. . . ...

:(::
I
THE MALAYS
OF THE CEYLON
RIFLE REGIMENT
B.A. HUSSAINMIYA
TBE MALAYS
OF THE CEYLON
RIFLE REGIMENT
B.A. HUSSAINtv1IYA
PENERBIT UNIVERSITI KEBANGSAAN MALAYSIA
BANGI e1990
First Printing I Cetakan Pertama, I 990
Copyright I Hakcipta U niversiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, I 990
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Published in Malaysia by I Diterbitkan di Malaysia oleh
PENERBIT UNIVERSITI KEBANGSAAN MALAYSIA
43600 UKM Bangi, Selangor D.E., MALAYSIA
Printed in Malaysia by I Dicetak di Malaysia oleh
AMPANG PRESS SDN. BHD.
I4-16, Lorong Kolam Air Lama Satu,
68ooo Am pang J aya, Selangor D.E., MALAYSIA
Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia Data-Mengkatalog-dalam-Penerbitanl
Cataloguing-in-Publication-Data
Hussainmiya, B.A. (Bachamiya Abdul)
Orang Rejimen: the Malays of
the Ceylon rifle regiment I B.A.
Hussainmiya.
Bibliography: p. I 79
1. Malays (Asian people) - Sri
Lanka. 2. Minorities - Sri Lanka.
3 Sri Lanka - History. I. Title.
305399205493
ISBN 967-942- I 77-5
ISBN 967-942-I65-I (pbk.)
Preface ... 7.
Abbreviations ... 9
Maps ... 11
Chapter I Introduction ... 15
Contents
Chapter 2 Early Malay Contacts with Sri Lanka .. .ji
Chapter 3 Origins of the Malay Community, 1640-I796 ... 38
Chapter 4 Governor North and the Malays, 1798- I 805 .. 57
Chapter 5 Formation of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, I 805-1827 ... 78
Chapter 6 The Regiment Until its Disbandment, 1827-I873 ... 88
Chapter 7 Life in the Regiment: Economic and Social Aspects ... II 1
Chapter 8 Literary Activities in the Regiment ... 134
Retrospect .. . 152
Appendices ... 157
Bibliography ... 177
Preface
In this island of ours, where so many different communities live side by side, the presence of
the Malays ofCeylon has, always been taken for granted. Due perhaps, to their innate modesty
and unobtrusiveness of the community as a whole, no one has ever asked who the Malays are,
or where they have come from, and at what period in the island's history ... (Edward Reimers
1924, 155)
More than half a century has elapsed since Reimers, a renowned
archivist made the remarks about the paucity of research on the Malay
community in Sri Lanka. Notwithstanding some minor amateur attemps
to unravel their history, little progress was made by way of serious scholarly
research. A contrast can be seen here in the case of the South African
Malays, on whom are written countless number of academic treatises,
books, monography, theses and research articles. Whereas in 1970, when
Ian Goonetilake compiled a first comprehensive Bibliography on Cry/on, only
9 articles could be listed under the rubric ofCeylon Malays. Only recently,
in 1987, were some of my research papers collected and published in the form
of an occasional paper (No. 2) by the Institute of Malay Language,
Literature and Culture (IBKKM) of the Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia.
The Sri Lankan Malays, then, had been singularly unfortunate for not
having been the subject of at least one book-length study so far.
Being conscious of this lacunae, several colleagues of mine, especially in
Malaysia, urged me to publish my doctoral dissertation on the Malays of
The Ceylon Rifle Regimen, popularly known as Orang Rejimen, submitted
to the University ofPeradeniya, Sri Lanka is late 1984. This book is slight-
ly revised version of it, although I would have preferred to wait longer to
present a more readable account of this interesting minority community.
The roots of this book, in fact, had to be traced as far back as the period
1974 to 1978 when I was granted a Monash graduate scholarship to do post-
graduate research under late Prof. Cyril Skiimer, Chairman of the
IndonesianfMalay Studies of the Monash University, Australia. Prof.
Skinner imbibed me with his inalienable interest in colonial military history.
I have benefitted immensely from his ideas and guidance, and I wish to
record my lasting gratitude to him.
I wish to thank many individuals and institutions for the help I received
during my research and publication of this book. My special gratitude is
due to the staff of Sri Lanka National Archives, University of Peradeniya
8
Preface
library Monash University Library, and The Public Record Office
(London), and all those including late Messrs. Mas Guice Weerabangsa,
late Tuan Kamaludin Cuncheer, Gnei Pushpa Sariffodin, Durham Saldin
and others who were generous in supplying me with Malay manuscripts and
papers.
Several friends have gone through the drafts of some or several parts of
this book to offer suggestions for improvement. Prof. K. W. Goonewardena,
Dr. B.E. Bastiampillai, A.J.M. Zaneer, Dr. T.J. Barron, Dr. Ian Smith, Prof.
Ronald Provencher, Dr. Shaharil Talib, and Dr. Muhammad Kamlin. I
pay tribute to all of them, while I take responsibility for all errors.
The publication of this book would not have been possible without the
active interest evinced by the Universiti Kebangsaan Publishers themselves.
My special thanks to Hasrom bin Haron, Dr. Wan Hashim Wan Teh and
Prof. Ismail Hussein for taking a personal interest in the release of this book.
I also thank IBKKM of the Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia for having
granted me a visiting lecturership in 1985-87, to continue with several
research projects on the Sri Lankan Malays, including the publication of this
book.
I am grateful to my uncle S. Basheer Halaldeen for his help in reading
the proof, besides acting as my liason with the community. To my wife
Zahra, I owe much, for shielding me from both emotional and domestic
stress during the progress of my research in the midst ofher own professional
commitments as a banker.
B.A. HUSSAINMIYA
Department of History,
Universiti Brunei Darussallam.
August, 1989
AL
AMS
BEFEO
BKI
CEMRO
CLR
CO
CRR
CS
DPC
GO
JMBRAS
JRASCB
JRASGB
JSBRAS
JSEAS
MILY
MS
SLNA
UCR
WO
ws
Abbreviations
Alamat Langkapuri
Assistant Military Secretary
Bulletin de l' Ecole Francaise d' Extreme Orient
Bijdragen tot de Taal-Land-en Volkenkunde
Ceylon Malay Research Organization
Ceylon Literary Review
Colonial Office
Ceylon Rifle Regiment
Chief Secretary
Dutch Political Council
General Orders (Ceylon)
Journal of the Malayan Branch of Royal Asiatic Society
Journal of the the Royal Asiatic Society, Ceylon Branch
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Great Britain
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Singapore Branch
Journal of South East Asian History
Military
Military Secretary
Sri Lanka National Archives
University of Ceylon Review
War Office (London)
Wajah Selong
Note on Spellings
The author has chosen to spell the names of Sri Lankan Malays in an
'Anglicised' way, as found in contemporary documents e.g. 'Baba Yunus
Saldin' is spelt 'Baba Ounus Saldin', and 'Wirabangsa' is spelt
'Weerabangsa', prompted by their own usage. He seeks consolation from
Powell's ( 1973 preface) dilemma that there were nine ways of spelling
'Pilima Talauva', the name of a Sinhalese chief mentioned in his book!
N
f
0 160 320 480 km
B
0

4.

SULA -='
0
CERA/I

AIIBON .
BUTUNG
Run Bonda
gARU

MAP I South East Asia (Showing areas of origins of Sri Lankan Malays)
IV
, ...
I
,., L
" \..j \ MULLAITIVU
\
)'-
1 V'\.
24

-N-
I
0
Miles
KEY
24
\ \. ... -->,..,.
J ,.,.. .......\
(VAVUNIYA ) I
\ ,.,,"' )
---- District Boundary
Above 500 Persons
(ApproKimately)
r--"\ 1 \
J ,_,. '
---i \
q / I
( ANURADHAPURA
I I \
\ ,,..... '---, ""{ ....
.._,_ I \/I
.,_,, 11 I
I .., ..., )
',, )POLONNARUWA \
I \ ,''-, )
I \ I I !"..
/ \ .. .-/ I t BATTICALO
/ ' I \
I
1
{ - - I'
t KURUNEGALA \ .., _ _,., \ "-..-
1
',
I .. \ MATALE "'
I ' I ' ,,., '
\ l -' .... ., l '--,_
\ ;'"", - .... ,, \ I ,,
I /'-"-1 1 /I
I I ' I I
l ----... / ' ::KANDY I "I ,... \AMPARAI
_.,.., '(" ', ,.., } ,L,. t
GA
..... HA .. \ I ,/ I
':'.... ',KEGALLE I / I ( I
. ' ,, ; ' . ,, \ ...
! { 1 "' I ' \ '
.:: (
1
1 (NUWARA / BADULLA I \
,,,.. ...- ... _ \ I' \ ' ' l I
r., ' .........,f::UYA-" I
!x. , ' ' I'V , I
_. I "---,) \ /" I
: /" '"'\ '------\ ( MONERAGALA
1
\ l I I
\ RATNAPURA ...,,, ) I
/ '.( ,...\
\ I I '
\ .... -, , .... -"'
-.... (' ,. ... , ... -, ' ..,,. , __ ...
'"" '-
1
,. ..._1 ', \ lHAMBANTOTA ,, ,- ... __ ,v
I I
<
)1ATARA}
( I
l '
MAP 2 Sri Lanka. Distribution of Malay population, 1981
0 25 20 75 km
Kurunegolo
eKondy
8
Bodullo
MAP 3 The detachments of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, 1827-1873
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
Background : The Island and Its People
Lying in the middle of the Indian ocean, Sri Lanka (formerly known as
Ceylon) is strategically located on the seafaring highways of Asia. It is a
small island shaped like a mango, and is roughly the size of Greece and about
one half the size of the Malay Peninsula. The island covers a total area of
65,61 o km (or 25,332 square miles). It stretches 435 km from south to north
at its longest and 225 km at its widest from east to west. Located at the
extreme southern tip of Indian subcontinent, separated from it by the Palk
Straits which is 53 km wide, the island is within latitudes 6" to w"N.
Being in close proximity to the Equator, the island has high temperature,
between So" to 82" F in the plains. The effects of this temperature are
neutralised to a certain extent by oceanic winds which blow across the island
at its greatest width being only 225 km. The temperature in the mountain
ranges in the Nuwara Eliya region at an altitude of62oo feet above sea level
is less harsh. On an average the temperature in this zone falls 10" for every
300 feet of elevation.
The natural relief of the island is not very complicated. A relief map of
Sri Lanka would normally have the divisions of upcountry and low country,
the former occupying about one fifth of the country's space. The remainder
of the island is comparatively flat land, narrower on the west, east and south
but expanding vastly towards the north.
Compared to other countries in the same temperature zones, the average
rainfall in Sri Lanka is heavy, but due to the high temperature of the
atmosphere much ofit is rapidly evaporated. The south west monsoon blows
steadily from about May to August, breaking at the central highlands and
creating the wet zone. The average rainfall in the dry zone of the north west
and south west is below 40 inches, while an average rainfall of as much as
200 inches may be experienced on the slopes of the hill country.
The island is crisscrossed by a network ofmotorable roads and railways
built mostly during the British period of colonial rule. The major towns are
Colombo (the business capital and metropolis), Galle (in the south), Kandy
(the hill town and repository of the sacred tooth relic of the Buddha), and
Jaffna (the fourth largest city and the metropolis of the indigenous Tamils),
J6 Introduction
Batticaloa, and Trincomalee which is reputed to have the finest natural
harbour in the east.
Sri Lanka can boast of a long recorded history going back about two
thousand five hundred years. The Mahawamsa, a chronicle of Sri Lanka
composed in Pali, the sacred language of the Theravada Buddhists narrates
the history of the island from the arrival of Vijaya some time in the sixth
or fifth century B.C. Vijaya is said to be the legendary father of the Sinhala
people, who form the majority ethnic group in the island. The Vijaya legend
actually symbolises the arrival of the first lndo-Aryan colonists from
northern India (De Silva 1981, 3). According to recorded history the
Sinhala Aryans embraced Buddhism during the reign of Devanampiya
Tissa, (250-210 B.C.) a contemporary of the great Mauryan Emperor,
Asoka. Since then the country has been largely identified with this religion,
which is professed by more than 70 percent of the island's population.
During the period of the Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa Kingdoms,
which lasted from the first century until about the middle of the thirteenth,
the Sinhalese perfected their skill in irrigation engineering and laid the
foundation for a remarkable hydraulic civilization through a system of water
management, the chief feature of which was the construction of tanks as
storage reservoirs. In fact, the tanks and dagobas (shrines containing relics
of the Buddha) have become the twin symbols of the ancient grandeur of
Sri Lanka. In the post thirteenth-century period, the Sinhala civilization
lost much of its greatness mainly because of internecine warfare and foreign
intrusion.
A second important ethnic group of Sri Lanka are the Tamils, the
majority of whom are Hindus by religion and descendants of Dravidian
settlers who came from the South Indian region. There is controversy as
to when they first arrived in the island. Probably the indigenous Tamil
population of Sri Lanka, as against the recent Indian immigrants or
'Plantation Tamils' as they are popularly called, who were brought by the
British in the 19th century, are as ancient as the country's majority Sinhala
population.
Muslims constitute the third largest ethnic group of Sri Lanka. Known
as 'Moors', an appelation given by the Portuguese who first encountered
them in 1506, these Muslims claim descendancy from the Arab and west-
Asian settlers, who reached Asia for trade purposes even before the birth of
Islam in Arabia in the seventh century A.D. The numbers of (Muslim)
Moors were later augmented by the local converts and immigrant Muslims
from South India, who adopted Tamil as their home and religious language.
Nearly 75 percent of the Muslim population in the island include also the
sub-groups of Memons, Borahs and the Malays.
Besides the major ethnic groups, the Sri Lankan ethnic mosaic includes
a number of other smaller communities which form less than one percent
of the total population. These are of indigenous and foreign descent,
Introduction
including those of European, Indian, Southeast Asian, Chinese and African
origin. Both history and archaeology corroborate the existence of foreign
communities in the ancient and medieval royal cities of Anuradhapura and
Polonnaruwa. However it is the colonial period (I 506-Ig48) to which many
of the present day microscopic minority communities owe their origins.
Needs of the colonial administration, trade links and cultural influences
resulted in the arrival in Sri Lanka of such categories of people as soldiers
and administrators, merchants, artisans and priests. Colonial developments
also sponsored or stimulated migration to Sri Lanka of certain ethnic groups,
chief among whom are Burghers, Indian (or Plantation) Tamils, Colombo
Chetties, Malayalees, the Borahs, the Parsees, the (Hindu) Gujeratis, the
Sindhis, the Chinese, the Kaffirs and the Malays.
The Malay Community
Of these cultural minority communities who have made Sri Lanka their
home, the case of the Malays is very remarkable and deserves serious study.
Unlike other marginal population groups, the Malays are still identified as
a distinct statistical category in official government documents. The other
minorities are usually lumped together as 'others' and rarely identified by
their ethnic nomenclature. Where 'others' have become a less distinct
numerical group due to assimilation and intermarriage with the rest of the
population, the Malays have managed to retain their separate ethnic
religious identity despite many odds over a period of more than three
hundred years, since their ancestors first set foot on the island.
Currently, Malay is a term commonly used in South-east Asia to denote
the people living in the Malaysian Peninsula and those in the adjoining areas
in the archipelago who claim a common Malay ancestry. Malaysian law
also requires a Malay to be a Muslim by religion. However, judging by
their ancestry, the so-called Sri Lanka 'Malays' have a greater claim to being
called 'Indonesians' or 'Javanese' than 'Malay' or 'Malaysian'.
Nonetheless, the immigrants from the east have been recognised by their
fellow citizens as Malays throughout the past. In Sri Lanka this term was
commonly applied to those Muslim settlers who originated from the eastern
Archipelago as well as the Malay Peninsula.
The local people know them as ]a Minussu (people fromJ ava in Sinhala)
and Java manusar (in Tamil), names indicative of their one time origin from
the island of Java. The (Muslim) Moors, their co-religionists, most of whom
are relatively more familiar with the Malays, refer to them also as Malai karar
(Malay people). The Malays are of course conscious of both ancestries when
they refer to themselves as Orang Jawa
2
(People of Java) and Orang Melayu
(The Malay People).
Despite the recognition thus accorded to the Malays as a group, there
exists no simple racial criterion by which an outsider may identifY a Malay
r8 Introduction
by any conspicuous physical characteristics. The Sri Lanka Malays are by
religion followers of Islam, and because of this fact, they have closely
intermingled with the dominant Islamic group, mainly the Moors through
intermarriage and cultural exchange.
3
This has resulted in the loss of typical
'Malay' features among the offspring of such marriages, making it difficult
to recognize a Malay from a Tamil speaking Moor (or for that matter any
other Sri Lankan) a fact which had been noticed as early as the beginning
of the 19th century by Percival, a British Military Officer, who remarked
that:
Although they (Malays) intermarry with the Moors and other castes (sic) particularly in
Ceylon and by this means acquire a much darker colour than is natural to a Malay; still their
characteristic features are so strikingly predominant. (Percival 18o5, 115).
However, at present even such characteristic features of a Malay have
become a thing of. the past (although physical anthropologists may not
always agree to the type-casting of physiological features of a given race).
One might as well quote Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra,
4
a former Malaysian
Prime Minister who made the following observations on the contemporary
Sri Lanka Malays.
This is also the case with Ceylon. The only difference is that their features have changed. They
look more like Indians (the Kelings) than Malays and their language is strongly influenced by
the Indian dialect. What's more they have lost touch with adat and custom, but still they call
themselves Malays ...
But these (Malay) soldiers who went there without their womenfolk married into the family
of the Indian Muslims. These Muslims were known as the Moors and after generations of
intermarriages, it is hard to pick one from the other, Malays or the Moors, except when they
themselves announce their racial identity ... (Rahman 1g83, 195).
The Contemporary Local Malay Culture
In the culture of the Malay community too, there exist no visible signs which
can be characterised as distinctively 'Malay'. Malay customs and traditions
(as practised in the Malay Peninsula) are almost entirely absent i? the
practical life of the local Malay people.
5
Instead ~ e finds that the o m m a ~ t
customs and traditions of the local Moor-Mushms have pervaded the1r
cultural practices.
6
In their form of dress and food they follow the pattern
set by their countrymen, especially the Moors. For example, Malay women
invariably wear the Sari instead of the traditional Malay Baju Kurung and
the men wear European style coat, while the ordinary Malay has adopted
the sarong and shirt. Similarly, the food habits of the Malays are more akin
to those of any other Sri Lankan family, which invariable means rice and
curry for the main meal. However, it is also true that the Malays are
conscious of their traditional food preparations such as nasi goreng (fried rice),
Introduction
satay, and Malay kuilt (cakes and puddings), but they are prepared only on
very rare occasions, and that too only among the well-to-do and fashionable
Malay families. Likewise, in their wedding ceremonies there is occasional
evidence of following Malay customs such as bersanding
7
(the sitting together
of the groom and the bride) etc. by some conscientious Malay families, but
these are again rare exceptions to the rule. Some Malay families, who are
particularly conscious of their Malay-Indonesian heritage, take pride in
having retained versions of Malayflndonesian surnames such as
Weerabangsa, Nalawangsa, Singa Laxana, Bongso, Tumarto, BangsaJaya,
Cuttilan, Cuncheer, etc., but a good number of Malays also bear the usual
Muslim names (common to the Moors) which make it difficult to distinguish
them from the personal names adopted by their fellow Muslim-Moors.
8
Thus the moving away from traditional 'Malay' cultural patterns has
been so marked that relying on any obvious cultural indicator to identify
the local Malays may become misleading and irrelevant. Therefore, within
the Sri Lanka context, one has to refrain from any attempt to define a Malay
on the basis of any racial, legal or social criteria.
9
In this context, the need
to settle the question of Malay identity should rest largely on the basis of
what we may call a 'self-social' identification. It means that a Malay in Sri
Lanka is one who considers himself or herself a Malay and functions as a
member of and identifies with the Malay society.
The Language of the Malays
This 'self social' identification as Malays, and of alignment with a Malay
social system is reinforced by the continued use in the Sri Lanka Malay
households of a kind of colloquial 'Malay' language. The Malay spoken in
Sri Lanka is an offshoot of a 'Bazaar Malay' dialect introduced to the island
along with the early Malay settlers (Hussainmiya 1986, 20). The local
Malays take great pride in the fact that they speak their own language which
they call 'Malay' (Bahasa Melayu), although it is widely divergent from the
standard language currently spoken in either Malaysia or Indonesia. this
variety of Sri Lankan 'Malay' language is widely spoken in Malay homes.
1 0
To a very great extent, it is on the basis of this Malay creole, not to
mention the Malays' emotional link with the countries of their origin in the
East, that the Malay people of Sri Lanka continue to treat themselves as
members of an exclusive community and inheritors of a common Malay
heritage. In this respect they have much more claim to continuous affinity
with their counterparts in the Malay world, unlike the 'Malays' in South
Africa.
A Comparison with the South African Malays
It may be useful at this juncture to compare the present status of these two
groups of people as Malays in order to illustrate the degree of their respective
20
Introduction
self-identities. The Cape Malays are an ethnologically mixed people found
mainly in the Cape Peninsula in South Africa. Their identity is based mainly
on their following the religion of Islam. Of the 36o,ooo Muslim population
in South Africa, who are categorised as coloured or Asian, the Cape Malays
form a sub-group whose number today stands at nearly I82,ooo (Du Plessis,
I972). Originally the Cape Malays are said to have belonged to the
Javanese .and Balinese section of the 'Malay' race.
While the Sri Lankan Malays continue to take pride in, and emphasise
their Malay heritage, the Malays in South Africa are for various reasons now
said to be in the process of shedding their Malay identity. They hailed from
almost the same areas in the then Dutch East Indies and were introduced
to these distant lands for almost the same reasons by the Dutch colonial
authorities. Despite this commonality, a major difference exists between
these two in the degree of continuing their special identity as Malays.
The Malays of Sri Lanka still speak their own language, however remote
their variety of language may be from the standard Malay spoken in the
Malay world. By contrast, Malays of South Africa, have ceased to speak
their own language for more than a century in the past (Mayson I 86 I, r 3).
The language of the latter is Ajrikaans> which is common to the other Muslim
immigrants settled in South Africa. So much so that they are more often
referred to by their religious identity i.e. as 'Muslims' or 'Mohammedans'.
Furthermore, it appears that their rate of mixture with the other local race
seems much more complete so that it is more natural to treat them as
members of the Muslim group. As Du Plessis, mentions:
At the Cape they become much diluted with other races, among them the indigenous people
of South Mrica and also Arabs, Indians, Chinese and Whites. (Du Plessis 1972, 145).
But for this linguistic factor, it is almost certain that the fate which befell the
Cape Malay community would have extended to the small community of
Malays in Sri Lanka and led to the decline of their self-identity.
Contemporary Malay Society
There exists no proper study or a survey of socio-economic conditions of the
present day Malay Community. The latest census figure indicates 43,378
(or 0.3%) as the total Malay population in Sri Lanka.
11
A large majority
of them are urban-dwellers as may be seen from the following table;
Cities with a population above rooo persons
District No. of Persons
Colombo
Gampaha
Hambantota
Kandy
20,04I
8,o77
4,380
2,648
Introduction
Badulla
Kurunegala
Nuwara Eliya
I,300
I,20I
I, I I 3
2I
The Malays, a majority of whom are known to be living at a subsistence
level, cannot be classed as a rich community. In fact, according to the latest
census report ( rgSI) the highest percentage of unemployment among the Sri
Lankans was recbrded among the members of this community. It stood at
29 percent, while that of the Sinhalese, the majority population, was I 5 I
percent. The percentage of the unemployed Sri Lankan Tamils was only
9 I 3 percent.
1 2
Among the working population, only a negligible proportion ofMalays
are employed as professionals in the field of medicine, engineering, law and
higher administrative service etc. Most of the Malays do jobs of a low grade
in government and private institutions as clerks, watchmen, office boys and
drivers. Some make a living from petty trading as street-hawkers or small
shop-keepers in the city.
Further, today there are no noteworthy Malay businessmen and
therefore no surprise if one cannot find wealthy people among them. In this
respect, the Malays find themselves on the lowest rung of the economic
ladder as opposed to other Muslim groups in the island, such as the Tamil-
speaking Moors and the traditional business communities of 'Borahs' and
'Memons'.
The Malay community is particularly characterised by its poverty and
squalor. A walk around Slave Island (Now called Kompanne Vidiya,
derived from Malay Kampung) and Wekande suburbs, the largely Malay
dominated slum areas in Colombo, would suffice to demonstrate this fact.
At a symposium held at the Moors Islamic Cultural Home on I st
November, I967, the late Mr. Muradjayah, President of the Ceylon Malay
Research Organisation, highlighted the plight of the Sri Lanka Malays.
I do not know how many of you here come from Slave Island which is the stronghold ofMalays.
I live there and I am only too keenly aware of the pathetic conditions in which .the Malays
of Slave Island live. It is pathetic to see how every night, all the furniture in the house is piled
away into a corner to find sleeping accommodation for 4,5,6 or more people in a tiny room,
in which the father, mother, the children and even the grand parents sleep closely huddled
together.
It is also pathetic to see how they queue up to avail of the indequate sanitary facilities
provided from the early hours of the morning. It is not surprising therefore that more and more
people in these congested areas are succumbing to the dreaded tuberculosis. The incidence
ofT.B. is the highest in Slave Island. (Jayah 197oA, 72).
Lately, there is a tendency among Malays living in the densely populated
urban areas, particularly the Slave Island area mentioned above to move
out into new localities outside the city . Thus the Malay population is
-------------------------------------
22
Introduction
increasing in the Gampaha district adjoining the Colombo district.
Thxs Is caused by the rising land values in the city of Colombo. In the
meantime, Slave Island is developing into a vast commercial area. The
Malays are either evicted from their tenement houses or they sell their houses
to buy less expensive land in the areas such as Wattala Hunupitiya and
Mahara areas lying just outside Colombo. In Hunupitiya, a whole new
Malay settlement called Akbar Town has come into being. (This settlement
has been named after the late Mas Thajun Akbar, a Malay). In fact, during
the last decade, Gampaha has become the district with the second largest
Malay population, a position held until I 97 I by the Kandy district since the
early days of British rule.
Survey of Literature on the Malay Community
has been written on the Malay community, so that there
d1d not exist any secondary source material which is of much use to
As late as I 970, I an Goonetilleke, in his comprehensive
Bzblzography rif Ceylon (Vol. I) could list only nine articles on the subject of
Malays. Of these, four articles appeared in one volume, in the Jubilees Book
rifthe Colombo Malay Cricket Club published in I924. These articles, which are
not based on research of any considerable value, hardly exceed four or five
pages in length. The references to the Malay community in the general
works on Sri Lankan history - are also limited to a few sentences.
Reimers has written something ofvalue referring to the
participatiOn ofEast Indian troops in the early stages of the Dutch onslaught
on .the fortress held by the Portugese in Sri Lanka's coastal regions. His
article, though regretrably brief, was at least based on archival sources with
which he was familiar. (Reimers, I924)
Other articles, written mostly by Ceylon Malays themselves, generally
to unduly emphasise the glorious periods of the Malay race in medieval
such as the Sri Vijayan Malay Empire, and the famous Javanese
ofMataram.t
3
The idea of these writers seems to be to tie up the
Sn Lankan Malay history with that of the famous medieval Malay
The merely repeated some facts from well known history
books, Without any cntical approach to the history of their own community.
. One H.M. wrote a brief article on Ceylon Malays which appeared
m the J.M.B.R.A.S. m I926 but lacks historical accuracy. Some interesting
facts about the Malays are mentioned in a few short notes written by the
late Jayah, which appeared also in his mimeographed news
bulletm pubhshe.d u.nder the auspices of (now defunct) Ceylon Malay
Research Orgamsation (CEMRO). These d1d not specify the sources. Also
the late T.M.G. Samat, j.ournalist wrote a series of articles on Ceylon
Malays which appeared occasionally in local and Malaysian newspapers. 14
Introduction 23
The Aims and Purpose
The purpose of this book is to present a history of the Sri Lankan Malay
community by focussing attention on the military profession with which they
were identified from the time they set foot on the island during the Dutch
period. With the dawn of British rule in the maritime provinces of Sri Lanka
in I 796, the position of the Malays became further crystallised into a
permanent military 'class' serving the inerests of the new colonial master as
well as 'policing' the island. Malays were much in demand as soldiers in
the native military regiments raised by the British for service, especially in
the Ceylon Rifle Regiment which until its disbandment in I873, formed the
backbone of the British military establishment in the island. The role and
the dominance of the 'regiment' Malays are prominent themes in the history
and activities of the community. Writing about the Indian army, Philip
Mason ( I974, I 1) remarked that "it is set against the history ofBritish India
because purely military aspects do not make sense in isolation." This book
attempts to do the reverse- the history and culture of the Sri Lankan Malays
in the nineteenth century are unintelligible unless they are set against their
military background as members of colonial forces. Not surprisingly,
therefore, a renowned Malay leader of Sri Lanka the late Dr. M. Pervis
Drahman, was able to make the following remark even without doing much
detailed research on the historical past of his community.
If they (the Ceylon Malays) would but remember that their history is in greater part a narration
of military exploits and past glories of the Malay Regiment. ( Ceylon Dairy News, 5thj an, 1959).
A historical analysis based on their past connection with colonial
regiments particularly under British rule is then the major thrust of the
present study. The Regiment which was variously known as the Malay
Corps, His MaJesty's Malay Regiment, the First Regiment, and finally the
Ceylon Rifle Regiment, was the centre ofMalay life in Sri Lanka for nearly
three quarters of the nineteenth century, an important period in the
evolution of the community. Since the Malay community was almost
synonymous with the native regiment under the British, the professional
soldiers were the most important and leading group in the community. This
book seeks to illustrate how the Malay soldier group came into existence and
became an indispensable unit in the native regiment raised by the British.
Curiously enough, the British colonial government in Malaya was
reluctant to grant professional soldier status to the Malays in their own
country of birth until very late. It was not the policy of the British to arm
the people of Malaya or to train them in military services (Dol Ramli 1965,
200). The colonial government in Malaya offered various excuses for not
drafting the Malays into its regular army. As the Malayan newspaper Straits
Times put it as late as I933, there had been fears by some people that the
Malay with his leisurely temperament and lack of military tradition other
Introduction
than that of guerilla warfare would rebel against the discipline of the parade
grounds and the barrack room. (Dol Ramli. op. cit,
20
I).
. It would appear that the British colonial administrators in Malaya had
or deliberately suppressed the fact that their counterparts
m Sn by the performance of the Malays as soldiers there,
hberal With their praise and admiration of them. On the one hand
It be that the colonial government did not always favour
creation groups in their own countries of birth. Thus they
brought S1khs from India to Malaya to serve in their army. Similarly they
Malays and Indian sepoys to Sinhalese or Tamils to serve in their
m1htary establishments in Sri Lanka. In any case, as this book will show,
the b:came the favourites of the British to man their military
m island. They acknowledged right from the beginning
those special quahtles ofMalays- their bravery, discipline and loyalty much
valued as assets of those taking up military service. Perhaps the status of
who were once under British rule in Sri Lanka is very much like the
prevadmg status of the Nepalese 'Gurkhas', the legendary soldiers much
after even today as military personnel in countries like Britain,
Smgapore, Brunei Darussalam and Hongkong. This book is in a sense a
study of the 'Gurkhas' ofSri Lanka and of the legendary qualities with which
the were once attributed as the best native soldiers of the British
colomal government.
My interest in Malay soldiery was initially roused between the years
I974 - I978 when I a research study of the Malay literature of Sri
Lanka unde.r th? auspices the Indonesian and Malay Department of
Monash During a field trip to Sri Lanka in I
974
, I
happened to discover, quite by accident, a fairly large number of hitherto
published pamphlets and newspapers written
m the .Jawz scnpt (1.e. Malay written in the Arabic script). The study of
these hterary and religious materials revealed that the Sri Lankan Malays,
to popular belief that they did not have any form of written
d1d m .fact shared a common classical Malay literary tradition
With the Malay of the centres of the Malay World in the
19
th-
century colonial cities of Singapore, Penang and Batavia .
. Another mteresting fact that emerged from the study of this indigenous
Sn Lankan Malay literature was that it reached its zenith during the second
half of. I 9th when the Ceylon Rifle Regiment was still active
and d1sapp:ared by the very early part of twentieth century.
. An mvest1gat10n of th1s phenomenon relating to the rise and fall of the
Sn literature led me to believe that it had a direct
relatiOnship the fun.ctioning of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, and that
when the was disbanded in I873, the literature of the Sri Lankan
Malays, too, foll?wed suit. The written literature of the Malays hac{ been
nurtured by the mterest evinced by the soldiers, and once the 'system' that
Introduction
25
sponsored the soldiers reached its end, the literature, an inherent part of the
traditional cultural life of the I 9th-century Malays, also came to an end.
This study then is an attempt to sort out this 'system', which was the
Ceylon Rifle Regiment ( CRR hereafter). A study of this Regiment, therefore,
became imperative in order to understand the most important phase of the
history of the Malays of Sri Lanka. Although the original Malay Regiment
was the creation of the Dutch Government, the British institutionalised this
military wing in a much more elaborate manner than the Dutch.
Despite the central position occupied by the CRR in this study, no
attempt is made to present a detailed military history of a colonial regiment.
The CRR provides only a framework which is necessary for tracing the
salient characteristics of the historical 'growth of this community. Perhaps
a definitive history of a military regiment would require a different sort of
approach. For instance, details concerning the structure, organisation,
financial management and terms of service, methods of recruitment and
training, system of discipline, tactics and strategy, etc. need elaboration.
In fact, a study along these lines of investigation on a colonial military
regiment in Sri Lanka has been long overdue. There is scope for a historian
to make a study of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment from a military point of view
which would be of value to those interested in British imperial and military
history.
This book discusses such details regarding terms and methods of
recruitment, pay and emoluments and conditions of service of the soldiers
of the CRR only with a view to analysing the effects of such matters on the
living conditions of the Malay soldiery. As a matter of fact, Amiya Barat,
an Indian military historian, adopts a somewhat similar approach to an
equally distinguished British colonial regiment in India, namely, "The
Bengal Native Infantry." Barat's ( I962) concern was to explicate the causes
that led to the outbreak of the Indian Sepoy mutiny of I857 This
investigation prompted her to delve into the conditions of service in the
Bengal Native Infantry. Similarly, this study can be said to be an explication
of the effects of the regimental service on the social and cultural evolution
of the Malay community in Sri Lanka.
Sources
A variety of primary source material ranging from the records of the colonial
government to indigenous documents has been utilised in the writing of this
book. Much of this material was found in the National Archives ofSri Lanka
among its impressive collection of records pertaining to the history of the
colonial period. I spent a brief period in London in I975 consulting
documents which were not available in Sri Lanka.
Regarding the Dutch colonial records (listed in Lot I of the Sri Lanka
Archives) a most useful source from my point of view has been the Dutch
Introduction
Political Council Minutes, together with the annexes to these minutes, copies
of which were forwarded to Batavia during the period of the Dutch. It is true
that references to Malays in these volumes are scanty and infrequent because
interest in such minor groups by the Dutch officials can be described at best
as only marginal. As might well be expected, these council minutes were
more concerned with matters of immediate relevance to the Dutch company
e.g. trade, profits and their relationship with their arch-rival, the Kandyan
Monarch. However, these minutes are quite helpful for studying the early
arrival of eastern groups from the present Indonesian islands. Some volumes
of annexes give full lists of names of people brought from the Eastern
Archipelago. Also, relating to the arrival and activities in Sri Lanka of the
princely exiles from Indonesia, these volumes yield interesting information.
The archival documents relating to the British colonial regiments
constitute the most important source of information. The official policy of
the British government towards its military establishment has to be studied
through the despatch volumes containing the correspondence of the British
Governors in Ceylon to the Secretaries of State in London and vice versa,
the value of which is only too weU known. These volumes are to be found
in the S.L.N.A. Lots 4 and 5 series (corresponding to the famous C.O. 54 and
55 series in the London Public Records Office).
As for the period of Governor North's rule from I 798 to I 8os, during
which a valid foundation was laid for the creation of a Malay Regiment,
there exists another vital set of documents in the form of the Governor's
military diaries (S.L.N.A. Lot 7 series) written before and after North's ill
fated invasion of the Kandyan Kingdom in x8og.
Supplemented by his despatches, these military diaries provide an
insight into the workings of the mind of a British imperialist officer bent on
realising colonial ambitions, by coaxing, forcing, cajoling and even by
pushing hard a whole community to commit itself to soldiery.
The detailed military matters dealing with conditions of service, pay and
emoluments, and economic and social standing of the Malay soldiery etc,
are well documented in the correspondence of the Military Secretary to the
Colonial Secretary and vice versa. These are found in the S.L.N.A. Lot 6 and
7 series. This correspondence, particularly that part of it sent from the
Assistant Military Secretary to the Colonial Secretary,
15
carries enclosures
of separate reports and memoranda submitted by various commanding
officers of the CRR which are more or less first hand impressions of the British
military officers about their native subordinates. The most important of
such memoranda have also found their way as special enclosures into the
annex volumes of the Governor's despatches.
Certain types of regimental records pertaining to the service of soldiers,
in the form of monthly pay returns, pensions returns, embarkation and
disembarkation returns, and discharge registers were available among War
Office documents in London. On the other hand, letters concerning native
Introducti011
grievances, especially those sent by the widows of soldiers pleading for
pensions, as far as I know are available only in Sri Lanka.
As regards the published official sources, special mention must be made
of (Ceylon) General Orders, issued to clarifY procedural matters and military
regulations in the various regiments serving in Sri Lanka. In fact, a certain
collection of sources referring to the CRR, material for an unpublished
volume of Cannons Histories bearing the title of a History of the Services of His
Majesty's 1st Ceylon Rifle Regiment (Riflemen), now in the possession of the
Ministry of Defence (Central) library in London, gives copious references
from these General Orders.
16
The S.L.N.A. Library has only the published
volume ofGeneral Orders belonging to the years between 1805 to 1862. For
the subsequent period, I had to depend on quoted references of such orders
given in the above manuscript volume.
The Military Commission that was appointed by Governor Robinson in
x865 to report on the condition of the military establishment in Ceylon
published its findings in one single volume, which is a mine of information
regarding not only the British attitude towards the CRR in its closing years;
but also the living conditions and even the psychological makeup of the
Malay soldiery. The detailed minutes of evidence and statements given by
regimental officers before this Commission and particularly by H.L.
Cowen, I 7 the regimental surgeon, are full of insight and understanding of
the peculiar nature of the Malay soldiers and their commitment to their
occupation.
H.L. Cowen also wrote a very interesting account of the CRR which was
published in Colbum's United Service Magazine and Naval and Military Journal
in 1 86o. His article displays an intimate knowledge: of the conditions of the
native soldiery based on his first-hand impressions and experience as a long-
standing regimental surgeon. It is a matter of great regret that such
extensive background information in the form of published contemporary
accounts and memoirs which are available for a historian of the Indian
native regiments
18
are not available for a study of British colonial regiments
in Sri Lanka. Nonetheless, it is to the credit of Cowen that his article on
the CRR sufficiently compensates for the lack of such contemporary accounts
with regard to Ceylon regiments.
The Malay Sources
Despite the importance of the colonial documentary sources for a study of
this kind, one must bear in mind that these sources tend to reinforce certain
stereotype images of native soliders as loyal, brawny watch-dogs of colonial
government interests in the island. Malay soldiers, in particular, have been
thought of as merely a set offaithful servants of the British 'Raj' and their
community is characterised by a sporting and of a happy go lucky life style.
Introduction
As descendants of soldiers, the Malays were hardly associated with any
substantial accomplishments in the fields of culture and literature.
Fortunately we are in a better position now to know the neglected aspects
of the Malay soldiery, because of the discovery of hitherto unknown
indigenous Malay language material which surfaced a decade ago during
a search made to find the records kept py the community .I
9
The Malay sources discovered in Sri Lanka include two vernacular
newspapers (Atamat Langkapuri and Wqjah Setong) printed pamphlets, poetry
books, handwritten manuscripts on literary and religious subjects, personal
memoirs and private letters. These materials have not been properly
catalogued yet. Some of the local Malay manuscripts and texts have been
deposited in the National Archives of Sri Lanka
20
and the National Library
of Malaysia but some are in private collections.
Most of these Malay manuscripts contain versions of Malay classics
popular throughout the Malay world during the nineteenth century. 2 I
They deal with both literary and religious themes. Most of the manuscripts
come with rather elaborate colophons, i.e. details of ownership, the names
of the copyists, place and date of copying which are usually given at the end
of the text. With the help of such information, it is possible to ascertain the
extent of literary involvement of the various individuals during the period
under study, particularly those who had served in the Ceylon Rifle
Regiment. Furthermore, it is with the help of such information revealed in
the colophons that the vigorous literary movement in the soldier-
community, especially in the regimental cantonments of Colombo and
Kandy, has been brought to light.
A more direct source of information that has helped us to study some
salient features of the internal aspects of the life of the community during
this period is the Alamat Langkapuri (At hereafter) the fortnightly Malay
newspaper which appeared from mid I 86g to the end of I 870. The value
of this newspaper for our study stems from the fact that it was published
while the Ceylon Rifle Regiment was still in service. It appeared at a time
when the CRR had reached its final stage, just before plans were afoot to
disband it. The At reflects the social dynamics of the community of the time,
which was a most trying period for the Malay soldiers who tried to assert
and maintain their traditional hold on their community by virtue of their
predominant status enjoyed from the early days of their settlement in the
island.
The At gives a fair picture of the life inside Kampung Kertel, (the present
Slave island area), the mainstay of the Malay Regiment people. It is evident
that the bulk of its readers were persons connected with the regiment. The
picture that emerges from the At especially with regard to life in Kampung
Kertel, points to the issues of religion, law, custom and morality as salient.
Three principal groups figure prominently in Kertel, and in the Kandyan
regimental enclave of Kampung Pensen. These are soldiers in service or
Introduction
Orang Rejimen as they are often referred to in Malay sources; the
pensioners, Orang Pensen; and the civilians, ?rang Priman in
Malay. Their interaction and confltcts dommated the Issues of Alamat
Langkapuri, and the principal means by which these were expressed were the
numerious letters written by readers in the most popular column, 'Letters
to the Editor'.
, The other newspaper, under the title 'Wajah Selong' published by the
same Ounus Saldin, is less important for this study since this newspaper
appeared in a much later period I895 to r8gg. However, the 'Wajah Selong'
depended on the support of ex-soldiers in the century,
and in this way can throw light on a changmg era m the hfe of the
community subsequent to the disbandment of the Regiment.
Personal interviews with some elderly and knowledgeable Malays were
conducted in order to find out the living styles and reactions of the preceding
generation of men whom they were familiar with. of those
revealed some vague but useful recollections of thmgs learnt from their
predecessors who once had served in the Regiment.
Notes
xf The Federal (Malaysian) Constitution defines a Malay in article x6o (2) as'follows:
"A Malay is a person who professes the Muslim religion, habitually speak the Malay language,
conforms to Malay (adat) custom and is a Malaysian citizen."
2
J By comparison, the term Jawi or Jawa used both by the Cambodians and Arabs shows
it as a term meant to refer to Muslims of South East Asia. ,
3/ There may be also rare instances of Malays marrying into other religious groups
change their religious adherence and yet prefer to remain as members of the Malay commuruty.
4/ Tunku Abdul Rahman, an ex Malaysian Prime Minister had many friends to count among
the Sri Lankan Malays. In fact, during his early trips to London while he was a law student,
he used to be hosted by some prominent local Malays like the late Dr. M.P. Drahman and Mr
Zahiere Lye. As a Prime Minister of Malaysia, he also visited head quarters of the All-Ceylon
Malay Association, a premier Malay social service organisation in Colombo.
5
1 Such Malay customs and traditions are explained in detail in AI Hady, Sheikh Alwi Bin
(1962).
6f Marina Azeez, 'Social and Ceremonial Customs' in An Ethnological Survey of the Muslims of
Sri Lanka Sir Razik Fareed Foundation, Colombo x!}86, pp. 231-243 It should, however, be
observed' here that the so called 'Moorish' customs derived from South India.
71 Usually royal thrones in the public part of bersanding, a highly decorated bridal couch for
the inspection of family and close friends.
8/ These are names of persons deriving mostly from words of Sanskrit origin.
See for example ( 1970 CEMRO, the now defunct Ceylon Malay Research Organisation gave
names of its otHce bearers Mfs. M. Murad Jayah, M.A. Sourjah, T.A. Dole, N.B. Saman,
M.S.M. Akbar, T.H. Ismail, K. Girsy, T.G. Hamit, B.M.D. Bangsajayah, M.N. Weerabangsa
CEMRO 5 (4) 1970, OctfNovfDec. p. xo.
30
Introduction
91 For purpose of census and statistics in Sri Lanka the racial identity of d' 'd 1
determined primarily by hislher father's race. ' an m lVI ua IS
10
1 is in Malay households in which English is rarely used. English-educated
Malay ehtes m Sn Lanka, on the other hand, tend to be less conversant in spoken Malay.
I I I Census if Population and Housing Preliminary Release No I Col bo nil p
, , om , t!fVI, 3
121 The actual break down of unemployment figures was given by w A As p D'
of Census and Statistics in SUN (Sri Lanka) I4th Sep. Ig8I p.I. .... lens, rector
1
31 See for instance, Dane article "Malayan Race and Malays ofCe Ion in Jubilee
Book if the Colombo Malay Cncket Club (1924), 168!72. y
1
41 See bibliography for titles of some ofT.M.G. Samat's writings
I 51. Documents in this series are listed under Military Secretary's correspondence for the
penod between I 8os, to 18311 but thereafter listed as Assistant Military Secretary'
correspondence. s
161 I to the of the Ministry of Defence (Central) Library in London
for havmg proVIded me w1th a miCrofilm copy of this volume.
1
71 Henry Lionel Cowen, I8I7I886, Asst. Staff Surgeon 1842 Staff Surgeon (!2nd 1
CRR 1856, Surgeon Major CRR, 1862 to Staff Surgeon
1
868. Re;ired in
1
a
77
with h c ass)
rank of Surgeon General. onorary
1
81 Among other works, there are some notable autobiographical accounts of a Sepoy soldier
e.g. See.taram, From Sepoy to Subadar (tr. by Norgate) London 1873 and Trevelyan G 0 'Th
Completion Wallah, London 1864, and his Cawnpore, London I886 (new ed). ' ' e
191. news of this discovery was first reported in Monash Reporter Magazine ofth M h
Umvers1ty, Australia "Significant Asian manuscripts found by graduate stud:nt
41, 3rd July 1975, p. 1. o.
20
1 These are preserved as Lot No. 115-115 in S.L.N.A. under the Hussainmiya collections.
2 I I I owe a great debt of gratitude to both AI Marhum (the late) Mrs Gh w b
f T 1 a1se eera angsa
0
nncoma ee Kamaldeen Pakon Cuncheer of Kandy for having bequeathed to
me a part of the1r collection of Malay texts and manuscripts.
CHAPTER 2
Early Malay Contacts with
Sri Lanka
Any enquiry into the origins and history of the present day Malays of Sri
Lanka has to begin with the establishment of the Dutch rule in the island
in the middle of the I 7th century, as the documentary and other evidence
available for such a study date only from that period. This does not mean
however, that the Malay people had not been in contact with Sri Lanka
before the advent of the Europeans. In fact, the island's relations with the
Malays of the Malay-Indonesian archipelago date from ancient times.
Their role in Sri Lanka's political history during the medieval period has
given rise to controversy, following the researches of the late Professor
Paranavitana (1g66) on the relations between Sri Lanka and Malaysia. It
calls for a probe and review, albeit briefly into the nature of these early
Malay contacts to determine whether the present day Malay community has
any direct connections with the arrival and settlement of the Malays which
took place before the coming of the Dutch to the island.
Due to the alleged lndo-centricism which dominated the writings of
some pioneer local historians, Sri Lanka's early history was seen essentially
as a continuation of India's heritage and consequently her relations and
inter-actions with the Malay-Indonesian archipelago and other South East
Asian countries were hardly mentioned.
1
The tendency to over-emphasise
the Indian influence can be said to have been deep rooted in the country's
historical traditions, the chief sources of which are Mahawamsa and
Culawamsa the past chronicles of Sri Lanka. Having been written by
Buddhist monks, these chronicles concerned themselves with the island's
political and cultural relations with the home of Buddhism, i.e. India.
As a result, one cannot depend too much on the local literary sources to
determine the extent ofMalay contacts with Sri Lanka in the early period.
However, there have been many suggestions by the scholars on the basis
of archeological findings in South East Asia and other evidence that Sri
Lanka and Malay-Indonesian Archipelago had maintained remarkable
trade, religious and cultural relations in ancient times.
2
The most important factor which brought Sri Lanka closer to the Malay
people was her geographical position as an island lying in the centre of the
Indian Ocean commanding the entrance to the Bay ofBengal from the west.
If one sailed directly east wards from the eastern coast of Sri Lanka, the first
land that one would meet after passing the Andamans would be the Malay
32
Malay Contacts with Sri Lanka
Peninsula. Conversely, those who sailed westward from the Malay
Peninsula or the western coast of Sumatra would touch land on the eastern
or southern coast of Sri Lanka.
The great antiquity of the ocean-voyaging by the Malay race is not an
unfamiliar assumption among scholars.
3
. Their navigational maturity,
known to have been attained in the early Christian era had taken them as
far as Africa, made them the dominant race in the island of Madagascar.
In all probability, they would have touched Sri Lanka which would lie on
their route to the west.
might wonder if such maritime contacts by the early Malay sailors
gave nse to the port settlement ofHambantota in the southern littoral of Sri
Lanka. Although it is difficult to date the origin of this town, it must still
be granted that. the word Hambantota is a derivation of the Malay
word for boat, t.e. sampan (a word of Chmese origin). It may be that the
sampans had frequented this place in ancient and medieval times. (In
Smhala language phoneme sa and ha can be interchanged). The present
day Malay populatiOn ofHambantota is offairly recent origin when Lord
North decided to settle them in I8oo to develop the' salterns of
Mahagampattu region (see chapter 4).
to note that Dr. N.D. Wijesekera ( I949, 45) suggests the
possibihty of Mongoloid elements in Sri Lanka's population which he
considers to have originated from the Indonesian islands. However he also
exercises caution "in classifYing a population into racial units whi:h is still
of the most delicate and difficult problems." Furthermore, it should be
pomted out that the modern researchers in physical anthropology do not
favour typological of race (Kennedy I975, 7
9
). Besides, as
emphasised by Kennedy m the case of Peninsula India claims of a
element have been based upon the of a few
Isolated physical characteristics.
Leaving aside this racial element, there may be some cultural elements
which can be indicative of a Malay-Indonesian influence in Sri Lanka
dating from ancient times. Not the least important of these elements is the
presence of out-rigger canoes in Sri Lanka. The Sinhalese word "oruwa"
meanin? or ?utrigger seems to have been derived from the Malay-
Polynesian Oru-u . Tennent observes that the out-rigger canoes and double
canoes used by the Ceylonese are never used on Arabian side of India but
are peculiar to the Malayan race in almost every country to which they have
migrated (Tennent I 86o, 321). The other cultural elements which are
suggested by Wijesekera as evidence of Indonesian influences in Sri Lanka
are the masks, the mode of wearing the lower garment in the southern (Sri
Lanka) and the crocodile cult.
4
Intensive research may be needed in these
fields to anything substantial regarding the nature of the early Malay-
Indonesian contacts with Sri Lanka. As it is one finds it difficult to postulate
Malay Contacts with Sri Lanka
33
any theory of Malay settlements in Sri Lanka in early times with only the
aid of this slender evidence.
The arrival of the Malays in Sri Lanka on which most of the literary
sources agree took place in the middle of the thirteenth century with the
invasion ofChandrabhanu, the Buddhist King ofNakhon Si Tammarat in
the Isthmus ofKra ofMalay Peninsula. He landed during the eleventh year
ofParakramabahu II (A.D. I236-127o). About this incident the Culavamsa
states:
When the eleventh year of the reign of this king Parakramabahu II had arrived, a king of the
Javakas known by the name ofChandrabhanu landed with a terrible Javaka army under the
treacherous pretext that they also were followers of the Buddha. All these wicked Javaka soldiers
who invaded every landing-place and who with their poisoned arrows, like (sic) to terrible
snakes, without ceasing harassed the people whomever they caught sight of, laid waste, raging
in their fury, all Lanka. (Culawamsa LXXXIII, 36-51)
It is now well established that the term Javaka as used in this chronicle
actually refers to the Malays of the Peninsula.
5
Chandrabhanu's first
invasion did not succeed and he tried a second time to attack the Sinhalese
kingdom with the help of the soldiers brought over from South India.
6
The
result of this second invasion also ended in disaster as the Malay king lost
his life in the battle.
In between these two invasions, the Malay king appears to have gained
a foothold in the northern part of Sri Lanka and became the ruler of the
Jaffna Kingdom. The Javaka King of Sri Lanka who is mentioned in the
inscriptions of the South Indian Pandyan King,Jatavarman Vira Pandyan
(A.D. I235I275) has been identified as Chandrabhanu (Sirisena I977, I4)
In the Kudumryamalai Prasasti, dated in Vira l>andya's eleventh regnal year,
reference can also be found to the son of the Malay King (Tamil: Cavakan
maindan) who had been disobedient for some time, made his submission to
Vira Pandya, received rewards, and was restored to the Kingdom of Sri
Lanka. (Nilakanta Sastri I 949, I 6 I -62).
The Malays' association with the northern-most part of Sri Lanka in
Jaffna appear to be further confirmed by some toponomical evidence from
that region, Cavakacheri (Javakaceri-]avaka settlement) and Cavakotte
(Javaka Fort) are two of such names still in use and were mentioned in the
ratpana Vaipava Malai, the chronicle ofjaffna, which contain a reminder of
this JavafMalay element.
6
Besides, Prof. Paranavitana ( 1966, I94) refers
to the Sinhalese works known as Kadaimpotas composed in recent centuries
which give the territorial divisions in the three kingdoms of the island
including Javagama (Java country) as a part of Pihiti rata. Javagama has
been identified as Jaffna.
It is now generally agreed that the rule and role of the Malays in Sri
Lanka's mediaeval history is confined only to this brief episode of
Chandrabhanu's invasion. But this was not the case with Prof.
34
Malay Contacts with Sri Lanka
Paranavitana. His researches on the relations between Sri Lanka and
far deeper involvement of the Malays in the political
htstory of the Island than what was known earlier. Thus in his Ceylon and
Malaysia he states:
"According to Ceylon History as at present accepted the invasion of the island by
Chandrabhanu ofThambralinga were not related to any event which took place before or after
them, and it was only in this period that the Malay people influenced the course of the political
history of Ceylon. But, if a certain detail with regard to Chandrabhanu's attack on Ceylon,
given in the Rajaveli is properly understood ..... it would appear that Chandrabhanu's attempt
to secure the sovereignty of Ceylon for himself was the result of a long historical process and
that the people from Malaysia had played a very important part in the history of this island.
The crux of this theory is that not only Chandrabhanu but also the
Kalinga dynasty which ruled Sri Lanka from the capital of
1
Polonnaruwa
for about fifty years from 1184-1235 had originated from Malaysia.o To
prove his point he marshalled all evidence possible from the chronicles and
literary sources and also much more elusive information from the so called
inter linear writings in the inscriptions.
1 0
This is no occasion to discuss his
conclusions on the Malay involvement in Sri Lanka's past. However, it must
be that he earned a lot of scholarly criticism for his Malaysian theories.
Havmg made a detailed study of these criticisms, the writer also believes
that there is no sound basis for Professor Paranavitana's ideas I I and the
conclusion made in this chapter is not going to be improved in manner
by a fresh undertaking of criticism of Paranavitana's theory.
Having discussed briefly the few possibilities of the early Malay contacts
with the island, it now remains to be seen if any connection exists between
the Malays (who came during and after the Dutch rule) and those who came
here during the earlier centuries. The answer turns out to be negative after
several considerations.
1
2
First of it not easy to determine in what numbers the Malay people
had settled m Sn Lanka before the advent of the Europeans. For example,
the number settled here might not have been sufficient to allow them to
remain as a distinct racial element, and would therefore have been soon
absorbed into the local population ofSinhalese as well as Tamils. The local
literary sources and chronicles or other evidence belonging to the early
period do not refer to a community of Malays as part of the population of
Sri Nevertheless, there had been much argument among scholars,
agam spurred by Paranavitana's researches as to whether the term Mala/as,
to be found in some Sinhala literary sources, actually refers to the Malay
people.
13
Secondly: the majority of the Malays who came and settled in Ceylon
after the arnval of the Dutch were Muslims. As a result, especially with
to the present day Malays, their identity is primarily determined by
the1r adherence to the religion oflslam. It is certain that the Malay settlers
Malay Contacts with Sri Lanka 35
who came in the early period did not know Islam, as Islam is known to have
begun spreading only since the fourteenth century in the Malay-Indonesian
archipelago. Thus, the earlier settlers might have been absorbed easily
within the other ethnic/religious groups in the island. Therefore, as
Muslims, members of the contemporary Malay community will trace their
origin only from those Malays who arrived since the Dutch rule began in
Ceylon.
It must also be mentioned here that in the few local Malay writings
extant now, no reference has been made to any Malay ancestors of the earlier
period.
14
The local Malay writers of the last century always maintained
that the first Malays arrived during the period of the Dutch rule.
There has also been a suggestion that it was not the Dutch who
introduced Malays for the first time to the island but that the Portuguese
had already done so when they ruled the coastal parts of the island from 1505
to 1656. One H.M. Said, who wrote a brief article on the Ceylon Malays
in JSBRAS made this suggestion as early as 1926 (Said 1926, 266-268).
The problems that bothered Said was "why should they be called
'Malays' when they are in reality Javanese?" and he goes on to say that:
Meeting Ceylon Malays there one cannot help noticing that some of them have the features
of Javanese while others look like Malays and their personal names incline to both Javanese
and Malays. These give an impression that there were some pure Malays residing in Ceylon
either before or later than Javanese referred to. It is more likely to be prior to the banishment
of the Javanese. Otherwise they would not be called 'Malays'.
He then argues that those Malays were brought to the island by the
Portuguese. The attempt to extend the origins of the Malays in Sri Lanka
from the Portuguese period on the basis of this question of nomenclature is
unacceptable, and an explanation has been given elsewhere as to why they
came to be called Malays. To strengthen his thesis further, Said quotes from
a few passages of John Crawford's "History oflndian Archipelago" which
is also the basis ofSirisena's beliefwhen he concludes that the Malays were
brought by the Portuguese from Malacca (Sirisena 1971, 42).
Crawford says that when the former Sultan of Malacca attempted to
attack Portuguese-controlled Malacca in the year 1523, Alfonso de Soysa
arrived in time to relieve the city and after destroying many vessels and
killing six thousand persons at that place (Malacca), "takes prisoners in such
numbers as afford to every Portuguese six salves" (Crawford 1920, 494).
Said takes the word 'six slaves' and finds its connection with a place called
Slave Island in Colombo where Malays have resided for many generations.
He says that de Soysa might have brought these so called slaves to Sri Lanka
and placed them at a spot which was afterwards called Slave Island.
The fraility of this argument is quite obvious. First of all, Crawford was
writing at a much later date, and he did not mention what happened to these
slaves in the end. Secondly, there is no other evidence to show that these
-------. ... --------------"-""-
Malay Contacts with Sri Lanka
slaves were brought to Ceylon and kept in the place which came to be known
as 'Slave Island'. As will be seen later, 'Slave Island' was created during
the Dutch period, and its name derived from the fact that the Dutch confined
the Company's slaves in this area. Apparently it was Said's ignorance about
the origins of the Malay settlement in this area which led him to find a
connection between the Malays of Slave Island, and the slaves mentioned
in Crawford's book. Thus it is difficult to accept on such a flimsy ground
that the Malays were brought to Sri Lanka by the Portuguese long before
the Dutch did.
Even though one may tend, on the basis of the evidence cited by Said
and others, to reject the idea that the Malays were introduced to Sri Lanka
by the Portuguese, the possibility of the arrival of the Malays prior to the
establishment of the Dutch rule should not be ruled out altogether. For, the
Portuguese were in control of both the Port of Malacca and the coastal
regions of Sri Lanka at about the same period in history. Thus through this
connection people of Malay origin from the areas surrounding Malacca
might have reached the Portuguese controlled areas in the island. Just as
the Dutch government did in the subsequent period, so the Portuguese too
might have employed Malays in their service on foreign soil. For instance
the Malays could have frequented the coastal towns of Sri Lanka as sailors.
Further the Portuguese needed such manpower garrison their newly
conquered fortresses and in addition they might have employed their
Malay subjects in various trades and occupations in the island.
However, it must be granted that such conjectures cannot be supported with
any positive evidence.
In the light of the above discussion, therefore, it is safe to conclude that
the nucleus of the present day Malay community (and the Malays about
whom this study is concerned) has to be found only among the Mal ay settlers
who came during and after the establishment of the Dutch rule in Sri Lanka
in the middle of the 17th century.
Notes
1/ A classical example of this can be seen in G.C. Mendis's Earfy History of Ceylon, Colombo
(1938) where one finds the division of North Indian and South Indian period of Sri Lanka's
history prior to the advent of the Europeans.
2/ Pierre Dupont ( 1959) was one of the first scholars to suggest, after examining the Buddha
images from Westemj ava and one from Celebes, that what was once grouped under Amaravati
School could have been actually traced to the influence of Sinhalese sculptural traditions.
3/ See Waiters (1970, 154). In his forward to Sirisena (1978) Basham states
"That this was the case is virtually certain from the fact that prehistoric relations between
Indonesia and Madagascar are proved without question, by linguistic and other evidence.
Such relations must have been made by sea, and it would be impossible for sailing ships of the
type used by the early Indonesians to find their way to Madagascar without stopping in Sri
Lanka or South India."
Malay Contacts with Sri Lanka
J7
4
1 Wijesekera op. cit, pp. 45-46, However, he has not given any details of these cultural
elements.
1 Javaka, as used in the Sinhalese chronicles is to be taken as an ethnic term for Malay,
which is similar to the modem Cambodian 'Java' and applies to the Malays of the
Peninsula as well as to the islands of Indonesia. Even in Sri Lanka the Moors used to refer
to the Malays of both the Peninsula and the Indonesian islands by the common term 'Java
Manusar'.
6/ For details of this invasion see Sirisena ( 1971 ). In the published version ofSirisena ( 1978),
discussion on political contacts was omitted.
7
1 Place names with thisjavaka element both with their Sinhalese equivalent of Ja.can also
be found in other parts of Sri Lanka. For example a small town called Ja-ela meanmg Java
canal is situated in the South Western Coast. But it is difficult to determined when and how
this name came into use.
8/ Paranavitana ( 1!}66, 81.) He emphasised that.
"Not only the Kalinga Dynasty, but even the kings of the Kotte Kingdom who ruled during
14th & 15th century in Western Sri Lanka had Malay origins." Ibid.
9
1 For a study of the Kalinga dynasty see Sirima Wickremasinghe 'The Kalinga Period ofCeylon
History' unpublished thesis (M .A. University of Ceylon 1956).
HJ/ Paranavitana claims that extracts from a number of which pro;e
extremely important to students of Sri Lanka and south east are msc.n.bed m
between the lines of several inscriptions including that of the slab mscnpuon of Vesagmya and
the slab inscription No. 1 ofMahinda IV at the Abhayagiri monastery which has already been
published. R.A.L.H. Gunawardena (1967); pp conclusively prove.s tha.t there .is. no
scientific base for Professor's reading of these manuscnpts, and above all the mterhnear wnungs
claimed by him do not exist at all.
11/ See especially R.A.L.H. Gunawardena (1967) for an apt and learned cirticism of the
Paranavitana theory.
12/ It is however important to note that some members of the Malay co?tinue
take pride in tracing their beginnings from the Malay kings who ruled Sn Lanka m the
mediaeval times. In a way they prefer to contribute to Paranavitana's theory rather
uncritically. For instance read the following text taken from a mimeographed pamphlet
authored by a Malay, Mr. M.C. Mantara (1970), "The c.onsider the Malays
as their Royal cousins, as many of the kings who ruled Ceylon m ancient Umes were ofMalay
and Indonesian origins."!
13
/ For a detailed discussion of the problem posed by the term Malalas see Sirisena (1971,
1420).
14/ Especially, Baba Ounus Saldin in his Syair Faid a/ Abad (lithographed booklet) traces the
origins of the Sri Lankan Malays only from the period of the Dutch rule. These local Malay
writings are not fully catalogued yet. The work mentioned is available in the private collection
of Malay manuscripts owned by the writer.
CHAPTER 3
Origins of the Malay Community
1640- 17g6
The earliest known settlements of 'Malays' in Sri Lanka took place around
the middle of the I 7th century, following the foundation of Dutch rule in
the maritime areas of the island in 1640. Having expelled the Portuguese,
the first European power to have gained a foothold in the country, the Dutch
took over their possessions and ruled until they themselves were in turn
replaced by the British in 1796.
1
It was during these one and half centuries
that the 'Malays' from all over the Malay and Indonesian areas were
brought into the island by the Dutch.
The Malays who were brought to the island by the Dutch government
can be divided into two broad categories. The first group consisted of
Indonesian political exiles (usually referred to as 'Staatsbannelingen' in the
Dutch documents), as well as other deportees banished here by the Batavian
government. The other group consisted of all other classes of'Malays' who
came here to serve the Dutch in various fields, especially in their military
establishment.
Princely Exiles
It had been the practice of the Dutch to banish from the Netherlands East
Indies rebellious rulers and princes as well as other recalcitrant chiefs and
dignitaries if they posed a threat to their authority in the East. Outside the
archipelago, Sri Lanka and The Cape of Good Hope were the principal
centres of banishment. Sri Lanka, however, seems to have been preferred
by the Dutch authorities due to its proximity to the Indonesian
archipelago.
2
This meant of course that the cost of transporting the exiles
could be kept down, and also that they could be speedily returned to their
homeland should the Batavian government so desire. Being appreciably
further away, the Cape of Good Hope seemed more satisfactory for the more
dangerous of those deportees. Indeed, when some of the Indonesian political
exiles sent to Sri Lanka caused security problems, they were despatched to
the Cape.
3
Some of the earliest political exiles came from the Moluccas and other
lesser Sunda islands where Dutch influence in the East had first taken root. 4
As a result of their involvement in the war of succession which began in the
late 17th century, severaljavanese princes were exiled to Ceylon. The first
Origins of the Malay Communiry 39
h
1 ded Pangeran Adipati Amangkurat Ill, known in Javanese
bate me u . . b . h d
. "S nan Mas" who along with his family and retmue was ams e
htstory as u . h d . .
. 8 5 In 1 722/23 another group of Javanese pnnces who a nsen m
m 170 d d t
b 11
n against the reigning Susuhnan m Mataram were capture an sen
re e 10 6 (C r d
'I among them the sons of the rebel Surapat1. raw.or 1920,
mto ex1 e, k b
). In 1728 Arya Mangkunegara, a brother of the Pa u. was
t:!ished to the island to be joined in 1723 by a chief m1mster.
A decade later his successor Natakusuma followed h1m. . .
Besides these Javanese nobles, many other eastern kings,
tocrats were also sent as exiles to Ceylon. Some idea of the wtde-rangmg
ansvenance of these princely exiles can be obtained from a Dutch document
pro f h . . I)
dated I 788.7 (The spelling of names is that o t e ongma .
I. Selliya, widow of the Temengong Sawangalie Sosoronogora.
2. Raja Bagoes Abdoella, Prince of Bantam.
3
4
Raja Oesman, King of Gowa.
Pangerang Menan Ratoe Maharaja Moeda, the Crown
Prince of Tidor.
5 Dinajoe Slaje, widow of Pangerang Boeminata
(of Java).
6. Temengong Sosora Widjojo (ofjava).
7 Raden Ariappen Panoelar, Prince of Madura.
8. Raden Pantje Soerinata (A brother-in-law of the above).
9 Temengong Soetanagara, Son of the rst Regent of
10.
I!.
12.
15.
r6.
I 7
I8.
Palembang.
Raden Pantje Wiera Diningrad Oava).
Pater Alam (Sultan ofTidor).
Prince Major Batjan Sadoe Alam, Prince of Batjan.
Poegoe Kitjil Naimoedin, 2nd Prince of Batjan.
Carol Boni, King of Kupang.
Pangerang Soerija die Koesoema (of Java).
Panglima Raja Johansa, King of Padang.
Pangerang Adipati Mangkoerat (of Java).
Widow of the Regent Ranka Marta Widjojo (of Java).
Most of the above had members of their families living with them in the
1 d They had either accompanied the main exiles or had joined them
IS an . 'I' h d b b
later. A number of the younger members of their fam11es a een orn
in the island. It appears that there must have been at least 200 members
of this eastern nobility resident here in the later part o.r the
a significant number, taking into account that the whole Malay popul:tton
in Sri Lanka at the time did not amount to much more than 2,ooo. .
Very little is known about the life led by the exiles. Most of them hved
in the four main coastal towns under the jurisdiction of the Dutch, namely
Origins of the M a lay Communiry
Colombo, Galle, Trincomalee, and Jaffna. In Colombo, that part of
Hulftsdorf, where they used to live, is still known among the Malays as
Kampung Pangeran,
6
where the Dutch Dissava of Colombo had his residence.
In the other towns, for obvious security reasons, their residences were
normally inside the Dutch Forts. The more important exiles had armed
sentries guarding their homes,
98
e.g. Sunan Mas, was provided by the Dutch
government with a bodyguard of an ensign, a sergeant, and 24 soldiers for
his residence in Galle. o
There were also other security measures taken by the Dutch concerning
t?ese political prisoners. The Dutch political Council in Ceylon stipulated
(m accordance with a decision taken on I5th November I747) that all
Javanese princes, when going out of their residences, must be followed by
soldiers.
1 1
This decision seems to have been taken as a sequei to the escape
of one Surapati (probably a son of the renowned Balinese rebel of this name
who came to the island in I 722/23) from Trincomalee into the enemy king's
territory in the Kandyan hills.
1 2
Furthermore, the exiles were debarred
from corresponding freely with their colleagues. In I727, the Dutch
authorities discovered an illicit correspondence between Sunan Mas's sons
then resident inJaffna, and the newly arrived exile, Sura di Laga,
who was kept in confinement in Trincomalee.
1
s
Such restrictions by the Dutch government in Sri Lanka could not have
been intended to place a total restraint on the exiles from associating or
getting closer to each other. A policy of that kind would have required extra
vigilance, especially in the case of those who were allowed to live in a
particular locality. The overall impression one gets, especially towards the
end of this period, is that the exiles interacted closely with each other.
Marriages had been contracted among them while in the island. For
instance Batara Gowa Amas Madina 11, the former king of Gowa (in
Macassar). who was exiled here in I 767, married one Habiba, a 'Malay' lady
of noble b1rth, and their daughter Sitti Hawang was given in marriage to
the Javanese prince Pangeran Adipati Mangkurat.
14
It is also almost
certain that social events within the exiled community such as these as well
as births and deaths requiring group participation must have brought its
members into close contact with one another on various occasions.
.some exiles were in the paid employment of the company,
havmg been grven command of eastern soldiers serving in the island 5 and
thereby enjoyed more freedom to move about within the community. The
status of a political prisoner seems to have been imposed only on the main
exile of each family. For instance when Pangeran Purbaya was permitted
to be by his bride, the Dutch authorities made a point of
declanng that she was not to be treated as a political prisoner.
16
Thus unlike
the principal political prisoners, the other members of their families must
have been at liberty to associate with one other.
Origins of the Malay Communiry
The Dutch had little to fear from the exiles; their experience showed that
the once feared national rebels from Indonesia, when sent into exile, soon
became subdued and weak. In fact, the Batavian government received from
time to time pathetic letters from some of the exiles, in which they even
expressed their willingness 'to wet the feet of the Dutch Governor General
with tears,' imploring him to use his right of pardon and to allow them to
return to their homeland.
7
Batara Gowa Amas Madina 11 sent as many
letters as possible to his brother Madiuddin, his successor to the throne of
Gowa, to mediate for his release with the Dutch authorities in Batavia.
Sultan Madiuddin's many attempts to gain the release of his brother never
succeeded, and he ultimately relinquished his throne in despair.
18
The
unfortunate King ofGowa was left to die in Ceylon in I 795 after thirty years
of life in exile.
1 9
The life in banishment became excessively burdensome due to the poor
living conditions to which these aristocratic political prisoners were
subjected while in the island. For their subsistence, the Dutch Government
had provided monthly allowances of cash in rix dollars and some provisions,
which included rice, pepper and dried fish. The amount allotted to each
exile was determined according to his rank, importance and the size of the
family.
20
Some were granted lands to maintain themselves.
The numerous and incessant complaints received by the Dutch
authorities from the exiles regarding the meagreness of their allowances
demonstrate that they were undergoing immense difficulties in coping with
their basic daily needs and that they were often in distress, from the paltry
income received from the government. Most exiles had to support large
families living with them in the island and had to pay for a number of
servants they engaged. Unable to support themselves with this income, some
are known to have had recourse at times to other desperate means to raise
funds for their survival. Thus in I 724 it was reported that several ladies of
the exiled Javanese noble families had sold their personal belongings and
jewellery to some local people in order to maintain their families.
2 1
When
the exiled king of Gowa died in the island in I 795, his wife Habiba had to
borrow extensively to meet his funeral expenses.
2 2
The state of destitution
to which these exiles had been reduced could be seen further from the fact
that when the British government took over the Dutch possessions in Sri
Lanka, the payments to them came to be administered under the
Department of Orphans and Charitable Funds.
2 3
Despite all the hardship they had to face the political exiles in Sri Lanka
were relatively better off at least in one respect. Unlike their counterparts
who ended up in the Cape of Good Hope, here they did not have to live in
total isolation. They had the good fortune of being able to fraternise with
the community of"Moors",
24
which had been in existence in Sri Lanka for
well over eight hundred years or more by then. Although the details of the
nature of the contact between these two peoples cannot be documented, it
Origins of the Malay Communiry
is almost certain that the presence of such a strong Muslim community in
the island made the life of the Indonesian Muslim political prisoners easier,
especially by facilitating their religious and cultural pursuits.
A brief historical background of the 'Moors' would be in order, 25
because it will become apparent in this study that their presence in Sri Lanka
was not only beneficial to the exiles, but also to the Malay community in
general, particularly in reinforcing their religious identity.
Malay-Moor Relations
The Moors of Sri Lanka were the descendants of Arab settlers whose
numbers were later augmented by local converts and immigrant Muslims
from South India.
26
It is reasonable to suppose that from the 8th century
onwards the Muslim Arabs came in increasing numbers and settled down
in Ceylon without entirely losing touch with the areas of their origin.
Ceylon, being an important entrepot, exercised a special fascination for these
seafaring Arabs. Settlement was encouraged by the tolerant and friendly
attitude of the rulers and people of the island.
Arab activities in the East diminished considerably following the sacking
of Baghdad in I258 A.D. However, Muslim influence from the sub-
continent of India, where the Muslim traders had firmly established
themselves along the Western coast and where they still possessed a virtual
monopoly in external trade, continued to increase in Ceylon. From about
the Igth century the Indian Muslim element, especially from the South
Indian coast of Kayal Pattinam and the adjacent Tamil speaking areas,
dominated the composition of the local Moor community. This is perhaps
one of the main reasons why the Tamillanguage was adopted as the mother
tongue of the Sri Lankan Moors.
The Muslims of Sri Lanka were badly affected by the advent of the
Portuguese in I506. The latter imposed all sorts of impediments in the way
of the local Muslim population, not only in their pursuit of trade but also
in their religious activities. One result of this persecution was the spread of
Muslim settlements into the hinterland of the island. The Dutch colonial
policy was also hostile to the Muslims and deprived them further of their
share in the coastal trade.
2 7
Deprived of their traditional occupation, many
of them were forced to take to agriculture, leading to concentrations of
Muslim peasantry in areas like Batticaloa in the eastern part of Ceylon.
At the time the Indonesian exiles and other eastern Muslims were
brought to the island during the middle of the I 7th century, there were still
large Muslim settlements in the coastal areas. The local Iy.luslims were
followers of the Shafi School to which the Indonesian exiles also belonged.
There was, therefore, every possibility that a close relationship would
develop between these two groups of people.
Origins of the Malay Communiry 43
According to Ricklefs,
2 8
there is evidence to identify the existence in Sri
Lanka of a sophisticated Javanese colony of aristocratic exiles at this
period. 2 9 He points out that the exiles, when they returned to Java, had
enhanced prestige, particularly in (Islamic) religious affairs. Thus Radin
Adipati Natakusuma who was banished to in I_743: when he
returned to Java in I 7 58, was made chief of the rehg10us officmls m the court
of Jogyakarta.
3 0
Likewise, one who was in Sri Lanka to
a Javanese exile became the of a rehg10us grou;
1
m ?8I .and was also
appointed as an adviser to the Pnnce ofjogyakarta. It IS dtfficult not to
assume that such religious leadership by the exiles in their own country was
at least partly due to their competence in Islamic theology acquired during
their time in Sri Lanka. Indeed, there is evidence that at one time the
Indonesian exiles had become spiritual pupils to two Islamic teachers in I 8th
century Sri Lanka whose names are given in Babad GiJanti as Sayyid Musa
Ngidrus, and Ibrahim Asmara.
32
This Javanese chronicle also gives an
account of the description given by the wife ofPangeran Natakusuma of the
husband's religious experiences in Ceylon. She told King Pakubuwana Ill
that the exiles became students of the above named teachers "whose magical
powers achieved wonderous things"
33
example,, at t.he great
of the Quran each Friday, Javanese frmts and dehcactes were
transported to Sri Lanka.' She also related how the merchants and shtp-
captains from such places as Surat, the Bengal coast, and had
visited these teachers. Despite the legendary nature of these tales, tt Is clear
that such religious meetings did take place in the local Muslim community.
It appears that these meetings were held secretly for fear
by the Dutch government in Ceylon whtch had banned such pubhc Islamic
religious ceremonies in the maritime territories, forbidding "Yogis" and
"heathen mendicants" from leading such gatherings.
34
In view of such close contact between these two groups of Muslims in
the island Ricklefs may seem to be right in questioning whether the Dutch,
who were' constantly worried about the anti-European potential of Islam,
were wise to have selected Sri Lanka as a place of exile for these Indonesian
political prisoners.
3 5
Indeed, the local Dutch authorities .to have been
concerned about this fact. The Moors were suspected of asststmg some top
Javanese prisoners to carry out secret.correspondence
36
Moreover, the island was situated duectly on the mam pdgnmage route
from Indonesia to Mecca, as well as on the well-established trade route
favoured by the Muslim traders who came to Sri Lanka for business. a
matter of fact, however, given the peaceful nature of the local Mushm
population, the Dutch had little to fear about any military threat
or sabotage to their authority arising from the combmatiOn of these two
sections of Muslims living in the island.
44
Origins of the Maloy Communi!J
Convict Settlers
Apart from the princely exiles, a host of others from all ranks oflife including
lesser chiefs, petty officials and commoners, had been by
the government to Sri Lanka.
3 7
Most of them had been convicted
on cnmmal charges and their treatment and status in the island seem to have
been determined by the severity of the crimes committed by them at home.
Those convicted of violent crimes were usually kept in chains and had to
do hard-labour during the period of their punishment, 3D A section of the
deportees, not kept in chains, but committed to prison cells performed hard-
labour in the service of the company. Others were to remain free
and earn living by performing services to the company or by engaging
themselves m some form of handicraft.
39
Sometimes, these 'criminal'
were recruited to serve in the native army. 4o
.It 1s difficult to assess the number of such 'criminals', but throughout the
penod of the Dutch rule in Sri Lanka there was a steady inflow of this class
of deportees the Eastern islands. In I75I alone there were I
3
I of these
convicts servmg the Company in Sri Lanka,
41
not to mention the others who
served. in the military and those who were set free and remained in the island.
It IS almost that deported 'convicts' formed part of the early
Malay m the 1sland. In I 782, for example, the Dutch
Issued a decree that those deportees who had been taken into
the serv1ce of the Company must remain in Ceylon.42 Further in the same
year it was decided that all deportees except the branded cri:ninals could
be enlisted into the native army.4
3
Thus, a good part of these convicts was
now able to mix freely with their fellow Easterners in the island. Those who
were set free had also the opportunity to raise families here and settle down
permanently. In this sense, the 'Malay' community of Sri Lanka can be said
to owe its origins partly to these 'Malay' convict settlers a fact which has
been in some accounts of the origins of the island's Malay
commumty whose ancestry has always been attributed to either the 'Malay
Princes' or the 'soldiers'H
Soldiers
Numerically the largest group in the early Malay population was however
the soldiers who made up the bulk of the Dutch garrison in island
the period. The Batavian government despatched to the island
contmgents of troops annually, apart from the reinforcements sent in times
of emergencies and wars! s
From as early as the middle of the I 7th century when the Dutch began
upon the Portuguese fortifications on the island, the 'Malay' troops
sa1d to been present in the Dutch army. These troops took part
m the storm.mg of Galle by Admiral Caster in I 640, and during the seige
of Colombo m 1655/56, the Malays played an important role in the storming
Origins of the Malay Communi!J
45
of the Fort (Reimers I924, I57) In I657, a force ofMalays under their own
Captain Raja Talella accompanied Rycklof van Goens in the Dutch
expedition against the Portuguese stations on the Malabar Coast and
subsequently took part in the capture ofMannar andJaffna in I658. Malay
soldiers are frequently mentioned in accounts of the Dutch expeditions
against Kandy.
Many Eastern national groups were represented among these 'Malay'
soldiers. We find references to Amboinese, Bandanese,
46
Balinese, Bugis,
Javanese, Madurese, Sumanepers and Malays. During the early attacks
upon the Portuguese, Amboinese and Javanese soldiers had been used by
the Dutch authorities. According to Christopher Schweitzer, a German
employee of the V.O.C. who visited the island in I68o, Amboinese soldiers
were included in the Dutch garrison at the fort of Sitawaka (Raven-Hart
I959 69). In I 737 three companies ofBalinese troops were despatched from
Batavia to Ceylon at the request of the then Governor Van Imhoffto prepare
for war agaipst the Kandyans. Malays and Buginese were sent to reinforce
native troops in Ceylon in I 76 I,
4 7
and in I 788, Madurese and Sumanepers
were sent to garrison Mullaitivu on the Eastern Coast.
48
Thus it can be seen
that almost all the major ethnic groups from the region of the Eastern
Archipelago were represented among the soldiers whom we have chosen to
refer to by the general term 'Malays', an appellation which will be discussed
in greater detail later.
Little is known about the life and other activities of these soldiers apart
from Christopher Schweitzer's description of a group of Amboinese soldiers
who were stationed at the Dutch camp of Sitawaka
49
in I68o. His
description deserves to be quoted in full, as it throws light on several
important aspects of the early 'Malay' soldiery in the island.
168o, gth February .... We went to relieve the company that Wa3 at Sittawack ... It is situated
upon a rocky ground; near to this over the river, stood heretofore the King ofSittawack's palace,
ruined since by the Portuguese. The Fort is about four hundred paces in circuit ... Here is also
continually kept a company of Amboinese in the Dutch service. Their lieutenant Wa3 called
Alons, and was of Royal blood. By day they lie out of fort, in a whole street together, their
wives with them: But at night they are as obliged to be in the fort a3 any of us. They are very
nimble and active at leaping and fencing. They never have but little beards, and behind in
their necks they have a growth like a wen. Their pay is, for a lieutenant 24 rix dollars a month,
an ensign 16, a Cornet 8, and a Private soldier 5 all paid in money. The Cingulayans (i.e.
Sinhalese) are mightily afraid of the Amboinese, far more than of the Europeans; for they are
in part of the true cannibal sort. They wear musquets and short swords. Besides their own
language, they generally speak Malaysh, Cingulaish, Portuguese, and Dutch. They love dice
and card playing excessively, and Sundays they spend in cock-fighting, so that many become
poor by gaming. When they have lost all their money they make from thin rotting (rattan)
all sorts of lovely baskets, and such. When their monthly pay comes into their hands again,
each pays first his debts, and what is left they put to the venture by dice or cards, and so continue
Origins rif the Malay Communiry
till one of them has all the money to himself. Also it is much if the wife be not stripped of her
ornaments of gold, silver and silks. The wives, which in part are AmboJ'ne
. part
Smgulayans, and Malabarians may say nothing against this, but when the man games aw
th I' I ay
eJr Jtt e they must nourish him and his children as well a.' they can through the
month and awa1t h1s better fortune at gaming (Raven-Hart, 19
59
, 7o).
the above description of the Amboinese soldiers, one may gather
many Important facts about their life at that time. (In fact, it may also be
taken as a general account applicable in the case of the other Malay soldiers
as wh? serving with the Dutch army during this period).
It. IS noted that the Lieutenant of the Amboinese was of Royal
blood. It IS difficult to trace the identity of this person who was called Alon,
but. had employed some political exiles of the Malay Royal
umt leaders of the Malay army in the island. By
17
6
4
, Pangeran
who to the family of exiled Sun an M as, the Javanese
Kmg of ts stated to have been in charge of a regular army unit
for some time. Temengong Sasara Negara, another Royal political exile
(Raven-Hert I 964, 2 I) had been appointed as the Commander of
of the Free Javanese which was formed in r76
3
.5o The military
leadership by the Royal exiles seem to have ensured better discipline and
loyalty on the part of their Malay soldiers.
relates that the wives of these soldiers lived
toge.ther With their husbands in the vicinity of the Sitawaka garrison but
outside the fort, where the latter had to return during the night like the rest
of the troops. It is not uncommon for soldiers in the garrisons to
have thetr wtves along with them, but it is ofinterest to note that these wives
of the Easterners used to follow their husbands even to the battle front. This
endless problems to the Dutch authorities who rarely succeeded
m preventmg .women accompanying their husbands when they
left on lnvanably during the Dutch Kandyan expeditions
and the penod of inland rebellions, it was not uncommon to see all
the fam1hes of the Malay soldiers becoming mobile, so much so that a Dutch
Commander lamented in I 764 that "the trouble is that the Javanese have
such a large train of women and gear, I have told them that they must leave
behind, pay coolies, but most of them act as coolies themselves
ofbeanng arms (Raven-Hart, 1964, 64).
regarding the fact that the Sinhalese were afraid more of the
:'-mbomese than of the European troops. While it may not be totally correct
It can be a reflection of the fighting disposition of these men and
also as md1cat10n of the frequent encounters between these men and the
local Smhalese during times of rebellion and the Kandyan wars. The
Eastern. troops were of course well acclimatized to the tropical conditions
of the as came from countries with similar climatic and
geographical conditiOns. It was relatively easy for these troops to move
of the Malay
47

the jungles to meet the Sinhalese armies, and even to engage in

ersonal combat with the enemy troops with their traditional mode of
tarfare, using kris knives and short-swords.
51
The Kandyans are known
have generally employed a guerilla-type of warfare, which was more
to . c. h
uitable to the local terrain. Indeed this was one of the reasons 10r t e1r not
subdued by either the or the. Dutch powers. The
f the tactics adopted by the Dutch m combatmg the Kandyans are httle
but it is possible that the Malay troops were used in the forefront
of the Dutch army during their attacks upon the Sinhalese troops ofKan.dy,
because, with their familiarity with similar terrain, their penchant for close
and single combat, and their skill in the ready use of their much feared kris
knives and short swords, the Malay soldiers were more fitted to confront the
styles of Sinhalese guerilla warfare.
Fourthly, the reference to the languages spoken by the Amboinese soldier
deserves comment. Besides his native Amboinese he also spoke 'Malaysh'
and 'Cinguislaish', besides Portuguese and Dutch. The 'Malaysh' referred
to was already a simplified creole adapted by the various groups which
originated in various parts of the Archipelago thus allowing them to assume
a common Malay identity as will be explained later in this chapter. The
simplified Malay creole which served as the lingua franca of the various
Malay groups among the soldiers eventually assimilated syntactic and other
features of the Sinhalese and Tamillanguages which the soldiers also spoke.
That many of them also took Sinhalese and Tamil wives no doubt helped
in this process of assimilation. All this would explain the features of the
'Malay' language which is spoken by the community today (Hussainmiya,
Ig86, 106-153)
Fifthly, it is mentioned that the Amboinese were very fond of gambling
and as a result they were eternally in debt. This habit of gambling among
the Eastern soldiers caused the Dutch authorities some problems. It was
brought to the notice of the government that the soldiers used to borrow
money from the respective captains of their companies and when they were
unable to settle their debts deserted their ranks and disappeared into the
Sinhalese countryside.
52
As a result, the Dutch government had to prohibit
the practice of money-lending to the soldiers.
53
Schweitzer also relates in
this regard that when soldiers had become poor by gaming they "had made
all sorts lovely baskets from thin rotting." This is the earliest reference to
the rattan-weaving which remained as another traditional occupation
among the Sri Lankan Malays until recently.
54
Finally, Schweitzer's reference to the wives of the Amboinese soldiers is
interesting, as it shows that the Eastern soldiers, when they embarked for
Ceylon, brought their womenfolk along with them. It is not known in what
proportion such women from the East-Indies came to the island during the
Dutch period. Later the British authorities actively encouraged the foreign
Malay recruits to bring along their families to settle down in Ceylon in order
Origins of the M a/ay Communi!J
to up a strong Malay colony so that a steady supply of recruits could
be obtamed locally. Further investigation is necessary to ascertain whether
the Dutch als? .had followed a similar policy. In any case, as the number
?f wom,en from the East Indies was limited, a good proportion of
soldters. had to find their wives among the local women from the
Smhalese, or Moor communities.
55
It appears however that the
Malay Mushms preferred to marry the local Moor women because ofth
c r . . e1r
ommon re 1g10us ties. A number of such cases of inter-marriage between
the Malays and the Moors is reported in the 'Tombos'5& compiled by th
Dutch.
57
e
Slaves
Apart fr.om the convict settlers, soldiers and political exiles, the early Malay
populatiOn also its origin, albeit in a small way, to slaves sent now and
then by the Batavtan government. Most of them originated from th
the lesser Sunda islands etc., and were forced to serve for thei;
m the Dutch government establishments. Some rich private
mdtvtduals also owned slaves from the Eastern islands.5o Furthermore, a
number of. slaves served the Indonesian political exiles in Ceylon. There
were :-vhen owned by the Dutch government gained their
freedom by JOmmg the native army. In 1 763 a Malay Company was formed
out of deportees and 31 slaves who earned their freedom. 59 Similarly, when
Van de Graafmade secret preparations to invade the Kandyan kingdom in
1
78I, were set free on condition that they would join the
expedttlon. It IS almost certain that as free men they raised families lik
the other .Easterners settled in the island, and merged into the early Mala e
Commumty. Y
Free Malays
As time went on there grew up a sizeable population of Free Malays or as
Dutch preferred to call them, the Free Javanese, particularly after the
mtd?le of the 18th century. These 'Free Javanese' were in part former
soldters who upon their discharge had settled in the island and others who
themselves in non-government occupations. The latter category
also many descendants of the political exiles. Although evidence
relatmg to the occupations of the early Malays is hard to come
by, there were certam fields, such as gardening, rattan weaving, etc. in which
Malays are known to have specialised, as indicated in the early British

6 1
to some Malays engaged in petty trade by
collectmg and selhng m the inland areas (Betrolacci 1817,
1
8).
the donor of land m Wekanda (in Colombo) to build a mosque
m the year I 783, who was called Pandan Balie, a free :Javanese' would have
been one of these small traders who had thus become aftluent enough to
Origins of the Malay Commwzi!J
49
make a gift of land to his community Oayah 1971, 8). At the lower level,
a number of Malays were employed as domestic servants.
The civil status of the 'Free Javanese' under the Dutch rule in the island
was the same as that of the Moors and the Chetties who, as. members of
foreign communities, were compelled to perform Uliyam services for the
government.
62
However, the political exiles and the Malay soldiers were
exempted from such service,
63
the former because of their Royal dignity and
the latter because of their position as servants of the Company. Since the
number of the Free Javanese was small at the beginning, there was no special
organization to form them into a guild to extract this Uliyam service, and
a Moor chieftain was appointed to look after their affairs. However in 1769,
as their number increased, the Free Javanese were organized into a separate
unit and this time a Royal Javanese exile, Sosoro Wijoyo was appointed as
their Captain.
64
Early Malay Population
It is only towards the and of the Dutch Rule that an approximate figure
concerning the number ofMalays resident in the island could be gathered.
Perhaps one useful way of calculating their population during the period
is to take into account the number of Malay soldiers who were present in
the island since they formed the bulk of the community.
The total number of soldiers of course varied according to the military
needs of the Dutch authorities. Thus in 1 764, in anticipation of war with
the Kandyan king they had to build up their military reserve by recruiting
men by all possible means. The number of Eastern soldiers shot up from
about Boo to 2,500 in that year. Presumably this was their highest total ever
to be reached in the Dutch Army serving in the island.
6 5
It appears that
under normal conditions, the total number of Malays in the Dutch army
fluctuated around Boo, this number being divided into ten companies.
66
As
mentioned earlier, new batches of recruits were sent annually from Batavia
to replace discharged soldiers. All these discharged soldiers did not stay
behind in the island after their period of service. Some were sent back to
Batavia, but the basis on which these returnees were selected is not clear.
67
It must have been difficult for them to leave the island after having lived
here for so long and especially after having built up family ties in the local
community, for later, when the British made their return optional, relatively
few of them chose to go.
A more definite figure for the number of Malay soldiers in the Dutch
service is available, however for the years 1795/1 796, when the British began
their attacks upon the Dutch- fortifications in Sri Lanka. According to the
figures given by Colonel Stuart, the British Commander who led the main
attacks, there were probably around 1400 Malays serving with the Dutch
army. Colonel Stuart gave the numbers of the Dutch troops who
so Origins of the Malay Communiry
surrendered to the British in Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Colombo. Thus
in Trincomalee there were 373 Malays (284 in Fort Frederick, and 89in Fort
Ostenburg) who surrendered to the British and in Colombo there were two
battalions ofMalays consisting of88o men.
68
In Batticaloa, Colonel Stuart
was informed that there had been 133 Malays, butmostofthemhad escaped
to inland areas on the eve of the British arrival at that Fort.
6 9
All these
Malay soldiers did not belong to the regular army. Anticipating the British
attacks, the Dutch had mobilised a number of civilians to their army units
in the important coastal towns of Colombo, Galle and Trincomalee etc. The
Malays seemed to have been their major source, and in fact, in 1 785 the
Dutch had decided to disband the regiment of Free Moors, and in their place
recruited the local Malay civilians.
7 0
Thus from the figures given by the
English Colonel, it is possible to estimate approximately the total number
of the Malay population at the tail end of the Dutch period.
Thus, going by the number of Malays given in Stuart's despatch, i.e.
I 400, we may, on the safe assumption, that at least half of them had their
families with them, arrive at an approximate figure of 2200. If we add to
this the 200 or more members of the exiled royal families we may arrive at
a figure of 2400 as the approximate number of Malays in Sri Lanka at the
end of the 18th century.
We may now consider the stage at which a real Sri Lankan Malay
community emerged from the ethnic mosaic of this heterogenous group of
Easterners, and what factors contributed in the formation of such a
community within the Dutch period. By the time the British had arrived
in the island in I 795, the Malays appeared to have attained a certain degree
of cohesion, so that the English administrators, with very few exceptions
and referred to them only as 'Malays.' Some British officials had
even come to regard the locally-born 'Malays' as a group much superior to
the new immigrants who had been recruited to the regiment from the
Eastern Islands.
7
t
In the first place, officially, as far as the Dutch were concerned a common
recognition was accorded to the early 'Malays' on the basis of the fact that
all of them came from the East, hence the term 'Oosterlingen' which is
frequently used in the Dutch documents to refer to them collectively. A
modern Dutch author defines this term 'as referring to those people who
originally came from the coastal regions of the Eastern sea (De Hullu 1914,
342). It appears that i.n the Sri Lankan context, the Dutch usage of the term
'Oosterlingen' has been applied to any person from the Malay Indonesian
archipelago including the Javanese.
Next to 'Oosterlingen', another collective term used in the Dutch
sources, particularly after the middle of the 18th century, to refer to these
Eastern communities, was 'Javaans' Uavanese). Originally, it seems to have
been applied only to the ethnic Javanese who were only one of the different
groups of easterners which included Amboinese and Bandanese and others.
Origins of the Malay Communiry
51
D s this mean that the Javanese population had outnumbered the other
E oetern element by this time? This shift of emphasis from the 'Oosterlingen'
can be taken as a significant pointer to the direction in which
early Malay community had developed during the Dutch period. One
ets the impression that the rest of the eastern groups had been absorbed
the ethnic Javanese community at the close of the 18th century. But who
.:Cre these 'Javanese'? Why then did the British keep on referring to these
people as 'Malays' when they first came them in I 795?. .
The diverse national groups of eastern soldters such as the Ambomese,
Bugis, Javanese and others. who came to ?o service in. the island,
were in the main former restdents ofBatavta and dtd not come dtrectly from
the different geographic regions of the Archipelago as their names suggest
(De Haan 1922, 474). Since the founding of the Dutch fort city ofBatavia
in
1
619, a number of such nationalities are known to have settled in the
outskirts of Batavia. De Haan shows in his Oud Batavia that there were
separate 'kampungs' for each of these nationalities with its o:-vn social s.et-up,
organization and places of worship. Each was headed by 1ts own chteftam
(De Haan 1922, 472-484). These settlements had taken place without much
interference from the Dutch government in Batavia. However, when it came
to the question of finding men for their native army, the inhabitants of
Batavia proved to be an ideal recruiting source for the Dutch. It is known
that when mass recruitment of soldiers did take place during the protracted
Dutch wars in central Java in 1750, on the Malabar coast in 1717, and in
Sri Lanka in 1763, these outer Kampungs of Batavia became almost
depopulated (De Haan 1922, 472-484).
It seems likely that the majority of the early Malays brought here to serve
in the native army really had Batavia as their point of origin. If this theory
is accepted, it is also to be conceded that from the very beginning of their
arrival in the island they had a common group identity among themselves
as a result of assimilation known to have already taken place among the
various ethnic nationalities from the archipelago which had settled in
Batavia.
One of the main factors which assisted the residents of Batavia to gain
a distinct group identity was the simplified Malay language, a so called
'Batavian Malay' which they adopted as their main medium of
communication. Vlekke rightly points out that:
Gradually this heterogeneous population developed into a new Indonesian National group,
distinct from the Sundanese of the West, and the Javanese of the East.Java and with a simplified
Malay language the lingua franca of the Archipelago as their native tongue." (Vlekke 1945,
174)
So it is these 'Neo-Indonesians' who can be said to have formed the nucleus
of the original Malay population in Sri Lanka. Their group identity must
52 Origins of the Malay Communiry
have received an added boost once they came to live among alien people
and in strange surroundings.
The formative period for the locally-rooted society can be said to have
begun when the immigrants settled in Ceylon, formed alliances with
indigenous women (in addition to the 'eastern' womenfolk brought to the
island) and reared children who were taught to identify themselves as
'Malays'. Marriage among these descendants of mixed blood, ofimmigrants
led eventually to the development of a fairly coherent group, and the culture
of the resultant society was stabilized well before the end of the Dutch rule
in the island. Once this stabilization of a local Malay culture and society
was achieved, it became possible for the other eastern nationalities, like the
Madurese and Sumanapers, who joined the community later around 1782,
to merge into the community of"Ceylon Malays" without much difficulty.
The difference between the terms 'Javanese' and 'Malays' as used by the
Dutch and the British respectively to refer to this community can be
explained here. The former indicated, primarily, the geographical identity
of the early Malays. Batavia, from where many of them had originated, was
situated in the island of Java and hence they were commonly called by the
generic term 'Javanese'. On the other hand, it may be the case that the
actual ethnic Javanese might have been the dominant group among the
original eastern population, and therefore the whole community came to be
known after this leading group. This line of argument is further borne out
by the fact that in 1764 the Free Javanese Company was named thus,
precisely because of the conspicuously large number of the Javanese
residents in the island. At the same time, the Dutch officials had included
other minor groups of easterners in this Company. Thus, for instance, when
two soldiers by the names of Dicko (or Bicko?) and Abdullah applied for
discharge from the company in I 763 they are specifically referred to as
Malay soldiers.
7 2
But labelling this community as 'Javanese', in the way
the Dutch did was not altogether appropriate. For, particularly after 1740
a number of Madurese and Sumanapers also joined this community . The
term 'Javanese', if used with an ethnic connotation, would thus have become
more and more unsuitable as newcomers belonging to other races from the
East came to be included in this community in fairly larger numbers.
The term 'Malays', introduced by the British, was an all-embracing one,
which emphasised the linguistic unity of these people rather than their ethnic
or racial origins. What the British saw in the island at the tail-end of the
18th century was a fairly stabilized and distinctly identifiable group of
people, whose ethnic differences had greatly disappeared and who had
developed a self-identity as members of a Malay-speaking community. This
term obviously had its merits, because labelling this community on the basis
of its language reflected the real nature of the local Malays as they had
evolved as a distinct population group through the adoption of a common
lingua franca, i.e. Malay. On the other hand, this term became more
Origins of the Malay Communiry
53
meaningful later, particularly when the ethnic from the. Malay
Peninsula settled here during the 19th century and were mtegrated mto the
already well-established community of 'Malays' in Sri Lanka.
In addition to the language factor, the religion oflslam too provided a
basis for group identity among the Malays of the island. In Dutch times,
not all the easterners who came to Sri Lanka were the followers of Islam.
It is particularly difficult to establish the religious background of the
Amboinese, Balinese, and even Javanese, because among the first group
there were a considerable number of Christians, while most of the Balinese
belonged to the Hindu or Buddhist religions. Some Javanese had embraced
Christianity in 1 66o and received benefits from the Dutch government.
7 3
Nevertheless, it is quite clear that a large majority of the early Malays were
followers of Islam, and in the process of the evolution of the Sri Lankan
Malay Community all the non-Muslim easterners dropped out. Thus, at
last the term 'Malays' besides its linguistic connotation came to mean only
the Muslim 'Malays'.
It is quite clear that in maintaining their religious identity and fervour,
the Malays received encouragement and support from the well-rooted
Muslim 'Moor' community. It may even be argued that, if not for this
factor the Malays ofSri Lanka would have quickly lost their sense ofidentity
and h'ave been absorbed into the other local communities. In fact, it was
this fate which overtook the community of Cape Malays, who were in their
origin similar to the Ceylon Malays. Islamic practices and values had
declined to such an extent among the Cape Malays that a Turkish authority
in 1877 reports that they know nothing more concerning Islam than the
necessity of the practice of circumcision (Du Plessis & Luckhoff 1953, 19).
No similar decline has taken place among the Sri Lankan Malays and this
fact must surely be due to the reinforcing effect created by the presence of
that other Muslim group in the Island, namely the 'Moors' of Ceylon.
Notes
1
f For a general history of the island see Arasaratnam (1g64) & K.M. de Silva (1981).
2/ It may as well be pointed out here that the Indonesian word for is
"disailankan" (to be sent to Ceylon), which indicates perhaps the frequency with wh1ch the
Indonesian people were sent into exile to Ceylon in these days.
3/ Some cases are mentioned in Dagh Register, dated 5th and 6th October 1681.
4/ Dagh Register, 30th August 1682 and 25th November.
5/ See De Graaf(1949), pp. 238-1141 for these events injavanese History.
6/ S.L.N.A., 1/11oo, Minutes of the D.P.C., Colombo, 8th March 1788.
7/ See Chapter 4
B/ Father S.G. Perera (1939), p. 36-38.
54
Origins rif the Malay Communi9J
9/ S.L.N.A. I/6g, Minutes of the D.P.C., Colombo, 14th NovemberI733
IO/ "Lives of the Dutch Governors-General of Netherlands India J. Maatzuiker", CLR,
1(:u), December, p. 166.
II/ S.L.N.A., 1/102, Minutes of the D.P.C., Colombo, 15th November 1747
12/ S.L.N.A., I/95. Minutes of the D.P.C., Colombo, sth November 1748.
13/ S.L.N.A., 1/61, Minutes of the D.P.C., Colombo, 13thjune 1727. According to this
document some Moorish traders were found to have helped the exiled prisoners to exchange
correspondence, and their community was severely reprimanded for keeping such close contacts
with the foreign prisoners.
1.4/ Patunru ( 1g6g) p. 86. But a contemporary document states that it was one Sitti Habiba's
sister who was marrie<j to Pangeran Adipati Mangkurat, and the other sister was married to
Sadur Alam, Prince of Bacan, another important exile living in the island at that time.
S.L.N.A., 7/2o, North's Mily, diary, 19th December 18o3.
15/ Panageran Singasari ofjava was one such exile who commanded a unit of native Malay
troops serving the Dutch in 1767. Raven-Hai:t (Ed.) (1964), p. 44
16/ S.L.N.A., I/137, Minutes of the D.P.C., Colombo, 7th December 1761.
17/ See Dagh Register, 24th November 1682.
18/ Patunru (196g), p. 85.
19/ De Graaf ( 1949), p. 241.
20/ The details ofthe allowances paid to the exiles can be seen from S.L.N.A., 1 f
2
oo, Minutes
of the D.P.C., Colombo, 8th March 1788.
ill/ S.L.N.A., 1/58, Minutes of the D.P.C., Colombo, 2oth September 1724.
22/ S.L.N.A., 7/ilo, North's Mily. Diary, 19th December 1803.
23/ De Silva, Colvin R., (1953), p. 241.
24/ is the generic term by which it was customary at one time in Europe to describe
a Mushm .fr?m country he came. The epithet was borrowed by the Portuguese who
bestowed It md1scnmmately upon the Arabs and their descendants, whom in the 16th century
they found established as traders in almost every part of the Asian and African coast.
25/ For a comprehensive study, see Shukri (ed.) 1g86.
26/ See Azeez (1g6o), pp. 26-28.
27/ See Goonewardane (1959), pp. 82-89.
See Rickle& ( 1974) for information on the political activities of the exiles in the Javanese
Kmgdom.
29/ Rickle&, personal communication, (met in London S.O.A.S.) 1oth November 1976.
30/ Rickle& op. tit., p. 104.
31/ Ricklefs, personal communication, 10th November, 1976.
32/ Ricklefs, op. tit., p. 103.
33/ Ibid.
34/ " dat geen Sjogys ofte heydense lantlopers op Ceylon in Comp' land en gedoogt word en
nogh oock dat de Mooren enige publyque Mahomataense godsdienst nomen to pleegen
't selve op hogen paens verboden is.".
Memoirs qf Rycklqff van Goens Junior, p. 25.
Origins of the Malay Communiry 55
3
5/ Rickle& (1974), p. 103.
3
6/ S.L.N.A., 1/61 Minutes of the D.P.C. Colombo 13thjune 1727.
37
1 A number of such cases are mentioned in Realia, Eerste Deel, (1881), pp. 236, 258, 259
and 260.
3
8/ These insluded not only criminals but even men such as Said Muhammed, an Islamic
preacher who originated from Arabia but demiciled in Batavia in 1 78os was banished and
committed in to chains the island for his suspected anti-Dutch activities in Batavia and Bantam.
See Dejonge (1884), Vol. 12, p. 128.
39/ Dagh Register, 30th August 1682.
40/ Realia, Vol. 1, p. 87, (5thjuly 1782). In anticipation of war with the Kandyans the Dutch
made plans to strengthen their military in 1763. An extra Malay company was formed in that
year by including about 120 deportees. S.L.N.A., 1/4864, Minutes of the Secret War
Committee, 9th September 1 763.
41/ Memoirs qf Van Go/lenese, p. 92.
42/ Realia, Vol. I, P a,, 19th March I78i!.
431 Ibid., p. 92, sth July I 782.
44/ jayah (1970), p. 74 attributes their origins to the exiled Princes, while De Silva K.M.
(Ed.) (1973), p. 300 refers only to the East Indian Troops.
45/ Such reinforcements ofEastern troops were received in the island in 1737, 1761 and 1782.
46/ Peiris (1920), p. 190 states that during the Dutch attack on the Fort of Colombo in 1656,
the Bandanese did good work in their pursuit. With their sharp swords, at one blow they struck
off the heads of their adversaries (the Portuguese).
47/ S.L.N.A., 1/490, Annex to Minutes of the D.P.C., Colombo, 22ndjanuary 1761.
48/ S.L.N.A., I/1793, Minutes of the D.P.C., Colombo, 18thjanuary 1788.
49/ Memoirs qf Rycklqfvan Goens, p. 13 mentions "that the post highest in elevation belonging
to Colombo is the excellent stone redoubt at Sitawaka, ten hours journey from Colombo.
(An hours journey is equal to about 35 miles).
so/ S.L.N.A., I/4864, Minutes of the Secret War Cominittee, 9th September 1763.
51/ See Schrieke (1975), Vol. 2, pp. 122127 for a discussion on the Javanese methods of
warfare and the arms used.
52/ One Rahman, a Malay Captain is said to have extorted 6 schillings for a debt of 3 Rix
or so% per annum. S.L.N.A., 1/4865, Minutes of the Secret war committee, 1 Ith
August 1 g64.
53/ The Dutch authorities prohibited loans of more than half a rupee to the Malay soldiers.
Ibid.
54/ See Christie David ( 1 958), p. 7, Says "The original cane workers here were Malays and
the trade was plied at Slave Island ... "The itinerant Malay rattan-weaver who roamed
country's streets in search of potential customers is now a thing of the past.
55/ Schweitzer does not mention the religious background of the Amboinese, and it may be
that they were not followers of Islam, which would explain partly why only Sinhalese and
Malabari (Tamil) wives are mentioned in this case. Or it may be that the 'Moorish' women
too were included in the racial term of 'malabaris'.
56/ Tombo (Sinhalese Thombuwa) is a system of land and personnel registration perfected
by the Portuguese which they borrowed from the Sinhalese. The Dutch improved this system
in the 1 76os by recording details of persons, and properties in their districts of adininistration.
Origins of the Malay Communiry
57/ S.L.N.A., 1/3758, Head Tombo, p. 63-71.
sB/ Reference to Christoffel de Saram, alias Atapattu Mudaliyar who owned two eastern
slaves, namely Troena de Wangsa and Amber is given in S.L.N.A., 1/4:740, Criminal files on
individuals.
59/ S.L.N.A., 1/4864, Minutes of the Secret War Committee, gth September 1763. Also in
1786, Eastern slaves were freed to be formed into a Company of Militia.
S.L.N.A., 1/193, The D.P.C. 26th April 1786.
6of S.L.N.A., 1/591, Annex to the Minutes of the D.P.C., Colombo, 21st October 1781.
61/ For example Robert Percival a British military officer speaks highly ofMalay gardeners,
(Percival 1805, 174).
611/ UliJiam (Tamil) was originally the compulsory manual labour which the foreign
communitties such as Moors and Chetties performed in the Kandyan Kingdom. The Dutch
too followed this system but the British abolished it in 18o8.
63/ S.L.N.A., 1/68, Minutes of the D.P.C., Colombo, 3oth September 1743.
However the descendants of exiles had to perform UliJiam like the others.
64/ S.L.N.A., 1/2556, Appointment of local Chieftains, 13th August 176g.
65/ The total Numberin the Dutch army, as on 15th May, 1764consisted of3,909 Europeans
11,458 Easterners and 1,242 Sipahis. (Raven-Hart 1964:, p. 56).
66/ Before the above increase took place, there were 10 Companies ofMalays totalling 791
men. (Ibid., p. 21).
67/ S.L.N .A., 1/736, Annexes to the Minutes of the "Militaire department", 15th April 1794.
68/ W.O., 1/362, Stuart to Dandas, 3oth August 1795, and enclosures for the garrison,
capitulation etc.
6gf W.O., 1/362, Stuart to Dandas, 10th October 1795 and enclosures.
70/ S.L.N.A., 1/179, Minutes of the D.P.C., Colombo, 24thjune 1785.
71/ For eg. Colonel I Fletcher, who served the Malay Regiment in Ceylon for more than 110
years wrote about "the Ceylon Malays" in 1831 as follows:
"The Free Malays of the island are a superior race of people, possessing more intelligence.
... The Ceylon Malay is generally of honest and respectable parentage inheriting a pride of
family reputation etc."
S.L.N.A., 6/1308, A.M.S. to C.S., 5th October 1831.
72/ S.L.N.A., 1/1555 11th October 1763.
73/ Reimers (1924, 158) He quotes from a Dutch document dated 8th September 166o.
"Where the Javanese soldiers, 118 in number, have now for some time past suffered to be
instructed in the Christian doctrine have made public profession thereof, accepted Holy
Baptism, and have solemnly married according to Christian rite ... "
CHAPTER 4
Governor North and the Malays
I7g8-x8os
No sooner the British had established their control over the maritime
provinces of Sri Lanka in 1796 than the fate of the Malay community was
sealed - to be a permanent source of providing military manpower and to
serve the interest of the new colonial master by policing the island.
There were a number of reasons for the British policy of treating the
Malays as an exclusively soldier class, not the least of which was the gatlantry
and bravery exhibited by the Malay troops in Dutch service in fighting
against the English invaders in I 795/96. Most accounts of the invasion stress
the fact that it was only from the Malay troops that the British received any
opposition (Percival I8o5, I8o; Cleghorn papers I927, 278; La Thombe
I888, 374-375).
The Malays had attacked the British three times. The first attack was
made on Trincomalee on the night of 24th August, I 795 Under their own
Captains, Jaya Bangsa and Jurang Pati, the Malays having stripped
themselves naked, successfully infiltrated a British camp, spiked the British
guns, and killed several artillery men (Percival I 8o5, 65; Nyples I goB, 5 I).
They attacked a second time at Barberyn, a coastal hamlet situated
about 26 miles south of Colombo, when the frigate L'Heroine carrying a
detachment of British troops was anchored near that place. Scarcely had
the British soldiers landed, when the Malays, waiting in ambush, opened fire
and charged them, pursuing them into the sea, capturing a boat with several
guns and sabres (La Thombe I888, 375). In this skirmish several soldiers
including a British lieutenant were killed, while the casualties on the Malay
side were one sergeant and two privates killed and a few wounded.
The final attack on the British troops took place near Mutuwal, just
outside the fort of Colombo, when a party of about 300 Malays, commanded
by Colonel Raymond, attempted to ambush the British troops camped
there. However this time heavy casualties were inflicted upon the Malay
troops, as the British were well aware of the impending attack. Sir Hugh
Cleghorn, who later became the first chief secretary of the British
government in the island, and an inmate of the Mutuwal camp at the time,
described the Malays as "daring men armed with their krisses and adder-
tongued daggers advanced to the bound hedges within two yards of the front
line." (Cleghorn papers I927, 280)
Governor North
The role played by the Malays when presenting the events surrounding
the ineffective resistance by the Dutch garrison during the British siege is
worthy of notice. One may argue that the Malays were merely a group of
mercenaries who simply had to fight for their masters when the occasion
demanded. One cannot deny the fact, however, that the brunt of the Dutch
offensive fell on the shoulders of the Malay troops.
The belligerency of the Malays towards the invading British was partly
caused by anxiety about their future in the case of a British victory. Percival
says that the Dutch had spread stories about the British depicting the former
as a. nation of cruel and inhuman tyrants who carried out destruction and
opposition wherever they went (Percival I 8os, I 8 I). Cleghorn noted that
after the British capture ofTrincomalee, a story spread among the Malays
in Colombo and other places that all of their clan who were serving there
had been massacred by the British. Naturally, this infuriated them. He
further remarks that "nothing could exceed their pleasure and surprise upon
seeing one of their princes" from Trincomalee who volunteered to go with
the British troops to Colombo when they besieged it (Cleghorn papers I927,
280).
Thus with their daring attacks upon the Britishers, the Malays had
created a permanent impression as brave and intrepid soldiers. This
impression reinforced a proposal, which had been under consideration for
some time in British military circles in Madras, to enlist Malays in their army
(Dodwell I922, go).
The surrender of Colombo in February I 796 marked the end of one and
half centuries of Dutch rule. There now remained the question of the large
number of Malay soldiers who had been taken as prisoners-of-war, along
with the other Dutch troops. In the terms of the capitulation of Colombo
concluded on 27 February, I 796, the future of the Malay troops was raised.
The Dutch stipulated that "the Malays that do not choose to remain here
shall be transported in English ships with their women and children to the
island of Java.
1
But the victorious British answered that
The Malay troops shall be sent from hence with their wives and children to Tuticorin and from
thence by easy marches to Madras. They shall be subsisted while they remain prisoners and
if not taken into British service and shall at a convenient time be sent to the island of Java at
the expense of the British government.
2
That the British had already made up their mind to retain the services of
these Malay troops is clear. It is important to note that the British were keen
to transfer all the Malay prisoners-of-war along with their families as soon
as possible to Madras.
What the British actually needed was an interval of time in which the
Malay troops ofSri Lanka could either be taken into the ranks of the Madras
army or be brought back for service in the newly-acquired colony. In I 796,
there was uncertainty as to whether maritime Sri Lanka would be returned
Governor North 59
to the Dutch after a peace treaty; in which event, the British would be better
off if the Malays could be held in Madras and enlisted in the,ir own military
establishment.
In fact, the British authorities in Madras were at this time proposing to
send an expedition to the Dutch East Indies in a bid to enlist Malays in their
army, because it was becoming increasingly difficult to find suitable men
from among the South Indians. This suggestion originally came from Sir
Josiah Child in 1 786 when the East India Company was under his strong
influence (Dodwell I922, I3) Accordingly, the York Fort in Sumatra was
asked to send Malay recruits to Madras, but nothing appears to have
happened. The idea gained favour again in I 795, with the Commander in
Chief in India himself showing some interest in recruiting Malays to
maintain English military strength on the Coast. But there was said to be
much apprehension among the lesser officers as to whether it was possible
"to keep up the recruitment of these people in point of numbers" (Dodwell
op. dt., Ig).
It was in the same year, I795 that the British succeeded in capturing
the strategic fort of Trincomalee where nearly goo Malays were taken
prisoners and removed to Madras. Their presence in Madras encouraged
the officials there to explore ways of attracting other Malays from Sri Lanka.
Most of these Malays were with the Dutch garrison in Colombo, having
been recalled from smaller stations like Galle and Matara on the eve of the
British attack on Colombo. A plan was conceived in Madras to persuade
them to defect to the British side. For this purpose Raden Porowa (Purba?)
Dakshina, a young 'Javanese' political exile who had been taken captive
during the Trincomalee campaign and who was brought to Madras, was
summoned to a conference with Lord Hobart, the Governor of Madras, Sir
Alfred Clarck, Commander of the Madras Army and Colonel De Meuron.
He was called to assist the British in the capture of Colombo and to persuade
the Malays there to accept British service.
3
It is evident, therefore, that even before the fall of Colombo, the British
had made up their mind regarding the future of the Malays of Sri Lanka.
The Dutch were quite naive in expecting the British not to persuade the
Malays to join either His Majesty's Serviee or the East India Company and
in thinking that the British, in the terms of the surrender of Colombo, would
have agreed to bear the cost of transporting the Malays to Java. For the
British, of course, it was a windfall to be able to enlist these warrior Malays
enmasse in such a relatively effortless manner.
The need for their services, however, arose quite soon in Sri Lanka. The
British occupation-forces were not sufficient to maintain internal security in
the Island. At the same time, it was not possible to draw on the resources
of the Madras Army, as the authorities were finding it difficult to keep their
own establishment at its existing level. The only alternative in those
circumstances was to employ the Malays who had been taken to Madras.
6o Govemor North
Colonel Stuart, the temporary Commander in Chief of the island wrote to
Madras asking for the services of the Malay troops, suggesting that they be
divided into two detachments, one to garrison Trincomalee and the other,
Colombo! It is not certain how and when the Madras Government
arranged the return of the Malays to Sri Lanka. When Frederic North
arrived in the island in October 1 798 as the first Governor of maritime Sri
Lanka, there were five companies of Malays in East India Company's
service, in addition to two companies in the revenue service.
5
Governor North's appointment in 1798 marked the end of the Madras
based administration
6
Government control was thereafter divided between
the Crown and the East India Company. From 1st January, 1802, dual
control was also abolished and maritime Sri Lanka attained the status of a
full-fledged Crown Colony as a result of the treaty of Amiens (De Silva,
Colvin R. I953, Mills 1933). Much had been done within this short period
to establish the Malay garrison on a firmer footing, largely on the personal
initiative of Governor North.
Originally, the Governor-General in India had suggested that North
should incorporate the Malay prisoners-of-war from Madras into the native
military force in the Island. However, at first, North did not seem to have
like this idea, as he believed that the Malay troops could at any time desert
to the Dutch. Those troops were, besides, expensive to maintain, as they
were allowed to draw the same marching allowances as European troops in
accordance with the terms of the Capitulation of Colombo.
7
However, he
soon changed his mind when he saw the benefits which would accrue to his
government by employing the Malays as the main native military force. He
would no longer need to depend so heavily on the Madras authorities for
contingencies ofsepoys in times of need. Further, he knew that the number
of Malays living in the island was sufficient, at least for the time being, to
provide enough recruits while also serving as a nursery for future soldiers.
He became convinced that the island-Malays were ideally-suited for
military duties, and accordingly began preparations to transform them into
a military community.
At first North had gained an impression that, following the departure
of the Dutch, the Malays had become a sort of displaced community within
the island. He classified the Malays into three groups, Princes, soldiers, and
robbers, commenting "I by no means wish to assert that the third class
exercises its profession to the exclusion of the other two".
9
He even went
so far as to portray the Malays as being inclined to murder ,I
0
It appears that North was generalising on the atrocious behaviour of a
few Malays in the early days of British rule, particularly the Malay bandits
whose ranks may well have included ex-soldiers who had been terrorising
Colombo and the countryside at the time North was appointed Governor.
North's accusation that Malays were murderers was most probably,
brought about by the sensational murder of the Chief Dutch resident of
Governor North
6r
Matara and his wife by a Malay servant. This event took place in Galle in
late 1796, when Colonel Stuart had been temporarily in charge of the
Government.
11
The murder, apparently a 'revenge' killing caused a sensation among the
European population in the island.
12
It was probably these incidents that
led the new Governor to make his generalisations on the behaviour of the
Malays. On the other hand, some of the contemporary British
administrators in the island who had opportunity to know the Malays at first
hand, had a reasonably good opinion of them.
Thus the British Commandant of Kalutara wrote:
As far as I can learn there is little damage to be apprehended from the Malays in this district
who by inter marriages with the natives have become in some degree naturalized and are indeed
much quieter, and more industrious than either the Sinhalese or Moors.
This observation was made in his letter to the Government in response
to a proclamation of I 3th March, I 799, issued by North, which ordered all
non military Malays, the aged and the infirm excepted, to appear before
their prospective Commandants on or before 30 April of that year and
register themselves in order to settle them and their families in areas allotted
and assigned to them.
14
They were required to carry passes when going out
of their areas. Those found without passes, and or in possession of dangerous
weapons were made liable to banishment from the island.
In issuing this proclamation Governor North informed the Collectors
and Commandants that its object was 'to control and if possible reform, but
not by any means to disgrace or to proscribe the Malays' .
1 5
It appears,
however, that the real intention behind this move was to take a head-count
of the Malays who were not in military service, and to induce them to enlist
in the army when they appeared before the Commandants, (Cordiner 1807,
Vol. I, 144) in other words, the first step towards the setting up of a
permanent Malay military corps. The next step was to raise its status as a
respectable establishment. Major General MacDowall was assigned the task
and the governor proposed that "the pay allowances and other
arrangements shall as much as possible resemble those of the native Corps
(Sepoys) in the service of the Hon'ble East India Company."
16
According
to North, when Malays had been employed by the Madras government they
were paid such a small salary, compared to the sepoys, that some of them
joined the ranks of robbers. Furthermore, when North took over the
administration, there were only European officers to command all the
Malay troops. He pointed out that this was not enough and insisted on an
European officer as well as a non-commissioned officer to be appointed to
each Malay company.
Most of these reforms had been carried out before the end of January
I 8oo, and the total number of Malay troops now stood around 1 ,ooo.
1 7
In
Governor North
accordance with a plan submitted by MacDowall, they were divided into
10 Companies by mid-18oo.
18
The Governor was quite pleased with the progress made by the Malay
troops under his authority, particularly in regard to discipline. This he
ascribed to the exertions of the superior European officers of the Malay
Corps.
1 9
Above all he was very proud of their performance on the battlefield
during the Polygar wars. A party of Malays had been despatched from Sri
Lanka under their Commandant Captain Whitlie in early 1800 to take part
in . the British attacks against the Polygars of Panjalam Courchy and
Shtvaganga in South India, their first action under the British. 2o North
proudly wrote to the Secretary of State:
The English troops were so much pleased with their general behaviour that they treated them
as brothers, and divided with them their provisions water and such other extra
recommendations as are allowed to Europeans in Indian Campaigns ... From the country of
Pyche Rajah to that of Polygars of Panjalam Courchy, and Shivaganga, they have
distinguished themselves by their active and idefatigible intrepidity. At the storming of
Panjalam Courchy, after their gallant Commander Captain Whitlie had been dangerously
wounded, they ordered the breach with the Europeans and with them terminated the
and were publicly thanked for their behaviour by Lieutenant Colonel Agnew as as it
over.
21
Meanwhile the Home Government too appreciated the initiative taken
by North in forming the Malay Corps and accordingly, admitted the Corps
into the King's service on 23 April, 1801.
22
The strength of the Malay Corps
was now 1,200 with 22 European officers, including two warrant officers.
2
3
For the first time, Malay soldiers wore the scarlet and white uniform of
a regular regiment of the infantry on the line. The Malay officers were thus
among the very first Asians to hold commissions from the British Sovereign.
On 31st May 1802 the presentation of Colours to the Malay Corps took
place at the Galle Face esplanade in Colombo. On this occasion, North
remarked that he had great satisfaction 'in presenting these Colours not to
a new Levy, but to a regiment whose past service is an earnest of future
glory'.
24

. Aside from the Malay Regiment, another Regiment comprising
Smhalese was also formed for service in the island as part of the British native
infantry forces.
2
In all respects it was to be modelled on the Malay
Regiment. It came to be known as Colonel Ramsay's Regiment, in the same
way that the Malay Regiment was called Colonel Champagne's Regiment
(Turner 1919, 6o). But very soon the Sinhalese were found unsuitable for
military duty and in turn were replaced by Sepoys from the coast.
2 6
In
addition to these a Regiment of Caffres
2 7
was also formed during North's
of office. All these non-Malay Regiments were disbanded by 1825, and
m the newly formed Ceylon Rifle Regiment as will be discussed later, it was
the Malays who formed the bulk of the numbers. The priority accorded to
Governor North
the Malays in military service during North's government, as well as the
measures taken by him to strengthen the Malay colony in the island to
ensure a nursery for future military recruitment, show clearly how the British
administrators during the greater part of the tgth century continued to
depend on this community for their requirement of native military personnel
in Sri Lanka. During North's period two other important institutions were
created as corollaries to the establishment of the Malay Regiment. They
were the Malay invalid companies
28
and the Boys' Regiment, both of which
were to play an important role in Malay life in Sri Lanka for many years
to come.
Two companies of old and unfit soldiers had been formed under Captain
Drieberg in October 1799 according to the plan of Major General
MacDowall. Governor North then used a number of these invalid Malay
soldiers to start a colony in the Mahagampattu region in the Southern part
of Sri Lanka. At first they were settled in Hambantota, which was later to
become one of the leading Malay towns. Following this, two other
settlements were also established in the hamlets ofKirinde and Palatupana,
which are close to the former town. The main purpose of these settlements
was the development of the salt pans found in this region. As North wrote
in one of his despatches, even coolies could not be hired to work there.
But by far the most important salt pans of this island are those of Mahagampattu, of which
it has hitherto been impossible to take, advantage from the total want of population in their
vicinity ... the Malays are a far more industrious race than the Singhalese as they are good
gardeners and fishermen and they are courageous and not easily terrified with little dangers
and inconveniences.
2 9
The detachment of invalid Malays marched to Hambantota, on 7th of
August 1802, under the command ofLieutenant O'Connell ofHis Majesty's
51st Regiment, and arrived on the 3oth.
30
Pendergaast, the newly
appointed Commandant of Hambantota, reported to the Governor that
"they (the Malays) seem perfectly pleased with their temporary quarters
which I have been fortunate enough to complete."
31
At about the same time some of the Malay political prisoners were sent
from Colombo, along with their families, to live in Hambantota, among the
other ordinary Malay residents, 5
2
giving rise to questions concerning their
status. A special privilege of drawing rice at a reduced rate of payment had
been granted to the women and children of the invalid Malays. Since the
political prisoners were not doing the same duties as the invalid Malays the
Commandant refused to allow them the same privileges. The Governor
agreed with his objections and ordered the exiles to perform the same duties
as the others if they wanted this concession, in addition to the allowances
they received from Colombo. The exiles agreed to this rather than face
hardship, as basic provisions were not generally available at the time they
began life in Hambantota. Despite their aristocratic status in their own
Governor North
country they still decided to work and live like the commoners. Even
otherwise their lives would have been miserable had they not engaged in
some sort of activity in such an isolated dry remote corner of the island.
The Malay Boys' company was another remarkable institution founded
by North. It helped his successors a great deal by ensuring a steady flow
of good quality soldiers into the Malay regiment. Besides, as will be seen
later, the British officers always had a high regard for those boys; the latter
eventually coming to occupy virtually all the higher ranks in the Ceylon
Rifle Regiment.
The idea of Boys' companies as an integral part of the regular military
regiments was not something new. The Madras Army, on which Sri Lanka's
Malay Corps was originally modelled, had introduced Boys' companies in
I 7S5 (Dodwell I 922, go). The Madras 'Muster Masters' were authorised
to allow onto the muster rolls of each Sepoy company, two boys, the sons
of Sepoys who had been killed or had died in service. Two years later, this
scheme was extended to include 40 boys in each battalion, each one to
receive a subsistence pay of ggjanams a month until they were fit to become
privates. As these boys were paid during- their apparenticeship, the
contemporary documents refer to them often as 'half-pay boys' - they were
paid half the salary of a private.
The basis of selection to the Malay Boys' company during North's time
was however, quite different, and does not seem to have been guided by any
such principles of charity or sympathy.
3 3
On the other hand it was closely
interwoven with the policy of the colonisation ofMalays adopted by North.
At first the Malay boys were recruited indiscriminately, totalling as many
as So had been approved by the Home Government by the time the Malay
regiment had been taken into the British Crown's Service. North argued
that such a restriction on numbers should not be imposed "on the
recruitment of a military nation" such as the Malays, and especially in the
case of these boys for "from the time that he is able to hold a firelock many
a Malay boy, in good policy, be enlisted in the Malay Regiment."
34
It is
not known whether he actually increased the number of boys above the
prescribed limit, but North granted the monthly pay enjoyed by the
Regimental boys, also to the sons of Malay recruits from abroad who were
physically fit, and between the ages of 10 and 14.
35
Therefore, this measure,
while designed to ensure that most of the Malay males would enter military
service when they came of age, can also be seen as one of the inducements
provided to encourage Malays with their families from the Peninsula and
the Eastern islands to migrate to Sri Lanka.
Having thus laid the foundation for a permanent Malay Regiment,
North next turned his attention to procuring sufficient men to serve in it,
not only as immediate recruits, but also to maintain a reserve for all future
needs. At the outset, as we have seen, every attempt was made to enlist
Malays locally. This source was limited however, since the local Malay
Governor North
community at the time was too small to satisfy this need, and would not have
been sufficient in the event of heavy casualties arising during wars or other
emergencies. This' fact was clearly demonstrated during the Polygar war of
1
Soo, when a section of the Malay Regiment from Sri Lanka fought for the
British. The Governor himselflamented that during this period "they have
suffered greatly by sickness as well as other chances of war and have lost some
of their best native officers".
3 6
The only way of overcoming this handicap was by increasing the number
of the Malays in the British controlled provinces in Sri Lanka, by
encouraging migrants as many as possible from abroad. The Governor
stated his intention to induce "the (Malay) recruits to come over to Ceylon
with their families in the colonies which I am forming at Hambantota and
Tangalle,
3 7
which I hope will in time produce a pure and constant supply
of that hardy people to perpetuate the Corps".
38
One of the easiest means, available to North, at the time, of achieving
this aim was to transfer the Malay soldiers and their families from the Dutch-
controlled territories in Asia which had temporarily passed into the hands
of the British Government in the 1790s following the Anglo-French wars.
One such territory was Cochin on the Mala bar coast oflndia. Largely due
to the efforts of two Malays, Abdool Sahmit (Abdul Samad?) and
Rambelan, who were despatched from the island to recruit Malays in
Cochin, SI recruits, some with their families, arrived in late r So 1.
3 9
In
return for their services the two received Commissions in the Malay
Regiment, the former as Captain and the latter as Lieutenant. Some of these
'Cochin recruits' seem to have been in the employ of the Raja ofCochin.
40
Mr. Olipant, the British Resident ofCochin raised objections to the British
Administration in Ceylon regarding Rambelan's attempts to recruit Malays
from the reserves of the Cochin Raja.
41
It is to be noted, however, that
among those who were in the Dutch service in Cochin there appears to have
been a considerable number ofMalays who were either born in Sri Lanka,
or had served here previously with the Dutch army.
4 2
Another source from which North's Government attempted to recruit
Malays was the Island of St. Helena. North received information that
Malays had been creating disturbances there, and he wrote to the British
Lieutenant Governor of St. Helena enquiring whether the latter would like
to send the Malays to him.
43
According to one author Malays were sent
from St. Helena to serve in Sri Lanka, (Gosse 193S, 255) but contemporary
British documents contradict this. The Governor denied that such
disturbances had taken place in the territories under his jurisdiction and
stated that the Indian Government had already removed the Maiays from
his territories as early as 1797.
44
North had greater success with his efforts to bring Malay settlers from
the East. A recruiting agency was set up in the Prince of Wales Island
(Penang) around rSoo.
45
For the first time, Peninsular Malays came in
66 Governor .North.
comparatively large numbers to settle in Sri Lanka, many accompanied by
their families. It is possible that some residents of Malacca were brought
to the island during the Dutch period, and there is at least one contemporary
Dutch source which testifies to the presence of Malaccan convicts in Sri
Lanka.
46
But the Malay settlers who came to the island during the Dutch
period, as we have seen, hailed mainly from the present Indonesia. During
the British period, except for two batches of Malays who came from Java
in I 8 I 3 and 18 I 6, to settle in Sri Lanka, all the other settlers, or more
precisely the army recruits, came from the Malay Peninsula.
47
Prospective Malay recruits were offered generous enlistment terms by
the agency at Penang.
48
I. The sum of Spanish dollars 2 1 pice 34 will be immediately paid to each
man as a bounty on entering the service, and from that date he will receive
the monthly pay of 3 dollars 74 pice, besides a reasonable allowance of opium.
2. That men so entering into this Corps will be permitted to take their
wives and families with them free from all expense, and every man who may
be rendered unfit for active service by wounds or age will be placed on the
invalid establishment and thus be assured of a comfortable maintenance
during the remainder of his life, and that such as may fall in battle will have
their families placed under protection of the Government.
3 Every man taking his wife with him will be entitled to Spanish dollars
8 and pice 51 in addition to the bounty given to him and 43 pice per month
for her (wife's) subsistance. Their son will also receive Spanish dollars 4 pice
25 each on accompanying their fathers and the same monthly pay as now
given to the establishment of boys attached to this Corps.
4 Men of family or influence who may be disposed to enter this service
and bring with them their dependants as followers will be received with
every possible respect and attention to their religious prejudices and obtain
commands in proportion to the number of followers they may bring with
them.
We do not know exactly how many Malays came from the Peninsula to
Sri Lanka during North's period. In early 1803, 82 recruits and 4 boys, some
with their families, were sent from Penang by Lieutenant Rofsi
49
He wrote
subsequently that he had collected 9 more Malays and was proceeding to
Malacca to obtain more. It is quite likely that many more than these would
have come from Penang to settle in the island, following the setting up of
the recruiting station. It was reported that the Sultan of Kedah had also
sent men to be enlisted for service in Sri Lanka (Watson 1957, 86).
North's attempts to obtain Malay recruits from the Molluccas islands,
however, achieved little success.
50
He was aiming at the Amboinese Corps
which was said to have been raised by the Madras Government, after the
Molluccas islands were occupied by the British in February 1796,
Governor .North
temporarily replacing the Dutch authority.
51
Before the impending peace
treaty by which these Eastern islands were supposed to be taken over by the
Dutch, North thought it wise to recruit as many as possible under the
auspices of the Madras Government. But the first mission that was sent for
this purpose under Lieutenant Drieberg in August 18oo was held up in
Madras, as the ships bound for the Moluccas had already left before his
arrival.
52
It is not known whether he eventually reached his destination.
A second mission was sent under Captain Ryan in 1802.
53
Although
Ryan and his party made an extensive tour of the East during this mission,
he reported that neither the Amboinese nor the other Mollucan islanders
were keen on serving abroad, even after compulsion.
54
In any case, he could
not have succeeded in his mission as these islands were re-occupied by the
Dutch on 6 March 1803. During his mission R yan also visited Tidor, where
he says that he received the assistance from one 'Prince Ceylon', who was
so called because he had been in exile in the island and later returned to his
country. Notwithstanding such support, it was no easy task to induce these
Easterners to volunteer for service abroad.
Prior to evaluating the impact of North's policy of attempting to
transform the entire Malay community into an appendage of the colonial
military establishment, some comments should be made on the role of the
Malay troops who fought for the British during the 1st Kandyan war in
1803, after which the recruitment ofMalays nearly came to a halt. North,
who had patronized them so much in the past, was, by the middle of 1803,
frantically looking for some means of disbanding all Malay troops. He
offered them to Olive,
55
the Governor of Madras and asked Admiral Rainier
to accept them as marines.
56
The change in North's attitude occurred
because of the large number of Malay soldiers in British service who had
deserted during the British expedition to Kandy. Lamenting their
behaviour, North wrote to Olive:
"Kandy was lost on 24th June, owing mainly to the desertion of Malays who formed the
principal strength of the garrison ...
Malays had always been loyal, so it is painful to believe that they had deserted ...
It is impossible to keep the rest of the Malays in our service as they might sooner or later join
their deserted brethren ... "
The disloyalty of the Malay troops during this war came in for harsh
criticism. Thomas Maitland (1805181 1), the successor to North, was
prejudiced against them on this account, and was prepared to scrap the
Malay Regiment altogether if alternatives could be found, while a later day
historian condemns them as "entirely untrustworthy and dangerous
(Fortescue 1923, Vol. V, 142)." What brought about this change in
attitude?
68
Governor North
Malays from Sri Lanka had fought so well in the Polygar wars in 18oo
that they had earned great praise for their valour from Governor North.
They also proved themselves an invaluable asset to the British during the
subsequent Kandyan war of I 8I 5, and in suppressing the Kandyan rebellion
of I8I8. Only in the I803 war they had failed in their duty to stand by the
British. This is no place to discuss the details of the British-Kandyan war
of I 803, which are dealt with so well in the interesting and readable accounts
of (Powell I974 Methley I9I8). The general view is that the loss ofKandy,
and the final defeat of the British was the result of a combination offactors,
such as the tactics of the Kandyans in drawing their enemy into the heart
of their country before staging an attack, the havoc created by the
monsoonal rains, the spread of jungle fever and the lack of decision and
firmness on the part of certain British officers etc.
_Undoubtedly, the Malays must take some responsibility for having
deserted to the Kandyans when they had been left to garrison Kandy, after
its occupation by the British in February I803.
58
But such desertions took
place only towards the final stages of the Kandyan occupation when panic
spread among the troops, weakened through sickness and starvation, and
when the Kandyans were closing in for the kill. The new commanding
officer Major Davie, who was in charge of these troops, had no previous
experience of active military service, and the British officers of the Malay
regiment themselves were quite ineffective (Powell I974 I3I). Had they
shown themselves to be more in control of the situation, it would no doubt
have made a big difference in restraining at least some of the native troops
from crossing over to the enemy. Not all the Malays of the British garrison
in Kandy went over to the Kandyans. Of the 700 Malays originally left
behind in Kandy, there were still250 who remained loyal to the British, who
began their final exit from Kandy on June 24th after Major Davie had
surrendered to the enemy (Methley I9I9, I2o). Among those who were
butchered by the Kandyans on the banks of the Mahaveli river at
Watapuluwa were also a number of Malays who had refused to desert
(Methley, op. cit., I21).
The desertions by the 'British Malays' during their stay in Kandy were
largely brought about by the 'Kandyan Malays'. On behalf of their King
they offered security and protection for their clan trapped in Kandy. The
Kandyan King offered high rewards to Captain Noordeen or (Nouradin)
of the British Malay regiment to come over to his side (Cordiner I8o7, Vol.
II, 204). These offers were made through the Commander of the Kandyan
Malay army called Sanguylo (or Sangunglo), said to be a half-brother of
Captain Noordeen. But Noordeen was a highly-principled man and a brave
officer who immediately brought these overtures to the notice of his
Commander and did all in his power to prevent desertions (Cordiner 1807,
Vol. II, 204).
Governor North 6g
The Malay soldiers of the Kandyan King had proved themselves as a
great source of strength to the Sinhalese during this war. It was they who
led the Kandyan attack of 24th June on the King's palace where the British
garrison was stationed, and forced Commander Davie to surrender to the
Kandyans and evacuate that post (Methley I918, 119). However, the
Kandyan Malay leader Sangunglo, was described as a 'fat and tall Malay
prince' by Greeving, (who witnessed this attack) was killed during this
attack by Major Davie (Greevings Diary 1919, 168). Who were these
Kandyan Malays?.
In the early 19th century British sources they are variously described as
the deserters from the Dutch army and runaway slaves who escaped into the
Kandyan territories to avoid ill-treatment by the Dutch (Pridham, 1849,
152). At least one earlier instance is recorded where some Malay soldiers
had deserted from the Dutch army during their war with Kandy in 176 I ~ 2 .
The reason given was that they were unable to pay back loans taken from
their officers. B
It is not unlikely that those same soldiers would have made their way
to Kandy and readily found employment. It is also recorded that during
' the Dutch-Kandyan war of I765/66, Baron Van Eck, the Dutch Governor
who commanded the army, left behind a large number ofMalay soldiers in
Kandy and retreated to Colombo, in the same manner as the British did
during their war with Kandy in 1803 (Powell I974, 37). Presumably, a good
number of the Malay soldiers who were thus left behind had entered the
Kandyan King's service at this time. Apart from the military men, some
of the Malay convicts and exiles escaped to Kandy from time to time when
faced with harsh treatment at the hands of the Dutch. In the last chapter
we referred to one Surapati, a Javanese Royal exile, who slipped into Kandy
in I 742, after which the Dutch Government tightened security upon other
Javanese exiles. The origins of Sangunglo, the Kandyan Malay chief are
however not clear. Contemporary British sources refer to him as a Malay
Prince (Greevings Diary, 168), and Cordiner specifically refers to him as
a brother of Captain Nouradeen of the British Malay Regiment (Cordiner
1807, 204). The latter was a son of Batara Gowa Amas Madina II, the
deposed king of Goa, from Southern Celebes, who was exiled to Sri Lanka
in I 767 by the Dutch Government. He had 5 sons and 3 daughters living
in the island. Besides Noordeen, another of his sons called Cranine (Karaeng
a title borne by Makassarese nobility) Sapinine was also in the British
service. It seems likely that 'Captain Usop Goa' (Yusuf?) who is said to have
died in South India during the Polygar-wars, was the eldest son of the exiled
king ofGoa.
60
It is quite possible that Sangunglo was also one of his sons,
who escaped from Dutch custody and accepted employment under the
Kandyan King.
Regardless of their status, almost all the male members of the Kandyan
Malay community seem to have been absorbed into the army of the
Governor North
Kandyan king. Their importance grew when the Nayakkar kings of
Kandy,S
1
especially the last king, Sri Wikrema Rajasinghe (I 798- r 81 5),
looked for foreigners to serve as guards to protect him against the intrigues
of the Sinhalese nobility. The chief of the Malays, who was given the title
Muhandiram
62
by the king, appears to have also acted as one of the personal
bodyguards of the king.
63
The Kandyan King also employed Malay soldiers
as palace guards (Jonville I948, I8).
These Malay soldiers were paid in cash, while their counterparts, the
Malabaris (or the South Indian soldiers) received grants of land for their
sustenance. Peiris says that this stipendiary class of soldiers (Sinhalese:
Padikara Peruwa) to which the Malays belonged, was instituted during the
reign of the Nayakkar King Kirthi Sri Rajasinghe (I747I782).
64
It then
consisted of 4 companies of2I men each (Pieres I956, I03). His successor
Rajadhi Rajasinghe (I 782- I 798) increased it to 7 companies, each having
32 men, and later increased to 50. The last King Sri Wikrema Rajasinghe
raised its strength to 22 companies with 32 men each. The total number
of Malays at this time would probably be between 200 and 300 or nearly
half the .strength of the King's paid soldiers; the others being mostly Kaffir
soldiers.
6 5
The Kandyan Malays normally resided in the Katukelle area which was
one of the Southern Kadawata, or passes into the Kandyan city proper. The
Malay quarters were situated about one mile from the King's Palace.
During the Embassy of MacDowall to Kandy in I8oo, Jonville, the
interpreter who accompanied this mission, says that they passed this area
before reaching the King's palace. According to his description, the Malays
were living in "little houses, very low, built of mud, each with a very narrow
door and a window six inches square" (Jonville I948, I 7).
Jonville also gives an interesting account of the Kandyan Malay soldiers,
whom he saw guarding the King's palace:
They are armed with guns of European make and ridiculously clad in the rags of the deserters
or prisoners, taken since time immemorial from the Hollanders troops. Some newly dressed
for the ceremony of the embassy had been clothed in red. They had also been given hats, some
with four points and some with three, and several with none at all, but all were adorned with
some fragments of imitation gold braid. The Colonel of the Corps was the most striking
spectacle. His uniform was a long coat of qfalfalalas, and long trouser the whole enriched with
imitation gold braid four inches wide. (Jonville 1948, 18)
When MacDowall's embassy visited Kandy, it is said that the Kandyans
took the greatest precautions to prevent any meeting between their own
Malay and Malabari troops and those in the British service. However
Pridham mentions that several Malays in the King's service found an
opportunity to meet their counterparts and expressed their sorrow at not
being able to return to Colombo with their old companions (Pridham I849,
I52). He further states:
Governor North
They would have returned to their former master and submitted to any. punishment their
desertion rather than live as they did in continual fear from the capnce of a ,despotic and
barbarous court.
It must be stressed that no other evidence exists to corroborate Pridham's
story. It is only natural that because of the common ties, Malays of
amps would have been eager to see each other and exchange greetmgs. It
difficult to accept that the Kandyan Malays expressed their frustration
their status and situation in Kandy. There is no evidence to show t?at
the Kandyan King ill-treated his Malay subjects, or any Malay soldier,
until this time, crossed into British territory. Anyhow, It would be hazardous
on his part to ill-treat or hold in fear these M.alay .and, at the same
time, to expect protection from them, m. view of the grave
situation that was developing in his kingdom at this penod as a result of the
intrigues and plots of the Sinhalese noblemen.
After the
1
8o3 war, the attitude of the Kandyan Malays towards the
King must have changed a great deal. Subsequently, their leader became
an antagonist of the Kandyan monarch and sided with his opponents,
action which almost cost the King's life. What could have caused this
change? Perhaps they too began to resent the change in the attitude of the
King, Sri Wikrema Rajasinghe, who after the I 8og war began to adopt an
unusually tough line towards his adversaries at court and everyone
of plotting against him. However, be connectton between
the Malays turning away from him and hts mahcious treatment of the
Noordeen brothers.
On the day the British soldiers were massacred by the Kandyan
Noordeen and his brother Karaeng Sapinine were ordered to be earned to
the King's presence (Cordiner, op. cit, 2 I 7) so that they might be induced
to become the leaders of his Malay subjects and to fight for him. As they
came into the royal presence, they declined to prostrate themselves in
customary manner, but saluted the King respectfully, excusmg
themselves from performing the more formal abasement on the grounds of
their royal status, their grandfather having been an independent ruler.
Their temerity did not anger the King, who repeated his offer to the brothers
to become 'princes' over the Malays residing in his kingdom. Both
refused the offer, explaining that they had taken an oath to the of
England and that acceptance of this offer '":ould be saymg that
they would live and die in their master's T.he Kmg them
and
3
weeks later, again requested them to JOlll him, but the same
reply once more. Following this, the King became very and
them to be executed. Their bodies were denied decent bunals and were said
to have been thrown into the jungle to be devoured by wild beasts- an action
that would have horrified and greatly offended his Malay-Muslim subjects
(Cordiner, op. cit, 2I8).
72 Governor .North
This type of malicious treatment meted out by Sri Wikrema Rajasinghe
to the respected Malay leaders, albeit on the side of the enemy, naturally
created animosity and consternation among these Malays. As a result, they
prepared themselves to take their revenge when the opportunity arose.
On the British side, the Governor had become fully aware of the
circumstances under which the Malay soldiers had defected to the enemy.
Earlier, in the correspondence of Major Davie (written during the final
stages of the battle) the blame for the defeat of the British was entirely put
on t ~ e Malays. Some Malays who had managed to escape from Kandy,
convmced the Governor that their colleagues did not desert maliciously and
wholesale, and that they still remained loyal to the British government.
Meanwhile the Malay exiles living in Colombo had rushed to meet the
Governor to express their regrets and indignation over the behaviour of their
own people and assured their 'invariable attachment to the British
government.
66
Eventually Governor North wrote as follows correcting his
earlier opinion about t}.le Malays.
Under the oppression of so dreadful a misfortune it is satisfactory to me to state that the opinion
formed of a [ ........ } of defection in H.M's Malay Regiment is perfectly ungrounded. Many
individuals of that Corps had indeed deserted from Candy, but the great majority of them
including all officers of influence and respectability were staunch to the end. Those who, after
the English were separated from them, were forced into the Candyan service are certainly
blameable.
7
Above all the martyrdom of the Noordeen brothers must have further
impressed North.
68
He not only exonerated the Malays, but even took
personal care to assist the women and children of the Malay soldiers who
were either dead or missing after the war. In November I803 a special
'Malay Committee' was set up to look into the grievances of the Malay
families and offer redress to them.
69
In addition, he arranged to pay arrears
for the soldiers who returned from Kandy after their alleged desertion.
After I8o3, an urgent need arose to rebuild the Malay regiment which
had been reduced to only about 6oo men, almost half of its full
establishment. North therefore stepped up his efforts to find more recruits,
despatching Lieutenant Rofsi to the East to carry out this mission. Thus,
despite the brief and temporary disenchantment felt by North towards the
Malays, he continued his efforts to strengthen the Malay regiment until his
departure from the island in the latter part of I8os.
North's policy of consolidating the status of the Malays of Sri Lanka as
a permanent military class had important consequences for the whole
community. In this respect, North's administration went a step further than
the previous Dutch rulers who first introduced them to the island. It is true
that even in the Dutch period, a considerable number of Malays were
Governor .North
73
engaged in military service, although towards the close of the Dutch period
the proportion of Malays in the non-military sector had recorded an
increase. In fact, of the I,4oo soldiers enumerated in colonel Stuart's
despatch, only about 900 were in permanent military service, and the others
were 'civilians' recruited to serve in the militia units. This occurred when
the Dutch, threatened by the Napoleonic wars, made preparations to defend
their possessions in the East. In Ceylon too, the Dutch authorities took
precautions to strengthen their garrisons. Thus many civilians, mostly from
the Malay community, were mustered to defend the main Dutch fortresses
in Colombo, Trincomalee and Galle. When the British succeeded in
capturing these forts, these Malay militia men were taken as prisoners-of-
war and sent to Madras.
What happened under North's government was that almost all those
Malay prisoners-of-war were recruited as regular soldiers in the newly-
formed Malay Regiment regardless of their past status, i.e. soldiers or
civilians. In addition, his proclamation of I 3th March I 799, asking all the
Malay inhabitants in the British provinces to appear before their respective
Commandants of the districts, helped the government to recruit all the able-
bodied men among them for military service. Furthermore, whenever the
Governor came to know ofMalays who had still not enrolled, he instructed
his officials to recruit them.
70
In addition to all these measures, as we have
seen before, even young boys were recruited through the Boys'
establishment. All this meant that the so-called Free Malay population,
which increased in the island at the end of Dutch rule, was greatly reduced.
In working out the new ratio thus established between Malay soldiers
and civilians, it seems likely that after North became Governor, more than
75% of the local working Malay population had accepted military service
as a regular occupation. An important section of the civilian Malay
population at this time was of course, the Malay political prisoners and their
families living as exiles in the island. Accepting military duty on a
permanent basis under the new Government provided security of
employment and income for many civilians whose sources oflivelihood had
been restricted during the Dutch period. Under North's scheme of
recruitment, the new entrants to the army were paid bounty money, a
relatively big sum at the time.
7 1
The formation of the Malay Regiment also had a lot to do with the
cultural and ethnic survival of the Sri Lankan Malay community. The
Regiment served in many ways as a principal medium through which the
community could maintain contacts with the centres of Malay civilization
in the East to be detailed later. It is suffice however to point out that North's
policy of recruitment, gave a new lease of life to the tiny community by the
induction of Malays from the Peninsula.
74 Governor North
Notes
1/ S.L.N.A., 7/2343, Terms of the Capitulation of Colombo 1796, Article No. 12.
2/ Ibid.
3/ S.L.N.A., 7/22, North's Mily. Diary, Raden Dakshina to MaJor General Wemyss, 26th
June I 8os. The idea to make use ofDakshina seems to have originated from Hugh Cleghom
(1927, p. 225). He also master minded the defection of the De Meuron Regiment to the British
from the Dutch side on the eve of the British attack upon Colombo in 1796. See also Mendis
(1971, 163).
4/ C.O., 55/I, Stuart to Hobart, 1st April1796.
5/ S.L.N.A., 55/I, North to the Court of Directors, 26th February 1799.
6/ Frederick North, who had been appointed by the British Crown, arrived on the island on
12th October 1798.
7/ North to Mornington, 22ndJanuary 1799: Extracts from the 'Wellesley Mss', CLR, Vol.
II, 188, p. 245.
8/ This is better understood in the background of the tussle between the new Governor and
the Madras Presidency at this time, for the Madras Government resented the loss of patronage
which it suffered from the abolition of its control in the island. Sec Mills (1933), Chap. iv, for
a brief account of this conflict.
9/ S.L.N.A., 5/1, North to Court of Directors, 26th January 1799
10/ North to Mornington, 22ndJanuary 1799, CLR, Vol. II, 1888, p. 245
11/ Colonel James Welsh, who was on the island at the time has left a vivid description of
the incident. Welsh (1830, g6-4o)
"Van Schooler, the Chief Dutch Administrator ofMatara before the arrival of the British, was
known to be a cruel and unkind master. Among many acts of oppression attributed to him,
he was accused of having ordered an aged Malay domestic to be tied and flogged to death.
The servant decided to avenge his father's death. Van Schooler was murdered in his bedroom
and his wife received fatal injuries at the hands of the avenger."
HI/ Colonel Welsh remarked that "the extinction of the Dutch power in Ceylon and perhaps
a very erroneous notion of our criminal jurisdiction induced the Malays to consider this as a
favourable opportunity for carrying into effect their summary application of the Lex Talionis."
Ibid.
13/ S.L.N.A., 7/I, North's Mily. Diary, 8th April 1799.
14/ S.L.N.A., 7/HI2, Govt. Proclamation given at the Castle of Colombo, 13th March 1799.
15/ S.L.N.A., 7/I, North's Mily. diary, Instructions to Commandants and collectors, 14th
March 1799. In fact a similar proclamation had been issued earlier by Colonel Stuart on 4th
August 1 796 asking the European inhabitants of the British provinces to register themselves.
C.O., 55/1, Proclamation by Major General Stuart, 4th August 1796.
16/ S.L.N.A., 5/1, North to Court of Directors, 26th February 1799
17/ S.L.N.A., 5/I, North to Court of Directors, gothJanuary, 18oo.
18/ S.L.N.A., 7/16, North's Mily. Diary, MacDowell to North, 18th May, 18oo.
19/ S.L.N.A., 5/I North to Court of Directors, 3oth January 18oo.
20/ ColonelJames Welsh says that 150 Malays under Captain Whitlie, arrived at Panjalam
Courchy on 21st May 18oo. Welsh 18go, Vol. I, p. 74
Governor North
75
:Zl/ S.L.N.A., 5/1, North to Hobart, 15th December I80I.
/ H hart the Secretary of State for colonies wrote to North

the establishment of the Malay Corps, and the rigorous yet lenie?t measures
do ted by your proclamation in reclaiming that body of men from barbansm, to good
and discipline meet with my decided approbation", S.L.N.A., 4/10, 13th March
ISO!.
I
H
. M sty's Malay Corps was to consist of 10 Captains, 10 2nd Lieutenants, 50
23 IS aje r Ad'
Sergeants,
50
Corporals, 110 996 Privates, So boys, 10 Pucka 1es, I JUtant, I
Surgeon, 1 Conacopoly, 1 Drum
And the European officer ranks consisted of:
1
Colonel Commandant, 1 Lieutenant Colonel,
1
Major, 3 Captains, 10 1st lieutenants, I Surgeon,
1
Asst. Surgeon, 1 Adjutant, 1 Quarter Master,
1
Sergeant Major, 1 Quarter Master General. .
S.L.N.A., 7/18, North's Mily diary, North to General Lake, 6th September 1802.
2
4:/ Ceylon Government Gazette, 31st May 1802.
25
/ Ceylon Government Gazette, 9th June 1802. CJTylden (1952).
2
6/ Even before the end of North's period of administration in 1805: it appears that the
Sinhalese Regiment was decimated. Thus Cordiner 1807, PP 92_193 wntes: .
"A Life of military discipline proved in the highest degree 1rks?me and to
their habits. They deserted in great numbers, and examples m tended to. temfy only
stimulated those who remained to abandon their services. At length a number
of recruits was obtained from the Coast ofCoromondel, and the ofSmhalese
disbanded. In those regiments which are now called Ceylon Native Infantry, there IS
scarcely to be found a native of the island."
27
/ Caffer: or Kaffir or Caffre. is (Arabic Kafir an infidel and unbeliever in applied
by the Arabs also to pagan Negroes, and later popularised by the Portuguese m that sense.
2
8/ S.L.N.A., 7/15, North's Mily. Diary, 11th October 1799
2
9/ S.L.N., 5/2, North to Hobart, 24th November, 1802.
go/ Ceylon Government Gazelle, 11th November, 180?..
gi/ S.L.N.A., 7/I9, North's Mily. Diary, Pendergaast to Chief Secretary, 1st September
1802.
32
/ In the contemporary records, S.L.N.A., 7/?.o, North's Mily. Diary 4th March 18og,
are referred tod as the Malay prisoners-of-war of the Dutch government
allowances from the British government. As there were no other Malays who fit this escnptlon
who lived in Colombo, these Malay prisoners-of-war could be none other than the Malay
political exiles banished by the Dutch.
gg/ The British officials at home had gained an erroneous impression that the Boys
of the Malay Regiment was originally composed of orphans, :-"ho were forced to be
by the military officials of the island in this manner when their fathers had gone for service m
the Coast (probably referring to the Malays who fought in the Po[ygarWars in 18oo). S.L.N:A.,
4:/
22
, Enclosures in Glenely to Horton, No. 88, 18th In fact North recrUited
as many Malay boys as possible without regard to. their I.e. orphaned or not. See
S.L.N.A., 7/I, North's Mily. Diary, North to Captam Whithe, 2oth May 1800.
3
4:/ S.L.N.A., 5/2, North to Hobart, 10th September 1802.
35
1 S.L.N.A., 7/21, North's Mily. Diary, North to Rofsi, 28th January 18os.
g6/ S.L.N.A., 5/1, North to Hobart, 15th December I80I.
J6 Governor North
37/ Tangalle is situated in the southern coast of Sri Lanka about 26 miles north of
Hambantota.
38/ S.L.N.A., 5/I, North to Hobart, 1oth September 1802.
39/ S.L.N.A., 7/18, North's Mily. Diary, MacDowall to North, 10th February 1802.
40/ They were, originally in the employ of the Dutch Government, but had later defected
to the Cochin Raja. Even in Sri Lanka, a considerable number of Malays from the Dutch
service had gone over to the army of the local Kandyan King.
41/ S.L.N.A., 7/t6, North's Mily. Diary, 26th March t8ot.
42/ Following is the nominal return of 10 Malays giving their name, birth place and origins,
who volunteered to go to Sri Lanka with their families in early t8ot, during Rambelan's
mission:
i Manong - Ceylon, ii. Soorah - Ceylon, iii. Midcen - Batavia,
iv. Sealan- Ceylon, v. Tilees Pinang- Siah?, vi. Ismet- Ceylon,
vii. Atook -Jakarta, viii. Sukoor - Batavia, ix. Karzem - Ceylon,
x. Mideen - Cochin.
5 out of 10 persons shown above originated from Ceylon. This is not surprising as troops were
regularly transferred from one Dutch colony to another. Ibid.
43/ S.L.N.A., 7/21, North's Mily. Diary, 16th February 1804,
44/ S.L.N.A., 1/21, North's Mily, Diary, 16th February 1804.
45/ S.L.N.A., 5/I, North to Hobart, 15th December t8ot.
46/ Dagh Register, 3oth August 1782.
4 7/ The purpose of bringing Malays into the island was stated as follows by North in his letter
to Sir George Keith, the Lieutenant Governor of the Prince of Wales Island
"I have instructed Captain Ryan under your permission to hold out ample encouragement to
all Malay families who may be willing to come over to this island where they will find
abundance of fertile land to cultivate and where such of their male children as capable of
military service will be taken on the establishment at 8 years of age and continue to enjoy as
a sufficient provision from to the end of their lives."
S.L.N.A., 7/18, North's Mily. Diary, 28th May 18o2.
48/ It was translated into Malay and distributed in Penang, and the adjoining areas as well
as in the Eastern islands, when the final recruiting mission under Lieutenant RofSi was
despatched by Governor North, Ibid.
49/ S.L.N.A., 7/22, North's Mily. Diary, RofSi to C.S., tgth April 18o5.
so/ North was prepared to take about 13 to 14 hundred men with an adequate proportion
of commissioned and non-commissioned officers.
S.l.N.A., 7/t8, North's Mily. Diary, North to Clive, tgth March 1802.
51/ See Parkinson (1954), pp. 94-g6. The British military fleet in the Eastern seas operated
at this time from Madras under Admiral Rainier, and as such the Madras Government had
appointed a Resident in Amboina until these islands were handed over to the Dutch after the
treaty of Amiens in 18o2.
52/ S.L.N.A., 7/16, North's Mily. Diary, Clive to North, 1 Ith May 18oo.
53/ S.L.N.A., 7/t8, North's Mily. Diary, North to Clive, tgth March 1802.
54/ S.L.N.A., 7/20, North's Mily. Diary, Captain Ryan to C.S., 27th May 18o3. Ryan says
in this letter that Major Weber, the British Commanding Officer in Ternate threatened the
local soldiers that they would be discharged if they were not prepared to transfer themselves
to the Ceylon Regiment
Governor North
55/ S.L.N.A., 7/43
1
North's Mily. Diary, North to Clive tstJuly 18o3
56/ S.l.N.A., 7/43
1
North's Mily. Diary, North to Rainier, :md July 1803
57/ S.l.N.A., 7/43, North's Mily. Diary, North to Clive, tstJuly 18o3
77
s8/ On April ut 1803, when Major General MacDowallleft for Colombo taking with him
a large part of the British army which originally entered Kandy victoriously on 22nd February,
there were left 700 Malays, 300 Europeans and some East India Company's artillerymen to
garrison Kandy. Cordiner (1807, Vol. 11, 197).
59/ S.L.N.A., 1/4865, Minutes of the Secret War Committee, 11th august 1764.
6o/ S.L.N.A., 7/16, North's Mily. Diary, MacDowall to North 18th May 18oo.
61/ For origins ofNayakkar kings, see Dewaraja (1972).
62/ Muhandiram is a title of honour applied to the chieftains who held officer of various ranks.
63/ S.L.N.A., 5/5, Wilson to Liverpool, 2gth September 1811. Refers to Captain Assana (the
Kandyan Malay Muhandiram who escaped to British territory in t8tt) as the bodyguard of the
Kandyan King.
64/ Pieris (1956, 103) It is quite possible that a considerable number of the Malay soldiers
were captured during the 1766 Dutch-Kandyan war.
65/ The Kaffir soldiers were in the employ of the Kandyan Kings long before the Malays.
See Robert Knox ( 1958, 56) refers to the Kaffirs employed by the Kandyans as soldiers in 1681.
Most of them seem to have deserted from the Portuguese army before 1656
66/ S.L.N.A., 7/43, North's Mily. Diary, North to Hobart, gthJuly 1803.
67/ Ibid. Governor North wrote this letter to Clive three weeks after ascribing the fall of
Kandy (in June) to the desertion of Malays.
68/ Noordeen's mother, the widow of the exiled King ofGowa submitted a long list of debts
to be reimbursed by the British in 1803, of which Governor North allowed only that amount
which the former stated to have incurred on behalf of the Noordeen brothers. The Governor
allowed this because of the special regard and respect to these brothers.
S.L.N.A., 7/20, North's Mily. Diary, North to the Malay Committee, 26th September 1803.
6gf The Committee was set up on 2oth September 18o3, and its members were W. Boyd,J.
Wilson and Captain W. Pollock, Ibid.
70/ S.L.N.A., 7/16, North's Mily. Diary, North to MacDowall, 24th May t8oo
At this time there were still many Malays in Trincomalee who had not enlisted themselves in
the army, and North asked MacDowall to send an European Officer urgently to make them
join the regiment as "increase of the Malay Corps was an object of the greatest importance."
71/ The bounty money for the Malay recruits was 50 Rix Dollars in 18o5. S.L.N.A., 7/22,
North's Mily. Diary, 23rd January 1805. Normally every foreign recruit was paid this sum
in addition to the bounty monies paid to his wife and male children.
CHAPTER 5
Formation of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment
18o5 - 1827
In 1805 when Governor Frederic North left the island, it seemed that there
was to be a serious reversal in the official British policy of preferring Malays
as soldiers in the native military service. North's successor, Thomas
Maitland, had imbibed a strong .anti-Malay feeling due mainly to the
alleged desertions by Malay troops during 1803 British-Kandyan war. He
resented the fact that these 'deserters' when returned to the British garrison
were re-employed as soldiers with full arrears of pay due from the time they
had joined the enemy.
1
At first the new Governor was intent upon totally abolishing the Malay
Regiment which his predecessor had so assiduously built up.
2
Maitland
condemned this regiment "as not only useless but extremely dangerous".
3
To some extent, the British Home authorities also concurred with his
opinion, and Camden, the Secretary of State wrote:
" ... it is a very dangerous experiment to increase it (The Malay Corps) considerably in its
numbers or to rely on it as an important arm of our colonial establishment."
Nonetheless, Maitland never succeeded in getting rid of the Malay
Corps. Discharging the Malay soldiers was a far more difficult task than he
had originally imagined. The Malay Regiment had not only become an
integral part of the British native army, but had also firmly established itself
as a large family unit of Malays bound by strong kinship ties. The great
majority of the local Malays had come to depend upon the regiment as the
only source of their livelihood. Unless other forms of employment acceptable
to the Malays were found, disbandment of the regiment was bound to entail
enormous hardship to the entire community. Besides, such a move was also
fraught with danger as trained Malay troops were eagerly sought after by
the Kandyan King and would thus have posed a security threat to the British
government in the maritime provinces as the Governor himself was well
aware. It must also be noted here that he could not even carry out his wish
to put an end to the small establishment of invalid Malay corps which he
described as "extremely expensive and unserviceable" because:
They are all connected with the men of the Malay Regiment, who are generally their relations.
I could not carry this into effect without creating disgust, dissatisfaction and desertions in the
Malay Corps.
The Cry/on Rifle Regiment 79
Thus the Malay regiment was able to survive the period of Maitland's
Governorship, although no positive steps seemed to have been taken by him
to strengthen it. In June 1808, an order was received from England to add
two more companies to each of the three native battalions
6
including the
Malay Corps which consisted of 10 companies at this time. It is doubtful
that there was an actual increase in the number ofMalay soldiers in response
to this order, for Maitland who had succeeded in raising the number of
'Kaffir' soldiers to Boo in 18o8,
7
pointed out that the average strength of
the Malay soldiers would be only about 6oo men for some time to come.
Naturally when Maitland left the island in 1811 it was reported that "the
Malay Regiment had fallen far below its establishment."
8
Although Governor Maitland failed to abolish the Malay Regiment
during his rule, he still managed in 1808 to evict an important section of the
Malay community from the island. This was the group of Malay political
exiles left behind by the previous Dutch government. Like the Dutch civil
and military servants who were taken as prisoners-of-war, and paid monthly
subsistence since the British take over of maritime Sri Lanka in 1796, these
Malay exiles also received living allowances from the British government
which were to continue so long as they remained on the island.
9
Governor
North does not seem to have taken any action to remove these Malay
political prisoners, even after the Dutch possessions in the island were
permanently ceded to the British in 1802 after the treaty of Amiens. He
apparently did not mind the governmental expenses involved in
maintaining them, because under his Malay colonization policy in Sri
Lanka, these exiles were to play an important role. Their stay in the island
not only added to the number of the small population of the local Malay
community, but .their presence among the community also lent a certain
amount of cohesion, reflected glory and guidance to its members. We have
already seen how Governor North sent some of these Malay political exiles
to strengthen the newly formed Malay colony in remote Hambantota
situated in the Southern littoral of the island. Above all a number of these
Malay noble exiles were holding ranks in the Malay Regiment during
North's government.
10
Maitland of course, had little sympathy for any class of Malays. He was
only too glad to get rid of the exiled Malay nobility if this could be carried
out without any trouble. He described these exiles as "a great pecuniary
burden to the colonial revenue" and also as a danger to the British interests
in the island. Maitland had been angered by the Dutch government in
Batavia which had ignored repeated requests by him to remove the Malay
exiles from their former colony of Sri Lanka.
1 1
When his patience ran out
he delivered an ultimatum to the Dutch, that unless they were prepared to
take away their Malay political prisoners from Sri Lanka, he would "send
them in one of his Majesty's cruises to the Eastward to be landed among
these islands."
1 2
Only then did the Dutch respond.
8o The Ceylon Rifle Regiment
At last in early 1 o 8 , the Malay princes, nobles and their families as well
as their followers were removed from the island and sent to Java. The
departure of these Malay noble families from Sri Lanka meant that the
island's Malay community had now lost its 'cream'. Also, one definite
outcome of the eviction of these exiles was a sizeable reduction in the Malay
population of the island, because along with the departed princes and nobles
'a large body of Malays had left the island'.
13
As a result sufficient new
recruits for the Malay Regiment could not be found, leaving it with half of
its approved cadre in 1 8o8.
14
Did any members of the families ofMalay political exiles stay behind in
Sri Lanka after r8o8? A number of prominent Malay families in Sri Lanka
continue, even now to claim that they are the descendants of Indonesian
'kings' and princes who lived as exiles in the island.
1 5
Such claims of their
aristocratic or 'princely' ancestry cannot be ruled out altogether, though
many of such claims cannot be proved in the absence of reliable
documentary evidence.
It appears that those exiles and their families who lived upon the dole
provided by the British government were all required to return to the Indies,
while some of their family members who earned their own living remained
on the island after r8o8. For example, we have the case of Muhammad
Balankaya who belonged to the house of Sultan Batara Gowa Amas Madina
11, the King of Gowa who was exiled to Sri Lanka in 1767. Muhammad
Balankaya was said to be the son of'Hooloo Balankaya', the Minister to the
above mentioned Sultan, who was also exiled to the island (Jayah 1967, 8).
Probably Si thy Habiba, whom the King of Gowa married while being an
exile in Sri Lanka was the daughter of this minister because Muhammad
Balankaya was said to be a brother of Sithy Habiba. Muhammad
Balankaya married a local Moor woman by the name ofUmoo Kathija who
was the sister of Othman Lebbe 'Mesthriyar', who was the father of
Mudaliyar Cassie Lebbe, a well known Moor gentleman of Kandy in Sri
Lanka (Jayah 1967, 8). According to information given by Nuhman,
Balankaya who designed and built the Grand Mosque of Colombo was
complimented for its design by Sir Edward ,Barnes, the British governor
(r8241831) when he visited the mosque in 1826 (Nuhman 1959, 7). Most
probably, the local Moor family with which Balankaya was connected by
marriage, had specialised in the profession of building and construction.
Thereby he learnt his trade of building. This is confirmed by the title of
'Mesthriyar
16
borne by his brother in law. Muhammad Balankaya had 9
children.
1 7
The case ofMuhammad Balankaya demonstrates that some members of
the exiled Malayfindonesian aristrocacy did indeed stay behind after 1808,
and some of their descendants inter married with the local Malay population
and were permanently domiciled here.
The Ceylon Rifle Regiment
81
Returning to the Malay Regiment, we have seen how it had fallen far
below its establishment at the end of Maitland's period of Governorship.
In r8I I, the acting Lieutenant Governor Wilson reported that he was able
to recruit I 50 young Malays who had volunteered their services.
1 8
It is
interesting to note that such a large number of Malays were willing to join
the regiment at this time. One possible explanation is that Maitland never
bothered to recruit them during his regime.
It was, however, when Lieutenant General Robert Brownrigg became
the Governor in 1812, that the Malay Regiment received its greatest boost.
At this stage there existed four native regiments, called the rst, 2nd, grd,
and 4tl;l. Ceylon Regiments respectively.
19
The 1st Ceylon Regiment, as we
know, was also known as the Malay regiment and composed only ofMalays.
The 2nd regiment consisted of Sepoys from South India and the grd was
made up of Kaffirs, and in the 4th regiment there was also a company of
Malays serving along with the Kaffirs. After r8rg, this Malay Company was
transferred to the rst Ceylon Regiment, following a serious scuffle between
these two parties.
Like Governor North, Brownrigg had a very high regard for Malays as
soldiers, and took firm steps to fill the vacancies in the rst Ceylon regiment.
The population of the local Malay community was too small to yield
sufficient number of recruits to the regiment at this time. Consequently, like
his predecessor North, he resorted to foreign recruitment of soldiers, this time
from Java, which had been under British occupation since 1811. He
communicated with Lieutenant Governor Raffles to carry out his aim2o and
sent Captain de Bussche to enlist soldiers. Despite reservations shown by
Raffles in sending Javanese soldiers to serve in Sri Lanka, de Bussche's
mission was a success as 4 1 2 soldiers came to join the Mala y Regiment from
the port of Surabaya in Java.
21
These soldiers are said to have been
accompanied by 214 Indonesian women as well as 208 children to settle in
Sri Lanka.
Most of the recruits who arrived in 1813 were Madurese men from the
island ofMadura which lies in the north, adjacent to the island ofJava. The
lieutenant Governor of Java, Raffles on receiving Brownrigg's request for
soldiers was at first reluctant to send men from the island of Java itself,
because in the first place he had observed that "the habits and prejudices
of the Javanese character do not include them to military service on this
island and much less to embark on a foreign service." He also said that "the
Javanese were needed more for agricultural pursuits than for becoming
soldiers." However, Raffles contacted the Sultan of Madura, introduced
Captain de Bussche from Ceylon, and requested the Sultan to provide men
for the Ceylon Malay Regiment, and Brownrigg mentioned that the 'fine
young men' came from "the Malay settlements in the island of Java and its
neighbourhood."
22
Jayah mentions that these recruits came from
82 The Ceylon Rifle Regiment
Surabaya,
23
which is even now, the closest port of embarkation for
Madurese sailing overseas.
The arrival in Sri Lanka of such a relatively large number of people from
the Eastern Archipelago in I 81 3 certainly infused new blood and greatly
strengthened the much reduced Malay population in the island following
their mass exodus in I8o8.
24
During the British-Kandyan war of 1815
25
, the Malay soldiers,
expecially the I8I3 recruits fought so well for the British that they "earned
the unqualified approbation of the Commander of the Forces, General
Brownrigg who over and over again in General Orders commended them
for gallantry, loyalty, spirit and patient endurance offatigue and privation"
(Cowen I86o, 334). Indeed the capture of Sri Wikrama Rajasinghe, the
Kandyan king was carried out by Malays, under the command of
Lieutenant Mylius assisted by some Kandyan Sinhalese friendly with the
British side (/bit!). The I8I5 war was won by the British, and as a result,
Sinhalese rule, which lasted for 2400 years came to an end followed by the
British take over of the whole island.
What was the fate of the Kandyan Malays after the British victory of
I8I5? Following the gruesome execution of the Noordeen brothers in Kandy
in I 8o3, there seems to have been much disgust and dissatisfaction among
the 200 or 300 Malay subjects serving the Kandyan Monarch. Their new
leader called 'Assana Kapitan', who was appointed as the Java Muhandiram
or their chief after the death of Sangunglo became involved in a plot to
overthrow the Kandyan king, and when it was exposed fled to British
territory in I8I I with about sixty ofhis followers.
26
The British made good
use of him to obtain information about the internal situation in Kandy and
he was despatched inland to spy for them and at one time he was being used
on a daring mission to rescue major Davie (who had been held captive in
Kandy since I803).
27
When the Kandyan King came to know about
Assana's presence in his territory, he summoned the new Kandyan Malay
ChiefKuppen and gave a stern warning.
28
The Malays who had relatives
in Colombo were separated from their fellows of whom I 4 were expelled
from Kandy including Assana's Brother Tamby and his mother (D'Oyly's
Diary, I77).
The Malay soldiers in Kandy were being trained in preparation for an
impending war with the British (D'Oyly's Diary, 50). They were also
required to perform certain compulsory civil duties such as building dams
and cultivating land, in accordance with the local custom. The Malays
seemed to have not liked these compuL<;ory services, and when they were
engaged with the Moors and the Sinhalese in building a dam at Gonawatte
(a hamlet situated about 4 miles from Kandy) in 1813, five of them deserted
to the British (D'Oyly's Diary, 176). As a result of this incident, the
remaining Malays were recalled from the project and freed from all other
duties and allowed to reside at the quarters in Katukelle. This shows the
The Ceylon Rifle Regiment
anxiety of the Kandyan monarch to placate his Malay subjects. He even
exercised clemancy to the 5 deserters by allowing them to leave for the British
occupied areas.
When war broke out between the British and the Kandyans in I 8 I 5, the
loyalty of the Kandyan Malays was divided. Indeed the King had become
50
unpopular not anly among his Malay subjects but also among all other
people. The Kandyan Malays helped the invading army by showing them
the paths and routes to the inland areas in Kandy with which they were very
familiar.
The fate of the Kandyan Malays after the war is not certain. Possibly
the British would have been eager to.obtain some potential Malay recruits
from among them. It may be that some of them would have chosen to live
in Kandy having sought other forms of employment. Their former leader
Assana 'Kapitan' became disenchanted with the British after the war and
began fomenting rebellion by joining anti-British elements in Kandy. When
this came to the notice of the British he was soon taken into custody and was
deported to Batavia in I816.
29
In I816, a further batch of about 228javanese soldiers accompanied by
their women and children were brought to the island from the Javanese
areas of Semarang and Gresik,
30
a further boost to the population of the
local Malay community. The quality of these and the previous batch of
Madurese soldiers of 1813, was said to be far higher than some of the later
recruits who came from Peninsular Malaya.
The 1816 was the last occasion when recruitment was made directly from
the Indonesian Archipelago for service in Sri Lanka. Thereafter the British
authorities made several attempts to obtain Malay recruits from there but
without success. The recruitment of these Javanese soldiers was carried out
as the Dutch Government was preparing to reoccupy Java after negotiations
with the British. The Dutch authorities vehemently objected to the manner
in which their colonial subjects were drafted for service with a foreign power
and they accused the British of a breach of sovereignty.
31
This they never
forgot, and subsequently when requests were made to the Dutch government
in Batavia for native soldiers for service in Sri Lanka, they refused to assist
the British and gave false excuses. After 18 I 6, the British had to depend only
on their Straits Settlements in the Malay Peninsula for recruiting soldiers
for service in Sri Lanka. Thus, in 181g, Brownrigg sent a recruiting mission
under Lieutenant Colonel Blankenberg who returned with 102 Malay
recruits from Penang.
3 2
In the meanwhile, following the success achieved by the British Imperial
government in establishing their full control over the whole of Sri Lanka,
certain reforms were carried out in regard to the organization and structure
of their native military establishment until a final arrangement was reached
in 1827 by thecreation of one single native infantry battalion which came
to be known as the Ceylon Rifle Regiment.
The Ceylon Rifle Regimmt
Firstly, in 1815 the Fourth Ceylon Regiment which consisted of Kaffir
soldiers was incorporated into the Third Ceylon Regiment (Tylden 1952,
1 25). This was followed again by the abolition of the last named Regiment
on the orders of the Home Government in 1816,
3 3
thus leaving only two
battalions of native soldiers. With these changes, the First Ceylon Regiment
had consisted of soldiers exclusively from the Malay community, while the
Second Ceylon Regiment consisted of both the Sepoys and Kaffir soldiers.
In 1821, orders were sent from the Home Government to dispense with
the services of the Second Ceylon Regiment as well. It had been decided
to request the colony of Ceylon to undertake to bear the cost of one British
Regiment to be stationed locally, and as a result the colony had to maintain
the 45th Regiment out of the expenses borne earlier to maintain the Second
Ceylon Regiment.
34
This was effected in 1822, but with certain
modification from what had been suggested by the Home Government.
The Home government had wanted a total disbandment of the 2nd
Ceylon Regiment, and where necessary to retain only two companies of the
native soldiers from this to be attached to the 45th Regiment, and that too
to perform certain non military duties for which the European soldiers were
not found suitable.
3 5
However, Paget, the Governor of Ceylon arranged to
expand the 1st Ceylon Regiment by attaching 6 companies of soldiers, three
of the Sepoys and three of the Kaffirs, which were put out of service from
the disbanded Regiment.
36
Thus the First Ceylon Regiment now came to
be composed of three separate groups of natives, each professing a distinct
religious creed. The Malays who were the followers oflslam, Sepoys mostly
Hindus, although some Muslims from India had also been recruited, and
Kaffirs or men of African descent, who most, if not all were Roman Catholics
in faith.
The Malay soldiers of the xst Ceylon Regiment is said to have detested
this arrangement, for they wished to retain the 'exclusive' character of their
Regiment. There had been an incident in 181 3 when there was a serious
affray between the Malay soldiers who were attached as one company to the
4th Ceylon Regiment of Kaffirs and other Kaffir soldiers of the same
regiment. In this fight, 14 Malay soldiers are said to have received serious
injuries which prompted Governor Brownrigg to declare. 3 7
has convinced me that people of habits and dispositions so extremely opposite and entertaining
sentiments of hatred and contempat to each other are by no means fit to be permanently
incorporated together and upon the wohole I had come to the resolution of proposing as I now
beg leave to do that the company ofMalays attached should be separated from the 4th Ceylon
Regiment and transferred to the 1st which is entirely composed of Malays.
The later day British Military officers are know to have often heard
grumblings from the Malay subordinates that the CRR was no more their
Regiment and therefore they don't encourage their children to become
soldiers.
The Ceylon Rifle Regiment
Bs
In the reorganised 1st Ceylon Regiment, the Malays were in the majority
with to companies of soldiers, a feature maintained till the last days of the
tive regimental establishment. But as we shall see later, the number of
and Kaffir soldiers decreased later and in the last stages of the
Regiment only two companies of Sepoys and one company of Kaffirs
remained in service and that too at skeleton level.
The consolidated sixteen companies of the 1st and 2nd C.eylon
Regiments were given the title of the Ceylon Regiment in 1827
38
but m
same year it was changed to that of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment
39
by wh1ch
name it was khown until its disbandment.
I. h f: t t
4 0
the first In 1820, after six years of service as a 1g t m an ry um , .
C 1 R giment of the Malays had been ordered to be clothed m every
ey on e .
11
. h "B B " 4 2
respect like the Rifle Brigade
41
but w1t rown ess
Only Malay soldiers were provided w1th nfles m 1827 when the Ceylon
Regiment came to be known as the Ceylon Rifle The Sepoy
soldiers received rifles in the year 1842, and the Kaffirs m 1848.
Despite the change of the name of the regiment, and the exte.rnal
fl'ts soldiers other features and conditions of service remamed
appearance o ' 'fl
much the same. As far as the Malays were concerned, R1 e
Regiment was but only a different name given to the Ma1ay Reg1ment.
Notes
" I hen Maitland generalised on the behaviour of the Malay troops who
1 j See .or examp e, w
deserted during the w.ar: t nly in the Corps itself but with a large class
" ... Treachery and fostenng treason, ... flo e viz the whole Malays in the island."
of people that this line of conduct .as a m uenc
S.L.N.A., 5/75> Maitland to Camden, No. 13/28th February 18o6. . .
. h M I R 'ment completely and m !Is place
2/ Maitland wanted to do Wit t e . fourth Corps which he said "to be
proposed to have 3 N_egro o :nd even in this last Corps he suggested to
kept extremely low, httle more t an a A / Maitland to Camden, 21St February 1805.
employ only the Sepoy troops. S.L.N. ., 54,
3/ S.L.N.A., 5/75> Maitland to Camden, 13/18th February 18o6.
4/ S.L.N.A., 4/1, (part 2), Camden to Maitland, Separate/21St February 1805.
5/ S.L.N.A., 5/75 Maitland to Camdcn, 13/28th February 18o6. .
8 8 ted n History of the Seroues of the
6/ Letter from the Military Secretary, 6th June, I o ' quo I
Ceylon Rifles, ( Ms.) p. 2.
7/ S.L.N.A., 5/81, Enclosed in Maitland to Castlereagh, 20th August J8o8.
8/ S.L.N.A., 5/5, Wilson to Liverpool, 2oth September 1811.
gf S.L.N .A., 7/2343> Article 21 of the Terms ofCapitulation ofColombo, 15th February I
S . . nd Captain Usup Goa (sons of the exded
wf Captain Noordeen, ?aptain Regiment. Ceylon Government
king ofGowa) were holdmg Commissions m e
No.
45
, 12th January 1803.
86 The Ceylon Rifle Regiment
11/ S.L.N.A., 5/4, Maitland to Castlereagh, Enclosed in 28th February 18o8.
12/ Maitland to William Windham, Enclosed. The Dutch representative, Mr. Prodiger who
arrived in 1807 in Ceylon to finalise arrangements for the transfer of the Dutch prisoners, said
that he had no instruction from the higher authorities regarding the Malay princely exiles. Ibid.
13/ S.L.N.A., 5/81, Maitland to Castlereagh, 2oth August, 18o8.
14/ Ibid. Whereas the Malay Regiment should consist of about 1250 rank and file, only 6oo
were in its strength.
15/ Mr. Murad Jayah (197ob), p. 133, claimed that his family descended from Raden
Thurtho PerrnaJayah (aide-de camp to the King ofJava) "and one of24 noble men deported
by the Dutch to Ceylon in 1747."
Another interesting case is that of Mas Ghaise Weerabangsa who claimed that his family
descended from Syaikh Yusuf ofMangkasar. Memoirs ofMasJury Weerabangsa (hand-written
manuscript). The family ofLatifs who were the traditional Kluitibs of the Wekande Mosque'
in Company Street, Colombo claims that their ancestor was Raden Farrnan ofSunan Casar?
who was exiled to Ceylon in 1773.
16/ Originally a Portuguese word 'Mestre' meaning supervisor or head of building
constructions.
17/ J ayah ( 1967 ,8) gives the following details of the descendants of Muhammad Balankaya;
1. Son, Bakin born on 13.12.1804, who left Ceylon for Madagascar for purpose of trade and
settled there;
2. Daughter Sithy Mariam, born in 18o8 and died in infancy;
3 Son Ounoos, born on 24.05.18o8, who left for Batavia for purpose of trade and settled there;
4 Daughter, Sithy Nooriya, born in 1815, who married Tuan Sabar, (a cousin ofBaba Ounus
Saldin)
5 Daughter, Sithy Habiba, born in 1818, who married regimental 'priest', Baba Abdul
Bahar;
6. Son, Kamaluddeen, born on 18.o8.182o, who accompanied his brother, Ounoos to Batavia
and settled there;
7 Son, Ousman born on 27.01.1823, who died after an accident;
8. Son, Samoon Balankaya, born on 13.11.1825, who married Mas Balkis, daughter of
Captain (of the CRR) Baba Amith Muthalip;
9 Tuan Bagoos Krawan Balankaya, born on 28.o1.1827 "Tuan Bagoos studied Islamic
theology and eventually became an A/im. He was subsequently appointed Khalifa to the
disciples ofKottar Sheik. During this period, he performed 'Shilla' (I have not been able
to find out the meaning of this word) on three occasions, at a hamlet at Palawa-Thura half
mile away from the Kochikade (near Negombo) Railway station. On the death ofKottar
Sheik, Tuan Bagoos succeeded him to the 'Sheikship'. On 29th October, at the early age
of 35 years, he passed away and was buried at the premises of the (Colombo) Grand
mosque. To mark his sainthood, a shrine was built over his grave by his disciples."
The source ofJayah's information is not known. Most'probably he owed it to Mohamed
Sameer of Colombo 4 who owned an impressive private archival collection of documents
pertaining to Sri Lankan Muslims of the 19th century.
18/ S.L.N.A., 5/5, Wilson to Liverpool, 29th September 1811.
19/ For details of the formation and composition of these native regiments see Tylden ( 1g
52
),
PP 124-128, and Cowen (186o), pp. 324-326, and History and Servicesoftlu Ceylon Rifles. ( Ms.).
20/ For correspondence between Brownrigg and Raffles see S.L.N.A., 6/463, Foreign
Government correspondence of the Ceylon Government, Java.
21/ S.L.N.A., 5/7, Brownrigg to Bathurst, No. 77/17th August 1814.
The Ceylon Rifle Regiment
22
/ S.L.N.A., 6/463, Foreign Government Corrospondence of the Ceylon Government,
Raffles to Brownrigg, sthJuly, 1813.
23
/ Jayah, Op. cit., p. 11. He also gives a breakdown of the ranks of recruits received at this
time as follows:
6 officers, 6o non-commissioned officers, and 370 privates (which amount to 426 instead of 412
soldiers mentioned in Brownrigg's despatch. It is not known whether these men were new
recruits for the army or that they were already doing military service in Java or Madura. The
6 officers who came with these recruits as mentioned by Jayah might have received their ranks,
because the men who supply a certain amount of recruits, say a minimum of 50 men were
entitled to higher ranks in the Malay regiment in Ceylon.
2
4/ After the mass exodus ofMalays from the island in 18o8, their total number must have
been around 2,500.
25/ For a detailed and interesting account of the war see Powell (1973), pp. 218-220.
26/ S.L.N.A., 5/5, Wilson to Liverpool, 29th September 1811.
27/ S.L.N.A., 5/6, Brownrigg to Bathurst, 35/15th March 1813.
28/ D'Oyly's Diary, p. 176. Kuppen must be the anglicised version of the name Kupang.
The family of Kupang were the traditional caretakers of the Malay mosque at Katukelle in
Kandy until the early part of this century.
29/ S.L.N.A., 7/118, Brownrigg to the Governor of Java 25th July, 1816.
30/ S.L.N.A., 7/118, Brownrigg to John Kendall 'Lieutenant Governor of Java, 8th August
1816. Among these 228, there were about 150 soldiers.
31/ S.L.N.A., 6/463, Foreign Government Correspondence, Java, 14th July 116. The Dutch
Commissioner General even asked the British Lieutenant Governor to return the Javanese
recruits who had already left for Sri Lanka.
32/ W.O., 133/14, Brownrigg papers, 8th July 1819, but Cowen (186o), p. 325, states that
201 recruits came from Penang in 1819, the latter figure is obviously a printing error.
33/ S.L.N.A., 4/3, Bathurst to Brownrigg No. 46 of 8th June, 1816. The Secretary of State
wrote "that the Kandyan war has ended favourably" and with the present affair of Europe
(favourable to England), the Ceylon Government should dispense with the services of the 3rd
Ceylon Regiment."
34/ S.L.N.A., 4/6, Bathurst to Paget, No. 2 of23rd August, 1821.
35/ S.L.N.A., 4/6, Bathurst to Paget, No. 24 of 16th December 1821.
36/ S.L.N.A., 5/11, Paget to Bathurst, No, 18 of IstJune 1822.
37/ S.L.N.A., 5/6, Brownrigg to Bathurst, 25th January 1813.
38/ G.O. 1oth February 1827.
39/ G.O. 26th December 1827.
40/ 1st Ceylon Regiment was made Light Infantry on 25th July 1814 "History and services
of the Ceylon Rifles" (Ms). p. 18.
41/ G.O. 7th January 1820.
42/ Cowen (186o) p. 324, This was the flintlock tower musket, later replaced by the mini
muzzle-loading rifle, and later followed by the enfield rifle, a reduced-calibre variant of this.
CHAPTER 6
The Regiment Until its Disbandment
1827-1873
Soon after the formation of the CRR, certain difficulties in the previously
uninterrupted supply of recruits from the locally-born Malay community
became manifest. Since then the British authorities faced the perennial
problem of filling up the vacancies in the Regiment which hardly reached
its full establishment during its existence in the remaining period.
The problem arose partly from the peculiar battalion formation of the
CRR which consisted of an unusual number of 16 companies- the established
practice in the British army was to have only IO companies in each battalion
of infantry regiments. By 1840 the number of Malay companies had to be
raised to 13 from its original 10, leaving only 3 companies of Sepoys and
Kaffirs, because of difficulties in obtaining recruits from the last-named
groups.
From the third decade of the 19th century there seems to have been some
changes taking place in the attitude of the local Malays themselves towards
their traditional attachment to the military career. There was an immediate
reason for it which helps us to 'quantifY' the drop in the rate oflocal Malays
willing to enlist as soldiers from 1830 as will be explained next,
In the early decades of British occupation of the island, the proportion
of the Malays who were in military service had outnumbered those who were
engaged in the non-military occupations. The ratio of the military Malays
continued to be high but since 1830 they began to show signs of
dissatisfaction with military service and the proportion of soldiers in the
community gradually began to decline. By the 185os it becarpe relatively
difficult to find Malays willing to serve in the CRR.
First of all, the reduction in the rates of pay granted to the new recruits
of CRR from 8 pence to 6 pence a day, which became effective in 1830,
1
certainly had a dampening effect upon the Malays as far as recruitment to
the army was concerned. The decision to reduce the pay of the soldiers of
the CRR was taken by the Home authorities in England, who argued that
the pay was far higher than the 45 pence a day earned by the ordinary
Sinhalese labourer in the island.
2
Apparently they seemed to be under the
impression that the Malays had no means of finding employment elsewhere
and that despite such a pay reduction it would be easy to find any number
of them for service in the native army.
3
One the other hand, the British
military authorities who were serving in the island, and thereby had first
The Regimmt Until its Disbandmmt
Bg
hand knowledge about the local conditions and the economic situation in
the country, made strong objections to this ruling from England.
4
For
Ple
Governor Barnes himself made a plea to restore the former rates
exam , .
f ay on the ground that "the Malay portion of the regiment cannot be
op f "5
kept by recruiting at the present rate o pay . . . . .
The effect of the 1830 pay reduction soon mamfested Itself m the drastic
d
line in the number ofMalays willing to enlist themselves in the CRR. The
ec . l' d.
t1llowing is a summary of the numbers of local Malay recrUits en Iste m
t ~ e regiment from 1st January 1828 to Ist January 1835, (prior to the
publication of the new reduced r&.tes ofpay
6
which was notified by the G.O.
dated 16th August 1830 and thereafter).
Year
!828
!829
1830 (upto 15th
August)
Total
1830 (from 16th
August)
!831
1832
!833
1834
Total
TABLE 6.1 Malays Enlisted (1828-1834)
Malays enlisted in the island
No
21
38
107
04
15
15
!I
45
In 2! years prior to the
publication of the above
G.O.
In 4! years subsequent
to above G.O.
Handicapped by the difficulty arising from this G.O. in recruiting locally-
born Malays, Governor Barnes resorted to send a mission of recruitment
under Major Thomas Skinner to the East Indies in 1 830.
7
He requested the
Dutch Governor of Java for help in raising men for the CRR, but the request
Tile Regiment Until its Disbandment
was turned down.
0
However Skinner returned with about 50 Malay recruits
picked up from the Straits of Malacca, and Singapore.
9
In 1835, following the revelation of the alarming decrease in the number
of locally born Malay recruits to the army, it was decided to restore their
former rates of pay of8 pence a day,
10
a measure which was taken after much
deliberation by the Home authorities in England. That this decision had
some positive effects is apparent from the table 6.2.
Year
!835
!836
!837
!838
Total
TABLE 6.2 Local Recruits (1835-1838)
Number of local recruits
83
It must be pointed out that the sudden increase in the number of recruits
in 1836 and 1837 may be partly' due to the fact that some of the Malay
soldiers serving in the Corps of the Armed Lascoryns
1 1
which was disbanded
in 1835 might have joined the CRR.
The value of the Malays for military service came to be appreciated more
and more among the British administrators in Sri Lanka in the r83os
12
and
despite the falling numbers steps were taken to increase the Malay
companies in the CRR from ro to 13 while a reduction of the Sepoy
corn panics was effected from 3 to 2 and in the case of Kaffirs from 3 to r.
1 3
However, as might be expected the proposal to increase the number of
Malay companies only posed more problems for the British authorities as
it was not possible to fill all the vacancies with the number oflocal Malays
who were willing to enlist in the CRR. This problem became so acute in the
following decade that in r845, Lieutenant Colonel Fletcher officer
commanding the CRR, complained that "from the falling off of the
recruiting, the Malay companies are now 248 under their establishment
with at least roo old men who are unfit for active service.
14
What happened to all the prospective recruits from the local Malay
community 'Yho traditionally looked forward to a military career? Unlike
before, there were now plenty of other opportunities for employment
available for Malays. These included the civilian government departments,
The Regiment Until its Disbandment
private business establishments and the private European plantations.
Especially in the civil police department and the district government agent's
establishment, there was a big demand for the services of the locally-born
Malays. Thus, when the Colombo Police Department was inaugurated and
began enlistment in October 1833,
1 5
9 out of r o native sergeants recruited
were Malays, and nearly 75 percent of the 150 peons (later called constables)
chosen were also Malays.
1 6
Competition from the civil departments of the government in the
employment ofMalays upset the recruitment prospects of the CRR, so much
so that in r84o, it was even proposed to forbid other government
departments "from receiving the Maiays in their service except those who
are too old to be admitted as recruits into the Rifle Corps."
17
Apart from the governmant departments, there was also a big demand
for Malays to work in the newly opened coffee and sugar plantations in Sri
Lanka.
1 0
These plantations, or estates
19
as they have traditionally been
known in the island, sprang up mainly due to European private enterprise
assisted by various factors, including the expansion, under state sponsorship,
of the network of modern communications- roads, railways, ports and other
ancillary services which served as the capital infrastructure for economic
enterprise. The beginning of this type of plantations was associated with
coffee, did not establish a clear ascendancy till r84os, and the European
plantation enterprise in the period r823-40 was characterised by
experimentation and ventures in a variety of cash crops in different localities.
The Malays were employed in those estates in various capacities as
overseers, conductors, security guards and also as tea-makers.
20
Historians
who have written about the labour needs of these estates have made hardly
any mention of the Malay employees in the estates. Understandably, their
attention is mainly concerned with the indentured system of coo(y labour
through which thousands of South Indian labourers were brought into the
island to work in these plantations. Compared to their number, the Malays
were in a minority and have received no attention. The pay of these Malays
in the estate services seems to have been higher than what they would have
received as soldiers in the CRR.
2 1
Probably working in the estates also
brought them some fringe benefits such as owning a small plot of land to
produce food for their own use.
Faced with such increased competition from other sectors, the CRR
officials made some strong pleas that the pay and the pension rates of the
Malay soldiers in the Army be increased. In 1845, Lieutenant Colonel
Fletcher particularly emphasised that the Malays disliked undertaking
military service due to 'the smallness of pay
2 2
and we will see in the next
chapter how this had brought a life of penury to the Malay soldiers. He
argued, in days gone by, their pay was reasonable but in the changed
economic situation of the country, with the great influx of European capital
and Indian cooly labour, the prices of essential items had risen. He pointed
92 The Regiment Until its Disbandment
out that the civil police peons received g pence to 13 pence a day while the
pay of the soldier was only 8 pence a day from which about 12 pence was
deducted every month for necessary subsistence.
At last a pay increase of one penny a day was allowed from the 1st April,
1845,
2 3
but once again it was proved that besides the salary there were other
reasons for the military service fast becoming unpopular among the locally
born Malays. When pressed for a reply to show the effects of the additional
rate of pay allowed to the Ceylon Rifles,
24
Governor Camp bell conceded.
My expectations have not been realized as to the impulse which I anticipated that the
enlistment would experience from the increased rate of pay.
20
Other reasons given for the refusal of Malays to join the military were
that they detested being enlisted for life,2
6
and also that due to their
reluctance to serve in the same regiment as Hindu Sepoys and Kaffirs. The
Malays are said to have been highly conscious of the fact, that unlike the
situation that had prevailed when there was a separate Malay regiment, the
CRR although predominantly of Malays, was still not totally 'theirs.'
27
Failing to attract the much needed local Malay recruits, the British
military authorities again stepped up their efforts to find Malay soldiers
abroad. In 1830, the recruiting mission led by Thomas Skinner was said
to have entailed unnecessary expense as the allowances paid to his party did
not justifY a mission to bring Malays from the Eastern Archipelago.
Consequently it was decided to open up a permanent recruiting station in
the Straits Settlements under a Malay native officer belonging to the highest
rank, Subedar (Captain) from Sri Lanka.
20
The mission was revived at
Penang in early 1833. The new mission met with some success in the
beginning. Subedar
2 9
Boreham, who was the first Sri Lanka Malay native
officer to head this mission, sent around 100 Malay recruits from Penang in
1834.
30
But in the following years, their number too began to fall as to be
seen from the table 6.3.
The recruiting office in Penang was shifted to Singapore in 184o,
36
probably because, it was not easy to enlist Malays there, and furthermore,
the administrative capital of Straits Settlements was shifted from Penang to
Singapore. But even here the Malay Subedar failed to recruit the required
number of Mahiy recruits, and as a result the mission was called off in
1842.
36
However, the recruiting mission in Singapore was again revived in
1845 with the hope that an European subaltern officer in command would
be able to achieve more success in enlisting Malays abroad.
37
73 Malays
were recruited in Singapore and the Straits of Malacca between the period
of 1st October 1845 to 3 IstJanuary 1846,
30
but in the following years even
the European officer was not able to meet the demands for soldiers from
Malaya for service in CRR. Consequently this mission was abandoned in
!848.
The Regimmt Until its Disbandmmt
TABLE 6.3 Foreign Malay Recuits (1833- 1841)
Year
The number of foreign Malay
recruits (1833 to 1841)"'
none
100
37
37
33
93
M hl
'le British officials made high level representations to the
eanw , . h
Netherlands Government at Hague in 1844, to urge the Batavtan aut onttes
to allow the recruitment of Javanese soldiers for the CRR, but the request was
. d d 39
once agam turne own. .
A final bid to enlist Malays in the Eastern islands was made m 1856-57
when Captain Tranchell of CRR made an extensive tour of the East,
l
'ncluding Brunei o Labuan in Borneo and Pahang, Trengganu and
' . I 4t H' 't'
Kelantan on the eastern coast of the Malay Pemnsu a. ts recrm t?g
mission failed miserably, and at the end of his tour only 7 recrutts
had been enlisted abroad for military service in Ceylon.
42
Wntmg about
this mission a contemporary British officer pungently remarks;
This expedition and the expenditure as compared with the net proceeds of it, must show these
four or five [ Malay recruits j to be about the most expensive in the British army.
The quality of the Malays who had been in Peming
Singapore and in the Malacca Straits was often descnbed by the Bnttsh
military authorities as very poor, particularly when compared to the
94
The Regiment Until its Disbandment
'Indonesian recruits who were enlisted in Java in 1813 and 1816 and the
locally-born Malays. One of the reasons shown that the "native officers
stationed at Penang and Singapore were said to have sent recruits of bad
description."
4 4
It is not surprising that good quality recruits could not be obtained in
the British Straits Settlements. The Malays in this area were better off to
think of embarking for military service in a foreign country, which as one
British officer said was to commit oneself to 'transportation for life.'H They
would have compared the benefits received from the 8 pence, (or later 9
pence a day) pay as a soldier, and the comfortable life they could have in
their own country. Moreover, the economy of the British Straits Settlements
was picking up fast during this period so that the local residents as well as
the immigrant Malays could find reasonably paid employment without
going overseas. As Cowen puts it.
"The old Malay birds ... picking up corn worth a dollar or so a day on their own feeding grounds
were not to be caught with the chaffof'nine pence' per diem from the soil ofCeylon" (Cowen
186o, 325).
One of the main motives of the Peninsular Malay recruits in joining the
CRR seems to have been the bounty money of 3 which was paid to them
when they were first attested by the recruiting officer of the army. H There
are a number of instances showing that once this was paid out to them, they
d ~ s e r t e d despite the precautions taken to ensure that they did not 'run away'
wtth the bounty money. A serious incident took place once on board the
ship 'Baroque la Fellies' in 1841, when the Malay recruits waiting to be
transported from Singapore to Sri Lanka murdered the Sri Lankan Malay
sergeant and injured other Malay soldiers and then escaped with the bounty
money.
4 7
There is, however, another side to the story as emerging from an
interesting description of a peninsular Malay recruit who was once
'Shanghaied' for service in Sri Lanka. It is worth quoting this story in full
culled from the autobiographic notes of J.T. Thomson who served as a
government surveyor in Singapore (Thomson 1865, 97-99).
Oamut was a true Malay; and, I was more in contact with him than with any other person
for a whole year, I will describe him as well as I am able. At this time, I may say, I lived entirely
amongst the Malays, seldom seeing Europeans. My conversation was in Malay, and current
events were discussed in that language.
Oamut might stand about five feet four inches. He dressed in the usual manner ofMalays,
viz., in the sarong (olaid), salvar (trousers), and baju (coat). On his head he wore a Bugis
handkerchief; and on his feet he wore sandals. By his side was a kris, with which he never parted
for a moment. At a distance he might have been taken for a Scottish highlander; when near,
his copper-coloured skin, black twinkling eyes, Mongolian physiognomy, proved that he was
a Malay. He was independent in his tone, but respectful in his manners; and, during my long
intercourse with him, he neither betrayed a tincture of low breeding, nor a sign of loose and
improper thoughts. Indeed his sense was delicate and keen: his ideas had a tone of high
The Regiment Until its Disbandment
95
standard. He was unmindful of money or any other object than what was necessary to maintain
himself and family. He gradually commanded my friendship. I felt I could not but respect
him. His conversation was intelligent on the affz.irs of the surrounding states, his information
was deep in the characteristics of his own race; and his descriptions of past and passing events
interesting and instructive. Yet he could neither read nor write- a defect he bewailed with
much sorrow. His age might have been forty-seven to fifty. In our many rambles and rides
together, he used to relate the history of his own life; and as an illustration of these social
incidents I will put down what I can remember.
.. He was born near Bukit Tingah, on thejuru river; he once pointed out to me the remnant
of his father's coconut grove, standing in the midst of a plain of lalang (high grass) close to the
mangrove jungle. Now only three trees served as a mark of the spot- circumstance which drew
a sigh from the Malay; for these melancholy remembrances brought back the memory of a
doting father and fond mother, as he knew them in his sunshine of childhood. But he soon
turned aside: grave thoughts crossed his brow; for time had dispersed the members of that
family, and scattered them to and fro. Oamut was a wild young man, and wanted to see the
world; so, in a moment of unguardedness, he was caught in the meshes of an enlisting sergeant
of the Ceylon Rifle Corps. Dosed with narcotics, and before seeing either father or mother,
he was carried on board a ship bound for a long foreign service. "It is not wonderful," said
Oamut to me, "that an amok takes place; for the bereft and frenzied youths see the land of
their love still in view and are maddened at the parting." An amok did not occur on this
occasion; Oamut was borne off; and he landed safely in Ceylon, was drilled and stiffened into
the shape of a British soldier. He was also sent to school, but could never learn the difference
between a and b; he however progressed so far in English as to speak it, parrot-like; but what
he said was better understood by himself than by his white friends.
While in Ceylon he assisted in the reduction of the hill tribes (This must be a reference to
1848 rebellion); and on one occasion stuck by his wounded captain for three days. He concealed
him in the jungle, and bore him out in safety. This gave Oamut a step; but he was bodo
(unlearned), so could not be made a sergeant. He served for twenty-seven years, after which
he yearned to return to his native land. He got his discharge without pension (the reason of
this I could never satisfactorily learn). So he returned penniless to Pulo Pinang to find father
and mother, sisters and brothers, gone. The very posts of his father's house had rotted away.
The Peninsular Malay recruits do not seem to have fared very well in
their military career with the CRR, as it would become apparent from the
case history ofOamut. Most of them remained as privates throughout their
service in Sri Lanka. Thus when referring to these Malays, Lieutenant
Colonel Flettcher writes,
the non-commissioned officers of the CRR are to a man almost all Ceylon Malays for which
service the foreigners has not the smartness nor intelligence
8
His opinion is further reflected in the regular soldiers documents for the
period 1855-72 (preserved in the W.O.) in which there is hardly any name
among the foreign Malay recruits who have gained promotion in the CRR.
4 9
The Regiment Until its Disbandment
A number ofMalay recruits from Peninsular Malaya are known to have
their wives and children to settle down in the island. Others having
marned the local women, became permanently domiciled in the country.
However, following a concession granted to the foreign recruits in I83
3
5o
to to the land of their origins at the expiry of I5 years of military
service, several people opted to return with their families to their homeland.
The number of those who wanted to avail themselves of this concession
was not significant at the beginning. It would have posed difficulties to
of.them to uproot themselves totally from their family ties
m the Island. This Is very clear from the observation made by a
contemporary military officer regarding the attitude of those who made
plans to return to the Peninsula at the expiry of their service. He says that
there were instances then they have "changed their mind on the very hour
of the embarkation and determined to remain on the island."st
In I837, only nine of them left for Singapore, and after a decade from
I 84 7 to 1855, I I Malays had left the island with their families to re-settle
in Singapore and Penang.
52
Figures after this are not readily available, but
there might have been an increase in the number of people
returmng to Malaya.5
3
A third and a most important source of recruitment available to the CRR
was from groups of junior military cadets, the popularly called 'Half.. Pay
Boys' (From being paid exactly half the salary of a regular private). As
mentioned earlier, the half-pay boys' system was introduced more or less
simultaneously with the formation of the Ceylon Malay Regiment. Hose
who graduated from the half-pay boys school were often considered to be
the best and most intelligent men of the Regiment.
54
From the age of8 years
when these boys entered the regimental school, they were educated in
disciplines including the art of soldiery, until they were ready for
enlistment as fully-fledged soldiers at the age of I6.
Although the half-pay boys system was introduced as early as I8o2j3,
the school bearing the name of'Royal Military School' where they received
their general and military education was founded only in 18I2, through the
personal initiative of the then Governor Sir Robert Brownrigg.ss It was
placed under a committee of European officers, and its first Superintendent
was Captain de Bussche, when he was the Commandant of the Lascoryns
Corps. By the G.O. of 24th February, I825 it was brought under the
of the superintendent of the senior officer of the Ceylon Rifle
Regtment, who was to function under the personal direction of the Officer
Commanding the Regiment. 5
6
When the regimental school was founded, it was strictly laid down that
it should not be considered as a religious establishment to enforce
C:hristianity upon the children,
50
for otherwise it would have been extremely
difficult to encourage the Malay-Muslims to send their children to be
educated in this school. It was due to the fear of losing their children to
The Regiment Until its Disbandment 97
Christianity that the Moor-Muslims of the island were strongly prejudiced
against the Western-English education during the greater part of the 19th
century.
The main objective of the regimental school was stated to be the
instruction of the half-pay boys, and other children of the soldiers "in various
branches of knowledge necessary for the efficient discharge of their future
duties as intelligent non-commissioned officers and soldiers". Their mode
ofinstruction was intended with a view to make them "read and write their
own and the English Languages, so that they might be perfectly capable
of translating backwards and forwards the one language into another."
59
Among the general subjects taught in the regimental school were the Malay,
Tamil, and English Languages. Cowen states that many of the pupils spoke,
read and wrote English well, and they were very neat penmen and apt at
figures. In addition to the languages, subjects like history, geography and
arithmetic were also taught. In r86o it was also reported that "some
attempts may probably hereafter be made to advance into an acquaintance
with natural philosophy" (Cowen 186o, 333).
The regimental school was organized in 3levels, 1St, 2nd and 3rd classes
respectively.
60
Those who did extremely well in the 1st class level appeared
to have been taken directly as non-commissioned officers as a mark of
distinction. A board of examiners consisting of the European Officers and
the Malay school master used to review periodically, the progress made by
these 3 classes of pupils and accordingly recommended them for
appointment as private and non-commissioned officers in the CRR.
The number of pupils enrolled in the school varied at different periods
in the history of the CRR. During North's time, the half-boys establishment
was fixed at 8o, but later the number seems to have been increased from 200
to 300.
6 1
The latter figure however included not only the number of the
half-pay boys
62
but also the other children of the members ofCRR who were
allowed to follow classes at the regimental school. In 1835 there were 149
Malay boys studying at military school belonging to the CRR (which had
a total strength of I 85 boys and 1 girl).
6 3
In 1873, when the CRR was
disbanded it was said that there were 269 half pay boys serving in the
regiment (Tylden 1952, 127).
As has already been stated, these Malay boys trained in the royal
military school, when recruited as professional soldiers always proved to be
the most valuable class of men in the regiment and virtually monopolized
the posts of non-commissioned officers. In the same way, the two highest
ranks of Subedar and Jemedar in the CRR were mainly occupied by those
who graduated from the boys, school, especially in the later phase of the CRR.
In addition to the boys school of the regiment, there were also other
schools meant to instruct the adult soldiers of CRR.
64
The curriculum of
these schools were based on more or less the same footing as the boys school
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The Regiment Until its Disbandment
99
(English and Malay were compulsory subjects). In r86g, there were 5 of
such schools functioning,
6 5
and the commanding officers were empowered
to order the men of the regiment to undergo instruction at these schools.
But it was also emphasised that 'it is by no means incumbent upon an officer
to order all men idiscriminately, and against their will to attend.
66
The education provided in both the boys schools and the adult schools
was of tremendous importance for the economic and cultural survival of the
Sri Lankan Malay community especially during the rgth century. As a
contemporary British officer noticed, very often, even if the Malay soldier
did not wish a military career for his son, he still sent his son to be educated
in these schools, 67 because he could easily gain employment elsewhere.
There were plenty of opportunities for the boys who underwent instruction
in the royal Military school particulary in the plantation offices, and the
European Agencies which managed these estates. Even when the CRR was
disbanded in I873, discharging over 700 Malay soldiers, there could have
been little hardship as jobs could easily be found for most of them. In short,
one of the chief contributions made by these schools was to maintain a high
level ofliteracy in the Sri Lankan Malay community.
68
Above all, the fact
that Malay language was taught for such a long period in the regimental
schools was one of the key factors which facilitated the study of Malay
literature among the members of the community during the I gth century,
a fact which will be discussed later on in more detail. Thus the CRR and
the regimental schools can be given their due credit for having helped the
Malay community to continue and preserve its own cultural identity.
From I847 to I872, the CRR underwent several changes in its structure
and composition. In the former year, the number of companies in the CRR
was raised from I6 to 22.
69
The additional6 companies were meant to be
sent to Hongkong for garrison duties. It was the first time since I 799 that
the Malay soldiers from Sri Lanka were .sent on duty in a foreign country
for military duty, (except of course on the recruiting mission). The Malay
soldiers were said to be at first very enthusiastic about serving abroad, but
very soon they became disillusioned as they had expected active service in
the foreign station instead of mere garrison duty. The Hongkong service
made the CRR still more unpopular among the local Malays. Thus
Lieutenant Colonel Braybrooke pointed out in I848, that the Malays
"dislike it so much that the family men have written to their wives that on
no account to put their sons into the regiment as boys."
70
Hongkong which
was described as "one of the most undesirable stations of Her Majesty's
dominion"(Cowen I86o, 325) proved disastrous also in the case of the Sri
Lankan Malay soldiers. During the 7 years from March 1847 to February
I854, when the detachment of the CRR served in Hong Kong, its average
strength was I4 officers and g86 men of whom 5 officers and 208 men
71
became casualties despite the fact that the soldiers were only engaged in
peacetime duty.
100 The Regiment Until its Disbandment
In I847, partly due to the initial attraction of the above Hong Kong
foreign service there seems to have been a sudden increase in the number
ofMalays who joined the CRR. Also during the 1848 rebellion, special efforts
were taken to enlist Malays. Thus from lstJanuary I847 to 11th December
I 849 there were 5 77 new recruits for the CRR.
7 2
Another reason for this
increase may be the new regulation introduced in August I847
73
which
limited military service of the native soldiers for IO years instead of the
previous system of drafting them for life. Just as many Malays decided to
join the regiment following this new rule, so there were also many others who
wanted to leave the regiment after 10 years of service which they had
completed, probably to look for lucrative civil employment. Thus, between
Ist January I847 to uth December I849, 373 soldiers retired from the
CRR
74
, probably availing themselves of the new rules.
The CRR establishment began to diminish in strength from 185I
onwards. In that year a reduction was effected from 22 to I8 (Cowen op.
cit, 235) companies and again in I854 the companies were reduced to I4 of
which I I consisted of Malays, 2 of Sepoys and I of Kaffirs (Cowen 186o,
235). Throughout this period, the CRR never once attained its full
establishment. As early as 1849, Governor Torrington had lamented that
the regiment was short of 483 men
7 5
and as time went on it became
increasingly difficult to keep up the number of soldiers.
Consequently, frantic efforts were made to find recruits from every
possible source. In I 86o, it was suggested Hottentos be recruited from the
Cape ofGood Hope (Tylden I952, 126). Attempts to recruit Muslim Sepoys
from the state ofMysore in South India proved of no avail.
76
while attempts
were made to recruit Araccanese
77
from Burma as well as 'Bajaus' from
Borneo,
7 8
but none of these plans materialised.
In I86I, a pay increase of 2 pence (from 9d to 1 Id) was granted to the
soldiers of the CRR, bringing the pay of the Malay soldier to within a penny
of the European soldier in service.
7 9
But this again failed to have an effect
on the number of Malays desirous of enlisting in the CRR. The condition
of the regiment deteriorated so much due to the inadequacy of its numbers
that Governor MacCarthy wrote in I86I
I am not without doubt as to the expediency of policy of making any effort to keep the regiment
in its present state at all and it would be better to let it die out quietly in time
80
And indeed the time did not lie far away for Governor MacCarthy's
premonition to come true. The story of the CRR in the 186os was the story
of its decline in its importance which it had enjoyed for more than half a
century as the integral part of the British native military establishment.
There were a number of reasons for this. The colonial government began
to feel that the CRR was getting burdensome and expensive to maintain. It
was the question of the escalation of colonial military expenditure which
involved both the Home and local governments solidified this opinion. This
The Regiment Until its Disbandment
101
made the authorities to rethink their strategy of maintaining an
unserviceable local regiment.
Besides having to bear the cost of maintenance of military garrisons in
Ceylon inclusive of the payment of island allowances, (in addition to the
pay received by all ranks of European Military officials from the Colonel to
Quarter Master), the Ceylon government was required also to pay a sum
of 24,000 annually as military contribution to the Imperial chest. This
arrangement had been in effect from I 837,
0 1
but gave rise to considerable
agitation, particularly after the economic crisis of I846 (Balasingham I968,
I I 5). Successive Governors and Legislative Councils had continously
opposed it. Moreover as time went on, the military expenditure in Sri Lanka
increased despite the fact that the actual strength of military forces had
shown a decrease.
0 2
The vexed question of military contribution also became a subject of
great controversy in the House of Commons in I86o. The anti-imperialists
opposed the incongrous system whereby Britain had to bear the burden of
defence in settlement colonies like Canada and Australia, while colonies like
Ceylon and Mauritius had to make substantial contributions to the Imperial
Exchequer under this head for the protection it received from the mother
country. Finally it was decided to allow the colonies to bear the total cost
oflocal defence. This raised Sri Lanka's military contribution to I35,ooo
pending the decision by a local committee which was asked to report on the
actual cost of local defence which the country had to bear.
83
In the meanwhile the committee which was asked to report on the
military expenditure and establishment of Ceylon submitted its report in
I865. Among the two important recommendations of the commission in
respect of the CRR were firstly to withdraw detachments stationed in such
provincial towns as Hambantota, Badulla, Kurunegala and Jaffna. This
was put into effect immediately.
84
But the second recommendation to
reduce the number ofCRR companies from fourteen to eight was not adhered
to by the Home Government.
The Major GeneralS. Hodgson, the Commander of Forces in Sri Lanka,
opposed this recommendation vehemently and sent his own dissenting
report to Field Marshal H.R.H. the Duke of Cambridge.
8 5
He argued that
the Malay element in the CR.R should never be liquidated, but instead new
measures must be introduced to raise the number of new recruits to the
Regiment from this community, a suggestion reminiscent of the idea which
was advocated by Governor North in the very early part of the British rule.
Thus Major General Hodgson recommended that the CRR should be split
into two battalions, one to be stationed in Ceylon, and the other in Singapore
which could be alternated once in three years.
86
By this means, he was
certain that there would be a continuous supply of good Malay recruits who
could be raised regularly in the Peninsula. The vehemence with which he
102 The Regiment Until its Disbandment
defende? his. CRR policy can also be gauged from the way he asserted his
own estimatiOn of the Malay soldiery.
It is expected, I believe that to obtain as police many Malays who will be reduced. This is
a fatal scheme. As a soldier the Malay is excellent, but remove him from the sternhold of
military discipline and he will be a most dangerous element in a body of 1 'I J' "' c vt po tee ....
. The Major General seemed to have won the battle at least for the time
bemg when the War Office in England overruled the recommendation of
the Military Commission to reduce the number of CRR companies to eight.
In I 868, an .was received in Ceylon to send the excess companies of
?RR to the Bntish colony ofLabuan to perform garrison duties. Already
Ordinance of 1867 prescribed an annual sum of
contnbutiOn at t6o,ooo,
88
and in return stipulated certain
military forces to be maintained for local defence.
In 186g an order was received from the War office to reduce the CRR
c . 09 d
to I o , an by I 87 I
90
the detachments sent to Labuan were
all Withdrawn, and were absorbed into the local companies of the eRR 91
By 1872, the Home government fell in line with the thinking of the
Colonial government in Ceylon on the need to do away the services of the
Ceyl?n Rifle Regiment. The Secretary of State, Earl Kimberly sought the
of the then Governor Gregory the proposed reduction of this
Regiment.
9 2
Gregory by giving a lengthy argument in favour of the proposal,
the draft of which had been duly discussed and approved in the Ceylon
Council. His despatch to the Secretary of the State on the subject
aptly summed up the currents of thinking of several of his predecessors who
felt that the CRR had become an anachronistic institution, particularly from
the second half of the 19th century:
I acknowledge the utility and services of the Regiment in former days when the only lines of
march were !ungle paths impassable horsemen, and when artillery could only be carried over
the mountam passes by par- bucklmg the guns from tree to tree. Now there are admirable
roads interesecting every part of the country, the electric telegraph to immediate notice
of the presence of troop, the colonial steamer to land them at any port of the sea-board and
the railway to Kandy which can in a few hours convey a force strong enough to bear
all opposition into the centre of the island. I may add that if desirable on any emergency to
call out a volunteer force, the planters would alone suffice and be ready and willing to maintan
the peace of the interior.
Another important argument put forward by the Governor was in
regard to cert.ain civil duties, for which purpose only, the soldiers of the CRR
had been mamtaned for a long while. The last time when the CRR soldiers
engaged in active combat duties was during the 18,t.8 rebellion and
then the security situation according to the British had
Improved. In the absence of any direct military need, the CRR soldiers had
The Regiment Until its Disbandment
103
been engaged in many peace time duties such as escorting treasure and
prisoners, guarding Kachechris and jails, and protecting government
establishments such as salt pans in Hambantota. The British military
authorities had always argued that the European soldiers could not be
engaged in such duties which would have spelt danger to their health. In
any case, over. the years, the . Colonial government had taken steps to
organise and improve the police department
94
which took over some of the
duties from the CRR. Governor Gregory pointed out that the establishment
of the police department could be greatly improved by the massive savings
that would accrue to the Government by the disbandment of the
Regiment.
9 5
As for the necessity to meet any contingencies that might arise from
outbreak of opposition and troubles, Governor Gregory said that an
European Regiment would be sufficient to quell a situation as rapidly as they
did in India 1857 rebellion.
Finally the Home government gave the O.K. in 1873 to disband the
Regiment
96
which was executed on the 15th August, 1873.
97
On the eve of the disbandment of the CRR, there were only about 389
soldiers who had been waiting for their discharge from service. Between
January to June in the year 1873, nearly three hundred Malay soldiers from
the Regiment had joined the police department, most of them as
constables. 90 The Inspector General of Police was given authority to take
in go sergeants and goo constables from the CRR. (Dep 1969, 70). He had
instructed his superintendents to enlist men who were not entitled to full
pensions, and look for those whose regimental records showed 'excellent' or
'good'. 99 The soldiers thus taken into the police service were given the
privilege of one third of the period of their military service to be counted for
their civil pensions when they went into retirement.
00
Already by about the year I 870, the Malay element had predominated
in the police service, 1 0 1
who were described by the then Inspector General
of Police as 'most valuable (men) in point of courage, with the new
additional men from the disbanded CRR, the number ofMalays in the Police
service stood around 500, and this figure had been maintained for a long
while thereafter. The I.G.P's report for 1879 shows a figure of 493 Malay
policemen in a total nu m bel' of 1692 serving at the time.
1 0 2
In a sense, so far as the Malays were concerned, the Police service could
be seen as the natural successor to the institution of the CRR, particularly
when we take into consideration of the fact that the former became the single
government department which employed such a relatively large number of
Malay men since the disbandment of the Regiment. Even the duties
assigned to the policemen were not much different from the civil functions
earlier carried out by the soldiers of the CRR.
10 3
Another interesting fact
to note is that the policemen and their families were asked to move into the
barracks once occupied by the CRR in the respective stations.
04
The Regiment Until its Disbandment
as for the Malays was a major difference between serving
m the Pohce Department and serving in the Regiment. As policemen the
Malays were required to serve in the most remote corners in the
in small units, and therefore their community came to be disbursed
far away unlike during the regimental days, when they could live
m comparatively large numbers in the few military cantonments which in
fact was a prime factor that helped in strengthening the social cohesiveness
of the community during the period under study.
the regimental Malay soldiers decided to join the local police
service, they turned down an offer to serve in the same capacity in some
which expressed keeness to employ them; there were
enqumes from Mauritius, Andaman Islands, and India to absorb
the banded soldiers.t
05
it appears that about So Malay
had found employment m Smgapore, the main seat of the British
settlements.
1 06
Probably most of these Malays had originally been
from Peninsula during the middle of the 19th century, who
might have decided to return with their families to their homeland.
In addition to the local Police service, a fairly large number of officers
and men fro.m the disbanded CRR are known to have joined the Prisons
department m the capacity of jail guards, sub-overseers and overseers.! o 1
must have joined the city fire brigade service, which in the early
century was largely dominated by Malay firemen. I o a It is also
P?Ssi.ble that some of the disbanded soldiers had also moved out to inland
distncts to become overseers and security men in the plantation areas,I o 9
Despite the opportunities offered to the soldiers to find alternative
employment, the life could not have been the same to them as in the
regiment. The disbandment of the CRR in I873, indeed marked an end to
a most remarkable era in the history of the Sri Lankan Malay Community.
Notes
I/ G.O., 16th August 1830.
2/ Correspondence relating to which led to this ruling are enclosed inS L N A / Gl 1
t H
88
., .. 22, ene y
o orton, /I 8th January 1836. .
3/ S.L.N.A., 4/12. Enclosures in Huskisson to Barnes, 4/26th February 1828.
4/ Ibid. See especially the letter of Major General Wilson to the Secretary ofWar dated 23rd
February 1835
5/ Barnes to Murray, 10/25th April 1829. He further warned that is was
unfair to recnut Malays abroad on the reduced rate of pay, because once they arrived in Ceylon
found out about the anomalies of pay there would be serious dissatisfaction among them
as they would be worse off than their counterparts."
6/ S.L.N.A., 4/22, I. Fletcher's (Major Commanding the CRR) memorandum 23rd
February 1835 Enclosed in Glenely to Horton 88/IBth January 1836.
The Regiment Until its Disbandment
105
7/ S.L.N.A., 5/17, Barnes to Murray, 43/2nd November 183o. Barnes wrote in this instance
that since local Malay recruits could not be obtained he was compelled to send this mission
to the East Indies because "these people are very little removed from savage life, it is probable
that we may procure recruits at the reduced rate."
8/ Skinner (IIlg1), p. g6, His mission to Java was ostensibly to take back some retired old
Javanese soldiers to be landed at Batavia, but the real motive behind this was to negotiate with
the Netherlands Government in Java for permission to recruit men from there.
g/ S.L.N.A., 2/50, Minutes by Major T. Skinner, Executive Council proceedings, 27th
February, 1861.
wf G.O., 26th November 1835
11/ G.O., 26th November 1835, The Corps of Armed Lascoryns was trained and formed by
Captain de Bussche in 1819 (G.O. 19th September 1819) Malays served in this Corps too. At
times they were transferred from the 1st Ceylon regiment to the Armed Lascoryns. G.O. 2nd
October I8Ig. In 1834 the strength of the latter Corps had fallen to about 195, only just over
one-third of its establishment. The Corps of Armed Lascoryns seemed to have been mainly
engaged in guard-duties, especially the salt pans in the coastal districts.
12/ S.L.N.A., 5/20, Horton to Hobhouse, 21st May 1833 Horton urged to take measures to
confine recruitment for the CRR exclusively from among the Malays. G.O. 24th December
1836 stipulated that the CRR "is as soon is practicable to be composed entirely and exclusively
ofMalays.
13/ G.O., 3oth December 1840.
14/ S.L.N.A., 6/1775 A.M.S, to C.S., gth February 1845, also enclosed in Campbell to
Stanley, 2/12th February 1845
15/ For details of the establishment and organisation of the Ceylon Police between the period
of 1795-187o, see Pippet (1938).
16/ Ibid. Pip pet says that 75% of the police peons were either Malays or Moors, but obviously
majority of them must have been Malays as the Moors who joined the police service were very
small in number. p. 51. .
17/ S.L.N.A., 7/536, C.S. to A.M.S., 387/28th August 184o.
18/ S.L.N.A., 6/1775, A.M.S. to C.S., gth February 1845
19/ "Plantation" or estate is defined as a large parcel ofland (generally over, say 20-30 acres)
in which cash crops are planted for sale in the market in which a number of labourers art
regularly employed. Histol)' of K.M. de Silva (Ed.), 1973, Vol. g, p. 92.
20/ e.g. The Alamal Langkapuri of3. 1.187o refers to a voluntary body formed by of such Malay
estate workers.
21/ S.L.N.A., 5/33, Campbell to Gladstone, Mily. 6/6th March 1846. Governor Campbell
wrote that "The Malays born on the island are a much more intelligent and efficient class ...
but on that account they are eagerly sough after by the coffee planters in the interior who are
enabled to offer them a rate of wages infinitely superior to any advantages which they obtain
by enlistment in the Rifle Corps."
22/ See S.L.N.A., 6/1775, Fletcher's memorandum, gth February 1845 enclosed in Campbell
to Stanley, 2/12th February 1845.
23/ G.O., 3rd November 1845.
In fact the CRR service, besides pay also gave extra benefits to the Malay soldiers, as shown
below:
' 11
I06
The Regiment Until its Disbandment
a. The wife of the soldier was entitled to a 1 pence extra per day or in lieu of it % a seer of
rice.
b. A sum of 3 was given as bounty money to the recruits.
c. Though enlisted for life, discharge with rights to pension was granted to men of good
character when the convenience of service allowed it.
d. Prospects to become Commissioned officers in the regiment were good because of the
numbers ( 1 3) of the Malay companies in CRR.
e. The soldiers' children could be educated in the regimental school.
f. Extension of the provision of good-counduct warrant to the men of the regiment.
24/ S.L.N.A., 4/39, Stanley to Campbell, Mily, 18/25th August 1845.
25/ S.L.N.A., 5/33, Campbell to Gladstone, Mily, 6/6th March 1846. Only 7 local Malays
had been recuited since 1st October 1845 to 3stJanuary 1846.
26/ W.O., 1/453, Lieutenant Colonel Commanding the CRR to A.M.S., 22ndJune 1847,
enclosed in Torrington to Grey 72/1 1th August 1847.
27/ See Colonel Braybrook's memorandum dated 6th January 1848 enclosed in S.L.N.A.,
5/175, Torrington to Grey, 14th January 1848.
28/ S.L.N.A., 4/22, Enclosure in Glenely to Horton, 88/I8th January 1836.
29/ The terms Captain and Native Lieutenant used in Ceylon Regiments were abolished and
substituted by 'Soubadar' andJemidar respectively following the Indian practice. G.O., 13th
December 1820.
30/ Same as note 28, above.
31/ The figures for the years 18331838 are taken from S.L.N.A., 10/163, J. Fletcher's
memorandum 8th August 1839.
32/ S.L.N.A., 6/1744:, A.M.S., to C.S., 29th October 1839.
33/ S.L.N.A., 6/1744:, A.M.S., to C.S., 22nd November 1840.
34/ Figure available only up to 1 Ith May 1841, S.L.N.A., 6/1744: A.M.S., to C.S., nth
November 1841.
35/ S.L.N.A., 7/536, C.S., to A.M.S., 14/IothJanuary 1840.
36/ S.L.N.A., 6/1775, I. Fletcher's memorandum, 9th February 1845 enclosed in Campbell
to Stanley, Mily. 2/12th February 1845.
37/ S.L.N.A., 6/1878, A.M.S., to C.S., 87/21st March 1846. But along with the European
officer in command a Malay party from Sri Lanka under a native Malay officer of the rank
ofJemidar was sent to assist him.
38/ W.O., 1/453, Campbell to Gladstone, Mily. 6th March 1846.
39/ The British Charge d' Affaires took up this matter with Netherlands General, de Larraz
at the Hague on behalf of the British Government in Sri Lanka. W.O., 1/452, His Majesty's
Charged' Affaires at the Hague to the Earl of Aberdeen, 10th November 1844:. He mentioned
that the Netherlands government gave evasive replies.
40/ Sultan of Brunei even sent his Prime Minister Pangeran Soubada to assist Captain
Tranchell in encouraging his Malay subjects to join the Ceylon Army, S.L.N.A., 5/187, Captain
Tranchell's report, Enclosed in Ward to Lytton, Confidential, Mily, 24th June 1858.
41/lbid.
42/ S.L.N.A., 6/2454, Captain Tranchell's report, 31st May 1858, Enclosed inA.M.S. to C.S.,
24th June 1858.
The Regiment Until its Disbandment
43/ Cowen ( 186o), p. 326 writes further that every one of these was subsequently set at liberty,
being physically unfit for 'fighting' when they arrived at Head-quarters
44:/ S.L.N.A., 6/1775, J. Fletcher's memorandum, A.M.S., to C.S., 9th February 1845.
45/ W.O., 1/453, Enclosure in Torrington to Grey, 72/1 Ith August 1847.
4
6/ The bounty money for Malay recruits enlisted for unlimited military service was 3, one
half was paid to the recruit on attestation, and the remaining half was to be paid for his
equipment and other necessaries. G.O., 15th August 1829.
47/ S.L.N.A., 6/1763, A.M.S. to C.S., 52/24th February 1842.
48/ S.L.N.A., 10/163, Lieutenant Colonel Fletcher's report, 8the August 1839.
49/ The following is a selected list of names and other details of some of the recruits who came
from Penang and Singapore, taken from these regular soldiers documents. W.O., 97/1701,
which gives some idea of their background. These documents in the W.O., are available only
for the period of 1855-1872.
Name rank trader Place of recruitment
Brith date
Baseedin Private Sailor Cheribon 00.05.1856
Cassim do do Pal em bang I 1.04.1848
Chemin do Labourer Semarang 13.10.1848
Ismaiel do Paddy
Planter Bukit Tengah 18.07.1848
Inche Mat do Labourer Penang 13.05.1847
Ousin Mingu do Mariner Siak o6.02.1840
Ossen do Labourer Penang 02.1 1.1847
Sareedin do Mariner Palembang 28.10,1845
Satia do Home-Keeper Prince of 01.04.1839
Wales Island
(This shows that until the date of their retirement most of the Peninsular Mal ay recruits who
have put in nearly 25 years of service remained as privates).
50/ G.O., 1st March 1833
51/ S.L.N.A., 6/1502, A.M.S. to C.S. 12/l?thJanuary 1837.
52/ W.O., 1/456, George Anderson to Early Grey, Encl. 20 ofMily. 179/21st November 185 I.
53/ W.O., 1/456, Colonel Braybrooke's report, Encl. in Anderson to Grey, Encl. 20 ofMily.
179/21st November 1851.
54/ History of the Services if Ceylon Rifles, p. 38
55/ G.O., 3rd September 1833.
56/ G.O., 29th March 1821.
57/ G.O., 3rd September 1833.
58/ G.O., 29th March 1821.
wB The Regiment Until its Disbandment
59/ G.O., 3rd September 1833
6of "The Malay 1st class Boy Sinnen Nadi was to be appointed as a non-commissioned officer,
as a mark of distinction for his superior proficiency and good conduct." G.O., 4th October
1836.
61/ History of the Services ofCeylon Rifles, (Ms) p. 38.
62/ The number of half-pay boys was again restricted to 8o in 1846, and in 1871 it was raised
to 100. Ibid.
63/ S.L.N.A., 6/1479, A.M.S. to C.S., gth December 1835. The others in the CRR Boys
School were Europeans 7, Caffres 28, and half-caste 2.
64/ Return of military schools 'belonging to the other Regiments as in 1835). S.L.N.A.,
6/1497; Enclosed in A.M.S., to C.S., gth December 1835.
65/ S.L.N.A., s/so, Mac Carthy to Duke of New Castle, 141/2oth August 1863. There were
15 regimental schools functioning at this time: 5 for the Eurcpean soldiers, 5 for adult soldiers
of the CRR, and the remaining 5 were Boys schools.
66/ G.O., No. 775 of 16th January 1861.
67/ S.L.N.A., 6/2248, A. Major General Brainbrigg's memorandam, Encl. in A.M.S. to C.S.,
6th May 1854
68/ Referring to the literacy rate of the Ceylon Malays, the Censns Report of rllgr. Vol. 1, p.
29 states; "of the native races the Malays hold the first place in both sexes as they did in 1881.
They owe this position to the teaching which the founders ofMalay colony in Ceylon obtained
in the regimental schools."
6gf S.L.N.A., 4/41, Grey to Campbell, Mill, 2/3rd December 1846.
70/ S.L.N.A., 5/175, Colonel Braybrooke's memorandum, Enclosed. in Torrington to Grey,
Encl. 4 of 16/14th January 1848. As Cowen (186o) p. 32,') says "It was not satisfactery to see
the spirit and cheerfulness with which they received the order for foreign, and as they supposed,
active service."
71/ Ibid. During the same period in Ceylon, the average strength of the CRR was 57 officers,
1,400 men, and the total number of deaths was 9 officers, and 156 men, ofwhich 1 officer and
30 men died from cholera, which disease did not exist in Hongkong.
72/ S.L.N.A., 1/136, Torrington to Grey, Mily. 183/ll!th December 1849.
73/ G.O., 27th August 1847.
74/ S.L.N.A., 5/36, Torrington to Grey, Mily. 183/12th December 1849.
75/ S.L.N.A., 5/36, Torrington to Grey, 102/1 Ith September 1849
76/ S.L.N.A., 6/2368, A.M.S. to C.S., 587/12th November 1856.
77/ S.L.N.A., 6/1761, A.M.S. to C.S., No. 81/29th February 1840.
78/ S.L.N.A., 6/2210, A.M.S. to C.S. 12th April 1853.
79/ S.L.N.A., 5/48, Minute by Ml\ior T. Skinner, Encl. in MacCarthy to Duke ofNew Castle,
96/15th May 1861.
8of S.L.N.A., 5/48, MacCarthy to Duke of New Castle, Mily. 96/15th May 1861.
81/ Treasury minute of 14th December 1837. (quoted in Balasingham, 1968, 1 15)
82/ Balasingham, op. cit, 122.
The Regiment Until its Disbandment
I Of)
Military
Year
Revenue Strength expenditure
1854
$408,041 3616 65,293
1855 476,273 3045
64,701
18
5
6 504,174 2945
66,322
1857
578,o28 2568 70,701
1858
6
59
,
9
61 2566 83,037
1859 747
0
36
2597
gg,264
186o 845525 2534
10B,747
Also for the issue involved in the military expenditure see 'Military Expenditure', Address to the
Throne prayingfor a revision of the military expenditure in Ceylon, Govt. Printer, Colombo, sp. I 86o f6 I.
s
3
1 History ofCeylon V. 3 (K.M. de Silva ed.) p. 232-233.
84/ Military Cormission Report of 1865, p. 5
8s/ S.P. No. XIII of 1B66, Hodgson to Duke of Cambridge, 3oth Dec 1865. Also Enclosure
No. 6 in Duke of Buckingham and Chandos to Robinson No. 95 of 13th July 1867.
8?/ Major GeneralS. Hodgson to Field Marshal H.R.H. The Duke of Cambridge, 3oth Dec.
1865, SP XX of 1867 pp. 2o/2I.
BB/ The Mi/y. Expenditure Ordinance, No. 12 of 1867.
Bg/ According to this ordinance, following forces were fixed for colonial defence:
No. in the Rank & File
2 Battalion of Royal Artillery 203
1 Battalion of European Infantry Boo
1 Battalion of Native (CRR) Infantry 816
1 Company of Gun Lascars Bg
go/ War office to the Officer Commanding the CRR No. 20 of 27th April 1869-quotcd in
History of the Ceylon Rifles (Ms) p. 7
g1/ G.O., 1 tth March 1B/1 quoted from the above.
g
2
f S.L.N.A., 4/86, the Earl of Kimberley, Mily No. 70 of 7th June, 1872.
93/ S.L.N.A., 5/59, Gregory to Earl of Kimberley, Mily No. 70 of 7th June, 1B72.
g4/ For details and history of the Ceylon Police see Pip pet ( 1 93B) and Dep (I 969)
g5/ The cost of maintaining Ceylon Rifles in 1872 was 52,622. S.L.N.A., 5/59, Gregory to
Earl of Kimberly 234 (Mly) 14th Nov. 1872.
g6/ War office to the Comanding Officer of the CRR 35d April, 1873, Wide A History of the
Ceylo11 Rifles (Ms) p. 9
97/ G.O. No. 13 of9thJune 18]3.
g8/ S.L.N.A., 6/37% A.M.S. to C.S., 1oth July, IB]3.
9g/ S.L.N.A., 6/3733, A.M.S. to C.S. No. 15 of 17th January 1873. The total No. ofCRR
men, rank and file at the time was 759
wof Ibid. Also 6/3734. A.M.S. to C.S., 7th July 1873
IIO The Regiment Until its Disbandment
101/ The relative strength of the Police Service, ethnic-wise at the time is given as follows:
British - s; Europeans inclusive of Burghers of pure European decent - 9, Burghers - 85;
Buddhists (Ceylon)- 127; Buddhists- India & Others-28; Hindus (Ceylon)-7o; Hindus Indian
& others-124; Malays-229; Moors (Ceylon) - 28; Indian Moors- 36; Native Christians 138;
other than above- 24-I.G.P.'s Annual Report- 186g A.R. (1870) p.239.
102/ I.G.P.'s Report, A.R. of 1879, p. 36.
103/ See e.g. I.G.P.'s remark made in 1879 'It is known that with a small increase to their
number the Police took over in 1866 and 1867 a large portion of the local work of the Ceylon
Rifles, such as the charge of the Kachcheris and of the civil convicts at Hambantota Salt Works
and in many jails, and the escort of all convicts and treasure and that in 1873 they took all
the remaining duties of the CRR, which was then disbanded. I.G.P.'s Report, A.R. part Ill
(1979). p. 38.
104/ S.L.N.A., 6/3733, A.M.S. to C.S., 23rd June 1873-
105/ S.L.N.A., 6/3734, A.M.S. to C.S., (File No. 10530) No. 101 of 7th July 1873-
106/ S.L.N.A., 6/3733, A.M.S. to C.S., (File No. 7387) 12th May 1873-
107/ F.R. Saunder's, Inspector General of Prisons (1973) Report, A.R. Part IV,
miscellaneous section p. 28. The figure of such prison guards are not given.
108/ Jayah (1970) p. 70, further research is necessary to verify this point.
109/ AL and Wajah Selong often refer to various charitable organizations which were
organised in the estate districts by the Malays serving in plantations.
An interesting account of a Malay's career and life in the plantations is given in Ms.
Autobiography of Mass Jury Weerabangsa. (Copy in possession of the present writer).
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Sri Langka's first governor-general, Sir Oliver Goonetilake is received as chief guest at All Ceylon Malay
Cricket Club, Padang, Colombo, by its President, B. Zahiere Lye and his wife Mrs. Mashmoon. 1954.
The Hon. Frederick North
Baba Ounus Saldin (1838 - 1906)
Jumaran Tungku Ousmand (1840- 1910)
Dr. M.P. Drahaman and wife, a member of Parliament who supported the
independent movement.


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Facsimile of "Syair Kisahnya Khabar Orang Wolunter Benggali."
Facsimile of a lithographed Malay book, once deposited in the (library of)
Recreation Room, CRR, 1873.
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The family photograph: Muhammad Khalid Sal din, (Malay enterpreneur and member of the Ceylon Legislative
Council, 1930.
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W ekande Mosque at slave Island, built by the Malays
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CHAPTER 7
Life in the Regiment : Economic
and Social Aspects
What kind of life awaited a Malay when he chose to enter the military
service? Why did he decide to be a soldier in the first place? The foregoing
chapters have explained how the regiment had become an embodiment of
the community itself, and that soldiering, as far as the Malays were
concerned, was not construed as merely an occupation, but more
importantly a way of life that was led with a presumed sense of security of
employment, but reduced in most cases which pushed them to penury. This
chapter aims at a closer focus of the economic and social life of the military
Malays.
Military Cantonments
We begin with an account of the principal Malay settlements during this
period, when the largest Malay population was confined to two main towns
of Colombo and Kandy.
1
Besides, they also concentrated in other urban
centres, such as Hambantota in the south, Badulla in the Uva province, and
Chilaw in the Western coast, like the community of Burghers.
2
Being a
creation of colonial rule, they were made to live close to the main centres
of colonial administration. The nucleus of settlements of the Malays
corresponded to a the garrison townships. The Dutch had already founded
some such garrisons in the coastal towns that came under their
administration, especially in Colombo, Galle, Chilaw and Trincomalee.
More garrisons had been placed by the British in the inland areas following
their victory over the Kandyan kingdom in r815.
By the year r86o, the CRR detachments were spread out in the following
manner. Five companies of soldiers in Colombo, which was then the
headquarters of the CRR, three in Kandy, two in Galle, two in Trincomalee,
one in Badulla and one injaffna (the Sepoy Company). In addition to these
stations, detachments of soldiers from the Colombo headquarters, Kandy
and Galle were occasionally sent to guard the kachcheris,jails and other civil
establishments in the towns of Puttalam, Kurunegala, Hambantota and
Chilaw (Cowen r86o, 328).
Depending on the needs of the British government, the number of CRR
stations were either increased or decreased and their locations frequently
changed in this period. For example, at the very beginning, Hambantota
l/2
Life in the Regiment
in the south had emerged as an important military station, with subsidiary
garrison units stationed in the adjoining hamlets ofKirinde and Palatupana.
Later, only a detachment was left there to man the government enterprises,
chiefly, to guard the salt pans. Following the outbreak of the 1848 rebellion,
special detachments were set up to protect the inland townships of
Kurunegala and Matale, but they were withdrawn after 1866.
3
In 1865,
the Military Commission recommended the closing of all CRR stations for
reasons of economy, except those of Colombo, Kandy, Galle and
Trincomalee.
The nucleus of the principal Malay settlements then is to be traced to
the establishment of such military stations. Of these, we have some
knowledge about the living and social conditions of the Malays residing only
in the Colombo and Kandy cantonments to be gleaned from the British and
Malay sources.
The Colombo settlement dates back to the early days of Dutch rule. The
population of the city had sorted itself out into communal groups, in
separately reserved areas. (Brohier & Paulus 1951, 70). The Malay
population was confined largely to the present Wolfendhal area, while the
Malayflndonesian exiles lived in an area adjoining the Wolfendhal Malay
quarters which was known as Kampung Pangeran or Princes' quarters.
The Malay enclave of Slave Island in Colombo rose to prominence as
the traditional home of the Malays in the early British period. The name
derived from the fact that many company slaves of the Dutch were kept
segregated in this section, "which was a tongue ofland joined to the fort by
bridges and causeways" (Cordiner 1807 vol. 2, 37). It appears that a section
of the Malay troops was left to supervise the slaves in this strip of the island,
and had their residences in its outskirts. Towards the end of the Dutch rule,
a substantial increase of the Malay population must have taken place,
necessitating the construction of a mosque, for which purpose, a wealthy
Javanese man by the name ofPandan Balie, referred to before, donated a
piece of land in the year I 786.
4
The Malays became predominant in Slave Island, once the British made
it a permanent home of the Malay Regiment (Percival op. cit, 123), which
consisted of an administrative block, officers' mess, married men's quarters,
a bachelors' mess; military school, and a parade ground. The area had
attracted other interested groups of people who could provide services, such
as setting up a market-place to sell necessities to the families of military
people. A contemporary observer provided the following account of the
Slave Island cantonment.
Pass out of that sultry and much to be shunned fortification called the Fort of Colombo, bend
your steps by its outworks towards the east, and you will come upon a piece of open ground,
jutting into, and nearly surrounded by a large fresh water lake, grass planted and well shaded
with rows of tulip trees. This is 'Slave Island', so called from its use during the Dutch dynasty
Life in the Regiment
Ilj
in Ceylon, and on it, a few hundred yards in advance of a native bazaar, are a line of detached
buildings - some of the improved construction before alluded to, other still, however, of
mudwalls, with roofs of the leaf of the coconut tree, the barrack rooms of the single men of the
Ceylon Rifle Regiment, an open exercising ground in front, a gravelled square in rear, on both
of which the curious in such matters may watch all the stages of a rifleman's military education
... (Cowen 186o, 3119).
Among the Malays, the Slave Island was traditionally known as Kampung
Kertel,- term almost exclusively used in the contemporary Malay newspaper
Alamat Langkapuri. The origin of the word is Portuguese - 'quartel', which
means barracks. In Dutch times this must have referred particularly to the
section where the soldiers' barracks were situated, but later, come to be
applied to the entire area of the cantonment. Another part of the present
Slave Island area was traditionally referred to by the term 'Bai Kandi',
5
which corresponds to the present Wekande municipal ward in Colombo, but
the origin of this term is not known. It appears that by later half of the
nineteenth century a number of civilian Malays and other Muslim groups
6
had occupied this area. A third section of the Slave Island ward was known
to the Malays by the term Kampung Kew.
7
This is the present Kew street
area, which had the officers' quarters and the military school run by the CRR.
The second important military cantonment was in Kandy. Where the
soldiers' quarters and the military parade ground were situated on the
Bogambara hill. The Malay Mosque attended by the military personnel was
situated just outside the Bogambara cantonment, which is even now known
as the Kandy 'Malay' Mosque.
8
The Malay military pensioners and their
civilian relations also lived close to the cantonment traditionally known as
the Kampung Penson or Pensioners' quarters (in the present Deyyanewela
suburb ofKandy). The immediate neighbourhood of the Katukelle suburb
in Kandy had been the home of the civilian Malays and the Moor-Muslims.
Similar cantonments of Malay soldiers attached to the CRR, but smaller in
size, existed in the other provincial towns mentioned earlier. In almost all
cases, Malay social life centred around those cantonments, provided with
such common amenities such as living quarters, parade grounds, Malay
mosque, and a small military school.
Living Conditions : Quarters and Barracks
Among the conditions that facilitated the ethnic cohesiveness of the
community in this period was the fact that the soldiers and their families
could live as closely knit groups in the surroundings of military stations. As
a matter of policy, living accommodation was provided by the British
military authorities - quarters specially built for the married soldiers, and
barracks for bachelors. Security, solidarity and understanding among the
families of soldiers were the main features which characterised the
communal life in the cantonments.
Life in the Regiment liS
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Despite the advantages afforded by communal living, the actual quality
fil

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.. of life of the Malay soldiery seems to have been less than satisfactory in

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several aspects. The housing facilities available to the rank and file, provide "0 ":X:: =

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.8 an illustration of this. The European soldiers and commissioned officers in




1
the CRR had better housing facilities when compared to the congested

1lZ
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quarters of the native soldiers. Giving evidence before the I865 Military
'
bn
Commission, the staff surgeon, Cowen, stated that the quarters of the Malay

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soldiers were worse than that of any troops he had known before.
'o

5
In my younger days I knew about black troops in Jamaica and the West Coast, but I do not
0


recollect that they were worse housed or worse fed than the Malay soldiers of the day.
9
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The living quarters for soldiers, built of stone and tiled roofs to Q


....,

accommodate the CRR detachments, were constructed only towards the end
::s

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of the first half of the nineteenth century. Before that, the soldiers were

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housed in huts built with mud, almost without light or ventilation. These


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were very often destroyed by the vagaries of fire and other natural

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calamities. It is not known if from the inception these huts in the main
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cantonments were built by the military authorities themselves or whether
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the soldiers received any allowance from the British government to construct

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their own dwellings, as was the practice in the Indian native infantry units


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at the same period (Barat Ig62, I68). In any case, as Cowen states that by
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the I8sos, thanks to a wiser and more liberal policy of the British authorities,

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0 living quarters of the soldiers were upgraded though still wanting in basic
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amenities (Cowen, op. cit.).
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Some information is available about the nature of these living quarters.
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The residence of the married soldiers consisted of rectangular blocks built
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side by side with the backyards of the house facing each other. This

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1l arrangement according to Cowen impeded all circulation of air resulting in
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inadequate ventilation. These houses were referred to as 'lines', a name used


C)....,
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even to this day to refer to the congested, uniform, rectangular housing units
l8
of the hill country estate labourers in Sri Lanka. The married men's quarters
os z in Colombo did not have a separate kitchen area containing a fireplace or
<
chimney for the smoke to be let off. The total space of a line room was I44
z
square feet (I 2 x I 2) and each of these rooms invariably housed a relatively
large number of inmates.

:X:: As Cowen (op. cit p. 330) states:


"
He (the soldier) resides with his wife, olive branches, and heaven knows how many of his poor

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-;:;:
houscless relatives. What domestic arrangements he makes to render a room 12 feet square
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sufficiently elastic for the accommodation of his household, no matter their number, their age,
s r:s z ' < 0 =

or sex, is a secret many of us might think worth knowing.

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In the Colombo cantonment, it was reported that the married soldiers'

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quarters were situated in unhealthy surroundings. They were surrounded

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= ..: by a stagnant ditch, a breeding ground for malarial mosquitoes. Also, the
n6
Life in the Regiment
market place or the regimental bazaar in the Slave Island cantonment was
situated very close to these residential lines. A high rate of fever and ill health
was 11ecorded in the medical reports of these soldiers, attributed to their
congested living.
10
The commissioned officers had somewhat better houses more
'
commodious and airy, originally private-owned, but later they were moved
to government quarters in the vicinity of the men's barracks and the native
bazaar.
On the other hand better housing conditions prevailed in Kandy.
Married soldiers' quarters in the Bogambara hill were built on high ground
with sufficient drainage facilities. These lines, unlike those in Colombo had
a kitchenette and an exclusive living room.
11
Similar arrangemen:s for
living must have existed in other smaller cantonments in the provincial
towns of Galle, Trincomalee, and Badulla but details are not available.
However, in more remote garrisons of Kirinde and Palatupana, near
Hambantota m the south, the Malay soldiers were said to have been
accommodated in "wretched huts."
Pay and Allowances
The p.ay of a soldier stood at 8 pence a day, in 1820 (with a
correspondmg mcrease in higher grades) as given in table 7 ,
2
t 2
Subedar
Jemidar
Sergeant Major
Colour Sergeant
Sergeant
Corporal
Bugler
Private
Half pay boys
1st class
2nd class
3rd class
TABLE 7.2 Soldier Pay in 1820
s.
2
d.
7
8
6
9
8%
8
Life in the Regiment
The home government decided in 1830 to reduce this amount paid to the
privates and non commissioned officers, i.e. from 8 d a day to 6 d a day for
the new recruits, which, as mentioned before, forced the Malays to seek other
forms of employment. The anomaly was rectified in 1835
1 3
following
repeated representations. It was only in 1845, two decades later, that the
British government granted an increase of one penny per diem
14
again due
to heavy pressure exerted by the British officers of the CRR, who knew
through first hand knowledge the economic hardships of the soldiers. The
next pay increase was granted after about 15 years, an increase of2 pence
a day to all ranks, which came into effect from 1st April 1861.
15
So in a
period spanning more than half a century, the daily pay of the CRR soldiers
had increased only by 3 pence.
This should be viewed in the context of the fast changing nature of the
economic development in rgth century Sri Lanka. The influx of European
capital, and the increase in the estate worker population, brought in by the
expansion of commercial estates, caused a steady and steep rise in prices of
goods and services, as ably presented in the memorandum submitted by
Lieutenant Colonel Fletcher of the CRR.
16
As a matter offact, strong complaints were made also about the general
living conditions of the British soldiers themselves.
every article of consumption increased in price more than 100 percent. Banks, the mercantile
firms and the tradesmen in the island have been compelled to raise the salaries or the wages
of those employed by them, but the unfortunate military men remain either in painful and
degrading penury or to appeal to the charity of the family.
17
If this was the case with the European soldiers one might as well imagine
the hardship faced by the native soldiers. As if this was not enough
deductions were made from the pay of the soldiers for various regimental
necessities. The regiment required every soldier to maintain, as part of his
uniform, 4 pairs of white trousers, 3 patrol jackets, 3 shirts and r pair of blue
cotton trousers; but usually the practice was to keep 6 patrol jackets and 6
pairs of trousers.
18
When joining the army, certain items of uniform were
given free to soldiers, but he had to pay for every other item thereafter. In
the case of the CRRsoldiers, wear and tear ofuniforms was relatively heavy,
since they were constantly engaged in such civilian duties as escorting
treasure, and guarding jails and government establishments. According to
an estimate made in 1865, cotton drill material cost Is 3d to Is 6d per yatd,
while each shirt cost 2s 2d at the quarter master stores.
1 9
With an average
rate of pay at gd per diem the soldiers were hard pressed to meet such official
expenses.
Perhaps another interesting and vital comparison of expenditure, as
against the income of soldiers, can be made by an estimate of the cost offood
prevailing at that period. This estimate, which was made by a regimental
IIB
Life in the Regiment
surgeon, is based on the normal dietary meal requi'red
per person in a
military hospital. 2 o
TABLE 73 Food Expenses per Person (186s)
Ordinary diet
Low diet
Item
Quantity
Expenditure
Quantity
per diem
Expenses
Beef
8 ounces
3d
Rice
4 ounces
1%d
1 quart
d4d
1 quart
1%d
Bread
8
3d 6 ounces
Vegetable
2l4d
Coffee with
Id
Jd
sugar
2 pints
Id
2 pints
Id
Curry stuff
Pepper, salt,
Id
Id
coconut
JO%d
8%d
Source: Military Commission Report of I86
5
p.
3
6
In with an estimate made even as early as I 8
35
by an officer
the CRR
21
the average pay of a soldier was 8d a day out of
on a m?nthly basis, he calculated the expenses involved as follows
messmg \3 ordmary a day)- cost I2 shillings, wear and tear of kit

6d, and shavmg Is. After meeting all these expenses a soldier was
With.only 2s 6d a month for the family to live on. With the rising prices
In the middle of the Igth century, the soldiers and their families must have
had a really hard time in meeting even their daily subsistence
. with a life of penury, the soldiers' families had to to some
mgemous means to themselves above the 'starvation' level. At times
these efforts with established military practices ofline regiments and
embarrasmg problems to higher authorites. Although it may look
tnv1al to a observer,. a certain incident involving a protest march by
women relatives of soldiers to the officer in command of the CRR 86
th f
. . llli 5
Is wor y o ment10n m this regard.
The line regiments was to provide separate messing for
bachelor soldiers m their barracks, particularly so during hospitalisation
when they could be with nutritious food supplied from a mess.
CRR not this convention. Instead, they obtained food from the
marned men s quarters. The reason given was the desire of married men
Life in the Regiment ll9
and their families to increase the amount of food available for their families
by combining their meals with those of their relations and friends among
single men. This practice seems to have been followed from the very early
days of the regiment. However the British authorities came to resent the
arrangement, because in the first place, they argued, it deprived young men
of proper nutritious food that could be prepared in regimental mess,
particularly during periods ofhospitalisation. Secondly, there were frequent
complaints about the unhealthiness of the married men's compounds, as
traditional eastern cooking, 'elaborately' done "to provide for so many
mouths, resulted in congestion, and smoke-pollution," particularly when, as
in the case of the Colombo cantonment, special kitchen areas had not been
built in the married men's quarters. Temporary kitchen huts had been put
up for this purpose in the verandahs of the congested housing blocks. An
attempt to introduce messing to overcome this situation in I864, only
resulted in an organised protest from the Malay women who are said to have
gone in procession to the commanding officer of the CRR demanding the
continuation of the old practice.
2 2
They complained, above everything else,
about economic hardships that would befall their families living on the
paltry salary meted out by the CRR. They pointed out that the arrangements
for' communal cooking' were made with a view to pooling the resources, and
income of married and single soldiers, so that some relieffor soldiers families
could be obtained. The military authorities had to give in although it was
contrary to established military traditions and discipline.
2 3
Strangely enough, higher military authorities seem to have clashed with
each other on the need to grant their Malay soldiers an additional ration
offood to feed them and their families. Some went to the extent of arguing
that in the island. the Malay physique had deteriorated because they did not
have enough meat in their diet!
2 4
This provoked the ire of their colleagues.
For instance Major Thomas Skinner, a retired army officer who once served
with the CRR for fourteen years, pungently remarked.
I cannot admit that because a Malay eats meat, it becomes a matter of necessity that he should
be supplied with a daily ration of it - with just as much reason might it be said that because
the Pioneer" may eat poultry and mutton and the Kandyan game - they require it daily. I
do not think that the whole Malay population of the island on an average, eat meat twice in
a week ...
26
Skinner, also argued that the Malays were living on double the amount
of pay received by other natives. He attributed the financial difficulties of
Malays to continuous inter-marriage in the regiment, and the resultant
growth of 'swarming connection' of soldiers.
2 7
Major Skinner's arguments seem valid to some extent. The soldiers were
said to be slightly better off than most of their civilian colleagues in some
respects. That is why the regimental-surgeon, Cowen, asserted that on
120
Life in the Regiment
and social standing the Malay soldiers were better off than oth
civilians. er
the position of the native soldier corresponds to the first class t'
h' h na 1ve servant, perhaps even
Ig er, and I am sure that the man looks uP<>n himself as holding a better and more honourable
grade
26
Indeed the Malay soldi d
M l . . . . er enJoye certatn pnvtleges not available to
a ays In CIVIhan employment about which mention has alread been
them were free medical facilities for soldiers anJ their
families, faCihttes to educate their children in the regimental schools, ood
conduct pay. over and the regular monthly salary, batta when on
or engaged m field servtee. Y
Pension and Promotional Prospects
Perhaps an important attraction of regimental service was t'n th .
s h h h h e penston
c erne w tc t e soldter could draw at the end of his career R c.
th 'll' f . e.ernng to
e wt mgness o the nattve Indians to J'oin the Bn'tt'sh m'l't .
y G h t t ary servtce
oug ts reported to have said that "the pension is our great hold
lndta. Ig62, I42) In Sri Lanka, too, the Malay was looking more
or old age, which made him cling to service until he was entitled
.nghts, although it deprived him of opportunity of earning more
m non-mthtary occupation.
Table 74 gives an idea of the rates of pension made available in I837
TABLE 74 Rates of Pension (1837)
Ranks
Completed years
Amount
in service
{per mensem)
Private
20 years
-do-
7S 6d
Corporal
25 years
98-
-do-
20 years
10s6d
Sergeant
25 years
HIS 6d
-do-
20 years
13S 6d
25 years
15S 6d
Source: G.O. 30th March, 1837
A Jemidar (lieutenant) was paid I .2s .6d per mensem with an increase
of 3S a month for each term of 4 years, but with a maximum of I Is sd
per. mensem. A Subadar (Captain) was paid LIS 5d per
mcreas: o; 3S a month for every 4 years of service as a J emidar and 4S
a mont .or 4 years of service as a Subadar. '
Life in the Regiment 121
To be entitled for pension, a soldier must be declared unfit after 20 years
of service. After completion of this period, a soldier was annually examined
by a medical board headed by the military surgeon attached to the CRR who
had to give his report to the Commanding Officer of Regiment.
If on the other hand, a soldier wanted to voluntarily retire before the
stipulated years of service, he would be allowed only on the recommendation
of the Commanding Officer. In that case the soldiers would receive only a
reduced amount of pension as follows:
Private
Corporal
Sergeant
46d
6s
gs
p.m.
p.m.
p.m.
Actually, to get release from service on the whims of the Commanding
Officer untit'one reached old age was a peculiar condition which applied
only to the soldiers of the CRR. In the case of other line regiments especially
the Bengal Native Infantry and Madras Sepoy army, as a rule, pension was
granted if the men so claimed after 20 years (Barat op. cit, I4o).
Because of this requirement of a medical examination, the soldiers of the
CRR had to linger on the military service until they were really worn out and
condemned on medical grounds. As for the Commanding Officers, they had
no option but to retain even old soldiers in active service, because of
difficulties encountered to find suitable replacements. And they seldom
allowed soldiers to retire with a pension after the stipulated minimum period
of 20 years of service.
2 9
This resultant dissatisfaction among the CRR soldiers, was cited in I865
as one of the reasons for the unwillingness of Malays to join the military
service.
30
The retired soldiers were also given the option of obtaining land grants
in lieu of a cash pension, but it is not known as to what extent the Malay
pensioners availed themselves of this opportunity. In the Indian Sepoy
regiments, this practice is said to have fallen into disrepute because of
difficulties in obtaining suitable plots of land to be alloted to the retired
soldiers (Barat op. cit, 144) Usually, plots of waste land were allotted to the
pensioners but the invalid or retired soldiers frequently found the task of
developing them a difficult one. Thus the grant of such plots of land
frequently failed to be of any use to either the government or the recipients.
In India this privilege had been withdrawn as early as 18 I 1 from which year
only cash was given as pension. In Sri Lanka there was provision for making
land grants to soldiers on their retirement until the disbandment of the CRR
but this must have existed mostly on paper for, the Malays seemd to have
had little inclination to engage in land-development in remote areas and so
preferred to receive cash pensions which enabled them to live with their
families or in close proximity to them. If the plot of land offered by the
122
Life in the Regiment
was situated close to the cantonments, the retired pensioners
have to take them. The Kampung Pensen or Pensioners quarters
m .Kandy, mentioned often in the Malay sources, may have come into
because of this but further research is necessary to confirm this
vrew.
advantage offered by the regiment was prospects for
promotion m servrce. A smart soldier had opportunities to rise in the ranks
to at least ajemidar (lieutenant) and possibly a Subedar (captain).
Thrs was not the case with the European wing of the royal army in which
officers almost never rose from the ranks, but were directly recruited as
cadets. cadets were recruited from the middle and upper
classes while the pnvates came from the lowest rung of society. In the British
limited scope for promotion to the higher ranks,
unhke m the natrve regrments, where any soldier subject to good record and
pr?gress could occupy the senior most position available in the regiment.
rs true that in the earlier phase of the Malay Regiment, officer ranks were
some cases by those who could supply a specific number of
soldrers- a mrmmum of fifty in most cases. Moreover there were also cases
of direct appointments for the ranks of Captain and Lieutenant made from
the exiles by Frederick North. However, such practices ceased
m the r 82os and thereafter the principle of promotion was fixed
entirely on the basis of seniority.
Usually within about twenty years of joining the service, a private could
hold of Jemidar. Unlike in the Indian Sepoy regiments, steps of
the CRR were somewhat quicker. In the Sepoy regiments, a
pnvate Jmmng at the age of r6 could not generally expect to become a
corporal (naik) before be attained the age of 36, a sergeant (havildar) before
the age of and aJemidar before the age of6o (Barat, op. cit, 154). In the
CRR,. a pnvate could become a corporal barely two years after his first
appomtment, followed by the rank of a sergeant
31
and within about twenty
years. he could become a Jemidar, and a Subedar after a few more years.
the .Malay portion of the CRR consisted of as many as eight
whrch were later increased to r 2 there were a number of positions
m the two officer ranks for Malays. Each company of about roo soldiers was
led by both a Subadar and a Jemidar.
The CRR officers were held in high esteem by their colleagues and the
members of the community. By virtue of their higher ranks in the army,
they also acted as community leaders. Interesting evidence for this comes
the registers, called Kadutams once maintained by the Malay
pnests who officiated at the marriages of members of the community. Thus
on the same page of entry of such details as the names of the bride and
bridegroom, the witnesses, the bridal money (mahar) paid etc. one also finds
t?e list of name: of the attending regimental officers carefully entered on one
srde of the regrster.
3 2
In other words the prestige of a Malay wedding at
J
Life in the Regiment 123
that time depended to some extent on the number of captains and
lieutenants of the CRR who attended the function. This was perhaps of the
kind of prestige attached to the presence of VIP guests, in current Muslim
weddings in Sri Lanka.
3 3
It is not clear whether young recruits joining the regiment for the first
time weighed the advantages and disadvantages of their future career.
Many joined the regiment following family tradition. Invariably, an elder
of the family, a father, an uncle, or an in-law induced the young members
to become soldiers. Baba Ounus Saldin, for example, (more will be said of
him in the next chapter) tells in his note book of personal andjamily events
34
how
his uncle, adjutant Miskin, made him and his brother Halaldeen become
soldiers. Moreover, Saldin's father and grandfather had both served in the
regiment. It is noteworthy however that young Saldin after only 8 years of
service bought his freedom from the regiment by paying 8, a substantial
fee at the time.
Cultural Life
If the regiment did not provide the community with material prosperity, it
did nonetheless contribute in a major way to the maintenance and
continuation of their ethnic and religious identity. There were a number
of ways in which the cultural and ethnic survival of this small community
depended on the active and indirect support of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment.
The British military authorities took special care to foster and encourage
the native habits and customs of their soldiers. Only rarely were they known
to have interfered with any specific social custom of Malays for the sake of
maintaining military discipline in the regiment. Thus, for instance, as early
as in the year r8r5, the Malay soldiers opted to take a short hair-cut,
contrary to their cherished custom of growing long hair. This, we are told,
was in deference to a wish expressed by the then Governor Barnes. Until
then, the men wore long hair plaited and neatly looped up under their
shakos.
3 5
Similarly, the Malay soldiers showed no resentment in having to
wear heavy military boots, a requirement imposed on them in r 84os, as part
of their elaborate military uniform. (Earlier the Malay soldiers, except the
officers wore no foot wear even during military campaigns).
The British also lent support to the Malays in the performance of their
religious rites and social practices. All Malay soldiers were adherents of the
Islamic religion, and, as such, many of the rites and observances of the
Qlran were observed in the regiment. During the month of Ramazan, the
month of the Islamic fasting, which lasted normally up to thirty days, no
drilling and parade exercises were required from the Malay soldiers (Cowen,
r86o, 333) This also included Fridays, the Islamic 'Sabbath' day. The
important Muslim festivals were declared holidays, for instance, the day of
the Ramazan festival, and Id-al-A;:.ha' which falls on the roth day of the
124 Life in the Regiment
Islamic month of Dhul-Haj. In addition the soldiers enjoyed two more
religious holidays on the gth and roth day of the Islamic month of Muharram
to conduct commemorative celebrations.
3 6
The 'Malay' (Military) Mosques
The socio-religious cohesion of the community received further boost during
this period from the functioning of special Malay mosques, endowed by
authorities to cater to the spiritual needs of the regiment.
The military authorities had made land available for the construction
of such mosques.
3 7
This was done because the soldiers insisted on having
mosques situated in the vicinity of their living quarters. Otherwise they had
to travel far out of their camps to attend collective worships in the mosques
belonging to the Moors. The Malays were at a disadvantage in attending
the Moor mosques because the sermons and other religious proceedings were
held, not in their mother tongue, Malay, but in Tamil and Arabic.
Mosques were constructed in several parts of the island where the Malay
soldiers were stationed, and even today local Muslim residents continue to
refer to these as 'Malay' mosques. They are found in Galle, Trincomalee,
Kalpitiya, Badulla, Kirinde, Kurunegala and Kandy.
3
B
Formal religious services for the soldiers were administered by special
Malay-Muslim priests, whose main function was to lead congregational
prayers in Malay mosques and to officiate at important religious events for
the soldiers. Without their participation, no regimental event involving the
Malays was complete. For instance, on the occasion of awarding colours to
the Malay Regiment in r8o2, a Malay regimental 'priest' had been invited
to mark the beginning of the event by reciting prayers following the
Christian religious ceremony staged by the chaplain of the garrison.
3
9 He
was not, however, on the pay list of the regiment. The soldiers and their
families paid for his services associated with the rituals ofbirth, marriage and
death.
The office of the regimental Muslim 'priest' (or Chaplain) was
hereditary, although on the death of the senior 'priest' the appoinitment of
his successor required the consensus of senior soldiers as well as the retired
pensioners of the regiment. Two such appointments have come to light from
local Malay sources, one referring to the selection of Guru Kupang, the
'Malay Priest' in Kandy and the other to the meeting held in Colombo to
select a successor from among the family of Bahars, a traditional family of
Malay priest's in Colombo.
40
We shall show how an appointment of a
Malay 'priest' in 186g led to a tussle between the soldiers and the
civilians of the Slave Island cantonment. .
The CRR connection helped the community not only to pursue their own
native interests, but also to imitate certain western sports and pastimes
pursued by British military officers. Notable among these was the typical
Life in the Regiment
125
British game of cricket in which the Malays showed remarkable dexterity.
During their leisure time, the Malay soldiers participated in cricketing
events in the regiment. In the course of time, the British may have invited
Malay subordinates to join the game by filling up vacancies in the team.
When they found the Malays adept at cricket, the British officers encouraged
them to form their own team. Friendly matches between the British and
Malay soldiers were welcome events in otherwise dull and routine life of
regiment discipline. Thus originated the Malay Sports Club at "Padang,"
Slave Island, which has contributed considerably to the game of cricket in
the country, producing famous cricketers from their ranks.
41
In his
autobiography Governor Gregory, while expressing regret at the closure of
the regiment, complimented the Malays for being 'excellent cricketers'
(Gregory 1894, 322).
Another English game that fascinated the Malays was billiards, a legacy
of their regimental past. Pippet ( 1938, 4) refers to a quarrel which took place
at Slave Island in 1842 over the score at a game ofbilliards between an officer
of the 95th regiment and a civilian. Slave Island was renowned for this game
patronised largely by its Malay population until very recently.
42
Social Conflicts - Regimental Malays
Vs. Free Malays
Even though the life of the military Malays has been our main area of
concern, it is also important to examine their relations with other sections
ofthe population resident in their immediate neighbourhood, chief among
them were the civilian Malays or the free Malays ( Orang Priman) as they were
popularly known. Other Muslim ethnic groups included the Tamil-
speaking Moors and the fellow Muslim soldiers (Sepoys) from South India
serving in the CRR, and soldiers who belonged to the Corps of Gun Lascars.
The term 'free Malays' referred to those Malays who earned their living
by private means or in civilian occupations. This division of 'free Malays'
and the 'regiment' Malays had been there right through their existence from
the Dutch times which, however, lost its significance only as a result of the
disbandment of the CRR in 1873.
The local Malay sources, particularly the newspaper' Alamat Langkapuri,
categorise them in Malay as <Orang and <Orang Priman'.
Unfortunately, very little information is available which could throw light
on the life and activities of the civilian part of the Malay population during
this period.
With the increase in population, the corresponding ratio of the civilian
Malays also went up particularly after the second half of the rgth century.
This happened especially with the change, as has been mentioned in the
community's attitude towards military service, and with the increased
Life in the Regiment
employment opportunities in civil occupations. A high ranking CRR officer
wrote on the attitude of these civilian Malays in the year r86o as follows:
Nor do I see hope of procuring many of these people, whoare wandering about the streets of
Colombo and other large towns ofCeylon, some with, some without occupation, fine, strong,
active, young men - 'Free Malays' as they proudly term themselves. No inducement short of
actual starvation, will bring these men into the service, its discipline, habits, and restrictions
being in every way repugnant to their tastes. (Cowen 186o, 327)
As a result of the emerging numerical imbalance between the civilian
and military populations, the domination of the latter over the affairs of the
community, came to be challenged by the civilians which led to certain
conflict of interests and tension. An aspect of this conflict came to light
towards the very end of the period of the regiment. This incident which took
place in r86g in Kampung Kertel and reported elaborately in the
contemporary Malay fortnightly newspaper Alamat Langkapuri, deserves
attention because it shows signs of the weakening of the authority and
influence of the 'regiment' Malays even when the CRR was still extant, and
how they reacted to it.
In the early rgth century, the civilian Malay groups residing in the Slave
Island area consisted of those who were employed largely as servants and
gardeners of the British military officers. Some were self-employed, while
others pursuing various handicraft such as embroidery works on clothes and
rattaning furniture.
4 3
As time went on, and with the establishment of
European Agency houses in Colombo there arose 'minor professional class'
ofMalay men, which included clerks, book-keepers and peons. These were
men who had earlier received some English education in regiment schools,
but chose to join private establishments instead of the regiment. Their ranks
were further augmented by a band of Malays who joined the police service,
and had their residences in the Slave Island.
With this changing pattern in the demographic characteristics of the
Slave Island cantonment, one could see the ascendancy of the civilian groups
in the social hierarchy. This trend was particularly noticeable when in r86g
they gained control of an important social and religious institution, namely
the Wekande Malay Mosque from the hands of the soldiers.
The Wekande Mosque or Masjid Ahl-al-Malayu (The Malays' Mosque)
as it was known to the Malays, was the only mosque recognised in Slave
Island by the Malay residents for the purpose of holding regular Friday
obligatory congregational prayers. In fact, at the time, only very few such
mosques existed in the whole of Colombo, one was in Maradana and another
was the present grand mosque in New Moor Street, and the Hanafi Mosque
in the Pettah area.
44
Until recently these mosques played a very important role in the social
and cultural life of the Muslims. They were not only places of collective
worship, but also centres of community administration, where important
Life in the Regiment
127
discussions were held by members of the community and decisions taken on
behalf of respective congregations. Every Muslim settlement of some size
had such a mosque which was its only public building and an object of great
pride. d
For the Malay community of Colombo, the Wekande mosque remame
as the only 'Malay' Jum'mah Mosque, where the medium of was
Malay (in addition to the universal Arabic commonly m all
mosques). The Malay worshippers congregatmg on Fndays to
'Jum'ah prayers were able to listen to Friday sermons
by a Malay preacher (Khatib).lt is apparent that from the tlme of Its ongm,
the Malay regiment soldiers resident in the area the bulk of
the congregation attending this mosque, especially on .
Due to their pre-eminent position in the commumty, the regiment
soldiers were given pride of place in the affairs of .the Wekan?e Malay
mosque although they did not have a direct hand m the runnmg of the
mosque: The administration of the mosque was in the hands of the 'trustees'
who according to Islamic customary law must be elected from among the
permanent residents of the area in which the Ju'mah mosque was situated.
45
In the case of the Wekande Malay Mosque, the trusteeship consisted of five
such residents known as Muqims, headed by the official Khatib or Imam
mosque H The office of the Malay Khatib was hereditary and the family
of official priests of the Wekande mosque had inherited the legal
' . 86 47
ownership of the land and garden of the Wekande m I? .
The reason why the regiment group opposed this new appomtment IS
not certain. Even Alamat Langkapuri is silent on this salient point.
48
But it
was obvious that the regiment Malays were not prepared to follow the new
Jmam whose murky background
49
seems to have been the bone of
contention. .
Surprisingly, the civilian Malay groups threw their weight .behmd th.e
new Jmam of the Wekande Mosque whom the military men reJected. It IS
'ble that the trustees of the mosques were all civilians at the time, whose
possi ... h 'T
leader was the Khatib of this mosque by virtue of h1s electton. T e c.IVi tan
trustees seemed to have acted in unison in order to safeguard their own
interest over and above the regiment Malays who they alleged tended to
behave haughtily on such community issues. . .
A new action on the part of the regiment Malays comphcated the tssues
further and drove a permanent wedge between them the
Malays. The military people not only rejected Thaiban s
appointment, but went ahead electing their own lmam, this the
family ofBaharsso who officiated as Jmam of a smal.l situated m the
Java Lane area in Slave Island. This enraged the ctvihans wh? argued that
such high-handed and arbitrary action on the part of the reg.ment Malays
was a clear breach of custom. Until that time, the Malays of Kertel,
notwithstanding varying distinctions in status and ranks in life, had acted
128
Life in the Regiment
as one people in matters of religion in true Islamic spirit. 51 The civilians
and military groups alike followed one Imam, particularly during Friday
prayers. Therefore, when the military men and pensioners decided to instal
own lmam, it signified an important change in attitude, designed to
Isolate themselves and close their ranks from the common stream of the local
Malay society in Kertel.
The military men and pensioners did not stop at that; they decided to
the Mosque. As a result, the attendance in the mosque
declmed drastically, so much so during one Friday prayers, it was reported
that 40 men 5
2
participated in worship, the minimum required by
Shan a to h.old such congregational prayers.
53
Several people, both
ctvthans and pensiOners, who did not like to get involved in this tussle
between the regiment group and the civilians attempted to bring a
reconciliation but did not succeed. On the other hand, the cleavage between
these two groups had widened as time passed by as evident from a number
of letters written to Alamat Langkapuri by Malays of the area who were
concerned but did not know where they stood in this struggle. 54
The worst was yet to come. The soldiers and pensioners took a rather
unusual but drastic step by attending thejum'ah mosque of the Hanafi sect
situated in Pettah, Colombo. As far as they were concerned, it was the next
mosque for participating in the Friday prayers. But the
senousness of the decision will be understood if one realizes that the Malays
have been followers of the Sha.fi sect as most of the Sri Lanka Muslims. In
matters of congregational prayers, they would usually follow an Imam
?elonging their own sect, because the details of methods of prayer differ
m the practices followed by the four sects in Islam namely Sha.fi Hana.fi
Maliki and Hanbali. ' ' '
. Hana.fi followers in Sri Lanka at the time, consisted mostly of
Immigrants from India, especially from the North, for whose benefit the
Hana.fi Mosque in Pettah was built. This action enraged the civilians further,
who then threatened with relaliation by withdrawing burial rights for the
regiment Maiays in the Muslim burial ground adjoining the Wekande
Mosque premises.
.. may be pointed out that this feud between the regiment and the
civthan Malays never came to an end during the period under study. 55
There is also evidence to show that the tussle between those two groups
continued until about 1886 when a settlement seemed to have been worked
out to bring them together. 56
Faced with the need to have their own mosque where they could conduct
friday co?gregational prayers and avoid travelling far to attend mosques
situated outside the Kertel boundary, the pensioners decided to convert the
small Thakkiya
5 7
of Java Lane, into a full-fledged mosque. s 8
This reduced the importance of the former Wekande mosque as the
leading Malay mosque of Colombo. In fact, the vacuum thus created by
Life in the Regiment 129
the absence of the military men for prayers, had to be filled by the attendance
of other non Malay Muslims of the area which further eroded the Malay
character of the Wekande Mosque
59
although a Malay Imam continued to
lead prayers in this mosque.
Thus the 186g Wekande Mosque incident clearly demonstrates the
nature of the social relationship that existed until then between the
dichotomous groups of the free Malays and the regiment Malays. When
their lot was strong, the regimental Malays had always sat at the helm of
their community's affairs. But even when their strength declined, they still
sought to retain positions of dominance on grounds of an inherited pride of
affiliation to the r;egiment.
Postscript
The most interesting part of the story is that the pride of the regiment Malays
did not come to an end as a result of the disbandment of the regiment. Even
after they ceased to be soldiers, the military pensioners of the CRR still
behaved as though they were an exclusive group with their own 'class
interest'. This becomes evident from another mosque incident which took
place as late as 1912, in the former cantonment in Kandy.
The regiment pensioners in Kandy made exclusive claims to the Malay
Military Mosque in Bogambara, which they argued was originally built on
a land given for use of Malay soldiers by the previous CRR authorities.
60
But subsequent to the disbandment, there were no special arrangements by
which other Muslims of the area, especially the Malays of the civilian groups
could be stopped from attending this mosque. Legally, the pensioners had
no right to stop any Muslim from joining the congregational prayers, but
nevertheless they did not like to lose their dominant position in the running
of the mosque.
The matter came to a head when the right of trusteeship and
management of the Bogambara Malay mosque was passed on to one Atchao
Chunchic, a policeman by profession, who the pensioners alleged had
purloined the deed granted to the trustees and got it registered
under his name.
6 1
The military pensioners opposed this with vehemence
and agitated to take control bf the mosque which could then be used only
by the descendants of the former CRR soldiers. As illustration, it is worth
quoting verbatim the opening passage of another letter written by two ex-
army men on the same dispute.
With reference to our complaints regarding the dispute of the Bogambara Mosque, we have
the honour to submit that the mosque and its premise3 were dedicated by the Ceylon
Government to the Malays of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment - to use the same as their place of
worship and as it was used bi them and their descendants even after the disbandment
of the said regiment until the last dispute, and this mosque is not a private. property to be used
130 Life in the Regimmt
in common by the Mohammedans other than the men of the said regiment for the use of the
suiViving men of the regiment and their children.
62
The pensioners did not get back their right to administer the mosque
because the dispute had to be settled by a civil court, which was concerned
with only the legal aspects of the deed of possession. What the military
pensioners did not realise was that times had changed very much since the
glorious days of the CRR, and that no single group could claim exclusive
ownership rights over a mosque merely because they were the scions of the
regiment. Nevertheless, the pensioners were the last bastion of the
traditional Malay society symbolised in the institution of the CRR, and once
the last of them departed from this world, there came to end a most
remarkable era in the history of the Sri Lankan Malay community.
Notes
1/ This pattern continued even during the present century. e.g. the census figures for 1911
give the total number ofMalay population as 12,990 of which 6104 persons lived in Colombo
while the corresponding number for Kandy is 1775, followed by 1000 in Hambantota and 6oo
in Badulla Census qf Ceylon 1911 p. 14.
2/ Burghers are the descendants of the mixed of marriages of Portuguese and Dutch with the
local population. In 1971, nearly 75% of the total Malay population was concentrated in
Colombo, Kandy and Hambantota urban areas. A little less than 2/3 or 63.7 percent of the
Malays were found in Colombo district alone. (Census ofCeylon, 1971, Gmeral Report 1978, p. 86).
3/ Cf. A History q[Ceylon Rifles (Ms. Series) pp 47-50); S.L.N.A., 7/1535 C.S. to A.M.S. No.
563 of 22nd Dec, 1866.
4/ Ms. copy of a deed of gift dated 28th Aug, 1786 in the possession of Mrs. S. Pallie of
Colombo (A copy is also in my possession).
51 Referred to in AL I Ith July, I86g.
6/ e.g. The Moors as well as the descendants of the Indian Muslim Sepoys, often known as
Bengalis. The latter spoke Deccani a South Indian dialect ofUrdu language. The Malays call
them also as Chamangkarar derived from the Sinhala Hambankaraya the 'boatmen', also known
as 'coast' Moors.
7/ Referred in AL gthJan, 187o.
8/ S.L.N.A., 18/2633, Petition by Malay regiment pensioners to Government Agent, No. 36,
of 29th March, 1912.
9/ Military Commission Report of 1865, p. 36.
IO/ /bid, p. 34
11/ /bid, p. 35
12/ G.O. 19th July, 1825.
13/ G.O. 26th December 1835
14/ G.O. 34d November 1845
15/ G.O. 1St April I86I.
Life in the Regimmt
1JI
1
6J Among other matters, Lt. Col. Fletcher also out the of the
of soldiers as compared to others in civilian occupatiOns, e.g. Malays who JOmed the ciVIl pohce
department received a minimum pay of gd to 13d a day whereas the CRR soldier was paid
only 8d. He also argued that the pay of peons in other civil section of the government and
those in the estate sector was also comparatively better. (same as note 21 below).
I7/ Sessional Paper No. 20 of 1867, Major GeneralS. Hodgson to l<'ield Marshall H.R.H. the
Duke of Cambridge, 3oth Dec. 1865 enclosed in Duke of Buckingham and Chandos to S.
Robinson. (Enclosure in No. 6, 95 of 3th July 1867)
18/ Military Commission Report qf 1865, p. 36.
19/ Ibid.
20/ Ibid.
21
J S.L.N.A., 4/22, I. Fletcher's Memorandum 23rd Feb. 1835, enclosed in Glenely to
Horton, 88/I8th Jan. 1836.
22/ Military Commission Report of 1865, p. 35
23/ Ibid.
24/ Ibid.
25
/ Referring here to Kaffir soldiers who were employed in the clearing of jungles and laying
of roads.
2
6/ S.L.N.A.,
2
J5o, Minute by Major Thomas Skinner, Executive Council Proceedings, 27th Feb,
1861, see Ill.
27/ /bid
28/ Military Commission Report of 1865, p. 35
29/ G.O. of 3oth March 1837 had specified that the CRR soldiers can make their request to
retire after 20 years' of seiVice.
30/ Cf. Military Commission Report qf 1865. p. 36.
3
,/ Details of promotions and the dates are given i? W.O. 25/638 books,
description and succession books. In one instance, Kapltan Abu Sallay Lye first JOmed the
regiment on
1
6+1813, promoted to the rank of corporal on I6+I8I5, and as colour sergent
on
2
.1.I8Ig He retired from service on 2+1835 having risen to the highest rank ofSubedar.
32
/ Kadutam (Tamil Kaditam letter) Especially appointed registrars.from Moor
and Malay Communites maintained marriage records m which the details of bnde and
bridegrooms and their parents were given. Several Mss. of Kadutams in Malay have surfaced
to this. data which cover the years from 1833 to about 1910.
33
1 Today the prestige of Muslim weddings in Sri Lanka for instance is augmented by the
presence of government cabinet ministers etc!
34/ Baba Ounus Saldin's manuscript in Malay containing the events of his is ne": in
the possession ofhis grand son Mr. D. Darham Saldin Colombo. I am grateful to him for haVIng
allowed me to obtain several copies ofit, one of which is deposited in the University of Malaya
Library.
35
1 S.L.N.A., 2/50, Minute by Major Thomas Skinner, Executive Council Proceedings, 27th
Feb. i86I.
36/ G.O. 23rd Aug, 1825. . . .,.
These celebrations known to the Malays as the festival of'Asan Usen' more ongmally a Shiite
commemmorative festival designed to mourn the death as martyrs ofHasan and Hussain, the
two grand sons of the Prophet Muhammad at the battle field ofKarbala.
132 Life in the Regiment
37/ S.L.N.A., 18{2633, Petition to Government Agent, Central Province, No. 36, of 29th
March, 1912.
38/ Cf. Masjid AI Anwar a Sovenir published to mark hundred years of founding ofBadulla
Malay Mosque, 29th Sep. 1972. Also pamphlet issued by the Muslim Progressive Association
of the Kirinde Malay Mosque, I2thJuly, 1947 '
39/ The Ceylon Government Gazette, 31St May. 1802.
40{ "Ja a/ Wada haq a/ batilu", A Malay lithographed pamphlet written and printed by Ince
Abu Sallay Wahid, dated 2oth Aug, 1886 refers to the election ofMalay priests in Kandy and
Colombo. (A copy in possession of the writer).
41{ The Jubiles Book of the Malay Cricket Club, Colombo 1924 published to commemorate the
founding of the Colombo Malay Cricket Club is an excellent document on the history of the
game of cricket as practised among the Malays.
42{ Ms. Ounus Saldins's Note Book if Personal and Fami{y events mentions that he himself owned
the largest billiard room in Slave Island in 1 87os.
43/ Interview with late Mr. Ossen Greasy Oct. 1974 and several others confirmed the skills
of Malay workmen in these fields. See also Christie, David 1958 "The Cane Workers of
Ceylon," Ceylon Today, 7(1).
44/ The names of these Colombo Jum'ah mosques are mentioned in AL 9th Jan. I87o.
45/ I am grateful to Mr.Justice A.M.M. Abdul Cader, a retired Judge of the Court of Appeal
in Sri Lanka for this information.
46{ Copy of a translation of deed written in Dutch and attested by D.G. lkebecke on 28th
August 1786. Now in the possession ofTuan Shamsudin Rahim of No. 53, 5th Lane, Colombo
3
4 7/ Especially see the following numbers of AI on this dispute, 27th Sep. 1869, 17th Oct. 1 86g,
12th Dec. 1869, 23rdjan, 1870 6th Feb. 187o, 6th March, 187o.
48/ AL, 3rd October 1869
49/ According to a handwritten note at the back of a typescript document, showing the
lineage of Sabu Latif, the original 'priest' of Wekande mosque, Guru Thaiban Latif who
became priest in 1869, had no lineal connection with Sabu Latifand had been a grave digger,
later became a Muazzin (a person who calls Muslims for prayers). I am grateful to late M.D.
Latif, who gave this note to me. The original genealogy ofSabu Latifs descendants appeared
in the obituary appreciation in Ceylon Independent of 14th March, 1931, written on the occasion
of the death of Khatib Haji Buhari Noordeen Latif, then 'priest' of Wekande mosque.
50{ This election is mentioned in AL, 5th September 186g.
51 f In principle, Muslims are urged to be the followers of Ummat, the 'followers' of the Prophet
Muhammad. In matters of common interest, Muslims are expected to follow a leader, and
in Kertel the religious leadership had always been in the hands of the Imam of the Wekande
Mosque. A breach of this tradition must have irked common Muslims in the area.
52{ Letter written by Muhammad Safi ibn mas Lorong to Editor, AL 31, Oct, 1869. Another
letter published in AL 28, Nov. 1869 mentioned that only 36 worshippers attended the mosque
on previon Friday, and among them were 11 aliens, and 10 wayfarers.
53/ The most important condition to hold Friday prayers is that at least 40 residents of the
area must participate in the congregation. Else it has to be followed by the usual Luhar, midday
prayers.
54{ See the letter written by Abdul Rahman Awang which appeared in AL 12th Dec. 1869
and other letters which appeared in AL 23rdJan, 187o, 6th Feb. 187o and 6th March 187o.
Life in the Regiment
133
55{ AL. 6th Feb. 187o.
6{ The Sri Lankan Tamil-Muslim daily newspaper, The Muslim .Neisan dated 23rd

1
886 refers to this settlement, which further urges the 'divided' Moors of Colombo
to join hands following the example of the Island Malays: Muslim 4th Nov,
!886 published a letter from a Malay emigre m Penang expressmgjoy at the umon of the two
Malay factions.
57
1 Takyah, (Arabic word for pillow in the literary sense) .is a monastery ofSufi
Among Sri Lankan Muslims it is used to denote a small v1llage mosque where the Fnday
congregational prayers cannot be held. Certain conditions are needed to start aJum'ah
mosque, among which was to have atleast 40 residents to attend the prayers, and not be m close
proximity to another Jum'ah mosque and so on.
5
a{ I am grateful to Mr. T.M. Mashood, Honorary Colombo,
for supplying these details from the letter books and mmutes kept m the Among
a copy of the notarial deed dated 5th August 1879 signed by one E.h. Pnns, Notary Pubhc,
mentions that the Java Lane Mosque was henceforth to be known as Masjidul Jamiyah, and that
Baba Ounus Saldin will act as one of the trustees.
59
1 It is interesting to find that, the Java Lane Mosque referred only as Malay Mosque and
the older one as merely Wekande Mosque in a printed notice, calling Malays to attend a mass
meeting on Ilth December 1927. (The document is in my possession). Moreover the first
signatory in this document was the then priest ofMalay Mosque B.B. Bahar, and followed next
by Haji B.N, Latif ofWekande Mosque. This shows that in the early part of the present century
the Java Lane Mosque had taken precedence over the old traditional Malay Mosque of
Wekande.
6of S.L.N.A.,
1
8{2633, Petition to government agent, Central province No. 36 of 29th March,
1912.
61{ Ibid.
6
2
/ S.L.N.A.,
1
8{2633, Petition to Government Agent, province, by Messrs Z.A.
Jaladin and S.A. Pakeeran, 22nd August, 1912.
CHAPTER 8
Literary Activities in the Regiment
One the. fascinating aspects of the Malay Regiment is the interest and
shown by its soldiers to literary matters. In the colonial days,
were perhaps the last people to be associated with the noble pastime
literature. The very nature of their service seldom gave them sufficient
letsu.re to develop such interests. Moreover, literacy was not a qualification
emphasise? in the recruitment of soldiers, especially in the
nati.ve regtmenO:. Studtes conducted on colonial military regiments of the
sub-contment during the British rule have rarely been devoted to
dtscusstons on literary life of soldiers. As might be expected, colonial
records, on most of these studies are based, hardly contain literary
documents whtch belonged to the native soldiers.
It is indeed arguable that, but for the fortuitous discovery of an hitherto
unknown corpus indigenous Malay literary and religious texts, a large
number ofhand-wntten manuscripts, lithographically printed booklets and
newspapers, our perception and understanding of the Malay soldiery would
been much different. Probably the stereotyped image of a colonial
and known more for his 'brawny' character than
bramy dtsposthon would have persisted.
. The fact that Malay community, let alone the soldiers, once possessed
a literature of the1r own has not been widely known. Until a decade ago
very few of its members had any knowledge about the literary activities of
forefathers. This is partly because the Malay language in Sri Lanka
no in writing either in its original Arabic-Jawi script or
m Romamzed scnpt commonly used in Malaysia and Indonesia. The
of the Malay too declined to a point, far too low to serve
as for IIt:rary expression. The the present day Malays, with very
exceptiOns, read nor write Malay, and under such circumstances
It IS n?t s.urpnsmg that they are unfamiliar with their literary past
(Hussammiya 1978).
The that the Sri Lanka Malay was literarily arid has been
reversed m IIgh.t of the recent discovery ofMalay texts referred to above.
Several famdies with a distinctive regimental heritage had taken care to
preserve these texts as family pusakas or heirlooms without knowing much
about their content or value. Almost all of them are written in classical
Malay and in the J awi script.
1
Since the J awi script is basically the Arabic
Literary Activities 135
script in which the Quran and religious texts of Muslims are written, the
owners of the manuscripts in most cases attached sacral value to these, which
partly explains why these Malay texts could survive for so long.
So far, over 100 manuscripts and locally printed texts have been found.
2
Their contents are of a wide-ranging nature. The corpus includes literary
texts, religious Kitabs, books on magic, sorcery and divination, catechism
and prayer, family trees and, personal memoirs.
Almost all these texts were either copied or written in the 19th century.
It appears that literary activities reached their zenith in the latter half of
the 19th century as more than seventy five percent of the manuscripts are
datable to this period. The early 20th-century manuscripts are scarce. This
indicates that the most important phase of Malay literary activities in the
island had declined by the end of the 19th century. The period of activity
appears to be linked to the existence of the regiment, and once it was
disbanded, the last vestige of a written cultural tradition in the community
seems to have disappeared; Could this be a mere coincidence? Or was there
a definite relationship between the practice ofliterature and the functioning
of the regiment? Or was it that the literature was in any case destined to
be lost as it happened in the case of several other cultural practices of the
Malays?
3
This chapter is an attempt to answer such questions. In this
regard defining the characteristics of Sri Lankan Malay literature and
probing its beginnings at the outset will be of importance.
It will be convenient to discuss the Malay literature of Sri Lanka under
two headings: the classical Malay texts and indigenous literature. The first
category includes all those classical Malay texts which are common to the
traditional Malay literature of the Malay Peninsula and the Indonesian
archipelago. These texts include 'literary' Hikayats
4
and Syairs
5
as well as
the religious Kitabs
6
and miscellaneous items on magic, incantations and so
on. To the second category belong all other works which are indigenous,
i.e. written originally by the members of the Sri Lanka Malay community.
In their content and literary style, the indigenous Malay writings retain
features of the classical Malay literary tradition.
The greater part of the Malay texts, (nearly ninety percent of the
material) discovered in Sri Lanka, belongs to the first category, i.e. Malay
'classical' texts common to the Malay and Indonesian speaking countries.
Fortunately, despite the general lack of care and concern by latter-day
Malays to preserve the literary texts copied by their forefathers, enough of
these have survived to enable us to gain an insight into the type of literary
material that interested the members of the local Malay community.
However we cannot be sure of the amount of material that may have been
lost to posterity.
The major titles of classical Malay hikayats and .ryairs discovered in the
island since 1975 are given below:
r.J(i
Hikayats
I. Hikayat Seri Rama
2.
Hikayat Amir Hamzah
3 Hikayat Muhammad
Hanafiyyah
4 Hikayat Ahmad Muhammad
5 Hikayat Si Miskin
6.
Hikayat Syahi Mardan
7 Hikayat Inderaputera
8.
Hikayat Isma Yatim
g.
Hikayat Kobad Syah Ariffin
IO.
Hikayat Indera Quraisy
I I.
Hikayat Raden Bagus Gusti
Syairs
I Syair Ken Tambuhan
2. Syair Bidasari
3 Syair Jauhar Manikam
4 Syair Sultan Abdul Muluk
5 Syair Kisah Sultan Uthman
Syah Syarif
Religious Texts
I Hidayat al-Salikin
2. Miftah al-Jannah
3 Sakarat al-Maut
4 Hujjat al-Balighah
5 Kitab al-Nikah
12.
I3.
I4.
I5.
I6.
I7.
I8.
I g.
20.
21.
22.
Literary Activities
Hikayat Nabi Muhammad
Hikayat Mikraj Nabi
Muhammad
Hikayat Nabi Bercukur
Hikayat Nabi Perang Khaibar
Hikayat Nabi Pulang ke
Rahmatullah
Kisas al-Anbia
Hikayat Ali Kahwin
Munajat Musa
Hikayat Abu Samah
Hikayat Ibrahim ibn Adham
Hikayat Derma Tahsiyah
Syair Burung Merpati
Syair Ma'rifat
6.
7
8. Syair Ibadat
g. Syair Kiyamat
6. Kitab al-Faraid
7 Masail al Muhtadi li Ikhwan
al Mubtadi
8. Hikayat Iblis
g. Bustan al-Salatin
(Volume I)
10. Sirat al-Mustakim
to these, several mss. dealing with traditional Mala
mledibcme, Incantation, magic, sorcery and other miscellaneous subjects
a so een found).
Literary Texts
In dealing strictly 'literary' type of Malay classics, one finds that
the texts co?tammg the epics, romances, legends and other tales which were
l,lSUally denved from foreign sources such as Indian Arab
1
'c Pe d
J h , rs1an an
avanese, ave had much popular appeal among the local Malays
A;:.hough the texts are not many, they are sufficient to show that the
o Iterary concern of the local Malay community was much the same as that
Literary Activities 137
of other Malays. Secular types of literary classics as well as the stories and
legends with a distinctly Islamic character equally aroused their interest.
The authors of these texts were fascinated by fabulous stories in which
superhuman heroes activated by dreams and omens, wander through the
world, encountering at every step seemingly invincible monsters, unsolvable
enigmas and unapproachable princesses. The Malays obviously found
reading or listening to the hikayats of Indera Putera, Ahmad & Muhammad and
Si Miskin both entertaining and edifying. The heroic exploits of the Hindu
hero Seri Rama kindled their imagination as much as the bravery of the
celebrated Islamic warriors Amir Hamzah and Muhamad Hanafiyyah.
Among the strictly religious type of legends, the 'Anbiya' texts (stories
dealing with the Prophets oflslam) provided valuable and edifYing reading
material to the pious Malays. Sunan Giri alias Tuan Raden Bagus Gusti,
whose exploits are narrated in the Hikayat Raden Bagus Gusti had been a
venerated figure in their homes. Their religious beliefs received much
strength by the reading of stories related to the life of the Prophet
Muhammad, his ascension to heaven, his miraculous cleavage of the moon
and the shaving of his head.
Most of the Malay classical literary texts listed above are familiar to the
scholars of traditional Malay literature. Several of them have already been
edited and published and possibly some of the manuscripts recently
discovered can be traced directly or indirectly to the versions in printed
editions of such famous Malay classics as Hikayat Sri Rama, Hikayat lbrahim
Ibn Adham, Syair Sultan Abdul Muluk, etc. Other manuscripts contain versions
of Malay classics which would seem to be inferior to those already known,
although the relative merits and the importance of each and every Malay
classical literary text found in Sri Lanka must be worked out after intensive
study and comparison with versions deposited in collections of Malay
manuscripts in the other countries.
Among the classical Malay literary texts found in the island, there are
two works which seem to need our special attention because their Malay
models have hitherto not been traceable elsewhere, even though it is
suspected that these texts were, like the other classical texts found in the
island, brought to Sri Lanka from outside. One of these texts bears the title
Hikayat Raden Bagus Gusti. It deals, in the usual legendary fashion, with the
life and career of Sunan Giri, who was considered to be one of the Walis
(Apostles oflslam) who are credited with having spread the religion oflslam
in the Indonesian islands. It is true that there also exists another Malay work
dealing with the life of Sunan Giri, which is in the form of an interlinear
translation of aJ avanese text but this is clearly not the same as our Hikayat.
7
The Sri Lanka text must therefore be regarded as unique.
The legend of Sunan Giri seems to have been very popular among the
Sri Lankan Malays. When interviewed some elderly Malays recalled that
this hikayat had been reCited in their homes in the early part of the century.
8
Literary Activities
It is not certain for how long this story been known among the local
community in the past. Possibly the early settlers from Batavia, Semarang
and other Pasisir (north coast) cities in Java, brought with them elements
of the Sunan Giri legend current in those regions.
The other Malay hikayat peculiar to Sri Lanka bears the title Hikayat
lndera Kuraisy. No similar work appears to exist outside the island. This
hikayat can be described as a usual Malay romance in which the hero lndera
Kuraisy sets out from the country of Sarmadan to win the heart of (an
unapproachable) princess from heaven (lndera Kayangan), and before he
is united with his bride, he faces many obstacles and enemies, only to emerge
victorious.
Religious Texts
Religious kitabs form another important part of the literature of the Sri
Lankan Malays. The type of religious classics which are partly literary, i.e.
Hikayat Amir Ham;:.ah, and Hikayat Muhammad Hanaftyyah to which reference
has already been made, had a wide and popular appeal. In contrast, it can
be said that the religious texts dealing with Islamic law, theology and
jurisprudence were generally meant to be read by specialists or Ulama gropp
(religious teachers). Particular reference can be made to people like Baba
Ounus Saldin
9
, Baba YunusJurangpati,
10
and lnce Salay Wahid
11
whose
advice on matters of religion were sought by the community. Moreover,
there was a group ofMalay religious officials, referred to as 'Malay Priests'
by the Malays of older generations who officiated at the Malay mosques and
administered community functions such as marriages, births, deaths etc.,
and who were specialists in religious knowledge based on the Malay/Islamic
religious treatises. It is noteworthy that a relatively large number of
Malay/lslamic treatises were recovered from the collections preserved by the
descendants of these religious officials.'
2
Among the religious manuscripts are various Kitabs devoted to the
fundamental aspects of the Islamic faith and its rituals, e.g. the popular
religious text of Nur-al-din al Raniri's Sirat-al-Mustakim, which discusses
such topics as Muslim dress, ablutions, cleaning of teeth, defilements, prayer,
burial, fasting, and so on. Another manuscript of this class is Abd-al-Samad
al Palembani's Hidayat-al-Salikin, a translation of Imam Ghazali's Bidayat-
al-Hidayah, which deals with orthodox beliefs, religious duties, sins and
virtues, dhikr (love of God), etc. In addition one finds a number of small
religious tracts on orthodox Islamic belief and practice, most of which bear
any title. These are to be found in the Primbon (miscellany) type religious
manuscripts copied by local scribes. One of these kitabs, entitled Sarahu
Sittin, which has an Arabic text with Malay interlinear transiation and deals
with basic principles of the creed, is not mentioned in the catalogues of
Malay manuscripts, although a Javanese version of this text is known to
exist.
13
Literary Activities
139
Apart from the texts cited above, there are a number of famous
Malay tracts, also found in Sri Lanka, which discuss theology.
Mention must be made ofBook One ofNur-al-Din al Ramn s magnum opus
Bustan-al-Salatin, which has a detailed exposition of the creation ofheaven,
hell and earth. Other texts found include Sifat Dua Puluh, which is devoted
to a discussion of the twenty attributes ofGod; and Miftah-al-Jannat, based
011
Al-Sanusi's Urn al Barahin which contains a doctrinal exposition of
Muslim faith. In addition, works dealing with eschatological aspects of
Islam were also popular among the Sri Lanka Malays for example, Syaikh
Abd-al-Raufs Sakarat-al-Maut.
As regards the Islamic legal texts in the. have
been found in Sri Lanka: Hqjjat-al-Baligha, deahng wtth law smts, evidence,
and perjury: Kitab al-Nikah, which is devoted to the
in Islam and Kitab al-Fara'id, dealing with the Islamic laws ofmhentance.
Side' by side with their interest in orthodox-legalistic religious works
belonging to Sunni Islam, the Malays of Sri Lanka hlive also had a
preoccupation with the mystical aspects of religion. !he texts
emphasised the observance of Sharia' as an external gmde to hfe, the
texts on Sufism urged Malays to engage in time-honoured speculatiOn on
man and his place in the universe. The quest for ma'rijat or gnosis was a
strong instinct among the members of the as it among their
counterparts in the Malay/Indonesian areas. It IS not surpnsmg therefore,
to find that a majority of the religious tracts in Malay read by the local
Malays were devoted to some aspects of Sufism (Islamic .
The source, origin and authorship of a numbe.r
locally are not easy to determine, as they are con tamed m manuscnpts whtch
usually consist of miscellaneous collection of tracts one after t?e
other, without any reference to titles or their authorship. Because of this,
it is difficult to sort out these mystical writings and assign them to any
particular school ofSufism practised in the Malay world. However, reading
through these texts, one gets the impression that they belong to a more
traditional or orthodox type of Malay Sufism, such as that advocated by
teachers like Syaikh 'Abd-al-Rauf of Singkel. Shattariya school of
mysticism, which was popularised by him in Malay peninsula and the
Indonesian archipelago, seems to have been particularly popular among
local Malays, judging by a number of Shattariya tracts on Sufism found m
Sri Lanka.
On the whole the Malay mystical writings found in Sri Lanka do not
appear to the age-old conflict between pantheistic. and
sufistic ideas, which polarised the Malay Sufi thinkers particularly dun?g
the late
1
6th and 17th centuries. This is also evident from the fact that,
the writings of the orthodox religious preachers the _mentiOned
Syaikh 'Abd-al Rauf and Nur al-Din al-Ranm are famthar to the
community, none of the works which are ascribable to either Hamzah
I1fJ Literary Activities
Fansuri or Syams al-Din al-Pasai, who are generally believed to have
preached a heretic, pantheistic type of mysticism in Malay coutries, have
been discovered in Sri Lanka.
One of the noteworthy features ofMalay literature in Sri Lanka is that,
while a variety of Malay classical texts were known to the local Malays,
certain other types of Malay classics seem to be almost totally absent from
their literature. Particularly noticeable is the absence of manuscripts
dealing with dynastic and historical chronicles such as Sejarah Melayu,
Hikayat Acheh Also missing are regional Malay digests of law like Undang-
Undang Melaka and Undang-Undang Pahang.
The absence of the manifestly dynastic Malay chronicles in Sri Lanka,
may be understood as an indication of the community's lack of interest in
the history of distant Malay regions. The Malay court chronicles, which
and elaborately detailed the history of the Malay ruling class, had
httle appeal to this community, because its cultural or social life never
centered around a Malay ruling aristocracy, or a Malay ruler. A further
question may be raised as to whether such dynastic chronicles of Malay
courts were as readily available to the members of this community as other
kinds of manuscripts containing popular literary and religious works. Before
the advent of the printing press, the manuscripts containing chronicles of the
court were usually in the exclusive possession ofMalay aristocratic and noble
families. It is doubtful that such texts were easily accessible to local Malays.
Indigenous Literature
Literary activity among the Sri Lankan Malay community was not merely
confined to a 'reproductive' literature alone; also had their own
contributions to make in the field of classical Malay literature, although it
must be admitted that the indigenous creative writings are relatively few
among the manuscripts found recently. Most of the extant copies of
manuscripts containing these indigenous writings can be ascribed to the I gth
century while there are a few amateur attempts made to compose pantuns
and .ryairs during the early part of the present century.
Syair writing was perhaps the most notable literary activity of the
Malays. This was in keeping with the current fashion in other regions of
the Malay-speaking world. For instance, based on her own familiarity with
the literary movement ofPenyengat (an island south ofSingapore, presently
part of Indonesia), Virginia Matheson ( Ig8g, 7) remarked that the Igth
century was a period of the great blossoming of .ryairs. The activities of the
Sri 'Lanka Malays, too, substantiate her contention that .ryair writing was a
product of universal and contagious interest which seems to have been the
only form of creative literary expression available to the then aspiring
writers.
Literary Activities
Apart from a multitude of untitled .ryairs dealing with religion and
exhortation composed by unknown writers, found in a number of
manuscripts, as well as several short poems published in Sri Lankan Malay
newspaper Alamat Langkapuri, indigenous creative writings worthy of note
are listed below:
Syair Kisah (nya) Khabar Orang Wolenter Bengali. This was written
by a free Malay named Boreham (Burhan ibn Kapitan Lai of the Ceylon
Malay Regiment) in I82o. It describes, in about go verses, an armed
skirmish between the Malay soldiers of the Ceylon Malay Regiment and the
Bengali soldiers of 2oth Bangali Infantry Volunteer Battalion (then
stationed in Ceylon) on New Year's day in the year I8rg. The only
manuscript in which this .ryair is written seems to have been copied towards
the end of the I gth century by a policeman, lnce Anum ibn Kapitan Husain
bin Wirabangsa. (Weerabangsa)
Syair Bida 'at ai-ls lam This is an exhortative poem which condemns
many modern deviant practices in the obeservance oflslam. Its author was
one Pangeran Sepali, a local Malay. Judging by the fairly large number
and provenance of manuscripts containing this text, it appears that this .ryair
had been very popular in the community. It must have been written around
the middle of the Igth century.
Syair al- Wujud walllmu Suluk Its author was lnce Abu Salay Wahid.
His .ryair, printed by lithograph in Colombo, deals with mystical aspects of
religion. The date of this .ryair is I885.
Syair Syaikh Fadlun This .ryair can be described as a romance-epic,
which narrates the story of a pious Muslim, Syaikh Fadlun, who lived during
the period of the reign of Caliph Omar in Arabia. It describes how Syaikh
Fadlun was falsely implicated by a woman called Kinanat as having
committed adultery with her, but was later exonerated through a miracle
because of the strength of his piety. The story, originally in Arabic, later
seems to have been adapted by Muslim communities in many Asian
countries. The Sri Lankan Mal ay version itself was adapted from a South
Indian Malayalam text. So far, three mss. of this text have been found in
Kandy, Sri Lanka.
A Commemorative Syair on the Golden jubilee of the Accession to
the Throne of Queen Victoria, x887 This is a short poem of praise,
composed in Kandy by Ince YusufJailani ibnJurangpati, a leading literary
figure in Kandy in late rgth century. Queen Victoria's Golden Jubilee
celebration was conducted with much pomp and ceremony in Sri Lanka,
during the Governorship of the Hon. Sir Arthur H. Gordon (I 88g-go), to
whom this poem is dedicated.
Syair Faid a.l Abad This is a lithographed publication of rgoo, written
and printed by Baba Ounus Saldin. It deals with miscellaneous subjects
144 Literary Activities
Although it has been suggested that some form of Malay or Javanese
literature had existed in Sri Lanka before the I gth century, it is fairly certain
that literary activity could not have been widespread in the community in
the early phase. A nascent community of Malays in a foreign land could
hardly be expected to plunge into a cultivation of the literary arts. It may
have taken a few generations for a small minority community to settle down
and take roots in a foreign island, as well as equip itself with the necessary
instituti,onal framework for education and social recreation, before engaging
in developing its own literature.
The Igth century, particularly its second half, witnessed the peak of
Malay literature in Sri Lanka. A major part of the literary activity was the
copying down of classical Malay texts, which were available both locally and
overseas. More than 95 percent of the Mal ay manuscripts discovered in the
island were found to have been copied during this period.
The explanation of this concentration ofliterary endeavour in this period
lies very much in the support extended by the Regiment directly and
indirectly, which allowed the community to continue and prolong its written
literary traditions. The social background of the literature clearly indicates
its principal clientele and promoters were people who were connected in one
way or another with the Regiment. Most manuscripts were discovered to
be in the possession of descendants of the soldiers. Moreover, ownership
marks in the manuscripts give names of the soldiers, who also figure
prominently as the copyists of these manuscripts. The other notable group
of manuscript copyists and owners as mentioned before were the so called
Malay 'priests' who looked after the religious and spiritual needs of the
soldiers.
Literature is essentially a function of the literati. The Regiment had a
compulsory arrangement to teach the Malay soldiers and their children,
their own vernacular tongue in the written Jawi script as described earlier.
The. traditional Malay literature, not only in Sri Lanka but everywhere in
the Malay speaking world, was written almost entirely in the Jawi script.
The community later lacked the means or need to perpetuate the learning
of the Jawi script on the same scale as was available in the Regiment.
The important question is whether the community could have
perpetuated their literary tradition on their own without the external
support of the regimental school system. The case of South African Malays
is a good example for comparison. Scholars have hinted at the presumed
existence of written Malay texts among them in the pre- I gth century period.
(Mason, I86I, 6g) But, to date, not a single Malay text has been found in
that area. It seems obvious that their indigenous literature had vanished
by the early Igth century, their spoken language following suit. Cut off from
their roots of civilization, and without any external support, the South
African Malays could not maintain their traditions in an alien land.
Literary Activities
145
The Sri Lankan Malays, on the other hand, escaped this fate. Their
written literature continued to thrive for almost a century after the South
African Malays had lost theirs. However, consequent to the disbandment
of the Regiment and the closing down of the regimental school, the Sri
Lankan Malays also faced the same crisis as the South African Malays.
The Regiment also served as a bridge betw.een the Malays of Sri Lanka
and Malay centres in the East, by ensuring a two-way movement of people,
ideas, and literary material between them. The soldiers had opportunities
to travel to the Malay peninsula on military assignments. Until the first part
of the Igth century, Malay soldiers could travel to the Straits Settlements
on recruitment service. Parties of Malays as we have seen earlier had been
stationed in places like Penang and Singapore for considerable length of
time, at times even two to three years on one assignment.
1 5
William Roff
(I g67, 46) has shown, Singapore was emerging as the important literary
centre of the Malay world in the Igth century. Some soldiers sent on duty
there took special care to collect Malay texts to be brought home. Little is
known in detail as to how they obtained manuscripts whether they bought
them or received them as gifts from their fellow soldiers from abroad. When
they could not acquire original manuscripts available in Singapore, some
soldiers spent their time usefully, possibly while on off duty, making copies
of them. For instance, a soldier called Subedar Salimuddin from Sri Lanka,
in charge of the recruiting party in Singapore in I843, brought home a
manuscript containing three famous Malay hikayats namely Hikayat
Jnderaputera, Hikayat Isma Tatim and Hikayat Ahmad Muhammad, all of which
were copied by himself from a manuscript made available to him in
Kampung Gelam, a most important Malay enclave in Singapore. Similarly,
Kapitan Husain, who was sent on garrison duty to Hongkong in I847,
appears to have gathered several Malay texts in the region to be brought
back home. Also, a copy of the famous Malay Anbrya text, Kisas al Anbrya,
of foreign origin bears the inscription ofKapitan Sumarie of the Ceylon Rifle
Regiment, who was sent on garrison duty to Labuan in I86g.
Besides the manuscripts, Malay books printed abroad also reached the
island, largely through the individual efforts ofBaba Ounus Saldin, an ex-
soldier. His Alamat Langkapuri, regularly advertised books imported from
Singapore, such as Jawahir al-Ghulum, a religious text and kitab Panglima
Napolian (a Malay biography ofN apoleon Bonaparte). Saldin also imported
and distributed latest publications in English dealing with Malay grammar
and dictionaries.
1 7
It appears that there were other arrangements
supported by military authorities, to import Malay books literary works and
religious texts for use among their soldiers. Some of these texts were
deposited in the Ceylon Rifle Regiment Recreational Library, the evidence
for which comes from a sole surviving lithographed text dealing with the
ethics of sale in Islam and printed in Singapore.
18
Presumably, some of these
Malay texts could have been used by army school masters in their teaching
Literary Activities
of language in the regimental schools. By helping the
soldiers to run then own recreation room, which also served as a repository
of books, the Regiment can be given the credit for establishing the first
Malay library of its kind in the Malay world.
With regard to the provenance of Malay texts that have been found so
far, it appears that the literary activity of the community were confined to
two principal towns in the island, namely Colombo and Kandy. In
Colombo, almost all the manuscripts are known to have been copied or
written in the suburb of Kertel. The Malays, however, were not confined
only to the suburbs. Civilian Malays were scattered in other Muslim-
majority areas such as New Bazaar, Maligawatte, Wolfendhal Street, not
far from Kertel. Nevertheless, due to the density of the Malay population,
and as the home of the military Malays, Kertel or Slave Island a suburb
in became the centre of Malay literary ac;ivity. The
ear hest ( datable) attempt m composing truly local .ryair, was written in the
area, and it had as its theme a fierce street battle which broke out on the
Ist of January between the Malay soldiers of the Ist Ceylon Regiment
and the sepoys of the 2oth Bengal native infantry, who were
stationed in Kertel, close to the Malay line houses. (Edited by
Hussamm1ya, I987) Ounus Saldin's first newspaper, Alamat Langkapuri,
seems to have had the largest circulation in the area, and one of the readers
once mentioned in the Letters to the Editor column that the content of the
newspapers were the subject of discussion in the backyards ofMalay houses
in Kertel.
1 9
Since the Malay traditional literary form of hikayats or stories were not
only meant to be read, but to be recited to an audience this kind ofliterary
activity could take place in any area where could be easily
assembled. Kertel was such a place. Once the Regiment was disbanded,
the togetherness and cohesion in the community was affected partly because
the Malays, especially the literati, moved away to other areas in search of
alternative occupations and means of livelihood.
Kandy ranked as the other favourite centre for Malay literary activity.
Kampunlf Katukelle, and Kampung Pensen are mentioned frequently as places
of copymg the manuscripts originated in Kandy. The former was close to
the quarters of the Regiment, where the descendants and relatives of the
soldiers had their h?mes, while the latter, as its name suggests, was inhabited
by the retired It appears that the regimental mosque,
Situated close to the soldiers quarters in the Bogambara hill served as a
meeting place of the Malays in Kandy. Few have been
recovered from the descendants of the key officials of the regimental mosque
in Bogambara.
20
With. the of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment in I873, the
lost Its prmc1pal for the continuation of its literary
tradition. The effects of the disbandment became manifest within three
l
I
I
!
j
Literary Activities 1
47
decades. Between I 870- I 900, the continued literary activity resulted largely
from the initiative of the retired soldiers. In Colombo and Kandy, it was
this group of people who had the urge to copy and read manuscripts and
to exchange them among their colleagues. It became inevitable, therefore,
that when the retired soldiers, reached old age, and their generation slowly
passed away, the literature too faded away.
In the new occupations such as police, prisons and estate services which
accommodated a relatively large number of the working Malay population,
there was little need to continue education in Malay. In order to be
successful in the new careers, the Malays had to learn English and/or one
of the local languages, either Sinhala or Tamil. The community leaders
were concerned about the backwardness of their community, since the
Malay children lacked educational skills even to enter lower echelons -of
colonial government service. Through the efforts of some concerned Malays,
speCial-night schools were set up on a voluntary basis in places like Kertel
to help Malay children to prepare for junior level examinations to enter
government and mercantile service. A generation of young Malays who
received their education in English in the regimental schools had little
difficulty in finding employment in government and mercantile sectors, at
the time of disbandment. But this new generation ofMalays had hardly the
time or means to pursue the literary interests of their elders.
In the period which followed the disbandment of the C.R.R., the
traditional Malay elite consisting largely of the retired soldiers were the
principal protagonists as well as the beneficiaries of the Malay literary
movement in Sri Lanka. They entertained themselves by engaging their
days of retirement in reading, copying or writing the Malay religious and
literary texts. Also they encouraged their more talented colleagues like Baba
Ounus Saldin to write traditional poems and booklets for language
instruction for the benefit and guidance of the younger generation.
21
The
traditional elite had a special reason to worry at a time of rising political and
social turmoil at the end of the I 9th century as the principal communities,
of the Sinhalese, the Tamils and the Moors were entering a period of cultural
revivalism.
In this context, the older generation, very much concerned about their
future, began re-examining their status as a local community vis-a-vis the
indigenous people, and above all with a view towards preserving their ethnic
identity.
Consequently, it is to their literature and language that the Malays
turned as one of the last remnants of their cultural heritage. Literature and
language have a peculiarly intimate relationships with cultural identity,
both as expressive vehicles for the beliefs, values and sentiments of a society
for its innermost spirit, and as a means of self-recognition. As William Roff
(I 977, 46) has observed, " ... in Malaysia, one of the first signs of a conscious
ethnicity ignoring local political boundaries was a concern for the nurture
Literary Activities
of the language as a symbol and expression of the group." This was no less
true in the case of the Sri Lankan Malay community whose enthusiasm in
literary activity then has to be largely interpreted against this cultural-
nationalist background in late Igth century.
Viewed in this light, the Malay literary movement in Sri Lanka shares
a few features with similar developments in colonial cities like Singapore,
Penang and Jakarta of late 19th century. Deriving its stimulus from the
activities of colonial governments, the desire to develop one's vernacular
literature arose as a challenge to assert the indigenous culture against the
domination of alien values. In Singapore, for example, in addition to normal
literary activities, there had been a spate of lithographed publications in
Malay (together with some Arabic and regional languages), while interest
in copying classical Malay manuscripts and writing traditional Malay Syairs
was also pursued with much enthusiasm.
Likewise, in Sri Lanka, apart from the individual interest in the study
and copying of manuscripts by the literati, publishing activities by hand-
lithograph machines also made their appearance. Religious booklets seem
to have been particularly in demand, while Baba Ounus Saldin, described
once as the prices princeps (See Appendix IV) among the local lithographers,
had brought out a couple of booklets on Syairs and a Malay grammar.
The comparison between Singapore and Colombo in Sri Lanka as
regards the development of the traditional Malay literature, however,
cannot be pressed too far. While SingaporefMalacca literature was entering
a period of'a transitional Malay literature', a term coined by Cyril Skinner
(Skinner 1982, 466), because new forms of prose writings were coming into
existence for the first time following the writing of Ahmed Rijaluddin and
Abdul Kadir Munshi's autobiography, the Sri Lanka Malay literature can
be said to have entered its final and dying phase. Its last phase can even
be described as a flikscering flame burning brightly before being finally put
out.
Even the themes dealt with in the few locally written Malay works such
as Syair Ibadat and Syair Bida'at Islam illustrate well the mood of late
nineteenth - century Malay literati. Since many of them had reached an
advanced age by that time, their concern was chiefly with preparation for
Akhirat or the next world where they could enjoy the peace and solitude of
heaven. These works emphasised the good deeds to be performed in this
world by reminding them of the certainty of oncoming death. Not
surprisingly, Syair on the theme of eschatology proliferated during this
period; their ratio to the literary Syairs is almost ten to one. Syairs on
eschatological themes have been discovered in almost every collection of
manuscripts belonging to families or individuals.
Besides the works originally written in Sri Lanka, lithographed Syairs on
the theme of Hari Qiyamat (the day of the final judgement) imported from
places like Singapore were also in demand in Sri Lanka during this period.
Literary Activities
149
If at all, this trend indicates that Sri Lankan Malay literature in the period
after the disbandment of the C.R.R. was destined to decline and the themes
favoured by the old literati, drawn mainly of the retired soldiers, were but
a foreboding.
In a way, the death of the old soldier Baba Ounus Saldin in 1 go6, also
symbolised the death of traditional Malay literature in Sri Lanka. There
appeared in the same year, two works of poetry, which were mentioned
earlier, firstly by Cooryson Hashim Mantara, Pantong Pada Orang Mooda,
(Poetry for Younger People) in Colombo, and the other by Jumaron
Tungku Ousmand, who wrote several pieces of poetry including a play let
on the Aladdin and forty thieves.
The Syair writers of the old order wrote their works only in the Jawi
script, whereas these 'modern' writers used the Roman script for the first
time. In language and style, the writings of the 'modern' generation as
represented by Mantara and Ousmand exhibited a sharp deterioration in
the standard set by the earlier writers.
Despite the intrusion of some localisms, the Syairs produced by the
writers of the old order such as Pangeran Sepalie, Baba Ounus Saldin, Ince
Abu Salay Wahid and others, were in style and language not much different
from works ~ r i t t e n elsewhere in the Malay world. The Malay readers from
the peninsula and archipelago can still read, understand and appreciate
their writings as samples of traditional Malay poetry. That is how Baba
Ounus Saldin was even able to distribute from Sri Lanka, his newspaper
Wajah Selong ( I8951Bg8) for Malay readers in Singapore, Malacca and
Bangkok. Moreover his Wajah Selong, unlike his earlier newspaper Alamat
Langkapuri, was mainly aimed at foreign Malay readership. The Wajalt
Selong, for example, contained more news on foreign countries, roughly 8o
per cent, while the Alamat Langkapuri, was distributed locally with more than
70 per cent of local Malay affairs as its content.
The new Mal ay poetry, written after the death ofSaldin strayed faraway
from the standard Malay language. In fact, it was written in a highly
creolised and colloquial Malay, so much so that it cannot be treated as works
of 'classical' literature, in the same way that we treat the traditional syairs
written by the older writers. After the death of Baba Ounus Saldin,
Mantara and Ousmand drew some the courage to test their own skills in
poetry writing. However, there was no one else to follow in their footsteps.
Notes
I/ For a discussion on classical Malay literature, see Ismail Hussein (1966) and Winstedt
(1958)
2/ "The Study of Rare Malay Texts" reported in the Straits Echo, 2nd August, 1975. See also
Hussainmiya (1978)
ISO Literary Activities
31 For eg. Percival ( 18o5, 185) refers to the various indigenous musical instruments used
among the Malays in the early part of the 19th century. His reference seems to point out the
existence of a Game/an, 'Indonesian Musical orchestra'.
4:1 Hikayat, usually stories narrated in prose.
5I Syair, a most common form ofMalay poetry. Each stanza consists offour lines, each ending
with a, a, a, a rhyme-scheme.
61 Kitabs, religious works in prose.
71 Edited by Cabaton, A (1906) pp 374-93
Bl Interview conducted in December 1974 with late Tuan Kamaldeen Pakon Cuncheer and
Mrs. Merbani Salim nee Weerabangsa of Kandy, Sri Lanka.
9/ Baba Ounus Said in (b. 1832 d. 19o6) was born in Colombo to Baba Allaldeen Saldin who
was a son ofKapitan Pantasih, a native ofSumenap in Madura brought to Sri Lanka in late
18th century to serve in the Dutch army. Ounus Saldin first joined as a private in the Ceylon
Rifle Regiment, but after 8 years of service bought himself out of the army and served in several
private European companies as a clerk. He is perhaps the most outstanding of Sri Lanka's
Malay literary personalities and a much respected member of the community. His greatest
achievement was in the field of lithographic printing which he pioneered in the island with
several publications to his credit. His life and career can be partly studied from a Ms. copy
of his memoirs, a copy of which is deposited in the Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka library, Kuala
Lumpur and an annotated edition is being prepared by the author with Prof. Datuk Ismail
Hussein.
10. Baba Yusuf Jailani Jurangpati also hailed from a family owing its origins to Sumenap,
Madura, but details of his life is sketchy. He was said to be a self employed mason by
occupation, but in his middle years he seems to have devoted himself to literary pursuits. In
fact, he had copied a fairly large number of Malay Mss. including Hikayats and Kitabs. He
lived in Kandy in the latter part of the 19th century and probably died in the 189o's.
11. Ince Ariffin Salay Wahid lived in Kampung Kertel in Colombo in the late 19th century
and died in the year 18g6. He was a school master in the military school of the Ceylon Rifle
Regiment where he taught Malay. After the disbandment of the Regiment in 1873, he had his
own school in the Kampung Kertel, for girls.
12. Quite a number ofrelgious manuscripts were found in the possession of descendants of
Malay priests, for example Mrs. Merbani Salim's collections included works belonging to Guru
Kupang, a regimental priest in Kandy during the last century and Haji A.N. Latifs (a late
Mal ay marriage registrar of Colombo) inherited Guru Bahar's (regimental priest in Colombo)
manuscripts.
13. Mentioned in RicklefS and Voorhoeve (1977, 63).
14. Pigeaud (1970, V2 26) explains aqout this gundil script as: "Javanese texts written in
Arabic script called pegon texts ... Peg/m script was popular in Java in Muslim religious
communities spread all over the country, where Malay and Arabic texts were studied. In
several cases Javanese texts written in pegon script were left unvocalised, partly or entriely
without vowel marks. This variety of pegon script was called gundil, hairless. Ofcourse gundil
texts are difficult to read for persons unfamiliar with the idiom of the Muslim religious
communities where gundil script was in common use."
15/ e.g. Subedar Miskin Sumarie was officer-in-charge of recruiting party in 184o. S.L.N.A.
6l1765, A.M.C. to C.S. I{O/I6th March IB{I, and when the station was shifted to Singapore
Subadar Salimuddin took charge, followed by Jemidar Samron in 1845
Activities
151
1
61 S.L.N.A. 611878, A.M.S. to C.S. 23rd Jan. 1846. . .
W.O.
12
1
1
6o
2
8, Pay Lists, Crylon Riflemen (Infantry abroad), 1st Apnl to 3oth June 1851 mcludes
colour sergeant Husain's name.
I
W
'll' Marsden's A Dictionary qf Malay Language, printed in London in 1812 was
I 7 e.g. I lam d . 8 '11 d .
f h I h en mor
e than
3
copies of it date-marke m 1 7os stl preserve m some
one 0 t em. ave se
private collections of the Malays. . .
IBI This book which bears the inscription "Recreation Ceylon 19th
'I
8
" bought by Baba Ounus Saldin and is now m the possessiOn of h1s grandson
Apn 1 73 was
Haji D.D. Saldin.
19
1 AI, 9thJan, 187o. .
I The caretaker of this mosque, Atchao Cunchie in 189o's refers to Bogambara Mosque as
place of copying of his manuscript titled Syair Syaikh Fadlun. . . .
21
l Baba Ounus Saldin's booklet e.g., Syair Faid al Abad (1900) was wntten w1th this purpose
in mind, as explained in its preamble.
Retrospect
The purpose of this study has been to trace the history of the Malay
community of Sri Lanka, with particular reference to their role as colonial
troops, especially in the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, ( 1827- I 873).
The study began with a brief examination on their current status within
the Sri Lankan polity, who amidst several odds, have mll'.naged to maintain
their separate cultural identity.
The beginnings of the present day community can be traced to the period
of the Dutch rule in the middle of the I 7th century, when they were
introduced to the island as political exiles and servants of the Dutch,
especially to serve in their army. However, there had been contacts between
the Malay world and the island in the pre-European times. But this study
does not accept Professor Paranavitana's theory that the role and rule of the
people ofMalay origin in the medieval period was much more extensive than
the single historical episode of the invasion of the Malay king Chandrabhanu
in the middle of the 13th century. The early Malay migrants if there were
any, were not followers of Islam, and might have been absorbed into the
larger Buddhist population of the time.
The present day Malay community of Sri Lanka evolved out of diverse
groups of Eastern nationalities introduced to the island since the middle of
the 17th century. This process was almost complete before the end of the
Dutch period, and several factors had assisted the 'Indonesian and
Malaysian' communities to develop a single identity as the 'Ceylon Malays',
chief among which was the Batavian dialect of Malay, that became their
lingua franca. The presence of a small but a respected group of aristocratic
political exiles from Java and the adjacent islands lent further cohesion to
the original identity - formation of the early Malay population.
When the British invaded the island, a stiff armed resistance was offered
by the Malay troops in Dutch service. The British were impressed with the
fighting qualities of the Malays and made arrangements to enlist them into
their own service. Frederick North, the first British Governor, took
firm and positive steps to lay the foundation of a strong Malay infantry
battalion as the principal native military unit of the British rule. He
completed all the necessary institutional arrangement'! : the 'half pay' boy
system, the 'invalid companies', overseas recruitment of Malays, pay and
emoluments of soldiers etc. were regularised through his initiative.
Retrospect 153
The glorious moment of the Malay Regiment came when it became the
first Asian regiment to be taken into the British Crown's service. Except for
the period of Maitland's governorship, who nearly abolished the Malay
Regiment which his predecessor so ardently built up, all the other successive
British governors promoted the Malay Regiment and took steps to
strengthen it.
The commitment of the Malays to soldiery was almost total and
complete during the first three decades of the British rule. Little other
opportunities were available to the young Malay job-aspirants while the
army was an attractive proposition with the official backing of the British
government which brought esteem to the soldiers. The pay was good, and
old age pension was assured, and there were other perks like batta and good
conduct pay, free education and medical facilities and so on. The Malays
looked upon military profession as almost their birth right.
All this changed by the year r8go as a result of an imprudent decision
to reduce the pay of the new military recruits to the regiment. The Home
Government had been given an erroneous impression that even with such
a reduced scale of pay it would be easy to attract the Malays, because they
had no other options. Their optimism proved wrong when this decision
brought a drastic cut in the rate of new recruits from the locally-born
Malays. Although the anomaly was later rectified (after five years) the
regiment had lost some of its appeal as an employer par-excellence .of the
Malays. Thereafter the authorities faced the perennial problem offilhng up
the vacancies of the CRR with Malay soldiers.
What caused this change ofheart among the Malays who looked forward
to a traditional military career? There arose other new and lucrative
opportunities in the newly opened plantations, civil police department, and
private European agencies. Perhaps when they were offered the
alternatives, the rigours of military life were felt burdensome. .
At any rate, it must be emphasised that the Regiment was the smgle
largest employer of the Malays of Sri Lanka during the period under study.
It was in fact much more than an employer. Looking from the point of view
of the Malays, the Regiment was but an ethnic embodiment of their
community.
Often indeed, in one household one might come across the 'past, present
and future' of this coveted military service. A standard view of the then
Malay soldier family would be that the old pensioneer who was talking
about the glories of service under Brownrigg, the Malay soldier in service
getting ready to meet the upcountry insurgents (during the 1848 rebellion)
and the young boy who looked forward to the day when he could step in
his fathe'r's shoes. There could hardly have been a Malay family which did
not spare one of its to serve in the Regiment. Thus the blood and
kinship of the Malay soldiers had given special characteristics to the CRR
as a Malay's regiment.
154
Retrospect
It was not uncommon to find whole families taking to military profession,
as in the neighbouring India at the time. In a study on the Bengal native
infantry, Amiya Barat explains how generations of people in some Indian
families came to depend on the .colonial army for their livelihood. However,
in the British Indian armies (i.e. Bengal, Madras and Bombay), many races
or nationalities were represented, but in the CRR except for a small number
of Sepoys and Kaffirs, it was the Malays who continued to dominate.
Perhaps the only comparison one can make in this respect is with the
Gurkhas of Nepal, a traditional military clan favoured still by the British.
Besides serving as a permanent and steady source of employment, the
Regiment did to a great extent reinforce the group instinct in the Malays,
(which prevented them from being absorbed by the other population
groups, particularly the Moor-Muslims who were very close to them in
religion and culture).
Unlike their counterpart in South Africa, the Malays in Sri Lanka did
not have to live in total isolation from their original homeland. Until about
the middle of the Igth century, new groups ofMalays continued to arrive
in the island, to serve in the Regiment and this injected new blood into this
small community.
If not for this reason, the Sri Lankan Malay community also might have
diluted itself as happened in the case of the South African Malays. In Sri
Lanka itself there exists a classic example of such a lost community ofMalays
who now live in the island of Kinniya in the Eastern Province. It appears
that during the British invasion, small detachments of Malays stationed in
Trincomalee and Mullativu in the Dutch garrisons escaped into this island,
and remained there. They then were absorbed by the dominant Moor
group. Their descendants still greet others iP.. Malay, and don the Malay
head-gear, conscious of their separate heritage, who group themselves not
as Malays but with Moor-Muslims.
It was because of the Regiment that opportunities were created for the
members of the local community to travel to their motherland in the east.
This prolonged their cultural, especially the literary contacts, with the
Malay world. Literary contacts persisted through the efforts of the Malay
soldiers who brought literary and religious texts and manuscripts for study
in their local community.
Even though the focus of this study is on the regimental past of the
community, the intention is not to present them as military stereotypes. The
earlier writers have failed to recognise the peculiar cultural heritage of the
soldiers. In fact, the Malays have been often thought of as brawny, if not
mindless colonial merceneries, and least of all to have indulged, in any
cultural or higher literary pastimes. The study presented here revises such
erroneous notions about the Sri Lankan Malay community's past.
The Malay soldiers had been singularly fortunate to have access to
education provided in the regimental schools. Although the aim of the
-----------------------------------
Retrospect 155
military education was to produce efficient soldiers, it was more or less a gift
to the whole community. As a result, the literacy level of its members
remained fairly high, particularly when compared with their co-religionists,
the Moors, who shunned education in the public schools for fear of being
converted to Christianity. The British military authorities never mixed up
Christian teachings with education in their schools run for Malay children.
Further, Malay teachers had been appointed to teach the mother tongue
to the Malay children. Thus if not for such official patronage, the Malays
themselves could not have managed to impart such organised formal
education to their children.
The literary heritage of the Malay soldiers can be directly linked to the
education provided in the military schools. The discovery of hitherto
unknown Malay literary and religious texts in the island revealed that they,
though separated from the centres of the Malay world, both in time and
space, yet shared a rich classical literary tradition with the literati of the
contemporary Malay world. The boundaries of the Malay cultural world,
confined until recently to the Malay Peninsula and the Indonesian
Archipelago have now been extended to Sri Lanka due to this new revelation
about the Malay literary activities of the soldiers of the Ceylon Rifle
Regiment in the 19th century. This study emphasises that such literary
activities of the community in the past century was largely due to the
initiative taken by the military Malays. The Malay literature in the island
reached its zenith during the third quarter of the Igth century.
All these came to an end with the disbandment of the CRR in I 873. It
also meant the loss of patronage from the British colonial government which
the community enjoyed until that time, in matters of education, literacy,
cultural and literary pursuits. The potentially disruptive effects of the
disbandment of the Regiment produced its aftermath within almost one
generation in the community.
In the economic sphere, the Malays could no longer depend on a steady
means of employment although immediately after the disbandment of the
CRR they were found places in other security-related jobs. The police
department in particular employed a fairly large number of Malays. But
unlike in the Regiment when the Malays could live in closely-knit
cantonments which reinforced their social and geographical cohesiveness,
other sectors which employed the Malays, particularly the police service
caused dispersion of the community.
Above all, in the new areas of employment, there was no need for the
Malays to learn their own language. They had to acquire competency in
English as well as other local languages to quality for employment in the
government and private sector. This naturally led them to neglect their
vernacular education. In fact, the seriousness of the situation was felt by
some self conscious Malays. Following the example of the Regiment, the ex-
soldiers of the CRR tried to revive the Malay education through their
Retrospect
voluntery efforts by conducting night schools in the Malay-dominated
localities in Slave Island and in Kandy.
Their efforts proved futile since the new generation of Malays did not
show much interest in learning their language. This can be best illustrated
from the history of readership of the two Malay news papers published in
Sri Lanka.
The Alamat Langkapuri ofBaba Ounus Saldin appeared in I 869 while the
Regiment was still extant., and its readers came mainly from the area of
Kertel cantonment in Colombo and Kampung Penson cantonment of
Kandy. The newspaper accordingly catered for them by publishing most
matters of local interest. For example, the letters to the editor column,
through which the enthusiastic readers could exchange views and opinions
occupied an important place in the AL. When the same Baba Ounus Saldin
his second newspaper, Wajah Selong, almost a quarter of a century
later m 1895, he had to fill this paper with almost 8o% news pertaining to
world affairs to cater to the Malays in Batavia, Penang, Malacca, Singapore
and Thailand. He appointed news agents in these countries to circulate his
newspaper, whereas in his own country within his own community he could
not find sufficient readership nor contribution of material.
In fact when Baba Ounus Saldin, himself an ex - CRR soldier, died in
I906, the Malay language and literature in Sri Lanka also were buried with
him. Thus nearly a quarter century after the disbandment of the Regiment
the community lost its cherished literary tradition.
This study also has brought to light the sectional or 'class' interest of the
Malay soldiery. Because of their close association with the British colonial
authorities, they had imbibed a pride which brought them occassionally into
conflict with the other occupational groups generally referred as the 'free
Malays'.
Till the very end the Malay soldiers tried to assert their superior status
over the civilian Malays. But towards the last stages of the Regiment their
position weakened, partly because of the numerical increase in the free
Malay population and partly because there were others in the community
who were economically better off than the 'impoverished' soldiers. The
Malay 'soldier' class was not mindful of the changes in the demographic and
economic ascendancy of their non-military colleagues.
Even after the disbandment of the Regiment, the pensioners and ex-
soldiers still behaved as if they were the 'chosen people' (of the British
masters) besides treating themselves as an elevated class but the others were
' .
not prepared to accept their attitude. With the disappearance of the last
Malay soldier of the CRR, the Malay community was set on an altogether
different course, having lost its traditional link with the past.
Appendix I
The Malay Officers of the Ceylon
Malay Regiment in 1802
The following promotions have taken place by command of
His Excellency's government.
Names Rank Date of Rank Date of Commission
Singha Laxana Captain 244I80I 9- I 2-1802
Noordin Goah Do 26-4I80I 9- I 2 I802
Abdool Sapmat Do 274I80I 9- I 2- I802
Anome Do 28-4I80I 9I2I802
Deepa Troona Do 29-4I80I 9-I2I802
Weera Wanxa Do 30-4I80I 9- I 2 I802
SoomaJaya Do I-5I80I 9-I 2-1802
Chinta Do 2-5I80I 9 I 2 I802
Kadair
Moondoo Do 35I80I 9-I2I802
Goonah Vidjaia Do
4
-
5
-I8oi 9-I2-1802
Dole Second Lt. 26-4-I80I 9-I2I802
Ramlang Do 4-8-I80I 9I2I802
BanxaJaya Do
5
-8-I8oi 9-I2-I802
Veera Singha Do 6-8-I80I 9-I2-I802
Srang Jaya Do 7-8-I80I 9-I2-I802
Moonoos Do 8-8-I80I 9I2-I802
Pazell Do 9-8-r8oi 9-I2I802
Kadair Booist Do I0-8-I80I 9-12- I802
Affen Do I I-8-I80I 9- I 2- I802
Kadair Meeding Do I2-8-I80I 9-12I802
Crime* Segarry Do I 3-8- I80I 9" I 2-I802
Crime* Sapnam Do 148- I80I 9- I 2-I802
Kaffir Boonkoos Do I58-I80I 9-I2-I802
R. Arbuthnot
Chief Secretary
The Ceylon Govt. Gazette.
No. 45 I2thJanuary, 1803.
*Karaeng
Appendix I I
Robert Percival
1
on the
Malays of Ceylon
The Malays are another race, who form a considerable proportion of the
inhabitants of Ceylon. This race, which is known to Europeans chiefly by
the accounts of its barbarous ferocity, is widely scattered over the eastern
parts of India. Their original empire lies in the peninsula of Malacca; and
from thence they ha.ve extended themselves over Java, Sumatra, the
Moluccas, the Phillippines, and a vast number of other islands in the
Archipelago of India. It is difficult to determine the date of their first
introduction into Ceylon; but it has for many years been customary for the
Dutch to bring them to this and their other settlements in Asia and Africa,
for the purpose of carrying on various branches of trade and manufactures,
and also to employ them as soldiers and servants.
The religion, laws, manners, and customs of the Malays, as well as their
dress, colour, and persons, differ very much from those of all the other
inhabitants of Asia. The Malays of the various islands and settlements also
differ among themselves, according to the habits and appearance of the
nations among whom they are dispersed. Yet still they are all easily
distinguished to be of the Malay race. For, although they intermarry with
the Moors and other castes, particularly in Ceylon, and by this means
acquire a much darker colour than is natural to a Malay; still their
characteristic features are so strikingly predominant, that they cannot be
mistaken. Those who are born and brought up in the European colonies
naturally contract more of the habits of civilized society; they never indeed
get entirely rid of their natural ferocity, but they become much less cruel and
vindictive, than that part of their race who reside in the peninsula of
Malacca and their other native possessions.
The men are of a middling stature, remarkably well proportioned, and
of a strong and muscular make. Their legs and arms are particularly well
shaped, and very slender at the wrists and ankles; an ill made leg is scarcely
ever to be seen among them. They are of a light brown or yellow colour,
which approaches nearer to a copper hue in their old age, or when they are
much exposed to the sun. Their forehead is broad and flat; their eyes small,
Appendix
1
59
black, and very deep sunk; their nose flattish, broad towards the nostrils,
with a sort of curve at the extremity approaching the lip. Their hair is long,
coarse, and black, and always moistened with a quantity of cocoanut oil.
By some it is worn flowing loose over their shoulders, while others twist it
up into a knot which they fasten on the back of the head with tortoise-shell
combs. Some of the poorer sort bind it up with a coloured handkerchief.
The Malays of a higher rank wear a wide Moorish coat or gown, which
they call badjour, not unlike our dressing-gowns. It is composed of rich
flowered silk, or fine cotton of various colours, according to the fancy of the
wearer. Their under dress consists of a vest of silk or calico, called hadjou,
and worn close to their bodies, with loose wide drawers of the same stuff.
On their head, they wear a dress of a curious shape, neither turban nor cap,
but something of both, and oftern elegantly ornamented. The slipper or
sandal in use among them, is the same with that worn by the Moors. The
dress of the poorer sort consists of a piece of cotton wrapped round their
waists, with one end drawn through between their legs, and tucked up at
the lower part of the back. It is fitted close to their bodies, and the arms
are left completely bare. Some wear a kind of vest or jacket without sleeves;
and most of the slaves in the service of Europeans, instead of the piece of
cloth, have breeches of some coarse stuff given them by their masters. None
of the Malays suffer their beards to grow, but pluck out the hairs as soon
as they appear, it being against their religion to alow them to remain.
The dress of the poorer classes of the women consists simply of a large
piece of coarse calico, or cotton called a sarow. It is folded and wound round
the body above the bosom, which it partly covers, and reaches down to the
ankle or the middle of the leg; the upper end of the cloth is tucked up, and
fastened immediately under their arm pits. Their hair is twisted up behind
like that of the men, and fastened with a fillet, or condes, those large pins or
skewers which I have already described.
The women of a superior station dress with much care and splendor, and
sometimes a good deal of taste. They wear the sarow I have just mentioned,
but of a finer stuff, and folded lower down on the waist. They have also a
kind of bodice or close waistcoat, with sleeves reaching below the waist; it
seems intended to cover the bosom, which at the same time it compresses,
and prevents from having its full and natural appearance. Over it they wear
either a coloured silk, fine muslin, or calico garment of a wider shape and
longer, with a girdle of the same finely embroidered drawn three or four
times loosely round the waist. Over the whole is thrown the badjou, or loose
robe, nearly resembling that worn by the men. Some, instead of the badjou,
use the salendang, a piece of silk or muslin about five feet long, thrown loosely
around the neck and shoulders, so as to fall down before, and be brought
across the waist backwards. Their hair is dressed with the conde pins, and
shines with cocoa-nut oil; on the crown and back part of the head are stuck
three or four tortoise-shell combs with plates of gold. About their necks and
Appendix
arms they wear chains of gold or filigree; and are all provided with ear-rings,
Those of the higher order are remarkable for the expense of their dress. The
Malays make most beautiful filigree work in gold to be used as ornaments
for their persons.
The greater number of Malays have remarkably ugly faces; and their
features strongly indicate their ferocious, treacherous, and revengeful
dispositions. Yet some have comely countenances; and many of the women
may even be considered beautiful, especially such as are not much exposed
to the sun, and have not had their noses compressed. It is a common practice
with the mothers soon after the birth of their children, to break by
compression the gristle of the upper part of their noses, as the flat nose among
this people is looked upon as a symbol of beauty. I have seen many very
handsome young Malay women of a bright yellow or gold colour, and some
even approaching to white. Yet Europeans will do well to avoid their
allurements; for such connections are attended with much danger, and often
end fatally. The men are extremely jealous, and particularly of the decided
preference which the women give to Europeans. They never pardon
infidelity in a wife; and although they allow an European to have connection
with one unmarried woman, yet he runs little less risk from the object of his
affections, than from a jealous husband. The passions of the women are
equally violent with these of the men, and they are equally capable of taking
the most terrible revenge. If their European paramour offers them the
slightest neglect, or if he is suspected of having formed another attachment,
they will not hesitate to revenge themselves either by stabbing him, or the
equally fatal method of administering poison; a practice to which they are
very prone ..
The habits of the Malays in their infancy are calculated to render them
hardy. They go naked till about twelve years of age; and are shortly after
married. As they are of the Mahometan religion, the higher castes marry
as many wives as they can maintain; while their poverty restricts the lower
classes to one wife.
Their usual food consists of fowl, fish, rice, and vegetables. The better
sort also eat beef and mutton when killed by one of their own race, and
prepared in their own manner. When the governor of any of our forts in
Ceylon is to give an entertainment to the officers of the Malay corps, he sends
for some of their own people to kill and dress the beef and mutton intended
for table. They adhere very strictly to the Mahometan prejudices against
swine, which they hold in such abhorrence that they will not so much as
touch their flesh. I have seen servants of some of the Malay casts, even young
boys, refuse to carry away a plate which had ham or bacon in it.
Their common is water, or the juice of the palmyra; although some
of them make no scruple to drink arrack when they can procure it. All day
long they chew the betel or pinang, and smoke bang. From this last herb a
species of opium is prepared, which they chew in great quantities, as
Appendix
r6r
Europeans use strong drinks, to exhilarate their spirits. Too much of it,
however, entirely deadens their senses, and reduces them to a state. of
complete stupefaction. I have frequently seen these. people, after havmg
chewed too large a portion of this noxious drug, speechless on
round with their eyes fixed in a ghastly stare. Yet, such IS the effect ofhabtt,
they get completely infatuated with fondness for this drug, and
absolutely cannot do without it. . . . .
The amusements of the Malays are suited to their dtsposttiOns, and are
either bold, vigorous, or ferocious. Both the men and
intemperately fond of bathing, and often so into the bath several ttmes m
one day. They have a game which very nearly resembles our football; o?ly
the ball they use is made of twisted ratan. But, the of.whtch
they are particularly fond are gaming and cock-fightmg. passion for
these is frequently carried to such excess, as to .be wtth most
dreadful consequences. The poorer sort in particular, what IS t?ld of
the ancient Germans) after having been striped of every wtll
themselves and their families to procure the means of grattfymg their passton
for play; and after having lost their last stake, they often sacrifice themselves
and their lucky antagonist to their despair. . .
The Malays have a great variety of musical
usually employed in a band or concert at their rehg10us ceremomes, their
marriages, and feasts. On these occasions, that and
pomp in which uncivilized nations so much dehght, ts dtsplayed m great
A vast number of flags, streamers, figures of gods, of
and beasts, which seem to delight in proportion to the of
appearance, are carried along in great pomp: The gong gong ts one of their
principal instruments. It consists of a large hollow plate of a compou?d
metal so contrived in substance and shape as to return a very loud nmse
when' struck. The tom tom, is a drum of a peculiar fashion; and
instruments are formed of bamboos bound together with iron wtre,
something in the shape of a dulcimer. By means of. this variety of
instruments which are made of all sizes from the most unwteldy bulk to the
smallest an,effect not unpleasing is produced from the contrariety of sounds.
The,Malays universally profess the Mohamedan religion, as
to some inferior points and duties, the several classes dtffer among
themselves. They have temples and mosques dedicated to their saints and
their dead and at these they punctually attend with great devotion.
A skill in medicinal herbs is almost universal among this ra.ce; they
have a variety of prescriptions for curing diseases by they applicatiOn: Thts
knowledge is owing to their peculiar fondness for gardemng, and all
sorts of plants, an employment in which they are engaged from their
and it is from among them: that the European gentlemen are anxious to
procure their gardeners.
Appendix
They are uncommonly ingenious in all sorts of cane-work and in
. '
ratanmng couches and chairs; and are accounted capital builders of
hungaloes, or houses of the coconut tree.
In other respects, such as the manner of eating their victuals, and their
modes of salutation, they very much resemble the natives of the Mala bar
and Coromandel coasts. They are, however, sufficiently distinguished from
them, and indeed from all the other natives oflndia, by the difference of their
institutions, and the peculiar ferocity of their dispositions.
The government, under which the Malays live in their own country, in
some degree resembles the ancient feudal institutions of Europe; and war is
consequently the business of the nation. The manners and disposition which
naturally proceed from these institutions are found among them. They are
all bold, warlike, and prepared for the most desperate enterprises; they hear
of their superiors with the most profound reverence, and yield
obedience to their most rigorous orders. but the fierce temper
ansmg from these military institutions, which in Europe has been softened
by the Christian religion, has rather been exasperated by the religion which
the Malays have embraced. None of that romantic spirit of chivalry, which
produced the courtesy of civilized society amidst the ferocity of perpetual
bloodshed, is to be found among the Mal ay followers of a prophet, who was
as fierce and warlike as themselves. Accustomed to depend upon their
courage, and avenge their own cause, there is more independence of spirit,
and more appearance of a lofty intrepidity found among them, than among
any other of the servile tribes of the east. Brave, ferocious, and desperate
to the last degree, on any occasion that requires blood to be shed; nature
can almost be thought capable of they are looked upon with horror by the
effeminate and timid Indians. I have often had occasion to observe these
sentiments in the natives of Ceylon, who stare affrighted on accidentally
meeting a Malay soldier.
The arms which the Malays carry, are well suited to their savage and
bloody disposition; and as on receiving any real or imaginary injury, they
make no hesitation to sacrifice their own life in taking away that of the object
they have marked out for vengeance, they often do incredible mischiefs with
the weapons which they wear about them. These consist of a kind of dagger,
called a kreese or crisse; the blade ofwhich is of the best tempered steel, and
often made of a serpentine form, so as to inflict a most dreadful wound. The
is ofivory or wood, carved into the figure of a man's body and arms,
With a head representing something between that of a man and a bird. This
they call their Swammy or god; and to this figure they make their salam or
before they draw the kreese to execute any purpose' on
which they have determined. After they have by this ceremony confirmed
their vow,, t?ey draw their kreese, and never again sheath it till they have
drenched It m blood. So resolute is this ferocious determination that if their
. '
adversary IS placed beyond the reach of their vengeance, sooner than
Appendix
infringe it, they will plunge the dagger into the body of a pig, a dog, a
chicken, or any live animal they chance to meet. The scabbard is made
of wood, frequently ornamented with gold or silver wire: and the whole
appearance of the weapon, as well as the mode of wearing it on the right
side, greatly resembles that found in the ancient dress of the Celtic nations.
This terrible instrument is rendered still more so by its being always
poisoned; generally by the juice of some poisonous herbs, and, among those
who can by any means procure it, with poison from the Upa tree.
In the use of their fatal weapon they are particularly dextrous, and, like
other barbarians, make no scruple to employ treachery or surprise in
destroying their enemies. They generally watch their opportunity, and stab
their victim in the back or shoulder before he is aware. These daggers, the
instruments of their ferocious cruelty, are looked upon by them with a degree
of veneration. They descend, as a most sacred relic, from father to son, and
from generation to generation: no money is accounted sufficient to purchase
them, and no violence can compel their owners to give them up. When a
Malay is pressed in battle, he will sooner be slain, or kill himself, than
surrender his kreese to the enemy.
Before entering upon any desperate enterprise, it is customary with the
Malays to take opium, or, as they term it, to hang themselves. This plant,
the bang, which is used among the natives of India as an of
intoxication, is found over all the continent as well as in Ceylon. It IS a small
shrub, with a leaf in shape and texture resembling that of the tobacco, but
not larger than the leaf of the sage. From this plant a species of is
extracted, and being made into balls, is taken internally, and operates m the
same manner as a dram of spirits among the European nations. The leaf
of the bang is also dried and smoked like tobacco, with a still stronger
intoxicating effect than the opium. After employing this method of
rendering themeselves insensible to danger, they are prepared for the most
sanguinary achievements, and rush blindfold into every atrocity. The
horrid barbarities, however, which they commit on such occasions are not
so much to be attributed to their intoxication as to the natural savage cruelty
of their dispositions. It is true, indeed, that before any bloody enterprise is
undertaken, they first throw themselves into a state of temporary
by means ofbang; but the resolution to commit the crime preceded this state;
they first in cold blood resolve to perpetrate their atrocitie.s, and t?en use
means to throw themselves into a phrenzy, that no sentiment either of
humanity or fear may turn them aside from their bloody purpose. Some,
who are anxious to clear human nature from such stains, without
considering that they arise from situation and circumstances, attribute the
unparalleled barbarity of the Malays to the quantity of which they
take from their infancy, in consequence of which they are m an almost
perpetual state of delirium. This delirium, however, is not o: longer
continuance than till the intoxicating quality of the drug has spent Its force.
Appendix
In they are completely masters of themselves; it is then they plan
their enterpnses; and the quantity of bang which they take is proportioned
to their determination to perpetrate the crime they are about to commit.
In fact, their institutions and their religion are sufficient to account for their
character, without seeking for any other cause, and without accusing nature
of having produced monsters.
. The manner in the Malays undertake to accomplish their revenge
giVes the most stnkmg example of their ferocious dispositions. When a
has suffered any injury or grievance, real or imaginary, and ever so
shght, the most dreadful thirst of revenge appears to take possession of his
soul. He makes a vow to destroy the object of his vengeance, together
With every other person who comes in his way, till he meets death from some
hand ?r other. To prepare himselffor this dreadful exploit, he takes a large
quantity of bang, then draws his poisoned kreese, and rushing headlong into
stabs indiscriminately every one that comes in his way; at the same
time crymg aloud, amok, amok, or kill, kill, from whence this horrid mode of
revenge is termed by Europeams running a muck. The fury of the devoted
wretch is indescribable, and the mischief he often does is very great before
a lucky shot brings him down. The natives fly before him in the utmost
consternation, and hardly any person but an European dares venture to
attack him. It is indeed a service of incredible danger to hunt down the mad
savage, as he defends himself desperately to the last, and even though
wounded often contrives to destroy his antagonist by a stab of his
pmsoned kreese. The Dutch government at Ceylon found it necessary to
repress this ferocious practice by the severest punishments. A reward of one
or two hundred rix-dollars was offered for the destruction or capture of those
who ran a muck; and such of them as were taken alive were put to death
with the most excruciating torments.
The frequency of mucks in the Dutch settlements seems attributable to
the manner in which that nation behaved to their Malay dependants. The
slaves and servants of the Dutch were chiefly composed of that race and it
is among this class that the instances of savage fury which we have
usually occurred. The cruel, capricious, and insulting behaviour of their
masters exasperated their natural ferocity; and the impossibility of obtaining
legal redress from their tyrants stimulated them to seek vengeance in the
destruction of their masters, themselves, and the human species. At Batavia,
and the Dutch settlements to the eastward, where their conduct is most
despotic and cruel, mucks are greatly more frequent than in Ceylon, or at
the Cape of Go?d Hope. Since the arrival of the English at Ceylon, the
barbarous practice has almost been unknown; and a few private murders
co.mmitted ?n the and black people in the Pettah, were the only
cnmes of this nature attnbuted to Malays during my stay at Columbo. No
other cause ca.n be for this difference in the conduct of these people,
but the supenor mildness of the English government. So dreadful indeed
Appendix
is the frantic mode of revenge adopted by the Malays, that as long as their
feelings continue to be exasperated by bad usage, it is necessary to impress
their minds with fear by the severest punishments. But it is consistent with
the nature of man to suppose that mild treatment, and the example of
human manners, would by degrees soften their minds, and restrain their
passions within the bounds of civilized society, without these dreadful
punishments which are too shocking ever to reform. The Malays, indeed,
in their present state are, from their ideas of morality, almost incapable of
being admitted into social life. They have no idea of revenge being a crime,
and they triumph in shedding blood on such an occasion. Nothing indeed
seems to prevent them from putting the most atrocious purpose into
execution, when they have once resolved upon it. The introduction of
Christianity among them is the only means by which this unprincipled
ferocity can be radically reformed; and it would certainly in a political view
be of infinite service to us that those Malays in our settlements should
embrace this religion. It would be the firmest link which could unite them
with this country. At present it is very uncomfortable for Europeans to be
as much afraid of their servants and attendants as of a mad dog.
The Dutch government of Ceylon had always a regiment of Malays in
their service. That corps for a considerable time past seemed to form the
strength of their garrisons, and were the only troops which either kept up
discipline, or displayed any sort of bravery in the field. I have already
mentioned that it was from them alone that our troops met with any
opposition either at Columbo or Trincomalee. They seemed, indeed, to
have imbibed such a rooted aversion for the English, that there was at first
little appearance of their ever becoming our friends. This hatred had been
inspire:! by ungenerous policy of the Dutch, who endeavoured to secure
their colonies by cherishing among the natives an implacable detestation of
the other European nations, and in particular by representing the English
as a nation of cruel and inhuman tyrants, who carried destruction and
oppression wherever they came. These base and unjustifiable arts were not
however always confined to mere misrepresentation; but the massacre of
foreigners was at times had recourse to as a measure of precaution. The
infamous affair at Amboyna has through the whole world circulated the
eternal disgrace of the Dutch name. There is another instance of their
abominable policy which is less known in Europe, but has excited general
indignation in the eastern world. In the year r 798, captain Packenham of
the Resistance happening to be with his ship at Timur, one of the spice
islands which we have lately conquered, he was invited, along with his
officers, by the Dutch governor to an entertainment. some circumstances
prevented the captain from accepting the invitation: his officers however
went, and found with astonishment and horror, that the Dutch had made
hospitality a pretext to obtain an opportunity of assassinating them. They
were set upon without the least warning, and the first lieutenant and one
Appendix
or two more infamously murdered with some Sepoys who attempted to
their officers. The surgeon, however, who was a very strong man;
With the assistanve of a couple of Sepoys fought his way to th,e beach, and
made good his retreat to the ship. Upon the surgeon's representing this
barbarous conduct of the Dutch, captain Packenham instantly gave orders
to fire upon the town, and it was in consequence soon reduced to ashes. The
Dutch inhabitants, and all those who were concerned in the massacre fled
precipitately into the interior of the island. Several of the of
the crime were afterwards taken, and suffered for their treachery.
In the same year, an unfortunate affair took place.at Amboyna, where
the Malays murdered lieutenant M'Crae, of the company's service, who
happened to be quartered there; and several more of the English officers
would have shared his fate, had they not been rescued by the troops. I will
not take upon me to say how far the Dutch were implicated in the crime;
but from their usual policy, and their conduct on other occasions, it was
strongly suspected that they had instigated the Malays to perpetrate this
savage act.
By such arts as I have described, the Dutch succeeded in impiring the
Malays with the most rooted aversion to our countrymen; and there was no
piece of atrocity which they were not ready to commit on our troops. Several
of t?e have since told me, that on our taking possessi(>o of Ceylon,
their mmds had been exasperated to such a degree by misrepresentation,
and an of the Dutch that the English would give them no quarter,
as to determme them to do us all the mischief in their power. The cowardly
and base conduct of the Dutch, however, both in yielding without resistance
to troops, and in abandoning the Malays, who fought their battles, to
their fate, has completely alienated the Malays from their fortner masters.
They now look upon the Dutch with contempt, and call to mind their
former tyrannical behaviour; while the brave and open conduct of the
English has gone far to do away their former prejudices against us. After
the capture ofColumbo, the the first time during our long interceurse with
India entered into our service. The regiment stationed there in the service
of the Dutch was brought over to the British, and the command given to
captain Whitlie, one of the East India company's officerll. By his
exertions and judicious conduct in the management of them during a
considerable time, this corps was brought to a very excellent state of
discipline, and rendered much attached to our government. They have since
behaved universally with great respect and obedience to their European
officers, and from being always well used by us have contracted a sincere
regard to our service.
Soon after the arrival of governor North on the island, he new-modelled
this corps, and put it on a larger and more respectable establishment.
Another. European officer besides captain Whitlie was assigned to it; the
compames were officered by their own native captains and subalterns; and
the governor at the particular request of the corps took upon himself the
Appendix
station of their colonel. Another change has since been introduced into the
establishment of this regiment: the command has been given to colonel
Champagne, officers for it have been sent Europe, and it has obtained
a place among our other regiments of the hne.
The Malay troops are armed and clothed much in the same manner as
the European, with the exception of shoes, the wearing is
to the rules of their religion; instead of them they use a particular species
of sandal. Along with .their other arms they always wear their kreeses or
poisoned daggers by their sides: in the heat of a? engagement they
throw down their musket and bayonet, and; rushmg upon the enemy With
these kreeses, carry terror and destruction wherever they come. From
having done duty in the same with.them. three an.d a
and having during that period hved m habits ofmtlmacy with their natiVe
officers, I had an opportunity of minutely observing the character of the
Malays as soldiers. From their natural intrepidity and hardiness, they are
well calculated to become very useful and serviceable troops if properly
officered and commanded. It requires however much management, much
attention to their tempers, skill in regulating their economy, firmness in
maintaining discipline, and at the same time great caution in punishing
misbehaviour, to make our service reap in its full extent the advantage
mightbe derived from them. To their native officers, who were at time
chiefly from among their own princes and great the: always patd.the
most implicit obedience, and seemed to hold them m the htghest veneratton.
On being punished by sentence of a ther murmur, and
their darling passion of revenge seems to be entirely latd astde. The
of this behaviour with their usual furious resentments on the most tnvtal
occasions struck me so forcibly, that I was induced to enquire the cause from
of some of their officers. I was told that it was an ordinance of their religion,
and a rule among their customs which was never infringed upon, to pay
implicit obedience to all their officers, European well as Malay, and to
execute military orders with the strictest punctuality; and they were also
enjoined never to murmur at any conduct of their or to
execute orders as long as they received pay and contmued m the service of
any power. In addition to this, they are always tried for by .a
court composed wholly of their own native officers, who cquamted wtth thetr
language and customs, and thus afford a security of every being
rendered to the accused. The patience with which the Malays submtt to the
sentence of their court-martial, and their refraining from revenge when
are assured that justice is intended them, is another striking argument m
support of what I have already advanced, that mild and generous treatment
will in the end have the effect of subduing their natural ferocity.
Notes
Appendix I I I *
Minute by Major Thomas Skinner
r In compliance with the Governor's direction that each member of the
Executive Council should record his opinion with reference to the whole
of recruitment of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, and the
of the of the native soldier of that Regiment I beg
to submit the followmg obervations.
2. I concur in the view that it is very undesirable that the ranks of the
Regiment should be filled with Hindoos from Southern India. There are
two hun?red i? the Regiment enlisted. I believe for ten years I am
of opm10n, that m no mstance should the term of service of these men be
renewed.
3 . It has been. shown, that the strength of the Regiment cannot be kept
up l?cal of Malays. Several attempts made of late years to
recrmt m the Strarts of Malacca and Singapore appear to have failed and
recruiting South Africa has been suggested as the best means of keeping
up an efficrent natives (or black) Regiment in Ceylon.
4 For sole purpose of a soldier, I consider the Malay the best adapted
of all Asratrcs. I have met with, next to him, for general service that flat
thick lipped woolly haired Kaffir from Mozambique is I think to be
preferred, m addition to his soldiery qualities he is of a powerful athletic
frame, he rs mnured to labour, and is less artificial in his habits than the
';ho with all his many fine soldier like qualities is open to this very
serrous drsadvantage, that the use of opium to him is an absolute essential
and by which, he is incapacitated for hard active service, at a comparative!;
early age.
5 If possible to recruit in Mozambique the class of man I have described
(and of which the late 3rd Ceylon Regiment was composed). I believe we
would him the best substitute for the Malay, but I hold it to be of the
utmost Importance, that we would guard against the mistake ofintroducing
to the Colony any beef eating Kaffir, who is unaccustomed to, or unable to
*Source S.L.N.A. 2/50 (Ceylon) Executive Council Proceedings,
2
7th February, I86I.
Appendix
live on rice, which is the staple food of the country. Such men would be as
difficult and dxpensive to ration as British soldiers, whilst with the proposed
additional 2 , their pay would be nearly equal.
6. General Braybrooke considers the climate of Ceylon, unsuited to the
Kaffir of the Mozambique. The Kaffir Companies of the C.R.R. employed
on the public works of the colony, under my orders, for many years, and
fatigue parties of them formed the only labour. I could at the time procure,
to penetrate the depths of the jungles, in the first trignometrical operations
undertaken in the country, and in my reconnaissance of the great mountain
ranges of the island and it is impossible any men could have undergone
harder work, under more trying privations. The Malay could not have
endured it. No other men could be induced to attempt it. It is almost
impossible to estimate the ages of such men, but judging from the time that
they had been in our service I believe many of the Kaffirs were efficient
hard working men up to the age of 6o. I believe they lasted as long as could
possibly have been expended and much longer than any other class of men
would have lasted under similar circumstances.
7 The only argument I know, which at all supports the opinion that the
climate of Ceylon is inimical to the Kaffir, is the statement which I have
heard made, that their children were more difficult to rear, than are those
of other natives, tho' I am by no means convinced that they were not raised
in equal proportion to those of the Malays. At present there are ofMalays,
Hindoos and Kaffirs 1216 men, and 655 married women in the Regiment
and only 995 children of both sexes. One company of the Regiment I
understand, is still composed of the descendants of the Kaffirs.
8. Should it be proved that men can readily be obtained from
Mozambique, I think two or three divisions of pioneers should also be
composed of them, could at any time be converted into soldiers, and might
act as feedrs to the Regiment.
g. But while I advocate the enlistment ofKaffirs as substitutes for Malays,
if the latter cannot be obtained, I should desire to be understood as giving
so great a preference to the Malays, as to think it worth taking much trouble
to secure them, and I may add, that I have always been under the impression
that we have ailowed ourselves to be too easily defeated in our attempts to
recruit to the Eastward.
ro. In r83o I was sent by the late Sir Edward Barnes on a mission to Java,
nominally to take time expired men of the C.R.R. who had been enlisted
there, during the time we held possession of that country, and to recruit in
the Straits of Malacca and Singapore, but ostensibly to endeavour to
negotiate with the Government of the Netherlands India for permission to
recruit in the Island Celebes.
Appendix
I I. The inhabitants of that island may be considered the Swifts of the
Malayan archipelago. The men are a short, sturdy race, so remarkable for
their fidelity in any engagements they make, that it is a proverb throughout
those countries, that the word of an "Orang Boogis" (the name by which they
are generally designated) is more to be relied on, than the oath of any other
man.
I2. I could not prevail on the Governor General of Netherlands India to
permit me to raise men in Celebes. His Exellency urging as a reason for non
compliance with Sir Edward Barnes' request, that during the
insurrectionary war in Java in I828, they had, in their extremity been
refused by the Bengal Government, permission to recruit in India. I
subsequently heard that the East India Company's Government granted the
permission, but refused to take any active part in raising the men, or to
guarantee them the fulfillment of the conditions of enlistment, offered by the
Dutch.
I 3 Nevertheless in passing through, the Straits on my way to and from
Java, I had no difficulty in obtaining between 40 and 50 out of the 6o men
I was directed to enlist, and could readily enough have completed the
number but for delays consequent on having to run our ship upon my return
to the Colony, with the government vessel placed at my disposal by a given
date. The terms on which the men I have referred were enlisted, were a
bounty of 3 pay at the rate of six pence a day subject to deduction of three
pence or 50 percent, for a ration of quart ofrice and I/4 of quart ofsalt.
I4. It is to be presumed, that the exclusive policy of the Dutch, in their
Indian possessions must have become considerably modified during the last
thirty eventful years; their supremacy in Java has been threatened, as well
as our own in India, and I cannot help believing that both governments
would be benefitted by adopting a policy of reciprocity in respect of
enlistment. A Hindoo force from Southern India, would be as conducive
to the security ofNetherlands India, as a Malay force might be to our Indian
possessions, and from the discussion I had the honour of having with his
Excellency the Governor General ofJava in I83o. I am disposed to think,
a proposition for mutual accommodation between the two governments
might be advantageously made and favourably entertained at the present
day.
I5. But irrespective of the question referred to in the preceding paragraph,
I think we have no sufficient ground for pmnouncing recruiting in the
Malayan archipelago impracticable, merely because we have foiled in one
or two futile attempts to obtain men on the Straits of Malacca and
Singapore.
I6. If it is desired to keep up the Malay element in the C.R.R. or to create
such a force for our Indian army I would recommend that two or three
Appendix
171
companies of the C.R.R. should form part of the garrisons ofPenang, Malacca
and Singapore, when I believe the advantages of the service would soon
become known, intermarriages would take place between our people and
the Malays ofthe Straits; and in a few years I anticipate the difficulty would
be overcome. This arrangement would not be attended with any serious
additional expense, as the detachment of the C.R.R. would take the place of
other troops, and for a time, their places might be taken in Ceylon by reliefs
of other native troops from India. There is a fortnightly steam
communication between the Straits and Ceylon, so that recruits might be
sent over as fast as collected, at small expense, and with perfect security.
I7 I think it would be premature to incur the expense of sending a
recruiting party to South Africa, until a more complete understanding is
arrived at, as to the character of description of Kaffir. Sir George Grey
propose we should enlist, and until it is ascertained whether the proposed
increase in the rate of pay, will have the effect of attracting to the Regiment,
a sufficient number of the Island-born Malay.
I8. The proposed increase of two pence a day, will bring the pay of the
Malay, to within a penny of that of the British soldier, it will be from 3! to
4 pence a day in excess of the ordinary price oflabour of the country. For
a month of 30 days the Malay soldiers will receive I, 7s,6d whilst Malay
employed as peons throughout the country are paid I5 to I8 shilling a
month. The latter have to.provide their own quarters, and to purchase their
staple food (rice) at the market rate, which throughout the several stations
garrisoned by the C.R.R. during I859 averaged 3s gd the quart, and his wife
was allowed a pint of rice, thus giving to the married soldier in I859 an
advantages of 3 S 5 d/ I 7 a day or nearly 8 shillings 3 pence a month, in the
principal article of food, over the Malay in civil employ, his increased pay
and rice allowance being equal to I
1
I5s,8d a month, compared with the
civil Malay's salary from I5S to I8d a month, but the advantages of the
Malay soldier over his fellow countrymen in civil employ do not end here.
He is allowed fuel, quarters, gratuitous medical attendance and 70 percent
of the men are on the receipt of good conduct pay.
I g. I am not aware of any other instance in which the soldier placed in
circumstances so infinitely superior to those enjoyed by men ofhis own class
in his own country, and it was in consideration of this view of the case, that
in the Committee appointed to report upon the subject, I bpposed any
further concession to the C.R.R. in respect of rations.
20. It is said, that not only is there a difficulty in inducing the Island-born
Malay to enlist, but that the Malay element of the Regiment has
degenerated. This degeneracy is attributed to the insufficiency of his food,
and it is now held by some officers that as he is a beef eater, he requires a
ration of meat daily, and that he should be messed as a British soldier.
Appendix
2 I. all this I. am totally opposed. I joined the C.R.R. at the age of I
4
years smce I left It, and longer still since I did duty with it. I have never
ceased to take an interest in it and I cannot help comparing with-regret the
present system of the Regiment, with that which existed when I first knew
it, for many years after. Formerly it was the boast of the colony and
pnde of every officer belonging to it. No Regiment could approach it
m Its perfection of drill or in its conduct. It was then considered by Sir
Edward Barnes, and other experienced officers to be the best ideal of a
Regiment but every movement of late years has been to destroy
Its self-sustaining c.haracter. The first clumsy step in this direction,
:-vhich.I and predicted would be fatal to the Regiment, was putting
It bodily mto thick heavy ammunition boots. In my opinion it would have
been very little more absurd to have attempted to shoe the antelope and now
find the barracks of the C.R.R. crowded with wooden cots!!! He must imitate
his European in having a box for his accumulated superfluities,
amongst the rest his shoes, brushes and blacking. I conclude and to crown
it .all, it is to inflict upon him a system messing, then
will follow It IS to be inferred all the paraphernalia of tables, forms, table
cloths, canteens, knives, forks, spoons etc.
22. In my jud.gement native troops and especially light troops, ought to
be. as nearly I.rregular force as practicable consistently with efficiency of
dnll and disciplme. It should be the officers' duty to reduce their artificial
wants to the utmost limits, to inure them to great endurance, and to render
them as self sustaining as possible that of all things most to be avoided is
pampering them until they acquire as many wants aod become as
to move as the European in a climate the most opposite to his own.
23. The theory of messing of course commends itself to officers who know
its advantages. As the European troops, it may have answered when
(detached from their families and connections) a detachment of the c.R.R.
was stationed at Hongkong, but I believe that in Ceylon it would be as un
popular, as I consider it would be impolitic.
24. Almost every soldier in the C.R.R. has a swarm of connections and from
the moment he enlists he is expected to contribute to their
This the of continuous intermarriages in the Regiment. It
explams the mabihty of the men to live on double the amount of pay which
suffices for other natives and is a strong reason for bringing fresh blood into
the Regiment.
25. But to revert to the question of rations I cannot admit, that because
a Malay may eat meat, it becomes a matter of necessity that he should be
supplied with a daily ration of it. With just as much reason might it be said
that because the pioneer may eat poultry and mutton and the
game, they require it daily. I do not think that the whole Malay population
Appendix
173
of the island, on an average, eat meat twice in a week, or that one in a
hundred of the entire native population tastes meat of any kind ten times
in a year but some officers go much further and think it desireable the native
soldier should be provided with curry stuff, cocoanuts, coffee sugar and
hoppers (a native cake). Before we come to such refinement of detail, I think
it would be far better to remodel the C.R.R. on something of the principle
of an irregular force.
26. All the proposed alternations in respect of pay, rations, and pensions,
I believe were suggested with special reference to the Malay soldier. But it
should not be forgotten that something like one sixth of the C.R.R. are
Hindoos, and that we have another body of (principally I believe) Hindoos,
attached to the artillery as Gun Lascars, whose conditions of enlistment (I
hear) entitle them to all the advantages which may be conferred on the
C.R.R. So that these will be extended to between goo and 400 men of the same
class from which our pioneer force is drawn, the bulk of whom are paid 7
pence and 7! pence a day or I 7 shillings I 6 pence and I 8 shillings I 9 pence
a month of go days. How long is it to be supposed, we shall keep 200 pioneers
contended with their pay, if they find all other of their class in the
government service drawing more than double what they receive for a far
more arduous service.
27. We are doubtless in a difficulty to keep up the strength of the Malay
portion of the C.R.R. but I incline to think we have not probed deep enough
to reach the cause of the inconvenience. I have frequently enquired of old
soldiers, contemporaries of my own, why they did not place their sons in the
Regiment and the almost invariable reply has been "Oh! Sir the Regiment
is not what it was, it is now full of coolies and horse keepers." I cannot say
whether the answer was a genuine expression of their feelings or whether the
statement is true but I have no doubt it influenced some. There must
however, be some much stronger influence which deters men from joining
a service presenting advantages so far in excess of those they can expect
ordinarily to command in civil employ whatever be the cause. I do not
consider it should be overcome solely by additional expenditure of money,
far beyond a given point the more lavishly you pay and feed native troops,
the less effective are they for the requirements of their profession.
28. The old invalid company was a cause of great dissatisfaction. The most
tried, the oldest and the best soldiers were doomed on it, to serve on a
diminished rate of pay, long after they were totally unfit for any service.
I think the abolition of it will act favourably on the Regiment.
29. In the present condition of the Corps, I think it would be impolitic to
do away with the native officers and think that at least one company should
be retained as an object of ambition to the old soldiers, of whom many would
174 Appendix
continue in the Regiment, in the hope of obtaining the rank and pension
at the close of their service.
30. The increased rate of pension recommended by the committee is very
high, but seeing that it cannot come into operation before the expiration of
21 years, it may, by that time, be worth not very much more than the existing
pensions at the present day. There is one point, however in reference to this
subject which deserves consideration. Namely the length of time a native
is borne upon the pension roll in this country, we have now no less than 3I
men who have been drawing pensions for 35 years. Many of the men are
enlisted, at or before IB years of age, and are enlisted to their pensions at
39, a man ought not to be worn out, or unfit for active service at that age.
I would name forty five as a more fitting age at which a native soldier should
be allowed to retire.
31. Instead of allowing a soldier marching money, I should prefer
providing him with transport for his rations.
32. In conclusion I beg to state my opinion that if Malays cannot be
obtained for the following pay and advantages I am prepared to
recommend should be granted to them) they are too costly and inconvenient
a description of native soldier for this Colony at any higher price.
A single man's pay ................. I I d. a day a married .................... .
do = do ............................... I s/ ................... do. Good conduct pay at
present rate as deserved. Present ration of rice to be issued to him and his
wife, wherever stationed, at the rate of 2 pence a quart.
The regulated allowance of fuel as at present. When practicable, meal
to be issued if required, to be paid for by the men at the commissariat
contract prices.
Pensions (prospectively) as recommended by the committee.
33 I think a further benefit to the Regiment might be conceded with
advantage to the Service in reducing the cost, and bulk of the soldier's kit,
by doing away with the present white trousers and jackets of which each man
must be kept supplied with a large number and substituting a gray cloth for
light necessaries, glaring white under black accoutrements has always
appeared to me to be an unsuitable uniform for rifleman at any time or
under any circumstances. If practicable to do so, I would also recommend
that boots should be abolished, but admit, that having once adopted them
there may now be some difficulty on the score of pride, in getting rid of the
useless encumbrances, which are always to be found in a man's hand instead
of their being on his feet whenever he has the chance of relieving himself of
the inconvenience.
Colombo I5 February I86I
Sgd. T. Skinner
Appendix IV
B.O. Saldin: An Obituary - Appreciation*
A Distinguished Malay Citizen of Colombo
There is a touch of pathos and withal of romance in the death of an old and
revered Malay citizen, the father of Messrs A. N. and M. M. Saldin of the
Surveyor General's Office and Mr. M.K. Saldin, Merchant and A
week ago, after a brief illness, the good old man Mr Baba Ounus Saldm has
passed away from our midst in the 76th year of his age. His remains
interred atJawatte Burial Ground in the presence of a very large gathenng
of friends and relations. He left behind a widow, three sons, and two
daughters, with whom the most heartfelt sympathy will be felt in sad
bereavement, His father was a Captain in the late Ceylon Rifle Regiment
which did splendid service in the "good old days". Included with marshal
instincts Mr 0. Saldin joined the Regiment at the age of I 8. He was soon
promoted to the rank oflance-corporal, but his broad outlook oflife led to
his severance from it by the purchase of his discharge. He took charge of
the reparation of the satin-wood bridge at Peradeniya and latterly at the
construction of the Gampaha Suspension Bridge under the engineer,
Captain Donald Graham. He was then connected with the well known
firms, Nessrs Venn & Go., Harrison Goodwin & Go., and lately of W.H.
Davis & Go. for many years. Interesting as work of this character was to
him his tastes lay in the direction of literature, religion and fine arts.
Languages were his 'forte'. He was able to read and write English, Tamil,
Sinhalese Arabic and was the master of Malayan language and conversed
' .
in Portuguese and Hindustani as well. He was a staunch and pious
Mussulman, his knowledge of the Muhammadan law and was
so extensive and exact that he was often consulted on knotty pomts. Not
only was he an erudite scholar but he wielded his versatile pen with
unrestrained freedom. He was the author of some religious books in Malay
which he. wrote for the benefit of the community. His poetic talents found
expression in a History ofCeylon. For some years he edited a Malay weekly
paper entitled "Wajah Selong" or the "Light of Ceylon", the only one of
the kind that ever existed in the Island of Ceylon.
In lithography his irrepressible energy found excellent diversion. It is
well known to the general public that in the art oflithography he wasfacile
princeps in Ceylon, and the work he turned out revealed unmistakable signs
Appendix
of skill and artistic tastes. He was richly endowed with gifts of mind as well
as ofheart. To the very end of his life his humour and gaiety were matched
with charming urbanity and unfailing courtesy.
"Describe him who can, an abridgement of all that was pleasant in
man." Such men make the history of our country, their loss irreparable, but
their shining example is an inspiration to all to serve their days and
generation faithfully and well.
From Ceylon Observer, 28th May 1go6.
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0 R A N G R
E J
M E N
Who are the Sri Lankan Malays? Where did they come from? How and why did
they persist in maintaining their communal identity? These questions have never
been answered in any detail before. Thi s book sets out for the first time to throw
li ght on their history and provide a pleasantly readable account of their origins
and evoluti on on the island of Sri Lanka. More specifically, the book highlights
the induction of the Malays into the first regimental military service and the
consequent developments whi ch shaped their own outlook on li fe, attitudes
and cultural ethos.
B.A. HUSSAINMIYA, Ph.D., is presently a lecturer in History at the Universiti Brunei
Darussalam. Besides his monograph, Lost Cousins: The Malays of Sri Lanka (1987),
published by Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, he has contributed many articl es
on Sri Lankan Malays and their traditional Mal ay literature to Malaysian journals.
PENERBIT UNIVERSITI KEBANGSAAN MALAYSIA
ISBN 967-942-165-1
M $28.00