Religion Compass 5/7 (2011): 276285, 10.1111/j.1749-8171.2011.00284.

Hittite Religious Rituals and the Ideology of Kingship

Amir Gilan*
Tel Aviv University

Abstract

What did the victorious Hittite king do on his return home from battle? Surprisingly perhaps, the pertinent Hittite sources offer different, even contradictory answers to this question. For a study of the relations between ritual practices and political power in the Hittite Kingdom, however, the question is not without interest. The occasion of the victorious return of the king from battle lends itself splendidly to, even calls for, a conscious use of ritual activity for the manifestation of political power. It will be argued that the evidence concerning the ritual activities of the Hittite king on his return from war show no conscious attempt to mould ritual practices into political goals or to exploit the glory of battles just won for a demonstration of power. This fact may shed a new light on the relations between ritual activity and political power in the context of the Hittite empire and its characteristic textual inheritance.

What did the victorious Hittite king do upon his return from war? Surprisingly perhaps, Hittite sources offer different, even contradictory answers to this question. For a study of the relations between ritual practices and political power in the Hittite Kingdom, however, the question is not without interest. The occasion of the victorious return of the king from battle lends itself splendidly to, even calls for, a conscious use of ritual activity for the manifestation of political power. As I will show, the evidence concerning the ritual activities of the Hittite king on his return from war show no conscious attempt whatsoever to mould ritual practices into political goals or to exploit the glory of battles just won for a demonstration of power. This fact may shed a new light on the relations between ritual activity and political power in the context of the Hittite empire and its characteristic textual inheritance. Some short introductory remarks on the Hittite Kingdom may be in order (Bryce 1998; Collins 2007; Klengel 1999; Klinger 2007). The Hittite Kingdom was an Anatolian based empire dating back to the Middle and Late Bronze Age, to the second half of the second millennium BCE. Hittite history is usually divided into two periods. The so called Old kingdom emerged in the 17th century BCE in central Anatolia, when kings of the a, modern Bogazko ruling Hittite Dynasty, based in Hattus y, north east of modern  network of territories outside of its kernel within Ankara, began to rule an ever growing the basin of the Kizilirmak river. The Old Hittite kings were also conducting daring miliili tary campaigns southwards into Syria. This enterprise was crowned by king Murs I conquest of the city of Aleppo, the royal capital of the powerful kingdom of Yamhad. Moreover, this conquest of Aleppo was promptly followed by an amazing military expedition down the Euphrates River to Babylon, situated some 800 km away from Aleppo. This expedition, which took place in 1595 BCE (according to the middle chronology), brought about the fall of Babylon and the demise of the dynasty of Hammurabi. Howili was murdered shortly after his return and the Kingdom began to decline. ever, Murs Seen from a cultural perspective, the Old kingdom remained bonded to local central Anatolian traditions (Klinger 1996). This manifest itself especially in a cult of strictly local
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Anatolian deities, that goes back to Hattian and Luwian traditions. Old Hittite culture is interpreted as a product of a long-term transculturation process of a variety of cultural and linguistic elements (Klinger 2003, p. 95; Melchert 2003, p. 21), a process that continued throughout Hittite history. After a century of relative decline began the Hittite kingdom to rise again. This drive took place in the 15th century BCE and is usually attributed to king Tudhaliya I. Within this new phase of political ascent began also a new phase in the history ofHittite religion, script and literature. In this period acquired the Hittites new literary and religious traditions, mostly in Hurrian, originating from the south, from Syria and especially from Kizzuwatna, classical Cilicia. In this period underwent Hittite culture a downright renaissance of new cultural practices and traditions (Miller 2004; Archi 2003; but see now also Wilhelm 2008). The Hittite Kingdom reached its political peak in the so called Empire period in the 14th century BCE and onwards. Stretching between the Aegean coast, the black sea and well into Syria through to the Euphrates River, the Hittite Empire became the supreme political power of the region, a global player in the political balance of powers in the Ancient Near East, second perhaps only to Egypt of the 18 dynasty. This glorious phase did not last long, though, due to internal strife and the rise of the Assyrians. The Hittite capital Hattusa was nally abandoned at the beginning of the 12th  still debated by modern scholarship. Syro-Hittite centers century BCE for reasons that are such as Carchemish and Aleppo, however, survived the demise of the empire. These and many other Neo-Hittite kingdoms ourished well into the rst millennium BCE. The Hittite kings, as it were, had their fare share of military exploits (Goetze 1963). Indeed, Hittite royal inscriptions often describe large contingents of spoils of war captives, livestock and inanimate booty that were transported back to the homeland after victorious military campaigns (Hoffner 2006, pp. 615). Following is one typical example ili II (Beal 2000, pp. 8290): from the annals of the Empire Period King Murs
The Sun Goddess of Arinna, my lady, the victorious Storm god, my lord, Mezzulla (their daughter) and all the gods ran before me. (So) I vanquished Mt. Arinnanda. The deportees I brought back to the palace numbered 15,000. However, the deportees, the cattle and the a brought, were beyond sheep, which the generals, the infantry, and the chariotry of Hattus  a and they were led away count. Then I sent the deportees to Hattus 

Bryce (2002, pp. 1045) provides an even livelier account of the return of the army and the logistical problems involved than the Hittite original, paraphrasing a historical inscripili I (newly translated by Beckman tion, the manly deeds of the Old Hittite King Hattus  2006, pp. 21922, and see below).
When encumbered with booty, the armys return to their homeland may well have taken a great deal longer than their outward journey. Carts stacked with the glittering trophies of victory, including the images wrought in precious metals of the vanquished cities gods, life- size bulls of gold, chariots of silver, boats with silver-plated prows, must in themselves have substantially slowed each days progress.

ili Is inscription is rather singular in its careful listing of the kidnapped images of Hattus  gods and other treasures stolen in various campaigns and their allocation in the capital (for god-napping in Hittite sources see now Schwemer 2009). Most of them were disa. The Empire Period inscriptions, on tributed to temples of important deities in Hattus  war in rather formulaic terms as dominantly the other hand, tend to describe the spoils of consisting of animate booty human deportees, sheep and cattle and tend to be laconic

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about their allocation. Some were taken to the kings estates; others were left to the troops; others were presented to the gods (Hoffner 2006, p. 63). Such a case is recorded in KUB 23, 13, a fragment belonging to the Ahhiyawa dossier world and its and concerning the relations of the Hittite Kingdom with the Mycenaean west Anatolian periphery. The fragment, dating to the Empire Period, describes the resto eha River (Gu ration of legitimate kingship in the Land of the S terbock 1992; see now  Popko 2009, p. 18). We are told that Tarhunaradu, a previous ruler of the land, attempted to wage war against the Hittite king  but was captured by him on the mountain of Harana (Eagle Peak). The actual action and Tarhunaradus fate are narrated in lines   (Translation and restorations follow Gu 59 p. 242): terbock 1992,
[Thereafter Tarhunaradu] waged war and relied on the king of Ahhiyawa. [And] he took refuge  However, I, the Great King, set out [] and raided  [on Eagle Peak]. Eagle Peak. In addition, a], and ve hundred (teams of) horses [and troops] I brought [home to the Land of Hattus Tarhunaradu together with his wives, [children, his goods etc.] I transported [tothe Land of  a] and led him to Arinna, the city of the Sun goddess. Hattus 

The passage above provides rare information about the exact destiny of Tarhunaradu, his  now Popfamily and belongings. They were taken to the city of Arinna (for this city see ko 2009), the seat of the Sun goddess of Arinna, who headed together with her spouse a the Hittite pantheon. the Storm-God of Hattus  In order to understand what exactly awaited them there, one should take into consideration the Hittite ideology of Kingship (on Hittite Kingship see Gu terbock 1954; Gurney 1954, pp. 6379; Goetze 1957; Gurney 1958, 1979; Haas 1994, pp. 181229; Beckman 1995; Haas 1999; Imparati in Klengel 1999, pp. 32087; Su renhagen 2001; Bryce 2002, pp. 1131; Collins 2007, pp. 925). The sacral foundations of early Hittite kingship are mostly found in short benedictions (for a partial collection of them see Archi 1979, 1988; Klinger 2000) and mythological passages (Starke 1979) that were performed in rituals (Kellerman 1978). A famous recitation, recited by the priest during an older festival of the local Anatolian tradition contains the crux of this concept (Beckman 1995, p. 530; Gilan 2004, p. 190):
May the Tabarna, the king, be dear to the Gods! The land belongs to the storm-god alone. Heaven, earth and the population belong to the storm-god alone. He has made the Labarna, a. The Labarna shall continue the king, his administrator and given him the entire land of Hattus  to administer with his hand the entire land. May the storm-god destroy whoever should a]. approach the person of the Labarna, [the king] and the borders of [Hattus 

According to the Hittite ideology of kingship, the gods headed by the Storm-God and his spouse, the Sun Goddess of Arinna were the true proprietors of the land and guaranteed success in battle. The King was their administrator on earth and was responsible for taking care of, expanding and increasing their property, the land of a. Hattus  When the king was away in Battle, the priest of the Sun-Goddess of Arinna recited an incantation to the deity, standing on the roof of the temple of the Sun Goddess at daybreak, in front of the rising sun (Popko 2009, p. 44). In the incantation, the royal couple is specically instructed to deliver the war booty to their true owners, the gods (KUB 57.63, Singer 2002, p. 26):
She (the Sun-goddess of Arinna) gave them (the Hittite royal couple) a battle-ready, valiant spear saying: May the hostile foreign lands perish by the hand of the labarna (the Hittite king), a and Arinna, the cities of the gods! and let them take goods, silver and gold to Hattus 
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a graze abundantly in the hands of the labarna and the tawannanna (the May the land of Hattus  expand! queen), and may it

The dedication of deportees and war booty to the gods was an important part of what war and victory was all about. This is also shown, as Hoffner (2006, p. 63) notes, in miniature by a famous description of a mock battle that was performed to amuse the deity on an autumn festival to a provincial Storm God (KUB 17.35, Gilan 2001, pp. 11921 with previous literature):
They divide the young men in two groups and name them. The one group they name the a, the other group they name the Men of Mas a. The Men of Hattus a get weapMen of Hattus   and the Men of a get weapons of reeds. They combat ons of Bronze whereas the Men of Mas a win. They take a prisoner and dedicate him to the deity. Hattus 

It should be clear by now just what awaited Tarhunaradu and his family in Arinna. On  Goddess, to be assigned to work in arrival, they were very likely dedicated to the Sun one of her temple estates or later redistributed elsewhere. Unfortunately, no further documentation of the exact fate of Tarhunaradu or his family  is available. Empire Period administrative texts that deal with the resettlement of populace and the organization of cult practices in the northern regions list, however, many deportees of more modest circumstances (Haas 1970; Hazenbos 2003). Deportees were embedded into existing households, grounding new ones or where attached to different cultic establishments. Other administrative documents list the distribution of booty and tribute to various palaces, temples and other economic centres (for a typical text see Archi & Klengel 1980). However, the accretion of deportees and war booty was not only a vital component of Hittite economy. The victorious return of the king from war constituted a central, decisive, ratifying moment in Hittite Ideology of Kingship, an event that could have easily lend itself to the presentation and celebration of power in form of victory parades or triumphal ceremonies. The roman triumph comes to mind in this context (for which see now Beard 2007; Ho lkeskamp 2007) Iconographic and epigraphic evidence concerning triumphs in the Ancient Near East does not abound. Some data exists, for example, on triumphs that took place within the celebrations of the ak tu-Festival in Assyria (Pongratz-Leisten 1994, pp. 7983, 1997; Villard 2008). In one of his inscriptions narrates Assurbanipal that he forced the defeated and captured kings of Elam and Arabia to drew his carriage on a procession accompanytar to the ak ing the goddess Is tu-house in Nineveh. Another inscription of Assurbanipal mentions a similar display of captive kings, including the severed head of the Elamite king Teumman, at the ak tu-festivities held at the city of Arbail (Pongratz-Leisten 1997, pp. 24950 with references). A similar, but rather singular, triumphal display is mentioned at the epilogue of the ili I, summarizing his greatest conquests in manly deeds of the old Hittite king Hattus  Syria (Beckman 2006, p. 221):
19 No one had crossed the Euphrates River, but I, the Great King, the Tabarna, crossed it on foot, and my army crossed it on foot behind me. Sargon (also) crossed it. [He] fought the troops of Hahha, but [he] did not do anything to Hahha. He did not burn it down; smoke was    not visibleto the storm-god of Heaven. 20 But I, the Great King, the Tabarna, destroyed Has suwa and Hahha, and [burned] them    Storm down with re. I [showed] smoke to the sun-god of Heaven and the god. I hitched the king of Has suwa and the king of Hahha to a wagon.   
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ili Is manly deeds are likewise unique in their meticulous listing of the kidHattus  napped images of gods and other treasures stolen in his various campaigns and their redistribution in the capital. The paragraphs describing the booty from the city of Hahha contain rare information concerning the fate of the population of the city   (Beckman 2006, p. 221)
16 Then I went to Hahha and at Hahha I gave battle three times in the city gate. I destroyed  and brought   a (two pairs of waggons were Hahha. I took its goods them to my city Hattus     loaded with silver): 17 one palanquin, one silver stag, one golden table, one silver table; these deities if Hahha:   from one silver Bull, one boat with prow inlaid in gold, I the Great King, the Tabarna, brought Hahha and carried off to the sun-goddess of Arinna. I, the Great King, the Tabarna, removed   the hands of its slave girls from the grinding stone. I removed the hands of its slaves from the sickle. I freed them from compulsory services, and I ungirded their loins. I turned them over to the sun-goddess of Arinna, my lady. And I made this golden statue of myself and set it up before the sun-goddess of Arinna, my lady. And I plated the wall above and below with silver.

One can safely assume that the presentation of the booty to the sun goddess of Arinna, like similar other occasions, involved elaborate festive ritual activities. The persisting formulaic descriptions of war spoils in royal inscriptions throughout Hittite history attest to the great importance of the issue to Hittite ideology of kingship. Yet, although the Hittite material contains a plethora of state-cult related texts, none of them to my knowledge seems to prescribe such a ceremony. This is the more striking as the Hittite archives offer one of the richest collections of religious literature in the ancient world. It is as the steward of the divine, that the Hittite king held ofce as chief priest of the main deities and was responsible for their cult (Klinger 2003, pp. 10910; Taggar-Cohen 2006, pp. 369446). Celebrating the festivals of the gods as well as observing the regular maintenance of their cult was perhaps the most important task of Hittite society as such, (general surveys on Hittite religion include Gurney 1977; Haas 1994 and now Taracha 2009). In the land of the 1000 gods, as the Hittites sometimes referred to their kingdom, maintenance of the cult was a very expansive and complex matter (on the nances of Hittite cult see Gilan 2007 with ample references). Neglecting the cult of a certain deity could have caused terrible consequences, as numerous passages from Hittite royal prayers (Singer 2002) demonstrate. The following passage from a prayer of the Empire Period king Tudhaliya to the Sun goddess of Arinna (Singer 2002, pp. 1089) may serve as an example: 
I have sinned [against the Sun-goddess of Arinna], my Lady, and I have offended the Sungoddess of Arinna, [my Lady]. [And when] I began to get oracular guidance, (it turned out that) I neglected your festivals. [If you], O Sun-goddess of Arinna, my Lady, became angry with [me] on account of some festivals, take care [of me] again, O Sun-goddess of Arinna, my Lady! May I defeat the enemy! [If you, O Sun-goddess] of Arinna, my Lady, will step down [to me], and I shall defeat the enemy, I shall [confess] my sin [before you] and never again [shall I omit] the festivals. I will not again interchange the spring and [autumn festivals]. [The festivals of spring] I shall perform only in the spring, [and the festivals of] autumn I shall perform only in the autumn. I shall never leave out [the festivals] in [your] temple.

Hittite rulers usually took the cult seriously. Extensive oracular investigations were conducted in order to nd out, whether and which festivals were neglected (for Hittite oracular practices see now Haas 2008). Hittite kings were even forced sometimes to break

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a siege or a military campaign so that they could return home on time for the festivals. The fate and prosperity of the land depended upon it. In a typology of rituals genres, most Hittite state cult practices could be identied as rituals of exchange. In these rituals, writes Bell (1997, pp. 1089),
people make offerings to a god with the practical and straightforward expectation of receiving something in return whether it be as concrete as a good harvest and a long life or as abstract as grace and redemption; one gives in order to receive in return (do ut des). Direct offerings may be given to praise, please, and placate divine power, or they may involve an explicit exchange by which human beings provide sustenance to divine powers in return to divine contributions to human well-being.

However, a Hittite festival had a political dimension as well, in that, quoting Bell again (1997, p. 128) it constructs displays and promotes the power of political institutions It does this, to use Stanley Tambiahs famous ritual denition, in that it symbolically and or iconically represents the cosmos and at the same time indexically legitimates and realizes social hierarchies (1979, p. 153). The Hittite state cult, in which the gods are fed and placated by a hierarchical structured effort headed by the king or other representatives of the royal family, achieve precisely that (on some political aspects of Hittite festivals see recently Gilan 2004; Hutter 2008 and Go rke 2008). This rather effective discourse gave the Hittite kings legitimation and enabled them to mobilize the whole society. Moreover, political rites do not only symbolizes and demonstrate power, they construct it in the rst place. The kings cult, writes Bell (1997, p. 129) following Geertz, creates the king, denes kingliness and orchestrates a cosmic framework within which the social hierarchy headed by the king is perceived as natural and right. Seen in this light, Hittite state-cult festivals do not only symbolize or demonstrate the power of the king, they are, among other things, what Hittite kingship is all about. The kings appearance in the rituals does not only represent royal power, it constructs his power in the rst place (for intentional uses of rituals for the legitimation of kingship see, for example, Bloch 1986, 1987). However, despite this bulk of theory, a closer look at the Hittite festival texts may leave a different impression altogether, namely that its authors were not interested at all in the propagandistic possibilities the festivals offered. Whereas processions ceremonial, ritualized public appearances of the king are amply attested in Hittite festival texts (see now Go rke 2008), there is no mention whatsoever of the audiences that supposed to view the spectacle. To my knowledge, the only text in which spectators are indeed mentioned is signicantly not a festival text, but the Middle Hittite instructions text to the royal guards (Gu terbock & van den Hout 1991). Among other procedures, the texts prescribe the exist of the king from the palace, an event that involved dozens of guards, soldiers and different experts forming a ca. 90 m long and 30 m wide procession. The whole procession was accompanied by soldiers from a eld-battalion whose orders were to keep the peaceful [population] lined up on the sides. The left ones keep (it) lined up on the left, and the right ones keep (it) lined up on the right (27, lines 6063, translated by Gu terbock & van den Hout 1991, p. 23). Apart from keeping the crowds out of the way the soldiers are instructed to prevent anything such as stray oxen or horses from disturbing the procession (28). One can easily imagine the effect that this kind of a military procession had in the roads and villages of rural Anatolia. Yet there is nothing to suggest that festivals like the festival
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of haste, which involved numerous trips by the king and his retinue were designed to portray, or even to construct political power in other ways than by parading the king in this fashion. However, the Hittite king was not allowed to rest after his return from battle either. On the contrary, upon his arrival the king was involved in intense ritual activity. Accordha-festival the festival of haste, the ing to several colophons of the autumn nuntarriyas king celebrated this festival in autumn upon his return from the battleeld (Taracha 2009, p. 140 with references). The festival of haste (recently edited by Nakamura 2002) as well as its spring pendant, UM plant (Haas 1994, pp. 772826; Taracha 2009, pp. the festival of the AN.DAH.S  cultic calendar during the Empire Period. Both great fes13841), dominated the Hittite tivals were calendrical in nature, marking the passage of time in the agricultural cycle (for calendrical rites see now Hazenbos 2004). They were probably formed by the incorporation of local rites celebrated independently in different towns into the programme of one great festival (Taracha 2009, p. 139). Both lasted up to 40 days and included, like most Hittite festivals, countless offerings and rites to an almost endless number of deities in numerous sanctuaries. During both festivals, the king or other members of the royal family took elaborate trips to cult centres in central and northern Anatolia or visited different temples and shrines in the capital itself. Both festivals belong to the best-documented festivals found in the archives of Hattusa. In fact, there are so many, mostly tiny fragments of different versions and copies of festival texts or of different rites within the two festivals, that a denite edition of both festivals is still a thing of the future. Luckily, however, the Hittite scribes produced also outline tablets, some of which have survived in relatively good shape to this day, so that an overview of the different rites and ceremonies is possible. Detailed versions of single days or ceremonies also exist, but it is often difcult to ascribe them with certainty to a certain festival. Unfortunately, the amplitude of the festival texts do not stand in a favourable relation to the quality of the information that could be yielded from them (Klinger 2003, pp. 96 7). The genre is very repetitive, mostly consisting of long lists of deities and their offerings and is written in a rather manual like, technical language. The texts are only zoomed on the movements actions of the king or other members of the royal family, their retinue and on the immediate ritual action taken immediately around them by different cult functionaries. Of the actions and reactions of other participants audiences on the fringe of the main cultic actions we are rarely ever told. Furthermore, the texts only prescribe the desirable and correct order of events of what really happened of the illuminating gap between plan and performance we know nothing, as we do not possess the impressions of participants or eyewitness descriptions. All we possess are the scribal, ofcial, technical transcripts. The question as to the exact function of the festival texts and their existence in so many copies is still debated. Yet, a close examination of the festival of haste show no inclination whatsoever to exploit the glory of battles just won. Among the numerous rites that were performed within the festivals in the capital as well as in other important Anatolian cultic centres, such as Arinna, Ziplanda, Katapa and Nerik not even one specically involves war booty or its festive presentation to the gods. The king does indeed travel to Arinna, the city of the sun goddess of Arinna, upon his return from war. Yet he travels there not as a victorious king, leading columns of deportees and carts loaded with treasures, but merely to participate in the local cult, just as he was doing in spring and in other important cult

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centres too. There is no evidence suggesting that the king used the opportunity to present the Sun Goddess with the spoils of war that that were rightfully hers. How could this discrepancy between the ideology conveyed by the royal inscriptions and cult incantations, pertaining to the dedication booty and the total lack of triumphs or similar ceremonies in the Hittite ritual literature be accounted for? Is it a discrepancy at all? The absence of such rituals cannot be easily explained by the contingencies of preservation due to the richness of the Hittite material. Hittite literature abounds with festival a. It texts, which form the largest category of texts found in Bogazko y, ancient Hattus even became a joke during the excavations that in every 9 out of 10 cases,fragments turned out to be festival texts (Gu terbock 1970, p. 175). However, there are several possible ways to account for this phenomenon. Possibly, triumphs were not among the festival genres that were recorded on clay by erudite scribes. Hittite sources mention dozens of festivals, which are known by name only (Gu terbock 1970), and were possibly never written down. Alternatively, triumphs and dedication of booty ceremonies may have been envisaged as part of the conduct or logistics of war, a domain that was seldom put down to writing. As I have tried to argue, the Hittites had the material and ideological resources for more splendiferous demonstrations of power than the festivals texts pertain. But instead of celebrating his victory in the capital and presenting the booty to the gods grandly ratifying Hittite ideology of kingship the Hittite king was hastily sent on the road again, to pay his tribute to different deities in religiously important sanctuaries, temples and shrines in the capital and its surroundings. In his recent edition of the festival of haste notes Nakamura two important features of the festival, which may be pertinent to its interpretation. First, the trips taken by the king and his retinue as well as the deity Zithariya, who travels independently, are limited to cult centres in central and northern Anatolia, the original kernel territory of the Hittite Kingdom. Second, the cult is offered almost exclusively to native, local Anatolian deities (Nakamura 2002, pp. 134). A third aspect could be added, some of the rites seem to relate to the ancestor cult of the royal family. These features may indicate, in my opinion, that the festival of haste should be interpreted as a re-invention of tradition or as a ritual manifestation of coming home, rather than as a ritual demonstration of power. There seem to be no evidence that the festival of haste was usurped by the Hittite kings for any purposes other than its apparent one the veneration of the gods and the perpetuation of the cult. The organizers of the ritual as well as the deities themselves, which were probably involved in its arrangement through oracle inquiry beforehand, had clearly something else in mind than an intentional manifestation of political power. Scholarly treatments on Hittite kingship usually utilize all the available information at hand to construct an ideal and coherent depiction of that institution. As I hope to have shown, the search for breaches, inconsistencies and contradictions in this conform representation of Hittite kingship may open new research perspectives as well. Short Biography Dr Amir Gilan received his PhD from the University of Leipzig, Germany with a dissertation on the Old Hittite Historiographical Tradition. Since 2009 he is a lecturer of Hittite and Ancient Near Eastern Cultures in Tel Aviv University. He has published extensively on Hittite historiography and literature. Other venues of research include the
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construction of ethnic identities in Hittite Anatolia, the interfacing of political power and ritual practices as well as studies in the cultural and social history of the Hittites. Note
* Correspondence address: Amir Gilan, Gilman Building, Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv 69978, Israel. E-mail: agilan @post.tau.ac.il

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