92, 108, 109-10, 116, 232. 236-37, 239-41. 248, 249, 253, 288, 313, 383, 397, 472-73. 504-05, .565, 577-78 and Imperial Regent 232, 253, 411. 413, 472-73, 504-06 and democratic partv 27-29, 4951, 87, 288-89, 364-65, 421, 49092, 558, 582-85 and petty-bourgeois democrats' policy 27-29. 50-52, 74, 79, 82, 99. 179, 235-36, 288-89, 358-61, 371-81, 430, 439-40, 488, 490-92 and democratic illusions 248. 401, 488 attitude to Mainz incident 17, 50 and stand on Polish ques tion 310, 337-81 and armistice at Malmo 413-15, 439-40, 421-25 and Frankfurt uprising 442-47 and Vienna uprising 457, 504 Freedom \5, 20, 73, 92, 165-67, 209, 212, 248, 251, 260. 338, 375, 397, 496, 513, 564 and the state 289 political 73. 239, 366, 377 of speech 436, 438 of assembly 437, 443 of association 73, 239, 288 of the press 77, 239 of property 293 personal 264, 293 constitutional 264 social 366 and working class 74 See also Liberty, civil Free Trade 272, 298, 300, 334, 377, 378 See also Anti-Corn Law League', Protec tionism French Revolution o f 1789-94 26, 75, 147, 235, 376, 405-06, 495 its character 130, 147. 205, 237, 327 abolition of feudal landownership 89. 118, 294. 520 political groupings 161, 425 role of masses 49, 437 and peasantry 295, 519-20

706

S u b ject Index Su b je ct In d ex 707

revolutionary wars, army, strategy and tactics 396 national (constituent, legislative) assemblies and their policy 39, 49, 373, 438 Convention 373, 432, 520 and royal power 425 and Germany 165, 309, 396 and Switzerland 26 See also Jacobin dictatorship, Jacobins French revolution o f 1830 (July) 26. 39-40, 128, 143, 147, 262, 311, 380. 430, 493 See also July monarchy in France (J830)

C alicia 396, 500 German Confederation (1815-66) 20, 42, 64, 77, 109, 266-68, M 9, 353, 367 and Federal Diet 18. 49, 68. 72, 109, 232-34, 236, 249, 308, 312, 337, 408. 409, 413, 565 German Democratic Society (Paris) 8 German philosophy 29, 373, 375, 380 See also Hegelianism-, Kantianism Germans 2S, 64-65, 92. 110, 166, 212, 339-40, 344-45, 349, 362, 378, 422 German Workers Association in Brussels (1847) 406, 572 German Workers Association in Paris German Workers' Club in Paris -9 Germany geographical situation and natural conditions 513 peculiarities o f social develop ment 339, 340, 352, 556 political development 49, 51 peculiarities of intellectual de velopment 373 German national character 166 survivals of feudalism 3, 51. 29095, 309, 331-32, 352 serfdom 118, 245 history 51, 99, 245, 290-91, 339 and American War of Indepen dence 165 French revolution of 1789-94 and Napoleonic wars 165, 290. 30809. 396, 425

between 1815 and early 1848 20, 235-36, 237, 308-09 and July rev<^tion of 1830 in France 311 handicrafts 339 agriculture 51, 274 protective tariffs 377, 378 inland trade 338 foreign trade 51, 339 German philistines 79, 81, 150, 189, 235, 339, 340, 352, 381, 423 political system 351 suffrage 3 and unification problem 3, 49, 51, 73, 77, 116, 235, 237-38, 269, 308, 312, 352. 377, 400-01, 414, 425, 440 and Prussia 286, 383, 392, 576-78 political parties 365 bourgeois liberalism 378 democrats, democratic move ments 249, 365, 378, 462-65, 490-92, 558, 562-65, 570 the press 270, 478, 575 foreign policy 165-67, 237, 287. 308, 345 national policy 92, 165-67 and Denmark 422, 446, 577-78 and England 165, 166, 377, 379, 424, 446 and France 116, 237, 341. 377, 378 and G reece 165 and Holland 165 and Italy 92, 166, 377. 396-98. 577 and Poland 64-65, 92, 166-67, 338-59, 367, 577 and Russia 51-54, 93, 116, 167, 212, 237, 307-13, 345, 350-53, 424, 446 and Slavs 91-93. 338, 400. 577 and Spain 165 and Switzerland 165 See also Berlin; Bourgeoisie, German; Frankfurt am Main; Frankfurt National Assembly, German Confederation (181566); Germans, Holy Roman Empire of the German nation (f^62-I806); Litera ture, Nobility (German); Peasants, German; Petty hourgeni.sje. Germnn;

Prussia; Revolution o f 1848-49 in Ger many; Schleswig-Holstein question; Working class o f Germany Government securities 224-25, 580-82 G r e e c e ^ l6 5 , 307 Greece, ancient 512 Guilds, guild system 235, 331, 339 H Handicrafts, handicraftsmen 235, 339, 349, 580 H egelianism 156, 362-64, 487 H is to r y -7 9 , 372, 378 See also Analogy, historical H olland 165 Holy Alliance 165. 308, 309, 350 Holy Roman Empire o f the German nation (962-/806) 50. 253 Home policy 166, 167 Humanism, abstract 493 Hungary 54, 165, 457, 458 See also Pest, Revolution o f 1848-49 in Hungary Hum 387
I

ification 41, 306, 385, 387, 388, 396 revolutions of 1820-21 and 1831 165, 389 the press 11-12 the duchies of Tuscany, Parma and Modena 387 and Austria 41, 165 and France 110 and Germany 166. 167, 395-98 and Switzerland 305 See also Austro-Italian war o f 1848-49. Carbonari; Lazzaroni; Lombardy and Venice, Revolutions o f 1848-49 in Italian stales; Sardinia (Piedmont); Sicilies, the Two (Naples)

J
facobin dictatorship, Jacobins 46. 130, ^21, 376, 405-06, 495, 520 Jews, Jewish question 65, 197, 203, 338, 3 4 1 -4 2 ,3 4 7 ,3 5 4 ,3 7 1 July monarchy in France (1830) 39-40 its bourgeois character 147, 262, 297, 513, 520-22 industry 513 agriculture and agrarian rela tions 469, 520-22 finance 323 commerce 513 home policy, internal situa tion 38, 68, 111-12, 188 Paris municipal guard 138 corruption of ruling classes 323 Parliament, Chamber of Dep uties 38, 111-12, 297 the press 187-88, 216 September Laws on the press (1835) 15, 171, 250 republican movement 133. 158 bourgeois republicans (National party) 144, 481 Reforme p a rty 144 dynastic opposition 147, 168 party of T h ie rs 168 See also Insurrection o f weavers at Lyons in 1834; Society o f the Rights o f Man and the Citizen Jun e uprising o f Paris proletariat in JS 48 124. 125, 127-28, 130-31, 132-

Icarian communism (Cabe() 8, 298 Icelanders 422 Ideas 4S7, 494-95 Ideology, ideologists 112, 375. 378. 496 Immigration 339 Income 282, 328-29 Industry 29G, 300, 334-35, 340, 342, 372, 379, 469, 482, 513 Insurrection o f weavers at Lyons in 1834 150 Interests 3, 147, 345 class 40, 55, 378, 494 material 166, 376, 377, 484, 522, 535 Internationalism I I , 12, 166-67 proletarian 129, 444, 478, 572 Ireland 68, 572 Italy S8S-89, 527 economy 372, 400, 511 industry 372 - - commerce 372, 511 lumpenproletariat 25, 142 struggle for independence and un

708

Su bject In d ex

Su bject Index

709

33. 143-48, 149, 151-54, 157, 163, 164, 170, 297, 427, 458, 522, 572 as first decisive battle of working class against bourgeoisie 143 causes of uprising 124, 148 heroism of working class 140-43. 163-64 course o f uprising 121. 124-27. 130-43, 157-64 and petty-bourgeois demo crats 144, 478, 493-95 and peasantry 524-25 and German bourgeoisie 151-54, 156. 297-98 massacre of insurgents by botirgeoisie 125-26. 132-33. 13544. 147-49. 161-62, 170, 235, .'576, 458, 481, 496, 514 role of national and mobile guards in suppression of uprising 12526, 136-38. 140, 142, 143, 154,505 and the press 155-56, 478-79 and the proletarian press 479 influence on revolutions in France and Europe 234, 440, 444, 445, 458, 504-05 significance of its experience for development of art of war fa re 164 its evaluation in the democratic press 149, 480 jurisdiction, patrimonial 118 Jurists 04, 103. 196. 210. 301. 339

Language 65, 341, 372 Law. laws 6S. 94. 97. 118, 171, 177, 196, 203, 209, 239, 240, 248, 249-51, 257-58. 293, 331. 427. 429, 431, 437 feudal 118, 292, 293, 295 Ijourgeois 293, 330 constitutional 204, 428 private 103, 104. 318, 520-21 civil 103, 104, 292 crim inal 102-03, 178, 187, 208-11 Prussian 183, 226, 250-52, 290, 318, 331, 342, 431 - - public 103. 104 See also Right, rights Lazzaroni 325, 142, 259 Legislation 171, 299 Legitimism 147, 380 See also Monarchy Liberalism 28, 87. 289, 329, 378, 445, 483-84 Liberty, civil 258, 264, 437, 503-04 Liege money 117, 293 Literature 155, 372, 422 Loam 280, 319, 320, 483-84 Logic 59, 60, 113, 114, 243, 298, .302 Lombardy and Venice 377 London 49 London Communist Educational Society o f German Workers (1840-1918) 572 Lorraine 423 Luddites 297 Lumppvprolelarial 25. 142, 505 M Machinery 573 Malmo. negotiatiims and armistice 25355, 266-70, 287, 382, 4 11-14,424, 425, 434-35, 439, 440, 442. 446-47, 577-78 Malthusianism 282. 573 Materialism, English 405 Material relations as economic relations 51 as basis of political system 335 material conditions of life 495 Mercantile system 470 Military, the 11, 197, 203, 261, 353, 376. 387, 430, 438, 445 Military art 161. 164 Mines, demand fo r their nationalisation 3 Mode o f produtiimi 495

K Kantianism 487 King, royal pov>er 380, 429, 474, 477, 494 K nigyits-370-73

Moldavia (Moldova) 311 Nationalism, nationalist ideology 504 Monarchy 116, 468 See also Scandinavia, Scandinavianism bourgeois 494 National liberation war o f 1848-49 ir( bureaucratic 36, 47, 205 Hungary 503 See also Monarchy, absolute'. Monarchy, National question 92, 166, 351 constilntional national oppression, its social roots Monarchy, absolute 26, 39, 63, 165, 202, and consequences 92, 165-66. 205, 257, 262, 308. 353, 378, 386, 196-98. 212-13, 350, 351, 353, 369 494 fomenting of national haired by ruling classes 65. 104-05, 165 in Prussia and Germany 32. 55, 74, 80, 115, 202, 205, 234, 257, 6 6 .2 1 2 .3 4 2 .4 0 0 262, 345-46, 350-51, 401, 503-04 liberarion o f oppressed nations as See also Despotism component part o f struggle for Monarchy, constitutional 116, 204, 445. democratisation 11. 92, 166-67, 476-77, 481, 484, 494 212-13, 350-52. 363, 375, 387, 403, in France 481, '494 424, 564 in Prussia 37. 70, 74, 77, 116, independence and equalitv of 258. 401, 430, 476-77 nations as condition for working Money, money circulation 4. 223. 225. class liberation-:166-67 279, 322, 469-71 and bourgeoisie 166, 349, 402Monopoly 03 political 298, 299, 473 and working class 166-67, 403, of capital 299 565 Morality, morals 75, 81, 318, 324, 495 and proletarian party I I , 212 M oravia 339 N ational worluhops 4, 68, 148, 580 Mortgage 467-71, 521, 523 Natural science 488 Nineteenth century 299 N o b il i t y - 155, 275, 343, 351, 353, 363, .369, 3 7 ), 373, 380 its world outlook 372 N in bourgeois society 56. 380 German .55, 56, 77, 118. 234, Napoleonic wars 42, 98, 131, 135, 308. 262, 291-95. 425. 431, 445 .342-43, 380-81, 396, 425, 520 Prussian junkers 74, 117, 327. and England 308 343-44, 351. 354. 368-70, 400, 412, and Germany 98, 290, 308-09. 427. 448 425 and Polish question 343-45. 354 and Russia 308 Normans 372, 422 See also Vienna Congress o f 1814-15 Norwegians 422-24 Nation, nationality distinct language 339, 372, 375 national character 344-45. 423 revolutionary 92 absorption o f weaker by stronger nationalities 372-73 national feelings 495 National debt 54. 224. 319-20 National guard in France 124-27, 13031, 136, 140. 142-43, 153, 154, 161, 478 in Naples 24-25 \alionalisutian in programme o f democratic reTolulion 3-4

Landed property 4, 274, 322, 347-48, 467-70. 518-23 See ;ilso Mortgage Landowner 3, 4, 329 Landownership 3 perry peasant 295, 470, 520. 521 - b ,e --5 5

Palatinate, the 330 Pandours 109 Parcellation 343, 344, 468,521 See also Mortgage Paris 49. 142, 153, 465-67, 512-14 Parliament 3. '49-50, 174. 187, 193, 204, 227. 322, 324. 381, 437-38 Parlrampnt, British 61, 193, 216, - 21. 381

710

S u bject Index

S u bject In d ex

711

Parly, political 27, 75. 81, 400 Party, proletarian 297. 575 Pairiotim 116, 166, 167. 236, 242, 279-80, 286, 494-95 Paupensm 116, 259, 296, 321, 333-35, 482, 483 Pfa^anlry 354, 396 serfs 260. 328 in feudal society 3-4, 353 in bourgeois revolution 119, 291-95. 444, 519-23 under capitalism 469 peasant democracy 363-65 their conservatism 519-23 small peasants 4, 330 and bourgeoisie 519-22 and Bonapartist demagogy 520. 522 See also Burdens imposed upon peasants; Peasanti, French; Peasants, German Peasants, French 294, 330, 351, 519-21. 522. 525 Peasants, German 3 . 4 ,5 1 , 117-18,275, 328-32, 342, 343, 344 Peasants' anti-feudal movements during 1848 revolution 117, 118, 444 People, popular masses 79, 119, 375, 387, 564 as decisive force in revolu tion 16. 73-74. 77. 79. 89, 96, 97-100, 118, 128, 136, 144-45, 149. 166, 169. 180, 212. 238, 262, 294, 430, 437, 438, 444, 488. 496-97, 504, 570 popular sovereignty, rule of the people 11, 16, 62, 73, 103, 245, 312, 376, 428 P est 339 Petty bourgeoisie 300, 339, 423, 432, 445, 518-19 German 4, 73-74, 274. 339-40. 344, 443 French 513 Piedmont see .Sardinia (Piedmont) Pits, demand for their nationalisation 3 Poland 550. 351, 373, 375 population 65, 339, 340 Polish n a t i o n - 350-51. 366. 37273. 499 -- social and political system 351. 363 econoniv 339. 356, 357

agriculture 363 handicrafts, manufacture 340 landownership 357 serfdom 356, 363 aristocracy 351, 355, 363 nobility 342-44. 351, 353, 357, 363. 369, 373 peasants 342, 343, 351, 354, 357, 363, 364 historical development 339-40, 351, 373 partitions of Poland 64-65, 166. 196. 337-38, 340-41. 346. 348-54. 361. 363 Constitution of 1791 351, 372 and national question-339-41 classcs, class struggle 351, 375 revolutionary, democratic move ments 312, 350, 351, 363 participation of Poles in European revolutionary motem ent 499 interconnection between national and social questions 350. 351, 352, 363, 366, 373, 375, 425 agrarian revolution as precondi tion for success of national move m ent 351, 363, 364, 375 upsurge of liberation movement as a result of Prussias defeat in 1806 342 uprising of 1830-31 147, 196, 311, 351 emigration 375 o'ppression and robbery by Ger man ruling classes 92, 104-05, 166, 196, 212, 258. 337-53,354-57, 367, 435 See also Bourgeoisie, Polish; Cracow, Cracow Republic (1846); Polish question; Posen Police 177, 437 Polish question 11. 166, 345. 350. 352, 363, 373, 379, 564 Politics 148, 210, 363, 377. 381, 395, 444, 488 Portugal 165, 311, 511 Posen 47, 197. 338. 344. 356, 358, 361. 363 Prussian colonisation 342-43, 349, 357, 369 Posen question in 1848-49 levolution 64-65, 104-05. 195-98. 200.

201, 203-04, 210, 259, 3 1 ), 337-38, 339-43, 344-50, 352-76, 379-81 uprising of 1848 65. 104-05, 107, 196, 200. 201. 215, 312, 320, 346, 351. 376 reprisals of Prussian authorities against Polish insurgents 180-81, 196, 251, 312, 345 reorganisation of Posen 64-65. 104-05, 345, 348, 349. 354 proletarian partys stand on Posen question 212, 350, 352, 366 See also Convention oj Jaroslawiec Practice 345 Prague uprising in July 1848 91-93, 107, 119-20, 212, 271, 313, 376, 421, 444 Preparliament 18, 68, 234. 239, 310, 408. 564 Press, the its essence and social role 187, 252 freedom o f 15, 20, 27, 73, 77, 248, 250, 251, 397, 437. 443, 486-88 democratic 129, 147, 167. 314 of proletarian party 575 Neue Rheinische Zeitung, organ of democracy 11-12. 129. 143-49, 163-64, 167, 271, 337, 364. 365, 496, 592 police persecutions 186, 188. 208-11, 383-84. 390-94. 455, 456, 485-89, 554, 555, 560, 566, 576. 590, 592 Principles and practice 28 PriviUges 245. 260. 274. 275, 291. 293, 3 0 9 ,3 2 1 .3 3 1 .4 7 7 Production 3 Production costs 477, 573 Progress 293, 350, 423 P r o p e r ty -292-95, 297. 322-24, 329. 468-69 See also Landed property Proprietors {smalt) in countryside 274 Protectionism 297, 299 Proudhonism, Proudhonist^ 321-24 Provence 372-73 Prussia 356, 424 Prussianism 20. 70, 74, 78-79. 241, 258-59, 274. 275, 337-59. 361. 363, 367, 431, 435. .567 historv 94

during the French revolution of 1789-94 and Napoleonic wars 94, 290, 342 reforms of 1807-11 118, 328 between 1815 and 1847 3 1 1 .3 3 9 survivals of feudalism 117-18, 262, 290-95, 327-32, 408, 409 political system and constitu tion 89, 170, 202. 203, 204-05, 235, 248, 261, 332, 350, 400, 409, 435 rule of the military, militar i s m - 85-86, 258, 260, 262, 264. 284. 355 legislation 73, 94, 97. 118, 171, 258-59, 274. 275, 318, 328, 332, 408, 409 bureaucracy officialdom 74, 77, 104, 122, 200, 202-04, 209, 210, 236, 251, 259. 261. 274-76, 283, 342. 346. 354-56, 374. 383 corruption 122 police system 1 7 1 ,2 4 8 .3 2 6 ,3 9 2 , 409 finance, budget, taxes 55, 219, 224-25, 296, 320, 326, 416 District and Provincial Estates (diets) 274, 275 electoral rights 408 question of Constitution 7 3 ,2 0 5 , 311, 474 the press 73, 239, 309. 314 petty bourgeoisie 260, 274 peasantry 117-18. 328-32, 34344 and Germany 77, 235, 242, 286, 383. 400-01, 414. 425. 439, 477 claims to hegemony in Ger many 235 and Poland 92, 166. 259. 320, 337-51. 354-58, 361, 363, 367, 373, 435 and Russia 11.5-16, 311. 350, 356. 446 See also Berlin; Prussian National Assembly o f l848;R hine Province; Schles wig-Holstein question; Seehandlung Prussian National Assembly o f IH4S Right 53.- 59-60. 68. 85-86, 99. 182, 183-85. 187-88, 190, 191, 192. 207, 2.30, 233, 241. 427-29, 430 Left Centre and Right C^entre

712

Su bject In d ex

Su bject Index

713

107, 111, 174, ]79, 183-85, 188. 191. 193. 417-19, 436-38, 466 Left 75. 76. 78. 99, 188. 193, 199, 233, 240, 417-19, 436-38 Agreement Assembly, theory of agreement with th cO o w n 36-38, 45, 53-57, 59-61, 65, 66-72, 7.3-75, 76, 78, 83, 89. 96, 97, 117, 170, ISO, 189, 194, 195, 199, 2 0 0 ,2 1 6 , 223. 232, 250. 273, 301, 428, 429, 4 3 1 ,4 3 2 ,4 6 6 Publicity 209, 270, 325 Punishment 318, 404-06 See also Crimi

R
Raihtays, demand fo r their nationalisa tion 4 RtaiUon :M9. 387, 480 Red fla g V il, 133, 235, 432, 444 Reform 3-4, 39, 324 Reformation (in Germany) 339 ReUgiim 324 Rent o f land 3, 322, 329, 469 Repealers (in Ireland) 68 Republic as form of state organisation 149 of nobles 372 bourgeois, democratic 3, 51, 116, 144-47. 149, 164/234-35,386. 432, 469, 481, 484. 488 proletarian (red) 144, 440. 505, 586 social 403, 522, 586 Republicamsm, republican movement 144-48, 444-45, 481, 488, 493, 495 Revolution 118, 127, 237. 480, 523. 573 See also Revolution, agrarian; Revolu tion, bourgeois; Revolution, permanent; Revolution. proletarian; Kex>olution, social Revolution, agrarian 351, 363, 373 Revolution, bourgeois 16, 39, 90, 98, 233, 431, 444, 496-97 significance 494 motive fortes 73, 262. 494 and working class 3-4, 147, 403, 494, 522, 595 task of proletarian paiiy 3-4, 535, 594. 597

and the state 167 and survivals of feudalism in rountryside 89, 117-18, 290-95, 32732 need for uniting democrats 55657, 592 as preparation of conditions for proletarian revolution 4, 494 and peasantry 117-18, 291, 295. 351. 519. 520. 522 See also Bourgeoisie; Cla'is Struggle; Revolution, social Revolution, permanent 3-4, 73-75, 444 Revolution, proleUinan 128, 147, 444 its historical necessity 148-49 proletarian uprising as highest form of class struggle 152-53, 297 its radical difference from bourgeois revolution 130-31, 147-48, 444 as culmination of permanent rev olution 4. 444 and need for revolutionary vio lence 505 its humane character 139 See also Class struggle; Jun e uprising of Paris proletariat in IS4H; Revolution, social Revolution, social 152, 573 Revolutionary adventurism 8, 10, 404, 405, 487-89 Revolution in France. Second Republic (1848-51) 128, 147, 488 February revolution of 1848 68, 117, 128. 131, 137-38, 143, 144, 148, 429, 493, 513, 521 Provisional Government 124, 148, 202, 377-81, 473, 556 Luxembourg Commission 124 Executive Committee 144 national guard 121 national workshops 124, 148. 517 popular uprising on May 15, 1848 513 mobile guard 125 municipal guard of republic 126 dictatorship of Cavaignac (moder ate republicans) 402, 440-41, 444-45, 458, 473, 513-M

NalionaJ Assembly 68, 69, 138, 148, 149, 440 Odilon Barrot Ministry 480 National party (moderate republi cans) 168, 481 Reforme party (Mountain of 1848) 375, 478. 493-95, 522 petty-bourgeois utopian socialist trends 321-24 bourgeoisie 6H-69, 128, 378, 379. 479-81. 503-04 and working class, its role in rev olution 403, 570 and peasantry 519-20, 520-23 lumpenproletariat 142, 505 foreign policy of Second Repub l i c - 110, 402, 480-81 influence on European coun tries 403, 441, 443, 445 and prospects for revolutions de velopment 440-41, 499, 505 See also Jun e uprising o f Paris proletariat in ]848; Proudhonism, Proudhnni^ls Revolution o f 1848-49 in Austrian Empire uprising in Vienna on March 13, 1848 13, 440. 491 revolutionary action of Viennese on May 15 and 26, 1848 79, 119, 120, 457 revolutionary action of Viennese on August 23, 1848 402. 477, 571 camarilla 498-99, 504 development o f class contradic tions 444 bourgeoisie 442, 457, 496-97, 503-()4, 570, 598 peasantry 505 working class 570, 572 students 503 army 91-93, 119-20, 376, 387, 396 national guard 503 liberal Government 92-93 Imperial Diet 79, 503, 570 national question 92-93, 119-20, 396, 503-06 and Italy 41, 92, 136, 376, 38587, 395-97, 402-03, 427. 457, 487. 496 and Hungary 457-58, 496, 49899. 503

and Slavs 474, 498-99, 504. 505 and Poles 501 and Czechs 91-93, 107, 119-20, 212, 271, 313. 376, 421, 444. 457, 498, 504 and Russian Tsarism 313, 505 See also Amtro-Italian war o f 1848-49; Vienna Uprising in October 1848 Revolution o f 1848-49 in Europe 441, 445 its preconditions and character 445 its beginning 26 conditions for its victory 403 and working class 443-44 counter-revolution and reac tion 376, 403, 443-45, 472-73, 503-05 and Russia 93, 104-05, 107, 112, 115-16, 212, 307-13, 351-58 and England 108, 377 and world war 93, 116, 212-13, 237-38, 352-53, 421-22 and shedding of democratic delu sions 131 and destinies of utopian social ism 147 Rex)olution o f 1848-49 in Germany 294 its preconditions 73-75 March revoUuion 16, 117-18, 248, 253, 294, 377, 395, 407, 408, 409, 445, 474, 476. 489, 494, 504 adventurist march of German le gion 8, 10, 487-89 bourgeoisies position 40, 108, 262, 288-89, 293, 425, 444, 496 big bourgeoisies policy 74. 77, 108 liberals in power 28, 344-50, 414 role of working class in its developm e n t~ 4 7 , 271, 272, 462-64, 53536, 572, 595, 596 and peasantry 294, 440, 441 and peasant movement 3 0 8 ,4 4 0 , 441 and liberals agrarian policy 441 and petty bourgeoisie 19, 273 and riationTri policy of German governments 82. 166-67, 212-13, 409-12 and national unification of the

Su b je ct In d ex

714

S u b ject In d ex

715

country S, 51. 116, 233-38, 287. 399-400. 464 and Poland 64-65. 92, 196. 212, 272. 339-80, 409-13. 419-23, 499. 562, 564-65 and national movement in Schleswig-Holstein 42, 253-55, 265-68, 419-23, 437 influence of workers June uprising in Paris 152-56, 170 influence of October uprising in Vienna 458-59, 470-71, 473, 490-92, 496, 499, 504, 505 and Russia 53-54, 90, 106, 110. 115-16, 212, 306-12, 350-52, 422 and England 422 and I t a l y - 92. 109-10 and Prussias ro le 115-16, 236, 266-67. 273-74, 285, 236-37, 38283, 398-400, 409-13, 419, 423 counter-revolutionary offensive 15, 16-18, 20-23, 28, 68. 240, 248-49, 287-88, 351, 353, 402, 425-26, 429. 441, 442, 443, 455, 470-71, 503 causes for revolutionary forces de feat 294, 438, 441-43. 455 See also Baden Teptiblican uprising (April 1848); Communist League; Fed eral Diet; Frankfurt National Assetnhly, Preparliament; Revolution o f 1848-49 in Aiistrian Empire; Revolution o f 1848-49 in Prussia; Schleswig-Holstein question Revolution o f 1848-49 in Hungary 45758, 473. 496, 498-500, 503, 505 Revolution o f 1848-49 in Prussia its preconditions 73-75 March revolution 16, 27, 31, 36, 39.40, 45. 71-78, 80-81, 89, 97, 179, 202, 209-12, 240. 294, 302, 307, 318, 399-404, 422, 463, 515 Berlin uprising of March 18, 1 8 4 8 - 3 9 9 -4 0 1 Mainz incident 17-1 9 ,2 0 -2 3 ,2 4 9 storming of Berlin arsenal (fune 14, 1848) 89, 96-100, 400 bourgeoisies position 28, 40, 74, 80, 107, 108. 262. 294. 427. 431 big bourgeoisies policy 55, 7375, 77, 8.5 liberals in power 30-33, 36-40,

42-45, 53-55, 66-67, 82, 85-86, 96-97, 107-08, 111-12, 118,170-74, 176, 187-94, 199, 216-22, 226-31, 250-52, 256-65, 278-86, 290-94, 316-20, 329, 417-21, 427-33, 43638, 466 Camphausen Ministry 3 0 -4 0 ,4 3 45, 57, 62-63, 66-67, 73-75, 79-80, 89. 96-97, 104-08, 194, 202, 419. 431-32, 466 Hansemann-Auerswald Ministry 111, 112, 170-76. 179-85, 194-95, 199, 201-07. 216-22, 257, 259, 261, 265, 275-76, 277, 279-81, 284-86. 291-92, 317-18, 320, 382, 416, 417-19 Pfuel Ministry 448, 466, 473, 476-77 role of working class in its develop m ent 46, 271, 272, 462-64, 53536, 572-95, 596 and peasantry 295, 320 and peasant movement 118,291, 292. 293, 309, 432 liberals' agrarian policy 89. 11718, 290-95, 327-32 nobility, junkerdom 97-100. 107, 108, 262, 289, 425, 427, 431, 458 and Rhine Province 399-401, 567 and Poland 47, 57-58, 92. 10405, 107, 195, 196, 197, 198, 200-03, 210, 212, 259, 311, 319-20. 341-81, 435 and national movement in Schles wig-Holstein 42-44, 266-69, 41115, 421-25, 435, 439 influence of Vienna uprising 390-91, 475, 477, 499, 500 counter-revolutionary offensive 15, 17-18, 20-23, 28, 45, 46-47, 68-71, 74, 94-95, 107-08. 112, 177-79, 186-88, 194, 208-11, 25052, 274, 275. 355, 383-84, 393-94, 420, 426-28. 430-33, 458, 4 7 3 .4 7 4 , 499, 504, .505 events in Cologne in September 1848 427-28, *450-55, 462-65, 591 and the Prussian military 17-19, 20-23, 46. 47, 69-71. 104-05, 107,

166, 180-81, 183-84, 227-30, 25758, 400, 442, 443 and demand for refusal to pay taxes 286, 416. 477 See also Cologne Workers' Associa tion: Democratic Society in Cologne; Frtissifin National Assembly o f 1848; United Diet Revolutions o f 1848-49 in Italian states tasks 11, 167, .387, 403 and lumpenproletariat 25, 143, 259 in the Two Sicilies 24, 26. 68, 473, 480 in Lombardy and V cnice 109, 110, 386, 397, 487 events in Milan 130, 136, 376, 385, 387, 395, 396. 481 and Charles Alberts policy 41, 385-89. 395-96. 402 in Tuscany 385 in papal state 385 in Parma and Modena 386-87 and Europe 402-03 and Austria 136, 376, 395-97, 402 and England 402, 480, 481 - and Germany 92, 109-10, 167, 212, 395-98, 403, 421. 424 and German people 11, 167 influence of Vienna uprising in October 1848 457, 473, 487. 496 and France 25, 26. 110, 402, 403, 480, 481 See also Austro-Italian war o f 1848-49, Lazzaroni Rhine Province 1]., 122, 290, 309, 317, 325, 330, 342, 367, 390-92, 401, 500, 558, 567 Right, rights feudal 118, 292, 293, 295 bourgeois 293, 330 historical 355, 370, 379, 380 patrimonial 4, 520 right to property 292-95. 520 of ciuzenship 407-09 of historical evolution 423 of association 73-74, 239. 248. 288, 289 electoral 3. 408. 424 political 257 See also I.mu. laws

Right to w o rk 321-24 Rome, ancient 33, 75, 130, 142, 153, 235, 259, 304 Russia internal situation, home poli cy 53, 312 foreign policy, diplomacy 308, 350, 505 and Austria 350 and England 379, 424 and Germany 34, 51, 68, 90, 104-05. 107, 110, 112, 166, 191, 212, 237-38, 307-13, 345, 351-53, 425 and Prussia 115-16, 356, 425. 432 See also Holy Alliance; Napoleonic wars; Slavs. Slavonic question; Tsarism

Sanfedists 25 Sardinia {Piedmont) 41, 385-89, 39596. 402 Scandinavia, Scandinavianism 422-23 Schleswig-Holstein 424 Schleswig-Holstein question 377, 424, 446. 577-78 Schools, educational system 357 Science 5. 144. 152. 156, 323, 324 Scotland $29-'i0 Seehandlung 54, 55-56, 229 Serfdom l\8, 153, 245. 260, 292, 293, 294, 328, 329, 330, 350, 363, 519 Sicilies, the Two (Naples) 24, 26. 68-69, 473. 480 Silesia 117, 328 Slav Congress in Prague 91 Slavery n o , 153, 259 Slavs, Slavonic question 351-53. 373 peculiarities of socio-economic de velopment 338, 375 revolutionary-democratic movenieni 91-93, 107, 119-20, 212. 271. 313, 376, 421, 444, 498 conservative national movements 474 assimilation and centralisation 93 See also Colonisation o f Slav lands by Germans; Poland

716

Su bject Index

Su bject Index

717

Slox'iinskd I.ipu 498 Sovialiam, utopian 147, 298 See also Prondhoni^m, Proudhonist'^; Weitling's prinriples Social relations 342. 363 and production 470, 495 and properly relations 469 and rlassos, relations between classes 495 and family relations 519 and social consciousness 494, 495 their historical character 4^8 bourgeois 168-70, 494-95 Society, bourgeois^ 108, 139, 147-49, 152, 153, 279, 297, 303, 444, 471, 506 See also Social relations Society o f the Rights o f Man and the (Hti.zen 133 Sonderbund 396 Sophistry 196 Soulhem French, the 372 Spain geographical position and natural conditions 5 1 1 finance 224 classes and class struggle 380 history 135, 166, 311 and France 135. 166 and Germany 165 and Russia 311 See also Castilia Sparta 512 Speculative ideas (speculative philosophy) 486 Slate, the 3. 4. 20. 73. 171, 229, 234, 248. 261, 279, 280, 2 8 1 ,4 0 1 ,4 1 0 .4 3 2 , 437, 445 and society 471 and class struggle 151 and rcvoludon 201, 204-05, 428. 444 bourgeois state 151, 167. 202, 203-06, 279, 297, 330, 430-.31, 477 State power 204. 432 Slate property 3-4 Slock Exchange 223-25, 279 Strikes and strike movement 297 Strikes us form o f proletarian class struggle 297 Svomost 213 Sxufdes 422

Switzerland 25, 26, 165, 235, 377, 527 See also Snnderhund
T

Vienna uprising in October IS IS 45758. 472-73, 477, 480, 487. 490-92, 496-505, 595, 598

T ariffs 299, 334, 377, 378, 573 Taxes S. 118. 2 8 3 ,2 8 6 , 3 2 3 ,4 1 6 ,4 6 9 , 477, 573 Tenant system, tenant farmers 3, 521 Ten-hour xi'orking day 299 Territorial question (dispute over frontiers) 340, 346 Terror 432 revolutionary 506 in French Revolution of 178994 376, 405-06, 520 of ruling classes 138, 505 Theory o f agreement {o f Prussian libera ls )- 6 2 -6 ' i. 72-75, 77-79, 83, 107-08, 430-33 Thirty Years War 120, 202, 212, 237, 238, .346 Tithes 3, 309 Town and country 46, 56, 65, 235, 268, .275, 339, 340' 353, .520, 527-29 Trades 65. 331, 338 Trade unions in England 297 Transport, demand fo r its nationalisa tion 4 Trier 171 Trieste 109 Truth 156 Tsarism 54, 166, 308, 311, 349-50 Turkey 307 Tvro/ 397 .

U
United Diet 52-53, 36-37. 39, 74, 220, 238. 311, 422, 429 Universal suffrage 3, 48, 424 Uprising, armed 144, 163, 164 .Sec also Jun e uprising o f Paris proletariat in 1848 Usury 330

Wage labour 573 Wages 573 W ailachia 3 11 Wars and bourgeoisie 414-15 and revolution 237. 424, 444 and worjting class 421, 424 revolutionary wars 147, 200, 237. 297. 3,52, 414, 421 civil wars 147, 200, 237, 297, 352, 404, 405 iiaiional liberation wars 352 wars of conquest, aggressive wars 339 colonial wars 161 and revolutions of 1848 47, 5051, 116, 237, 239, 352-53. 379 424, 428, 432 See also Austro-Italian war o f 1848-49; Danish-Prussian war o f 1848-50; Napoleonic wars; Wars of First French Republic Wars against Albigenses {1209-29) 372 Warsaw 339 Wars o f First French Republic 42, 1^65, 396, 404, 425. 520 Weitlings principles 558-59 Wends 82, 497, 500 Workers Congress (Berlin. AugiislSeptember 1848) 271

Working class 4. 518, 573 monopoly of capital as main cause of it?; struggle against bourgeoisie 299 significance of its concentration in industrial centrcs 296 as motive forcc of revolution 73. 74, 143, 147, 444. 494, 521 and national liberation move m ent 11, 166-67 and peasantry 523 Working class o f Austria 457 Working class o f Belgium 334 Working class o f Bohem ia 119 Working class o f England 296-9H Working class o f France ] 32, 133, 140. 141, 143, 148, 149, 163-64, 297, 493 495. 513, 517 Working class o f Germany 4, 73-74, 166-67, 271, 426, 573, .595 Working class o f Prussia 84-86, 260 274, 500 Working-class movement in Austria 401 Working-class movement in Bohem ia 9193, 107, 119-20, 212, 271, 313. 376, 421, 444, 457, 498, 504 Working-class movement in England 297-99 See also Chartism; Luddites; Trade u7iions in England Working-class movement in France ISOS I. 158, 298 Working-class movement in Germany 47, . 89. 271, 289, 580 World market 224 Y Youth, bourgeois 144. 334, 335, 513

Vienna Congress o f I8 1 4 -J5 338, 339, .343, 380. 565

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