ROOTS

THE BURMA THROUGH THE PASSAGE OF TIME

INTRODUCTION TO THE BACKGROUND HISTORY OF BURMA. Burma endured a long period of struggle in the making of morden state ; The Fourth Myanmar Naing Gan Daw . Actualy, it is a long process starting not from the day Burmese King Thibaw and his family was removed from Mandalay and taken to India. But the process was started during The Reign of King Mindon. King Mindon sent state scholars to various foreign countries, France & England and made them well educated . When the scholars arrived back to Mandalay they were given good top posts . These new educated technocrats made and presented a thesis to King to govern the country under the Rule of Parliament. . UNFORTUNATELY, it was not put into consideration by the King. After the unsuccessful revolt inside Mandaly Place ; the Crown Prince Kan-naung was killed . Crown Prince had 53 sons and 51 daughters . King Mindon , who had four Chief Queens, four Minor Queens , fourty-two concubines , and 52 sons ,56 daughters , decided not to named his legal successor in the place of Crown Prince Kan-Naung , even he had 52 sons . When King was on the death bed, Prince Thibaw with the blessing and the help of Kingwun Mingyis blessing killed his own brothers, sisters, half brothers, half sisters and counsins, nearly hundred . This was the MASSACRE. In ( History of the British Residency in Burma 1826 to 1840 pg 283) , mentioned that Massacres or murders , at least on a small scale , were the normal accompaniments of succession to the throne or usurpation of the throne in Burma . In ( Mandalay the Golden pg 84 ), stated as follows :- The stairs to the throne slippery with blood. He reigned for nearly seven years then was taken by the British to India, when the third Anglo- Burmese was lost in 1885 November.
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. Mandalay was taken by the British; but to put Burma under control was not a simple task. Burmese armies had broken up and melted into jungle where they formed band of guerrillas and harnessed the British troops. It took the British more than two years to have control on the plains and around Mandalay. In 1888 British was able to send troops to northen hills. The Expeditions was commanded by General Sir George White and sent into Chin Hills where all the tribes resisted with all they had. British burnt down the villages and made advance. The tribes on the other hand would flee into the hills and return with sudden raids on the columns. Tribes showed no sign of surrender. British threw in more troops and made successive waves of campaigns until the resistance of the Chin hills was finally broken in 1894..(F/N no: 1 ) In Mandalay also British were able to remove the King Thibaw, the Burmese Hlutdaw did not submit easily. Hlutdaw Members shown their defiance when Viceroy of India came to Mandalay in 1886. They did not present no address or extended welcome to Viceroy . Thus, the action of the Burmese Hlutdaw on that occasion of the Viceroys visit was meant to be openly defiant. To make the British to refuse their demands so that they could used the refusal as an excuse to skip the ceremony. The demands raised by the Hlutdaw was as follows;-- [A] They asked chairs for all the members of Burmese to attend the ceremony , [B] Instead of usual members which was about twenty people , the number who are going to attend was nearly hundred strong which includes petty officers, the subordinates of subordinates. [c]They attempted to monopolized all the front seats and to force the English officers and officers of high rank to remain behind them. The defiance shown by the Burmese was a matter of scattered instances, and it failed to stop the British acquiring a firm grip on the country. The annexation of Upper Burma finally came. Lord Dufferin, Viceroy of India made a proclamation on January of 1886 which was as follows;--- By Command of the Queen Emperor it is hereby notified that the territories governed by King Thibaw will no longer be under his rule, but have become part of Her Majestys dominions, and will during Her Majestys pleasure be administered by such officers as the Viceroy and Governor General of India may from time to time appoint. ( F/N no: 2 )

 Thus Burma finished as a Sovereign state and from 26th Febuary 1887 Upper Burma became part of the British India. After the first AngloBurmese War Arakan was absorbed into Bengal state while Tenassarim was under Commiissioner from Penang .Later Tenassarim was placed under authority and control of Supreme Court of Judicature and Fort Williams in Bengal, later became High Court of Calcutta. The Governor General retained his direct control with general administration. After the second Anglo Burmese War, Pegu and Matarban were annexed and Pegu was put under separate Commissioner and Martarban was added into Tanassarim. By 1862, the Chief Commissioner was directly responsible to Governor General. Chief Commissioner for British Burma office gradually and his headquarter soon established into a secretariat of specialist departments. . The Britishs intention at that time was to keep peace, to collect revenue, and preserved the condition for the working a LAISSEZ FAIRE economy. In Commissioners divisions; administrative districts were set up and placed under Assistant Commissioner, later called Deputy Commissioner. Under him Sub - division officers [or] S.D.O.; under the S.D.O. there were Township officers. Under T.O. there were Assistant Township officers, and lastly there were many Head Man. This system was called General Administration, which was flourished up to 1974 . Later, British Government divided the General Administration into two class. First were the officers who become the members of Indian Civil Service , internationall called an I.C.S. or five starts service . For members they had to enter either Oxford or Cambridge for further education before they were given a post either in India or Burma according to terms and conditions of the contract signed between the c Viceroy and the employee . Governors for Burma were selected from the I.C.S. exclusively . The second was called Subordinate Service for Extra Assistant Commissioners ,Township officers , Assistant Township Officers ,

 It is important to look back t the past and background history of Burma and East India Company to have the clear picture why we lost our sovereign to British. The facts are as follows;-------- Since Burma like India experienced the same faith which means that both countries were invaded by the British through the good office of the company called East India Company, I will put down some important facts about it origin . British Crown in 1600 formed East India Company and Queen Elizabeth the First granted the Charter which was known as THE CHARTER of DECEMBER 31ST 1600. The Queen granted the privileges to the company ; the exclusive right of trading into and from the East India in the countries , and parts of Asia and Africa, and into and from all the islands, ports, havens, cities, creeks towns, and places of Asia, Africa, and America or any. Of them, beyond the Cape of Bona Esperanze to the straights of Magellan. The Company received certain specified legislative and judicial powers to which may be traced the origin of the Later Anglo-Indian cities. ( F/N no: 4 )

In 1615, the necessary authority was given to the Company by a grant of James 1, who had renewed Elizabeths Charter and made it perpetual by the Charter of 1609. The Companys power of Controlling and punishing its servants was further extended by James 1 in 1623 Grant. From that onwards to 1683 Company suffered set backs because of the competition by the Dutch merchants who were strongly supported by their government expelled the East India Company from the Indoneisa. ( F/N no: 5 ) By 1683,the Company was authorized to declare and make peace and war with any of the heathen nations of Asia, Africa, and America. To raise military forces and to execute and used martial law. The Crown reserved the right SOVEREIGN right, powers, and dominion over all the forts and places of habitation ,and also its power of making peace and war, when it pleased to interpose our royal authority thereon. In short its means fundamental rule that the acquisition of sovereignty by subjects of the Crown and not in their own right. The same charter strengthened the judicial administration in the companys territories in India by providing for the establishment of a court of judicature. ( F/N no: 6 ) The privileges of the company was renewed and confirmed by the James the Seconds charter of 1686, which also authorized it
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to approval. Admirals , and other sea officers in any of its ships within the charter limits, to raised naval forces, and to exercise martial law in time of open hostility on the other side of the cape of Good Hope. Company also received the general

power of coining in its forts any species of money usually coined by the Indian Princess. ( F/N no: 7 )

In 1687 James the Second conferred upon the company the power of establishing a municipaity in Madars. According to the terms of the companys which established the municipality, the Mayor and Alderman became a court of record, with power to civil and criminal cases. ( F/N no: 8 )

In 1726 Royal Charter was granted establishing or reconstituting municipalities at Mardas, Bombay, Calcutta. In each settlement the mayors court was invested with civil jurisdiction, and provisions was made for a regular system of appeal from this court to Governor and Council and thence to the King the Council. Authority was given to the Governor and Council of the settlement to make by-laws and ordinances which had to be confirmed by the Board of Directors. ( F/N no: 9 ) The confrontation between the Burmese King of Ava and the East India Company started during the rule of King Bagyidaw. By 1800 the East India Company established in full force; it had judicial system of its own, military forces, civil administrations, and possessed large areas of the Indian Continent. The British had reached to the zenith and so was the East India Company. British army was fighting a war everyday in different parts of the world, and British Crown was practicing the NAKED AGGRESSION POLICY, or GUNBOAT DIPLOMACY, and building of an Empire was at the peak along with German, Spain, Portuguese, Dutch, and French. British was the first class Empire builder and the biggest of all. On the other part the Burmese King, who was the descendant of King Alaungpaya, the founder of the THIRD MYANMAR NAING GAN DAW , enjoyed the might of Burmese under him. The Burmese army was big and invincible because for Burmese army there were no land that they could not conquer. Burmese Kings ,Lord of the White Elephant and for his neighbors ,there were the Kings vassals. Burmese armies was able to achieve victory over Chinese armies and had defeated Chinese in the field. China was sending tribute to the Burmese king. Manipur , Assam was lay open and beyond them was India., was
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at the mercy of the Burmese King . Siam had been successfully invaded and blundered by Burmese armies.

The main and only drawback for the Burmese King was the fact that he was ignorant of the world affairs, and another fatal drawback was Burmese King did not had the modern arms and regular trained army. On the other part British, after the Industrial Revolution, fully mechanized with factories, foundries, steamships, and lastly the modern arms. The clash of conflict was inevitable between British and Burmese. The former wanted to take the whole India and the latter wanted to build his influence and might at the Western frontier of Burma.

This was the only issue which made the end of KONBAUNG DYNASTY . Burma after the two wars with British lost the coastal areas and became the landlock country . Like EMPEROR NERO , who played harp when Rome was burning and during the second Anglo- Burmese War King PAGAN MIN was enjoying cock-fighting. Before the second Anglo-Burmese War British tried their best to improve diplomatic relation with Court of AVA, which will be mentioned later.

PAGAN MIN was deposed and after the second Anglo- Burmese War peace loving Prince Mindon was put on the throne.

Although the change was good but it was too late for peace with British and annexation become a fait- accompli. King Mindon realized the situation of the country, made the following diplomatic attempts to save Burma. He knew the loop-holes in the Treaty of Yandabo. According to the treaty permits one Government person who was appointed by the British Government, with fifty attendants and arms complete, to reside in the Royal City of Burma. So was for the Burmese to do the same at the city of Governor General.

The fault lies with the said treaty was interpretation of the terms were not very clear or specific. One could interpret the meaning of the terms depend on which side you are on. And also not very clear with the status of the person because it was not clear whether that person enjoyed diplomatic status or not. ( F/N no: 10 )

 One thing sure for the Burmese was Burmese King had no desire to have a permanent British Mission at the Capital which was considered to be the reminder of defeat and the national humiliation. The King did not want send anyone to reside in the Royal City of Governor General of India. Even if the Burmese King decided to send someone to India, he did not want to give some plenipotentiary powers. Fourteen years after the Treaty of Yandabo, British wanted to establish permanent diplomatic relation with Burmese Court. In September 1826 John Crawford, a civil commissioner in the occupied zones of Lower Burma was instructed to proceed on an Embassy to Ava. The Envoy consisted of [6] persons;----- [1]Lt Chester, Deputy Chief of the mission, [2]Dr. Steward, medical officer, [3] Lt Cox, commanding an escort troops, [4] Lt de Montmotrecy, of Quarter Master General department, [5] Mr. Judson, the American missionary, [6] Dr Wallich, of the Government Botanical Garden. The envoy was ordered to negotiate a commercial treaty, and to demarcation of boundaries and other questions arising out of the Treaty of Yandabo. The Envoy was given a cold reception at AVA. The first audience was on the KANDAW DAY. The letter from the Governor General was never acknowledged by the Burmese.

After so many negotiations were made, but Crawford mission still did not achieved to the expectation. KANDAW DAY in Burma means the subjects of the King gathered in assembly to pay their respect to the King and they offered their tributes. Crawford tried his best to get a commercial treaty after being foiled and frustrated at every turn. He lost his patience and left AVA, only taking back with him a generally worded commercial convention. But he did not conferred any new or substantial advantages . ( F/N no: 11 ) Before Crawfords departure from AVA, the Burmese counter part enquired whether Governor General would lend his support to the dispatch of a Burmese mission to England. British Envoy explained that if Burmese
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Government sent ambassadors to England, they must do so at their own cost. Concerning with Crawford mission Governor General Lord Amberst made conclusion as follow.It seems to me clear that the Government in deputing him looked at least as much to the political advantages of having an Agent at the Court of AVA, ready to enter upon the discussion of all doubtful questions arising out of the Treaty . ( F/N no: 12 )

On the other side Burma started to venture Diplomatic relations outside the country. Burma sent missions to Calcutta. First one was in April 1827 to raise the question of Manipur Arakan boundries and request that the payment of third and fourth installments of the war indemnity be deferred. Unfortunately, the Mission did not accomplished any results because the Envoy was not vested with plenipotentiary powers.

British treated the Burmese mission with close co operative such as a daily allowance for the followers, a carriage horses, order were issused to purchase articles necessary for their comfort and convenience during their stay in India. Finally, Calcutta referred British Comissioner to negotiate and the end with Burmese Envoy concerning the question of boundary and the question of deferred payment of 3th and 4th of war indemnity. The second time was in 1830. Burmese mission went to Calcutta to raised the question of the KABAW VALLEY, and of the indemnity. Burmese mission was kept waiting for three years in India. British treatment to the Burmese mission was to take revenge the Burmese. Because Burmese Government made Head of the British Mission Mr. Burney to wait long period at AVA and had to go through formalities before getting an audience with the King. Burney left AVA on June 17th 1837 giving up hope that the relations between the two governments could improve. He left his assistant Mr.C.T Bayfielf in charge at Rangoon. Calcutta remained anxious to maintain diplomatic relations with AVA. Governor General did not want to rupture relation with AVA for two reasons, the first was the cost and expenditure of war, and the second was British considered Burma as a small market. ( F/N no: 13 )

Burmas resources were not yet known. After Burney, Colonel Richard Benson of Bengal Army was appointed as the Resident, but more cordial relations were not established. Although both governments were anxious to avoid war, but the foreign policy of
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AVA continued to be negative. The reason was the Burmese were not far sighted and ignorant with world politics of the day and the might of the British. They only looked upon the British as an enemy . Benson was given cold welcome at the Court of AVA and he was not given proper recognition as a Resident, but only as a British officer with a retinue of fifty men. Then, Benson withdrew from AVA in March 1839 only with the conclusion that war could not be avoided in future. H e left his assistant Captain William Me Leod in charge. In July 1839, William Me Leod withdrew to Rangoon and went back to Calcutta 1n 1840. Calcutta made a decision that to continue diplomatic relations were futile. That is the reason why war came in 1852. Without the diplomatic relations war was not avoidable. In 1846, Pagan Min whos sole occupation was gambling and cock fighting did not concentrated on situations about Burma, while British in India established their hold of India stronger day by day. After British subdued the Sikhs rebellion they could turn their interest to the difficult Burmese. The Governor General of India made this remark about Burma---India could never consistently with its own safety, permit itself stand for a single day in an attitude of inferiority towards a native power, and a least of all towards the Court of AVA. ( F/N no: 14 ) The situation at that time was that the British were able to march and annexed the whole country but Lord Dalhousie decided that annexation of Pegu province along with the principal sea port of Rangoon, Bassein and Martaban was sufficient. The reason of Lord Dalhousie decision to take Pegu province and all the sea ports was he decided that British must established and stabilized their power instead of treaty with the Burmese King. British did not want treaty anymore. because treaty was not necessary. Only the military power was essential with the Burma. That was the concept which materialized after the second Anglo-Burmese War.

Mindons reign was an era of goodwill between the British and the Burmese. King Mindon won the affection of his people and the nation was once more bound its King by bonds of loyalty. A man of peace and devoted Buddhist . He convened the Fifth Great Buddhist Synod. It was the high water mark of the reign. He was very wise and skilled in statesmanship and diplomacy. H e was realist and knew that friendly relations with the British an enlightened foreign policy alone could save his kingdom.
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 King Mindon sent a mission to Europe under the leadership of his Chief Minister Kinwun Mingyi , to explore possibilities of opening trade and diplomatic relations direct , instead of through India, with England, and other European countries. In the past ,even before first Anglo- Burmese War, Burmese Kings wanted to have direct contact with the British Monarch, but the contact was only with East India Company. King Mindon sent a mission to America and students to abroad to learn and to train in morden scientific techniques. The number was small but the important fact was that the beginning was made. He was anxious to preserve the sovereignty of the Burmese Kingdom. He tried very hard to get Burmas sovereignty be recognized internationally.

When Indian mutiny broke out in 1857, he was adviced by some of his ministers to attack Lower Burma while British was in trouble. But the King refused the idea. Instead he donated 1000 pound for the victims. ( F/N no: 15 ) For the first mission to the Untied States of America, he sent letters to President James Buchanan and to the Secretary of State. In 1872, a mission was headed by Kinwun Mingyi along with Paden Wundauk and others to England hoping to get direct contact with the British government. British Crown belittle the Mission and made clear that only through GovernorGeneral of India will do any political or commercial issues with Burma. They went to Europe where they were given a warm welcome. With Italians Court of AVA had contact and also with Mandalay . The missionaries were used to come to Burma . On the way the mission went to Rome. Italian Foreign Minister cordially welcome the Burmese. The Italian Government agreed to send a return mission to Mandalay to finalize in details concerning with the interest of both countries. The Burmese mission was given official welcome everywhere in Europe. During their stay in London they had able to make a courtesy call on the Queen at House of Windsor. The rest of their stay in England was just a tourist instead of a diplomatic mission. At the Chamber of Commerce, they were given a big welcome. Kinwun Mingyi stressed the point that the H.M.Government to give
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approval so that Burmese can appoint a consul in London. He pointed out the fact that the big difference between dealing through the Agent and dealing between the principals directly. The American Ambassador made a point in his report to the U.S. Government stated as follows; -The Paden Woondauk, one of the ministers accompanying and attached to the embassy, was in London in a semi official character last year, preparing the way for diplomatic relations with the British Government. He was very intelligent and speaking very well in English. His sentiment of admirsstion for the United States was strong. I took some pains, at his request to prepare and forwarded to him the forms of a letter of credence and other papers used in diplomacy. Burmese mission during their tour in Britain made visit to Paris and was cordially received by the Foreign Minister and the President. British Embassy in Paris offered to present the Burmese envoy, but the envoy politely declined the offer. Courtesy calls were exchanged between the Burmese and embassies of Britain, Netherlands, Sweden, Denmark, Italy, and United States. ( F/N no: 16 )

On the second visit to Paris, discussions were made between the two counterparts about Franco-Burmese treaty of trade and friendship. Burmese were asked whether they had the plenipotentiary powers to enter into traeties. The envoy replied that they had the powers and negotiations opened. First at the secretarial level and later Kinwun Mingyi and the French Foreign Minister who went over the details carefully. The treaty of commerce was signed on January 24th 1873 by Kinwun Mingyi and Mr. Charles de Remusat, the Foreign Minister . Burmese mission also discussed with Italian counterpart for commercial treaty. This made British very angry because rivalry between British and French in South East Asia was very keen, ,British was colonizing in India so was the French in Indo- China. After all , both were the IMPERIALIST POWERS. BURMAS LAST TRY to coup with situation of borrow life was as follows---Burmese government tried desperatly to counter British and started to look for other European Governments backing and co-operation in the diplomatic field. The Burmese got very closed with the French and they tried to throw the whole lot to the French. French were establishing their power in the neighbouring Annam and Tonkin Indo-China. Although France wanted very much to get what ever percentage they can squeezed out of the Burmeses desperate situation, and saw the possibilities of further gains in Burma , but France was not
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in a position to go to war with British over Burma. British Ambassador in Paris began to have a busy time reminding the French Foreign Ministry that Burma occupied special position in relation to Britain and that the British Government had a special interest in Burma. Burmas desperate bid to cultivate friendships and diplomatic and commercial relations with the European powers, to get her independence and neutrality recognized and to quietly go about building into a modern nation. It was a failure. Burma had become a little country, with half of the country in the hand of the British and could not achieve much. She had started on her quest for friends and allies was rather too late. Her geographical position and economic forces of the time decided that she should lose her sovereignty and be overwhelmed under a foreign power.

In a report to London the British Ambassador in Paris wrote as follows;--It was, he [M. Jules Ferry ] told me, quite true that the Burmese government desired to throw themselves into the arms of France , but the French Government were determined not to accept any offer of this. They had no intention of forming with Burmah an alliance defensive or offensive, or any alliance whatever of a special character. All they desired was to establish friendly intercourse and commercial relation on a proper basis. There were no secret communications going on. There was no question of secret treaty. Burmese asked for procuring arms, but to such request French Government turn a deaf ear. They were simply engaged in making an ordinary treaty, with such stipulations as were usual and necessary in order to ensure the safety of the Europeans in eastern countries. ( F/N no: 17 ) Another problem Burma had to face without her knowledge was concerning with the commercial and trade interest considered by British, French, and America with China. Burma was dragged in on account of the fact that it is the back door to China, especially for the British who had occupied half of the Burma wanted to do commercial and trade with China. British knew that from Mandalay it is only a few days time to travel either by land route or by Irrawaddy river, and roads to which could be conveniently cut through Burma. According to Mr.J.S.Furnivall I.C.S., an authority on comtemporary Burma, had written; The hot haste of America to command the China coast was one excuse put forward for taking UPPER BURMA. If we do not take Burma, it was said, AMERICA will. Our sea-bond trade with China is being actively completed for by America, wrote Major Sladen who had surveyed the trade route
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to China through Burma with the approval and support of the King; and they have lately advanced in Chinas diplomatic relations with other courts, all point to a determination on the part of America to secure, if possible, the command of the Chinese market.( F/N no: 18 ) For British the Kingdom of Burma was a minor native state whose destiny had been already been decided by the Chamber of Commerce and Whitehall. Thus ,Lord Lyons, the British Ambassador at Paris, report back to London on the overtures made by the Burmese Ambassador wrote that he had taken the prudent course in treating, indeed the Envoy personally with perfect courtesy, but in absolutely declining to enter into discussion or negotiation with him, in October 22 ,1885. Court of AVA was not able to make settlement with the Company , she hopes to get help from the French who was the arch enemy of the British . That made British nervous. The merchants in Rangoon had much to complain, and pressure from the British trading community in Rangoon made Government of India to ask for sanction from London. They asked for Londons sanction to make firm and definite proposal to the King at Mandalay. We proposed to imform is Majesty that we desire to arrange for the improvrment of our Residents position at his court, for the general settlement of pending differences and grievences and fo revision of our treaty with his government . We are confident that this course of action will offer any practical issuses from the difficulties of the situation , therefore- we seek sanction and support. But London favour the policy of patience and caution. London made the conclusion that Anythng like an ultimatum based upon former grievences would at the present juncture appear to His Majestys Government highly impolitic , and calculated to give the impression that [ the Government of India ] are seeking hostilities rather than more friendly relations, cautioned a dispatch , dated April , 1879 , from India Office in London to the Governor General in India . ( F/N no: 19 ) The situation in Mandalay was worsen with the death of KING MINDON and KING THIBAW S ascension, the shoe question between the British Resident and the King . The Resident was under the instructions neither to take off the shoes nor squad on the floor during the interview with the King . The Court on the other part would not relax the time honoured custom . So the Resident was not able to meet the King , he had to reach only through many intermediaries. Serious effort was made by both parties to restore happier
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relations . But Resident at Mandalay was not an easy one because there were excesses committed by the high handed Burmese officials on the Burmese part , and the tactlessness and error of judgment on the part of the Resident . In 1879 , Mr. Shaw died a natural death and no successor was appointed and only Charge d Affairs stood watch at Mandalay . The question of withdrawal of Resident from Mandalay was decided . On October 7 , 1879 the Charge d Affaires and his staff left Mandalay . This became the end of the permenant diplomatic relations between the Kingdom and the British in Lower Burma and India . The Vicerory of India proposed on October 16th to the India Office that the time had come to send an ultimatum to Mandalay demanding that :-- [ 1 ] with view to settling the dispute , we must insist upon an envoy from Government of India being received at Mandalay , with free access to the King upon the same terms at other Courts, and without submitting to any humiliating ceremony ; [ 2 ] if , in meantime , any proceedings have been or shall be taken against the Company , we shall take the matter into our own hands without making any further communication to Burma Government; [ 3 ] that the present and recent incidents show the necessity for English Agent being permenantly at Burmese Capital with proper guard of honour and steamer for his protection ; [ 4 ] that the Burmese Government will be expected to regulate external relations in accordance with our advice as in now done by Amir of Afghanistan ; [ 5 ] that proper facilties should be grant for opening up of British trade with China via Bhamo . If the ultimatumt is rejected , and immediate advance on Mandalay ought to be made . ( F/N no: 20 ) The case was between Bombay -Burma Company and the Burmese Government concerning with the timber . The Court of Mandalay imposed a large amount of fine on the British owned Bombay- Burma Corporation which held the lease from the King to extract timber from certain forest . The

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Corporation had contracted to pay large sum of revenue annually for all the timber of specified qualities extracted . On the report King made questions and enquiries . But HLUTDAW-- decided that fraud had been proved on the side of Company and imposed fine . The decision cost the King his throne . It was the most expensive for Burma in her history . British received information that French will take over if the Companys leases were cancelled . The Secretary of State instructed the Viceroy to approach the King at Mandalay in firm , though not menancing terms for amicable settlement . On August 28th , the Chief Commissioner of British wrote to the Burmese Minister for Foreign Affairs at Mandalay asking for a suspension of the degree against the Bombay- Burma Corporation , for acceptance of an arbitrator , who will be appointed by the Viceroy of India , and the arbitrators decisions would be accepted by both parties . Mandalay found them strange, concerning with the proposal , and did not reply to it . There was a rumour going around in London and Rangoon that the French were ousting the British from Upper Burma and French had secured a special concessions from the King and treaties to operate banks and railways . This caused the alarm in British commercial circles . Rangoon Chamber of Commerce sent delegation on 24th September, to meet the Chief Commissioner for the protection of British Commercial interests in the Kingdom of Burma. They also urged that British Government might inform other Powers that the British could not recognize any treaties made by King Thibaw regarding external or internal trade of his country . In Britian the rumoured about concessions to have been obtained by the French from the Burmese alarmed the commercial world . On October 23th Chamber of Commerence present a pettion to Lord Randolph Churchill, the Seceretary of State for India , urging the immediate annexation of Native Burma , or the establishment of an efficient protectorate over the province . The pettion pointed out that under present situation British Burma was yielding an annual surpluss revenue of one million pounds
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sterling , and annexation of King Thibaws dominions , the assumption of a protectorate over the Shan State and other independent territories lying between would result in a farther increase in the revenue and prosperity of the whole of British Indo- China. On November 3th the Burmese Ambassador Thangyet Wun at Paris urged Lord Lyons to used influence to open direct relations, through the diplomatic channel, between the Cabinent of St. James and that of Mandalay. ( F/N no: 21 ). Unfortunately, London Office decided not to interfere with the direct control exercised by the Government of India over relations with Burma. The ultimatum was delivered at Rangoon to the Commercial Agent of the Burmese Government on October 22th and sent to Mandalay on the same day by steamer . British demanded the reply not later than November 10th. The Burmese Foreign Minister replied on November 4th as follows :- ( 1 )the Bombay Burma Company case was not decided in any arbitrary manner and because the Company was special consideration in taking the Companys own records as the basis of the judgment which was rendered only on merits of the case ; ( 2 ) the judgment was delivered inaccordance with law of the State , His Majesty would be pleased to entertain a petition for review ; ( 3 ) the British agent would be free to reside in Mandalay and come and go out as former times ; ( 4 ) the Burmese Government would be willing to assist the British or any other race in their will to do trade with China ; ( 5 ) as far as Burmas future foreign relationship with other states; since Burma is an independent State it will be conducted in according to custom and laws of Burma . The Government of India cannot control the affairs of the other State . Therefore , in determining the question whether or not it is proper that one Government alone should make such claim, Burmese Government can follow the joint decision of friendly three States , France ,Germany , and Italy , who are friends of the both Government . ( F/N no: 22 ).

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 This was rejected by the Government of India . On November 11th , Lord Churchill cabled the Viceroy Please instruct General Prendergast to advance on Mandalay at once . ( F/N no: 23 ). King Thibaw issused a call to the people to take up arms and fight the invader. Mandalay was divided , and those Ministers who had been abroad and who had seen the might and power of the Westknew too well that the resistance was futile; those of the Hlutdaw who were ardent nationalist and little else wanted to fight to death . Although there was the will to resist but there was no strength on the Burmese side . British met some considerable resistance but in every battle the fire power of Burmese side was not matched with the British who enjoyed modern arms and it was an easy voyage to the Capital . According to the report of Lieutenant- General Sir H.N.D. Prendergast , K.C.B.,V.C., Commanding the Burma Field Force , to the Adjutant- General in India ,-No: 38L dated Mandalay , the 13th January 1886 . ( PART II British Burma Gazette , May 29th , 1886, page , 137 to 145 ). In para no: 35 of British Burma Gazette ,mentioned as follows :- At 4.00 pm on the 26 November, near Nagaung, 223 miles from Thayetmyo , A Burmese State barge flying the kings flag at the stern and a flage of truce at the bow, paddled down the stream, was taken in tow by one of the stream-launches and brought alongside the DOOWOON, headquarters ship . In the barge were - ( 1 ) Myang Shoak-ak Kyauk Myaung Atwin, the Minister of the Interior; ( 2 ) U Shoay-ak- Wundauk . Colonel Sladen met the envoys at the gangway, and, after being presented to me a note, unsigned, in a cover bearing the Royal Peacock seal , of which the following is a translation :- From His Excellenency the Prime Minister to Commander in Chief of English War Vessels- dated 4th decrease of Tazaungmon 1247 ( 25th November 1886 ). 1. Although the treaty negotiated at Simla was not concluded, the Burmese Government were under the impression that the former friendly conditions

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would still prevail, and they could not, therefore, believe that the English Government would make war on Upper Burma . 2. The Burmese Government have always had at heart the welfare and prosperity of the English people. They have all along protected the interest of the Irrawaddy Companys teak trade and the general interests of all British subjects . 3. We are desirous of still further protecting British interests as far as lies in our power , both at present and in all future time . 4. The last letter ( ultimatum ) forwarded by the British Government contained very important political matter and our sovereign regrets that the time allowed was too short to allow of serious deliberation . 5. The English Government ought to have known that the only reason why the Burmese Government in their reply to the said letter did not freely concede all the demands made was because we were not allowed sufficient time for deliberation. It must have been apparent from the tenor of our reply that the Burmese was desirous of remaining on terms of amity and friendship . 6. The Burmese Government did not wholly reject the rights and privileges claimed by the British Governemt,which was always been so friendly , should in the present instance have made immediate war on us . We have simple resisted in order to maintain the reputation of the kingdom and the honour of the Burmese people. 7. The English are renowned for their just and straight-forward action in all matters ( political ). We look forward, therefore, with confidence to their doing what is just and proper in the present instances . 8. The country of Burma is one which deserves justice and consideration . We believe that it will receive this consideration at the hands of British Government . 9. If it is granted, the kingdom of Burma need not be annexed. It is well to remember , too, that on former occasion Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen Empress was please to declare publicly that there was no intention on the part of the British Government to annex Burma , unless such a step was necessitated on good cause shown . As no such cause exists, the Great Powers of Europe should not have it in their power to say that the Royal declaration has not been faithfully observed .
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 10. In addition to the rights and privileges already granted in our reply to your ultimatum , His Majesty The King of Burma has noe declared his will to concede all the other demands which were not first allowed . Because we had not sufficient time to bring them under our consideration. 11. His Majesty the King is well disposed ( in mind and heart ), he is straight-forward and just, and expects the English Government will act in accordance with the wishes expressed in this letter . 12. By doing so the world will have no cause to say that the English Government have acted unjustly , or with a disregard of the rules of international law . 13 . The English Government entered our country and attacked us with a number of war vessels. We were obliged to resist . We now desire that hostilities shall cease, and we trust the English Government will meet us half way, and enter into a treaty by which friendly intercourse may be resumed between the two great countries . This was the last effort by the Burmese to save the King , the Country , and the Konbaung Dynasty . To which the following reply was sent :- General Prendergast begs to inform the Ken Wun Mengyi , in reply to his letter of this date , that, acting in accordance with the instructions he has received from the Viceroy and Governor- General of India , it is quite out of his power to accept any offer or proposal which would affect the movement of the troops under his command on Mandalay . No armistice, therefore , can be at present granted; but if King Thibaw agrees to surrender himself , his army , and his capital to British arms , and if the European RESIDENTS at Mandalay are all found uninjured in person and property , General Prendergast promises to spare the Kings life and to respect his family . He also promises not to take further military action against Mandalay beyond occupying it with a British force , and stipulates that the matters in dispute between the countries shall be negotiated on such terms as may be the dictated by the British Government . reply to this communication must be sent so as to reach General PRENDERGAST BY 4.A.M. tomorrow .
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 By order ,

E.B. SLADEN , Chief Civil Officer , Burma ,

S.S DOOWOON : Field Force . The 26th November 1886 . Even before the letter to Commander- in Chief of the British War Vessel from King Wun Min Gyi, the situation of the naval battle between British and Burmese was in favour of the British. Because Burmese failed to block the water way in Irrawaddy River although they tried very hard to stop the British armada . Then The Commander of the Kings navy could not made a decisive fight but was force to surrender. The naval Commander was Commodore Commotto and Captain Molinari both were the Italian officers surrendered to Commander Capenter, R.N. , of the Ngawoon . On 27th November, an envoy arrived with the reply from Court of Mandalay as follows:- . NO. I SENT BY ROYAL ORDER . From the Hlot Dau to Bo Hmu , Atwin Wun ; Pen Myosa , Maythit , Atwin Wun, Kyauk- Myaung , Atwin Wun , Wet Ma Sut , Wundauk ; Pendalai, Wundauk . When the English ships arrive you are on no account to fire on them . Let all the troops keep quiet . Publish this abroad everywhere . The King concedes unconditionally to all the demands made by the Commander of the English Forces as contained in his letter of yesterdays date . You are to let the English Commander know this as quickly as possible King Thibaw surrendered . He had three Chief Queens , and three concubines .His family and some followers all together 68 were taken on board the British Vessel from Mandalay . Then they were shipped to Madars from Rangoon . King Thibaw died there . THIS COME TO THE END OF THE KONBAUNG DYNASTY , WHICH LASTED 133 YEARS AND WAS KNOWN AS THIRD MYANMAR NAING DAW .
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 THE ROOTS BURMA THROUGH PASSAGE OF TIME FROM THE ANNEXATION OF UPPER BURMA [1886] TO DYARCHY [1922]. On January 1st, 1886 Burma officially proclaimed by Lord Dufferin, the Viceroy of India as follows;--- By Command of the Queen-Emperor it is hereby notified that the territories governed by King Thibaw will no longer be under his rule, but have become part of Her Majestys dominions, and will during Her Majestys pleasure be administered by such officers as the Viceroy and GovernorGeneral of India may from time to time appoint. With this proclamation the annexation of Upper Burma was completed. After the annexation, there was discussed a few alternatives for the future administration of Upper Burma . The First option was to replace Thibaw by a more pro-British and amenable Prince and leave the kingdom alone, at least in name. Although few suitable candidates were found among the available princes, but British fear that such arrangement might open the way for French intervention ,because international treaty existed between French and AVA, which would have been binding on a King Nyaungyan. Under the circumstances Annexation was the only way of completely removing possible causes of friction between French and British in this particular matter. The Second option was to make Upper Burma into protected with local autonomy while the Government of India regulate its foreign relations..But the chances of getting a Burmese prince to take the throne under such conditions, who would enjoy the confidence of the peoples and at the same time subservient enough to the British were remote. The Third option was to govern the country through the Hlutdaw as was done for few experimental months after the dethronement of King Thibaw. It did not work; for one thing, members of the Hlutdaw were defiant and not co-operative with the British ; for another, members were not easy to find and retain. The experiment was therefore

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abandoned and the Hlutdaw was abolished, and only a few Ministers were kept as advisers for the time being. At the first glance on the surface of the record it seem that the British did not wanted the Upper Burma for keep s, according to the above-mentioned facts . For British, if the conditions were favourable they wanted to put the country back into the Burmese hands. It was only the crocodiles tears that British wanted to shed . One will find the true intentions of the British from the day Queen Elizabeths famous Charter of 1600 was granted to the Company called East India Company; to do business and to colonize if possible in India. Because of these abovementioned facts British on the other part had no alternatives but to incorporate Burma into the India Empire and placed under direct British rule. First Upper Burma was made into scheduled district or excluded area in which large powers were vested in local officers. This enable the local administration of Burma to frame simple Regulations with approval of the Government of India, suitable to cope with the actual state of affairs. The regulations differed from Acts being issued by the GovernorGeneral in Council, instead of being passed by the Legislative Council of the Government of India. Later, the whole Burma was united under the Chief Commissioner as a province of India. India penal code and other laws came into force in the new province. According to the report to the London Times from the correspond in Mandalay, as follows---Upper Burma has been proclaimed part of British India since 26th February, no steps were taken to exclude from the operation of the general statutes in force in India. The penal code, the criminal procedure code ,and other general Acts thus came into forceThe provisions of the various statutes which proclamation had brought into force, however, been steadily ignored. The Judges, without the right to try the prisoners, imposed sentences which they are not competent to pass. The right of appeal secured by the law in denied to prisoners in Upper Burma.A continuance of the present system of violating laws which it is proclaimed are in force is extremely injurious and injudicious. This is especially the case in Mandalay, where a large number of educated Burmese reside, who knows to what rights they are legally entitled, while they see the laws openly violated ( F/N no:24 )

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 All wars are cruel, and during wars, and in their aftermath, passions, not laws, are apt to rule. After all, vanquish are the losers, and the victor takes all. British took great care to get China to recognize and approve their new regime in Upper Burma after the annexation . The legends of Chinas wealth had attracted British traders even before the annexation of Upper Burma, now British had occupied the gate way to China; there was trading to do with China so the treasures were waiting to be picked up. Thus British made the first step by negotiating to get an agreement with the Empire of China by which they pledged themselves to send tributes to the Emperor in every ten years and in return British asked from the Emperor to recognize the British as a new ruler of Upper Burma. Trade relation were between the two governments improved and frontiers between Burma and China were to be demarcacted by joint commissions. The British hastily made the promised to send decennial tribute to the Chinese Emperor because they thought Burmese King also sent such tribute in token of submission. Just in the short time British discovered that they made the mistake, which caused British to consider the question of Chinas rights over Burma. Discussions, research were done by the administrators, and experts and found that there was none what ever so. London Times correspondent wrote as follows---It had been pointed out in your columns that no evidence of vassalage appears in any known Burmese document; that at the close of the last BurmahChina war, in 1769, the treaty between Burmese and Chinese generals, ,according to the Burmese copy, was made on terms of perfect equality between the two nations. And the members of Hluitdaw also deny in most emphatic terms that tribute was never paid by Burmah to China.( F/Nno25 ) When the first Anglo- Burmese war, Arakan and Tenassarim came under the British and direct control of the Governor General of India. Since shared a frontier with Bengal and thus it was absorbed into the administration system of Bengal, while Tenassarim was more remote and it was therefore set up as a commissioners charge with administrators drawn from Penang more than India. Tenassarim therefore enjoyed some opportunities to build its own administrative and judicial systems and its new set of administrators were eager to take of the opportunities. They experimented with government, they brought fresh ideas into laws. Their approach to their tasks showed originality, so the Government of India put Tenassarim under the authority and
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control of the Supreme Court of Judicature at Fort William to keep a strict check on the affairs of Tenassarim. When Pegu and Martaban were annexed after the second Anglo-Burmese war, Pegu was placed under a separate Commissioner and Martaban was joined to Tenassarim. In 1862, some sort of system was established by the appointment of a Chief Commissioner for British Burma, who was directly responsible to the Governor General. British introduced Indian laws such as Indian Penal Code to the province because it had no local law making authority, F .S.V. Donnison wrote in his thesis called A Study of Development during British Connexion , concerning with Public Administration In Burma as follows;---after January 1, 1886 The Chief Commissioners area of responsibility was double than before. Before the third AngloBurmese War the new province of British Burma, which was the Lower- Burma administered by the Chief Commissioner. Under there were three Commissioners , all were subordinate to the Governor General of India. First British had the idea that the Burmese Monarchy should be restored under British guidance and protection. Later British decided to annexed Kingdom of Burma along with its subordinate states in Shan mountains to the east. ( F/N no: 26 ) . In 1868 under the Chief Commissioner, there were Police department with an Inspector General, Public Works under the Chief Engineer, and the Accounts, Medical, Jail, Ecclesiastical, Marine, and Custom departments . . In 1872 the appointment of Judicial Commissioner for Lower Burma relieved the Chief Commissioner of his judicial functions. Although all other subordinate officers continuing to exercise theirs, but it was the beginning of the High Court system in Burma. The annexation of Upper Burma brought a sudden great increase in responsibilities and labours of the Chief Commissioner over and above the normal rate of on crease of governmental functions. First the appointment of separate Chief Secretary for Upper Burma 1888 and appointment of Financial Commissioner relieved the burden of the Chief Commissioner. Lastly in 1890 a Judical Commissioner was appointed for Upper Burma. Few years before end of the century the Government of Burma which had consist of the Chief Commissioner with an expanded secretariat consisting of
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a Chief Secretary and other three secretaries---one was for revenue matters, the second for public works, and the third for Financial Commissioner, along with the addition of the assistant secretary . There was Judicial Commissioner for Lower and Upper Burma, and increased by creation of technical departments such Land Records Department ,an Education Department, a Forest Department , and an appointment of Deputy- Post masterGeneral. ( F/N no:27 )

If we go through about administrative machine set up in Burma, which was brought by the British after the first Anglo-Burmese war , we will find that it originated from India .There was covenanted civil service was already established in India before the first Anglo-Burmese war. This covenanted civil service later known as I.C.S; Indian Civil Service, recruited by nomination in England and the right to nominate rested with the Directors of the East India Company. No Indian native could gain admission. The service was designed to fill higher posts in the Company. In Burma members of covenanted civil service held only two third of the posts in cadre, and one third was filled by army officers until 1922. By 1853 admission to the covenant civil service was thrown open to competitive examination for which natives of India were eliglble. But the examination was held in London and it required canditades of honours - degree caliber, later Burmese subject honours- degree holders were allowed; U Sein Tin, an I. C.S. , who was very prominent man of letters . He was a Burmese honours degree holder. During that early period India did not have any university of its own and for Burma till 1920, there was none. Never the less the vast majority of post were outside the covenanted service, and they were filled by Indian. In course of time admission to this service was known as native service or provincial services, and the covenanted service became to be known as the Indian Civil Service or I.C.S. Those who passed the written examination had to entered either Oxford or Cambridge University to get further education for two and half years in England. . On the establishment of the province of British Burma the British officers charged with the responsibility for the administration of the country were foamed into a cadre known as the Burma Commission on the precedent of similar commissions already found in other non-regulation provinces of India. Out of the total two third of the commission were member of the Indian Civil Service recruited by competitive examination; the remaining third
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were appointed by nomination from other services. The Burma Commission continued till 1922 when whole cadre was reserved for the Indian Civil Service save few posts filled by promotion of officers from provincial service, nearly all Burmans. This service fell into two grades, the lower consisting of myo-oks or township officers, the higher consisting of Extra Assistant Commissioners, who were given Assistant Commissioner on first joining and then became Deputy Commissioners. ( F/N no: 28) In 1897 the Chief- Commissioner was elevated to the rank of Lieutenant- Governor. This was very important He was furnished with a Legislative Council; for the first since the British connexion with Burma, and Burma was possible to legislate for Burma in Burma. The council consisted of four officials and five nominated non officers, they were no elected members, and its powers were strictly circumscribed. In 1905 the first step was taken to separate judicial from executive functions in the districts, because for many years from senior officers to the rank of myo-ok up wards had to undertake both the criminal and civil cases. Deputy Commissioners to down ward the executive officers now on tried only criminal cases. This separation of the Judiciary from Executive was undertaken partly in deference to Western principles, but partly also in response to a growing political demand in India and Burma. The demand was itself based on Western theory, but at the same time it originated from the desire to get the administration of justice out of the hands of the Executive with its desire for speed of effective police action. As for civil cases it is better to put into the hands of more meticulous but slowermoving Judiciary, which was more ready to allow full, sometimes too full, play to the ingenuity of the litigious in protracting proceedings. ( F/N no: 29 ) There were two reasons for adopting this principle of separation of the Judiciary from Executive, the first reason was the simple one of expense; in many places where the volume was not heavy it would meant appointing two officers to the work which could be done by one with satisfactory result. The second was the different orders. By appointment of Inspector-- General of Prisons in 1899 relieved the Inspector --General of Civil Hospitals from his responsibilities for administration of the prisons in the country. At the same year Commissioner of Settlement and Land Records was appointed. In 1904 Co-operative Credit Department was created. In 1905 Chief Conservator of Forests was appointed to
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take charge of the Forest Department. In 1906 Director of Agriculture, Veterinary, and Fishery Departments were created. In 1908 Sanitary Commissioner was created which relieved the Inspector --General of Civil Hospital from heavy duties he had to administer before. In due course there was a great increase in the specialist departments at the headquarters of the government. It seem that the British did not prepare Burma for self- government.( F/N no: 30 ) Since the British Administrative was based on district level in British India and it was often found convenient to leave responsibilities with Deputy Commissioner. The district was divided into sub- divisions under the charged of S.D.O.; namely sub district officer who had to administered township inside his district. Townships were directly administered by Township Officers. Clerical staff were recruited locally in a given district for service in that district only. Class I or All India Service or Indian Civil Service were an I.C.S.; below this was a Class II service, recruited in Burma for service anywhere in Burma. This system was called General Administration which was established up to 1974 in Burma.( F/N no:31 ) From the annexation of Upper Burma to 1922, British Administration can be classified into three types. First was Martial Law Government, Second was Bureaucracy Government and the Third was Political Government in Burma. At the early stage the government had recognized their duty to provide education for European children or children of partly European parentage, but for a long time the Government was content to leave the education of the children of the people of the country to the indigenous monastic schools and to the missionary which were started soon after the annexation A few had started before the annexation. The government intention for education was very simple , they need English speaking clerks for rapid growth of government departments. In 1871 Government of Burma urged to the Government of India to established a real High School in Rangoon and fixing of a local standard that should take place of the Calcutta University entrance standard. By 1884 the Rangoon High School had not only been established but had been affiliated to the Calcutta University and converted into the Rangoon. After the First World War, with the advent of the diarchical form of constitution to Burma, this college together with the Missionary College called Judson College in Rangoon was constituted the University of Rangoon. ( F/N no: 32 )
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 THE ABOVE MENTIONED FACTS were of the FOUNDATIONS for ADMINISTRATION in BURMA laid down by the British since 1862 to 1922. Now we can see that the first step had been taken along a road that was bound sooner later to lead Self-- Government in Burma . During that period Burma was governed by GovernorGeneral of India and the LieutenantGovernor of Burma was under him. It seem that the British did not prepare Burma for Self- Government. The process of new beginning of nationalism had materialized as follows----- While Burma was making new beginning in every field , the political ideas were devloped among the Burmese who resided in Upper Burma. From the day Burmese King was taken away , prominent Burmese elders, phongyis, sayadaws, intellectuals were worried with the situation of the country after the annexation of Upper Burma, because they thought that Buddhism will disappear and the people will one way or another be converted into Christian by the authorities, with the blessing of the government. Then , the Nationalisim in Burma grew out of Buddhist organizations , and in 1906 . The Young Mens Buddhist Association[ Y.M.B.A.] was founded with the membership about twenty. Association gradually grew and its annual meeting became a forum where representatives from all over the country could discuss and exchange on general matters. The first meeting was held on 1908. It was the custom of the day to sing God save the King before opening and closing of the every meeting. First , YMBA concerned itself with education and social affairs ; and their recommendations were usually transmitted to the authorizes in the form of prayers and memorials. Later the shoe question was raised by YMBA, which was the big problem during the days of the Burmese Kings, between the King and British Residents and Envoys. Notices at the gate of pagodas used to read Footing wearing prohibited, expect to the British and Europeans.( F/N no: 33 ) This became an irksome state of affairs and the youthful elements among YMBA began to impatient and started to speak out openly. Finally, YMBA held special meeting in Rangoon to protest that the wearing of shoes on pagodas premises must be forbidden once and for ever with no exception. This meeting was presided over by a young Barrister and it was the first protest made by the Burmese through the medium of mass organization. The protest was heard and heeded by the Government and the result encouraged further mass action.
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 Burma was isolated and shut from the outside world during the days of Burmese Kings . Since the country was a province of India which was governed partly in India and partly from London, Burma access to outside world was through many barriers and awakening of political therefore came rather slowly. Political ideas came through Indian Congress Party in India, and also from China. Burmese had to copy the way Indian Congress Party functions Indian politic in India. Then out of the blue moon the news of Russian defeat in RussoJapanese war of 1904 came to Burma and stirred up nationalist hopes, but the reaction to the news by no means immediate and definite. Because Russia was considered giant European Power compared to small Japan. The news boasted the moral and nationalism of Burmese and was interpreted as Asians were equal to the Europeans, no European were invincible. Nationalism during the first few decades was the gentleman affairs, courteous and clam and cautious because most of the political leaders were British trained Barristers who were educated in England. They had great loved for English institutions. But on account of strong nationalism among the Burmese in the country, important developments of political upheavals occurred;

Among them were a UNIVERSITY BOTCOTT , The formation of YMBA, and its political activities, formation of GCBA, its split into GCBA, its split into groups,

The demand for Home Rule ,

The formation of Thanga-tat Maggie ( PHONGYIs UNION ) , The cognizance against by the government authorities , Establishment of NATIONAL HIGH SCHOOL ,

The first delegation sent by YMBA to meet Montagu- Chelmsford Joint Commission at Calcutta to make demand for political equal status with India , The second delegation sent to London for political future of Burma ,
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 The list of CAMPAING to BOYCOTT were as follows-- The campaing to boyciott foreign goods , The campaing to boycott Whyte commission ,

The campaing to boycott the ROYAL VISIT ,of Prince of Wales , THESE EVENTS HAPPENED between 1900 to 1920 in Burma and will be mentioned in due course . YMBA was founded in 1906 and the first annual meeting was held in 1908, the second was in 1914, the third was 1915, the fourth was in 1916,the fifth was in1917, the sixth was in 1918, the seventh was in 1919, the eighth was in 1920. Out of those annual meetings only two meetings were very significant. They were the Fifth and the Eight. The Fifth annual meeting passed the resolution to send the Delegation to India concerning with the political crisis. ( F/N no:34 ) In 1917 Mr.Montagu arrived to India to declare the policy of The British Government on India who had asked for Home- Rule Government from the Crown. India was contributing not only soldiers for the war but also natural resources. Ireland was also asking for it. Then Burma took the seat on the bang wagon. British Government had to send Mr. Montagu to India to give assurance to the Indians in person, on behalf of the British Government that British Government was serious with giving India , the Self- Government; better than they were getting at that time. Soon after Mr. Montagus arrival in India Lord Chelmsford, The Viceroy of India came to conclusion that the endowment of British India as an integral part of the British Empire with self-government was the goal of the British rule. Further to confer greater powers and a more representative character upon existing local self-- governing units such as district [rural ] boards and municipal councils, to increase the proportion of Indians on the higher Administrative posts , and pave the way for an enlargement of the constitutional powers of the provincial legislatures by broadening the electorate and increasing the number of elected members ( F/N no: 35 ) The Burmese politicians and members of YMBA were waiting for an interview with the Joint Commission to explain the Burmese stand
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on future of Burma. Unfortunately, the Joint Commission cancelled to come to Burma. YMBA had to make a decision to send a delegation to Calcutta for discussion and to make demands concerning with Burma future. The delegation consisted of four members, they were U PE, U SU, U BA BE, and U MAY OUNG. This delegation was authorized by the fifth annual YMBA meeting in 1917 and this was the first delegation sent by YMBA to aboard. The Delegation filed their demands in the form of petition, which was from political point of view did not carried much weight. But it was the beginning and after twenty years later, so:

Their petition contained nine paragraphs, among them , para number three, para number four, para number six, para number seven, para number eight and lastly para number nine, were concerned for future of Burma, which were as follows--- [ paragraph number three ]We demand that Burma to be separated from India [ paragraph number four ] We demand that after Burma is separated from India Burma should be declared as a crown colony with legislature of its own. [ paragraph number six ] We demand that Burma must be given a responsible self government [ paragraph number seven ]We demand that there must be a cabinent with the Prime Minister who will responsible to the parliament which consists of seventy five members, out of the total, sixty must be elected and the rest should be by nomination . [ paaragraph number eight ]We demand that head man in the village must be elected, formation of district council, and formation of municipal committee with election. [ paragraph number nine ] We demand that we want a University and High Court of separate judicature for Burma. ( F/N no: 36 ) In the mean time Montagu-Chelmsford Report concerning with India came out in 1918 which covered the subjects as follows-- [ A ] Goal of Political Evolution in India, [ B ] Dyarchy, or Dual system of Government, [ C ] Devolution to Provincial Government.
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 In that report Burma was excluded from getting that badge of inferiority. The dual system of government became known as dyarchy which was like all modest reforms, became look upon by impatient nationalism as a badge of inferiority. Burmese began to unite and send their delegations to India and to London for the first time the voice of Burma became heard by the Councils and Commissions which had been making policy for the country without consulting her peoples. ( F/N no: 37 ) In July 1919 YMBA sent delegation to London and the Delegation arrived to London in August ,and it was PE , PU SHEIN in short; U BA PE , U PU , and U TUN SHEIN. The first delegation sent to Calcutta was not satisfactory, and was given a short discussion. On May 2nd,1920 YMBA held all Burma Mass Meeting in Rangoon at JUBILEE HALL ,and decided to send a Delegation to London. This time the British Parliament was in session, the Burmese delegation was able to place the issues of Burma in the British Parliament and it was very encouraging. YMBA sent second Delegation to London again. The delegation members were U PU, U THEIN MAUNG, and UBA PHAY. They enjoyed the chance to present Burmese case to individual Members of Parliament., including Labour Party. If compare between the first and the second delegation, the second one was very successful. ( F/N no : 38 )

The architects of diarchy recommended that Burma should be excluded from the scheme because the Burmses are distinct from the Indians in race and language as they are from the British. But the report did mentioned that Burmese have deserved and should receive a constitution anaglogous to that provided in this Bill for their Indian fellow- subjects The reforms also give three seats in the Central Legislative Assembly of India which had 140 seats, and one in the Council of State [Upper Chamber ] which had a maximum of 60 seats. The LieutenantGovernor of Burma, SIR REGINALD CRDDOCK took a dim view of the Mon-Ford reforms and inaccordance to the instruction from British Government he drafted his own plan known as the CRADDOCK SCHEME . He drafted the plan without consulting or inviting proposal from any Burmese politicians. The plan did provide for some devolution of local government powers on Circle Boards and District Councils an conduct of the provincial government in part by a complicated system of Executive Boards. Burmese were strung and national ism aroused out of the facts that Burma was excluded from the reforms , and the Craddock scheme was like putting petrol into the fire. ( F/N no: 39 )
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 The LieutenantGovernor CRADDOCK was the kind of person who openly shown unsympathetic to the very idea of self government for Burma. The Lieutenant-Governor had provoked public opinion before .In 1917 June there was a severe earthquake brought down the ancient pagoda SHEWMAWDAW in Pegu . He went there for inspection. Actually he should took off the shoes before entering the pagoda, but he didnt. The offended trustee informed to YMBA in Rangoon, and YMBA convened mass meeting in JUBILEE HALL to demand that in future Europeans who enter Buddhist temples and pagodas must take off their shoes. The resolution was ,after hearing eloquent, and vehement, speeches, and firmly resolved. This was the occasion when peoples united to express their will and draw strength and confidence from their unity. This resolution was heard and heeded. Europeans began to take off their shoes when entering pagodas or stayed away. ( F/N no: 40 ) The LieutenantGovernor in one of his remarks said that, You are asking for Home Rule , can you tell me how many B.A. ,M.A, graduates among the Burmese. This remark made everyone angry. Sayardaw U Ottama made this famous cry; CRADDOCK GO HOME, at a mass meeting in Rangoon. Sir Reginald Craddock was constantly under fire and was hardest hit by the cry of U OTTAMA. The cry brust like an explosion whose echoes went trumbling through the country. U Ottama studied in India and participated in the movement of Indian National Congress Party. In 1918 he returned to Burma and whip up enthusiasm for the nationalist cause. U Ottama was undefeated, and he gave his support to the YMBA and toured the country, making fiery political speeches. (F/N no: 41 ) The government prosecuted him and sent to jail for several times . Authorities took cognizanced and sent U OTTAMA before the Court of Session Maubin District under section 124[b] Sedition, Indian Penal Code. His case was defended by U SEIN HLA AUNG,U PU, U BA SE, U KYAW OO , all were Bar-at- Law. Sessions Judge U PHO HLA passed the sentence of one year imprisonment in jail. When he emerged he went back to political agitation. His cry CRADDOCK GO HOME was taken up by all in the country, and its boldness injected new courage into the nationalist movement. This case motivated and caused inspirations to the phongyis in general to form PHONGYIS UNION; or Thanga tat Maggie.

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 The profile of U OTTAMA was an Arakanese monk who had been to India, to teach Parli and Buddhism at the National colleage. There he was drawn into India National Congress, thus he gained familiarity with modern politic campaining. He travelled to various countries including China, Korea, Vietnam, the Untied States of America, Britain , and Japan, observing their comtemporary conditions relative to Burma. He had been particularly strucked by the example of modernization in Japan. Both in his writing and in his speeches during his tour through out the country, imformed Burmese about the Japans ongoing industrialization and urged them to follow Japans example of selfdevelopments. He was imprisoned in 1921 for denouncing imperialism in a speech, but he resumed his antigovernment activities within the weeks of his release from jail in 1924. In Mandalay, police stopped the procession organized by him leading to violence that several peoples were dead and many wounded . Again he was arrested under section 124 of I.P.Code for his two speeches he had given in Rangoon, and was imprisoned for three years with hard labour. His sentence was viewed as too harsh for a monk and led to demonstration in Fytche Square in down town Rangoon by crowd led by the outraged monks. After three warning to disperse was ignored, Rangoon City Mounted Police were ordered to charge the crowd. In result of the charged by the Rangoon City Mounted Police , many monks were injured. When popular demands were made for an enquiry, but government refused on the ground that no one was killed or hurt in the incident. Actually, many suffered injuries, wounded were did not went to hopistal for treatment because they were afraid of been arrested. After the incident, Governor Sir Spencer Harcourt Butler received a telegram from an assembly of monks at Moulmein, calling U OTTAMAs was unlawful, for it interfered with the Buddhist religion. The monks made a demand to repeal the section of the I.P.C. by which U OTTAMA was convicted. The Governor responded that it did not amount to inference with the religion and no Burmese residence were above the law. As for U OTTAMA, he was imprisoned again and would remain there until he died behind the bars in 1939. ( F/N no: 42 )
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 While YMBA, GCBA , and other associations held annual meetings during 1910 to 1919, phongyis in Rangoon formed THANGA TAT MAGGIE or PHONGYIS UNION on Janary 1st, 1919. They held meeting at SHEWDAGON PAGODA at Bahan township in Rangoon. The chairman was U NARGAINDA. Then phongyis from all over the country started to form thanga tat maggie in their respective places. On July 2nd 1921 ALL BURMA THANGA TAT MAGGIE or PHONGYI UNION was formed in Rangoon to represent all the phongyis through out the country. (F/N no: 43 ) The eight meeting in annual conference at Prome, resolved to convert itself into the General Council of Burmese Associations GCBA , which could be the alliance of all organizations, parties, and individuals in the nationalist cause. . Thus YMBA was converted as the GCBA ,and later spilt into the moderate groups and the more intensely nationalist and political groups. Group and splinter groups followed personalities rather than principles, and many of them bore the names of their leaders. The political issues were by no means sharp or clear. The nationalist shouted for home rule which was in those days generally understood to mean diluted form of dominion status. The more cautious politicians were happy with graudual steps by which the British Government had promised to guide the country to maturity. Although there were differences, spilts, and with all the vagueness of ideologies and principle the term nationalism or wunthanu became a fashion , and politicians were popular heroes to their own supporters. Intoxicated with victory, out of the University of Rangoon students boycott, and the emergence of National Schools in 1920, the GCBA at its conference in Mandalay openly came out against the dyarchical system of constitutional reforms. The conference called upon the people to boycott the commission of enquiry led by Sir A. F. Whyte which arrived in Burma to measure the peoples political aspirations and fitness. Then GCBA called for a boycott of the Prince of Wales who visited the country In December,1921. Later boycott had became a habit with GCBA .The Craddock schemes, foreign goods, the Whyte Commission, the Prince of Wales, and finally Dyarchy itself. Craddock Go Home , Whyte,Go Back , Down with Dyarchy were the sologans of the day.

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 For the British Government the year 1920 was very bad one because the nationalism of the Burmese peoples won the momemtum and at the start of full swing. Then in 1920 University of Rangoon students decided to boycott because they could not accepted rules and regulations prescribed in University of Rangoon Act, 1020. In 1918 British government appointed a Committee of Experts to draw up courses of study and a scheme for instituting the necessary teaching establishment. The Committee study the Report of Calcutta University Commission and adopted the following recommendations of that Commission namely;----- [1] that the University should be of a centralized residential type , [2] that provision be made to enable a academic matters to be dealt with by purely

academic bodies, [3[ that there should be provision for coordination of the academic and

administrative bodies, and [ 4] that university affairs be regulated, under the Government protection, self- governing basis. The Draft Rangoon Bill was presented by the Director of Public Instruction in the LieutenantGovernors Council in July 20t,,h ,was referred to a Select Committee, and was approved at the next months m meeting. The Act received the assent of the Governor- General on 24th October 1920. Prior to 1st December,1920, higher education was given in the two Colleges, the Government College, and Judson[ formerly Baptist ] College which was affiliated to Calcutta University. However, there was much dissatisfaction among the student body of the two colleges with the Act. The draughtmen had modelled The University Act on the small, select residential university of the Oxford or Cambridge. Students of the University considered the residential qualification was restrictive and undesirable. The main grievances as stated by the strikers were---
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 [1] the high expense of attending a residential University, [2] the prolongation of the University Course by addition of the Preliminary Year for the students who have passed the High School Examination, but did not attain the required standard in it, [3] the restricted composition of the Council and the Senate ; and [4] the lack and provision for examination by compartments and for examination of private and non-collegiate students. The University strike like wild fire spread to the schools and aroused much public critism and discussion of educational policy. On December 5th without waiting for the target date which was set for the 7th ,students declared they were on strike. From that day onwards neither students did not go back to their homes nor to their respective classeroom. They opened the strike headquarters at Shwegyintaik monastery and U ARRIYA monastery situated at the foot pagoda hill. The original strikers who attended the meeting on December 2th 1920 were as follows [1] KO BA OO, [2] KO PO KUN, [3] KO BA SHIN, [4] KO KYAW MYA, [5] KO TUN WIN, [6] KO PE THEIN, [7] KO NYI PAIT, [8] KO AYE, [9] KO HLA TIN, [10]KO AUNG DIN, [11]KO BA KHIN. The Strike Committee Central Executive Members nominated by the students and elected on the same day the December 5th were as follows
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[1]] KO BA OO, Chairman, [later DEPUTY COMMISSIONER , SANDOWAY.] [2]KO BA TIN, Vice Chairman, [3]KO AYE, Secretary, [4] KO PHO KUN, [Thakhin Po Kun or Bho Po Kun ] [5] KO MYINT . [National U Myint ] [6] KO AUNG DIN , [7] KO BA SHIN, [8] KO THA NYUNT , [9] KO KAN SU, [10] KO PE THEIN, [11] KO LUN PE WIN [KYAUK SAR WUN ]] [12] KO HLA TIN, [13] KO PHO LATT [KYAUK SAR WUN ] [14]KO KHIN MAUNG, [15] KO SOE WIN, [16] KO TUN WIN, [17] KO BA KHIN,

[18] KO TUN PE [Later MINISTER IN AFPFL GOVERNMENT 1953] [19]KO PHO KYA [ Later ] [20]KO BA KYAW, [21] KO PHO HLA,

[22] KO MYA [ Later DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER , 1947 CABINENT] [23] KO SAW LWIN,, [24] KO KYAW MYA,

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[25] KO HLA SEIN, and [26] MR N.C. SEN. On December 20th,1919 STRIKE E.C., committee sent letter of demand to Lieutenant-Governor, it contained sixteen demands. [1] Compulsory regulation that only residential student will get the entrance to the University must be dropped, [2] Compulsory regulation that only student who attained high marks in English will be given entrance to the University must be dropped, [3] Compulsory regulation that the students who did not attained the required standard will have to attend the Preliminary Year which will be extra burden must be dropped, [4] Compulsory regulation that the student had to sit for oral examination, must be dropped, [5] Comlpulsory regulation that only B,A, B.Sc, honours degree holders will qualify for M.A, or M.Sc. courses, must be dropped, [6] Compulsory regulation that the student will be given only one chance for qualify examination to attend the honours class, must be dropped, [7] Compulsory regulation that the student must sit for qualify examination within three years after passing I.Sc., ,or I.A. for honours course, must be dropped, [8] Compulsory regulation of time limit set for M.A. or M.Sc, course must be dropped, [9] Compulsory regulation of the essay subject examination for ordinary B.Sc, and honours course must be dropped, [10] To make rules and regulations for selecting Senate members which must be consisted from all work of lives and all races from the people in the country, [11] To form a committee for appointment of Tutors, Lecturers, instead of giving appointment by one person, [12] To approve the compartment examination system like other University,

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[13] Bechalor of Law class must be in morning session, [14] Provisions for University examinations of private and non-collegiate students, [15] To approve Master course students must give the chance to sit two times for the examination and result must be of separate nature depending on the year the student may passed, [16] Until and unless the authorities will meet their demands and their grievances of the Students , BOYCOTT will not be called off. ( F/N no: 44 ) In a few days the impact and reaction of the student strike was spreading like a contagious decease through out the country, and public support of food and money rushed in. Other students from Judson College and schools in Rangoon joined the strike. Leading politicians also throw in their support. GCBA also gave students its blessing and soon the strike was a national movement bigger than mere students boycott against the University Bill. The demands were ultimately met and students went back to the classrooms and examinations. A great national victory was won, and the GCBA at the ninth conference held in Mandalay in 1921 decided that the day of the strike should be observed as a National Day. The most significant out come from the students strike was the establishment of National schools and National college. The victory led some student leaders to considered for establishment of national schools out of defiance against the British government. The idea was considered on the fact that having National schools and National college, education could be emancipated from the influence of British rule. A Council of National Education was formed, with U Maung Gyee as chairman. National College was formed in the SHWEGYINTAIK, a monastery at the foot of the SHWEDAGON. Intellectuals like Mister Maung Hmaing who served the college as professor of Burmese, literature, and history, joined the staff. National High School sprang up in the districts up to the total about fifty. ( F/N no: 45 ) But national education was premature and the people were not ready to reject the British Government so drastically. In long run national schools could not run very well, and not well off. Gradually , National college disappeared and was the same with national school.

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 The Myoma National High School in Rangoon carried on valiantly and exist to this day. The school had raised prominent figures like U Nu, who will become the Prime Minister of Burma from 1948 to 1962. In Mandalay ,National High School became the breeding ground of young politicians. In Pantanaw National High School preserved, idealist teacher like U Nu, U Thant, later who became Secretary General of United Nations Organization. The gesture had a great impact on the government and its dramactic effect was out of Defiant shown by the people out of Nationalism.. YMBA took the initiation to instigate for boycotting the Whyte committee was in Burma , and at the ninth conference of GCBA held in Mandalay passed the resolution to boycott the Whyte committee. The public were urged not to participate any activities concerning with the said committee while they go around the country to ask opinion from the people. When Whyte committee arrived to Burma on December 3rd ,1921 reception party consist of Lieutenant-- Governor and the government officials. There were no politicians or prominent Burmese involved in receiving the Committee. During their stay in Burma about ninety percent of the public did not participate in the process and it was the lack of co-operation from the public. The main aim and object of the Committee was to enquire the opinion and response of the public concerning with Dyarchy Government system which the British Government was about to introduce, and wanted to find out how the Burmese peoples considered about it. The committee was able to ask questions to a few peoples before they went back to London. Mr. A.F. Whyte in the chair and Burma Reforms Committee took Record of Evidence starting from November 4th to November 24th asking total 13295 numbers of questions were asked to the witnesses who appeared before them. Then YMBA took another initiative which was to boycott the Prince of Wales visit to Burma. The Prince of Wales arrived on January 2th, 1922 ; and stayed up to January the 10th. Leaders of the GCBA considered the pros and cons of reactions from political point of view by participating in the welcoming ceremony of the Royals visit. They decided that by participating and giving co-operation with the government in this matter was not politically profitable. So YMBA decided to boycott the Visit. Those who were nominated to participate in the reception committee withdrew the names from it. On the other hand government could not afford to lose its face like the way
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Whyte commission was snubed . The government tried to make people welcome the Visit, by all means. When the Prince arrived , it was same like Whyte mission visit. Only Lieutenant-Governor and the government officials and their cronies gave the warm welcoming reception. Most of the leaders from GCBA were arrested for prevention measures and detained in the districts before the arrival of the Prince. U BA TU,U PHO THA,U THIN, known as TU THA THIN were the only politicians who participated along with the government officials to welcome the Royal Visit. THE ROOTS MAKING OF MORDEN BURMA. FROM 1922 DYRACHY TO THE CROWN COLONY 1937 Dyarchy was introduced and functioned on January 2nd 1923.Burma became on that day a Governors Province with Legislative Council of 103 seats of which 80 were filled by election, 8 by nomination of non-officials, 13 by nomination of officials and the remaining 2 by the Members of the Governors Executive Council ex-offcio . The 80 elected seats were allotted as follows- 49 to rural constituencies in 31 districts, 5 was given to Karens ,and the rest to European and Anglo- Indian communities and special constituencies such as the RANGOON UNIVERSITY, and the various Chamber of Commerce. GCBA declared to boycott the Election , held on November 21, 1922. This election was for first Legislative Council . On the first election only 11 percent out of 1,767,227 voters went to the polls , and at the second election the percentage rose in 1926 to 24 percent. The important new features of the reform was the division of executive government parts into two. In Sir Harcourt Butlers own words one consists of Members of Executive Council dealing with reserved subjects and the other consists of Ministers dealing with transferred subject. The reserved subjects were justice, police, prisons, and revenue are administered by the Governor and the Members of the Council, under the control of Government of India and the Secretary of State. The transfer subjects which are public health, forests , education, excise, public works[ other than railways, irrigation ] agriculture, and
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local-self- government, which are under the Ministers appointed from members of the Legislative council and responsible to that body. The Governor and the Executive Council are appointed for five years .The Ministers hold office so long as they can command the confidence of the Legislative Council. They cannot hold the office more than three years, which is the life of Legislative Council. Finance department is common to both reserved and transferred subjects and has certain necessary powers peculiar to itself which are not given to other Departments. This is the constitutional position.

In the reserved subjects the Governor and his Council decide the questions and in transferred subjects Governor and his Ministers decide the questions. The Governor has power to over rule the Members of Council and the Ministers in their respective spheres, but this is a power very rarely exercised. In HIS MAJESTY the KING-EMPERORS instructions to the Government of Burma it is laid down that he should encourage the habit of joint deliberation between Members of Council and Ministers in order that the experience of the former might be at the disposal of the latter and knowledge of the latter as to the wishes of the people might be at the disposal of the former. Business of the Legislative Council were orderly affairs. Questions were asked and budgets were discussed ; Burmanization of the services was asked for. Removal of the British arsenal from the precincts of the Shwedagon Pagoda was a subject which came up often at question time. The politicians at that time were active manoeuvring for office, or survival in office, for the Ministers and members, like all the politicians in all others countries at all times persuaded themselves that they were essential in office for the good of the country. Unfortunately, DYRACHY was not popular in the country. It has almost become a term of abuse , Sir Harcourt Butler found in 1926 three years after the inauguration of the system. Ive heard one man saying to another, You are a dyarchy. Dyrachy was like a unborn child who was already death before delivery was made. Dyarchy failed because it only fed few, and the appetites of the few grew bigger with feeding. The many who were not fed were disgruntled; the people, in whose name the government was conducted, at least in part, were remembered only at the times of elections.
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 In the mean time the tide of nationalism grew stronger and bigger and the contribution of the Sangha Associations which were massively behind GCBA , instigated against Dyarchy. There were conferences and the resolutions, the protests and demonstrations, and U OTTAMA still roamed around the country making his fiery speeches, courting ,and getting jail sentences, at the same time U WISAYA , who was prominent as a vehement antagonist of Dyarchy added fuel to the country political climate. The heavy taxation lieved on the people by the government especially the farmers in the districts. Out of various tax , the Capitation and Thathamada Tax were hardest hit to the farmers and villagers in districts. The effect of the Bull-inger Pool was also the contributing factor to Saya Sans revolution. During 1923 to 1937 political upheavals and developments were as follows-- [1] 1930 Saya San Rebellion, [2] 1927 Rebellion of the Hermit Holyman BANDAKA armed uprising, [ 3] 1929 U WISAYA CASE, he staged 166 days hunger strike inside jail before passing away, [4] 1928 Reverend U ATHAPAs hunger strike in Rangoon Cental Jail , [ 5] 1928 SINMON COMMISSION TO BURMA [ 6] 1930 May 26th, Indian Burmese RIOT, [7] 1930 Formation of DOBAMA ASIAYONE [8] 1932 Burma Round Table Conference 1932, [9]] 1933 SCHEME OF CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMED IN BURMA IF SEPARATED FROM INDIA, 10]] Establishment ofBU ATHIN , Bu athin was declared Unlawful association . [11] Resolution for separation of Burma from India, adopted in Legislative Council, [12] Election for 1936 Rangoon University Student Union Central Executive Committee held, [13] 1936 Formation of NAGARNI Book Club founded by Ko Nu, Ko Ohn Khin, Thakhin Than Tun,
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[14] 1936 University of Rangoon Student Strike for Second Time. [ ONE ] [1] 1930 SAYA SANS rebellion did not came out of one little cause but there were many remote causes which made Sayarsan started the revolution or armed struggle against the British government. Actually there were three remote causes and two immediately causes which ignited SARA SAN to start this uprising. In Burma 80 percent of the population were peasants and they were very poor. Tenants as a class always stand in need of loans for cultivation expenses however thirfty and careful they may be their conditions of living were from hand to mouth, even at the time when the prices of crops were good. Their existence to survive were between from one harvest to the next; after having met their obligations towards rents and loans. Therefore they were obliged to borrow for subsistence. Very little was left for his family and to provide the tenant until next harvest. Before the Tenancy Act 1939 they could be classified as the lot of those BORN in DEBTS, LIVING in DEBTS, and DYING in DEBTS. Under these conditions the following facts were contributing factors; which were the remote causes of the rebellion. ( F/N no: 46 ) [a] The problem of Capitation Tax and Thathameda Tax ; if compared with other India provinces Burma had to pay 40 percent of income in taxation per head .The comparative figures are to be stated as follows; Province Total income Total taxation Percentage of Income in In Taxation. ASSAM 44,91,50,000 2,64,47,000 6 BENGAL 1,89,63,50,000 38,11,75,000 20 BIHAR 1,56,99,70,000 5,90,75,000 4 BOMBAY 1,46,53,70,000 39,68,39,000 27 BURMA 47,93,60,000 19,35,72,00 [ 40 ] CENTRAL PROVINCE 80,85,10,000 6,22,54,000 7

MADRAS 1,51,91,10,000 27,76,93,000 18

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PUNJAB 99,37,30,000 13,05,19,300 13 UNITED PROVINCE 2,15,63,80,000 16,41,85,000 7 ,Incidence of taxation per head of population , Bombay was Rs 20, 8annas, 0 pence and for Burma was Rs 14, 10 annas , 0 pence; Burmese people paid heavy tax according to above-- mentioned data for 19261927. ( F/N no: 47 ) The problem with THATHAMEDATAX was levied on non- agriculture income in Upper Burma. A Settlement Officer finds out the non agriculture income of every village and town in a district, and the Local Government then notified a rate for each of these villages and towns. This rate may vary from Rs 12 in a town to Rs 2 or even less in a jungle village. A list of household was prepared every years ,and the number of households multiplied by the village gives the amount which the village must pay tax. Therefore if there are 100 households on a village list and the rate for that village was Rs 5 then the villagers must pay Rs 500.They settle themselves how much each household had to pay; a committee of assessors is elected and apportions the Rs 500 among the households according as it considers each to pay. ( F/N no: 48 ) Another problem was CAPITATION --TAX which was collected in Lower Burma. It is leviable on all males between the ages of eighteen and sixty, but certain class of persons were excempted. They were government servants, school teachers, and minister of religion. A roll of persons liable to be taxed was prepared every year. A married male pays at the rate of Rs 5 a year, a bachelor at the rate of Rs 2-8, and in the drawback areas the rates are lower. To all the house holds or an individuals who had no means of subsistence, poverty was the ground for exemption both in Upper and Lower Burma. ( F/N no: 49 ) A land rate was collected instead of capitation in eight towns of Lower Burma. Both Thathameda and Capitation-taxes were alike in one respect. For the villagers and peasants had to pay two type of tax which caused big trouble for them. The theory of the thathameda was sound, but in practice it hit the poor men unfairly ,especially in the towns where there was often a high rate, it may be Rs 10 or more. The reason of these taxes were installed in Burma was for the LocaL Bodies s expenses on material welfare. It would meant without the income from the taxes , the schools ,the hospitals, could not survived but must be closed down. So with the road must be left unrepaired. The figures
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shown in the Report of the Capitation and a Thathameda Taxes Enquiry Committee 192627, was a good amount that no government was able to abolish; they were as follows;-- Thathameda----------------------------------------------------------- Rs 58,04,894- Capitation------------------------------------------------------------- Rs 43,03,818 Land rate-------------------------------------------------------------- RS 1,38,476 TOTALLING----------------------------------------------------------- -Rs 102 LAKHS The political and economical climate at that time did not permit the collection of the abovementioned taxes any more . Because ordinary villagers, peasants were in deep debts, while the majority of the people refused to accept the Dyarchy out of strong nationalism, which was instigated by U Soe Theins fraction of GCBA, with the strong backing from SARSANAR ASSIOCIATION S . Lower Burma Land and Taxation Act was prescribed in 1876 , Section [18] described that the tax was payable from January 1st, every year. But actually the tax were collected during between August to end of October ,or during the raining seasons .For the peasants these months were usually out of money, because the crops were still in the fields and not ready for market yet. GCBA almost in every annual conference tried to pass the resolution stating that DYARCHY should be abolished because of the burden of taxation had became unbearable for the people. Under Dyarchy government local bodies spent more expenditures than the income received from collection of taxes. It was not an assets but the liabilities. On the 11th March, 1925, the first Reformed Burma Legislative Council adopted as follows;-- That this Council recommends to Government that a Committee be appointed as soon as possible after the issues of the Report of the Indian Taxation consider the possibility of substituting some other form of taxation for the Capitationtax which is now levied in Lower Burma. On the 3rdMarch 1926 a Resolution in the following terms was carried by the second Reformed Council;---
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 That the Council recommends to the Government of Burma the abolition of THATHAMEDA-TAX as a source of Provincial revenue and that to the terms of reference to the Committee to be appointed by Government in accordance with the amended Resolution proposed by the Finance Member and adopted by this Council on the 11th March 1925, to consider the possibility of substituting some other form of taxation for the Capitationtax which is now levied in Lower Burma ],there shall be added the words and for the thathamedatax which is now levied in Upper Burma.(F/N no: 50 ) BOTH RESOLUTIONS were accepted by the government. [ b ] On May 10th 1924 GCBA held eleventh annual conference at Paungdi ,about 5000 representatives of phongyis from various phongyi unions GCBA members totaling 100,000 through out the country attended the conference. During that conference both phongyis representatives and members of GCBA held meetings concerning with the current taxation. Since peasants were unable to pay their taxes and demanded remissions. U Soe Thein GCBA put forward with a simple remendy; let refused to pay. They decided to defile the government and refused to pay their taxes. NO was the answer by the peoples. [ 2 ] The second problem was the problem of debts which caused the peasants lost their agri-lands. After Lower Burma was put into British domain , wild areas of virgin lands were abundance, and British encouraged the peoples to do farming. The virgin lands were turned into paddy fields. Farmers drew the capital from money lenders, who came from India and domiciled in Lower Burma and their business was money lending. They were called Chettatyars, who came from Madras province; Chettatnat district. They took overdraft from banks in India at the low interest rates for the capital. They lend money at high interest rates, and the interest rates were not a simple interest but Compound interest rates to villagers, peasants, farmers. If gold was put up as security for Rs 100 the interest was from Rs Rs 3.00 annas to Rs 3.50 annas in compound interest ,and if paddy was put up as security ; for 100 baskets of paddy farmer would received Rs80 from Chettatyar in cash, without regarding the prevailing price. From 1900 to 1925/30 , out of 100 farmers 90 were in debts. Sometime the interest rates was as high as Rs 8.00.
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 Hanthawaddy district-------out of 100 farmers------ 84 were in debts, Insein district----------------- out of 100 farmers-----80 were in debts, Tavoy distrist-------------------out of 100 farmers-----41 were in depts., Myaungmya district----------out of 100 farmers------83 were in debts, Sandoway district------------- out of 100 farmers-----74 were in debts,

. --out of 100 farmers------ 54 were in debts.

F/N no: 51) Mr. BARKER from the Settlement department wrote his calculation assessment of one farmers income and expenditure for one season , it was as follows;-- Output of a farmer who cultivates 33 acres of paddy fields, and the output was 41 baskets per one acre. The market price of selling 100 baskets was Rs 110.

Gross income out of 33 acres was ------------------------------------------Rs 1488.00, Cost of cultivation, Rs 14.48 per arce for 33 arces--------------------- Rs 478.00, Cost of Rs 150.00 loan from landlord with Rs 2.00 per month interest for eight months------------------------------------------------------------------ - Rs 174.00 Loan to be paid back with paddy-------------------------------------------- Rs 55.00 Cost of helper , Rs 15.51 per one arce------------------------------------- Rs 512.00 Cost of paddy reserved for next season----------------------------------- Rs 27.00 TOTAL EXPENDITURE for one season of 33 arces paddy fields----- Rs 1426.00 NETT PROFIT out of 33 arces paddy fields for one season---------- Rs- 242.oo From the government point of view credit was given to the CHETTYARS for their contributions in devolpment of transformation of virgin lands into paddy fields. Burma was the biggest exporter of rice to the world before the second world war. Due to the debts which was not able to pay back the loans, the farmers lost their lands to the chettatyars
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 Number of farmers who lost the lands to creditors--------------1911--- 912,359. 1921--- 1,027,597, 1931---- 1,512,290. [ 3 ] The third problem was formation of BULLINGER POOL by the British and Anglo Indian Companies such as STEEL BROTHERS, BULLOCK BROTHERS, JOHN MAC GREGOR , ANGLO BURMA COMPANY. This pool monopolized the paddy and rice market and also the buying and selling rates of the day. It was the hardest hit for the farmers. ( F/N no: 52 a ) [ 4] The fourth problem was the price of paddy fell due to the First World War and Great Depression. The list of price for 100 baskets of paddy were as follows;-- 1913 OCTOBER -------------------------------------Rs 135.00 1916 FEBRUARY------------------------------------Rs 110.00 1917 FEBRUARY-------------------------------------Rs 115.00 1917 OCTOBER------------------------------------- Rs 85.00 1920---------------------------------------------------- Rs 180.00 1929------------------------------------------------- Rs 160.00

1930---------------------------------------------------- Rs 130.00 ( F/N no: 52b ) The last and an immediate cause to the SARYAR SANS revolution was the reaction of the government concerning with the pleading for remission of the Taxes presented by the peasants from Tharrawaddy to the Governor of Burma.

Sir J. A. Maung Gyi , the acting Governor of Burma refused to accept the pleading and order that stern measures be taken to collect the taxes. The background history of the Governor was, rich, educated, and lived in Golden Valley, and founder of Progressive Party without firmed base at the grass root level. The PROGRESSIVE Party was called GOLDEN VALLEY PARTY by the journalists. He was blunt and stubborn man who owed less for his rise to high office to the popular vote than to his good fortunes. ( F/N no: 53 ) The decision of the Governor was fatal for the peasants who had high hopes for remission by the government, instead THEY
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WERE GIVEN outright denial. The peasant thought since the Governor was a Burmese native, they expected to some extent for good tidings, at least some leniency. But they were given none. It was the signal given to the people that only alternatives for them was to defile the government by accepting GCBA idealogy to refused to pay taxes. The Leader SAYA SAN, was at one time a district leader of the Soe Thein GCBA. He DECLARED HIMSELF to be the GALUNA RAJA ,a mythical bird which was believed to be conqueror of the NAGA dragon. When the resolution was passed at the eleven conference of GCBA to boycott to pay the taxes all the other leaders along with the phongyis representatives gave their consent in favour of the resolution. Now except U SOE THEIN fraction of GCBA and phongyis sticked to the resolution, the others leaders changed their mind and put more attendtion to try their luck at Legislative Council instead. In Paungde conference Hlaing, Pu, Kyawgroup decided not to pay taxes but when time arrived they abandon the cause. The SAYA SAN rebellion broke out in Tharawaddy town, 75 miles from Rangoon. The first outbreak occurred on the night of December 22nd.The rebellion was more than a general protest against the tax collection, but it was shown by the Burmese their defiant against the British Crown out of sheer nationalism and pure hatred. It was an armed rebellion for the second time in the country since annexation of Upper Burma. Both happened within three years time span. Wunthanu also contributed the rebellion by agiating the villagers at villages to refuse to pay taxes. Even long before the uprising, government used uncessary used force against the villagers when they made tax collection. Government sent armed forces to the village where refusal to pay taxes was made by the villagers. They confiscated the belongings of the villagers; including cattles and put up at the auctions for recovery of tax. The commitment of the armed forces were very high handed and this kind of operation was introduced since 1924. It reached to the zenith during 1927,1928,1929. The rebellion which started from Tharrawaddy spread to Insein, Yamethin, Henzada, Bassein, Prome, Thayet, Toungoo, Myingyan, Shwebo, Pegu, Mandalay, Meiktilar, Yenangyaung, Yamethin, Pyapon, Dedaye ,Magwe , Maubin, Amherst, and Shan Sates. At the end of June, tattooing and arrests were reported from Bassein, Myitkyina, Kartha, and Upper Chindwin. It
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started in 1930 and continued up to March 1932. The worst phase was in May and June 1931,not only did the rebellion reached its maximum extension; not only were new areas dragged into the turmoil, but the areas where rebellion had been established for a comparatively long time, there were indications of returning confidence. ( F/N no: 54 ) The skirmishes broke out between the rebels and Government forces in various districts at almost same time simultaneously. The results were in rebels favour. Government was in such a bad position that the tide of rebellion went out of control, and could not turn the tide till 1931 Demcember. In the open fields ,when the government forces came upon them, the men of Galon army would paint big white circle on their back of the bodies and bending down backwards and invite the forces to shoot and discover their immunity from bullets. The sight of strange as well as peculiar , twist and turn with quick movements of the circles were sufficient enough to frighten the Government forces. Sometimes there was an invitation to shoot and was taken up seriously with unfortunate results. The rebellion was strange blend of faith, superstition, nationalism, hatred, and madness, of courage and folly. It was a daring gesture of defiance Followers of SAYA SAN tattooed themselves with the gallon emblem which was also considered to bestow immunity from bullets. They styled themselves the Galon Army and marched out, brandishing swords and sticks. They raided the railways stations cut telegraph lines, attacked outposts, and won initial successes. ( F/N no: 55 ) At same time numerous athins [or] societies have been formed in many districts. The districts have become favorite spots for giving speeches, preaching disaffection against the Government by political agitators. Basis theme of the speech was direct against the capitation tax. The result of these speech was total general refusal to pay taxes. Although Government took strong measures to put down this civil disobedience since the early months of 1924, because peoples had already refused to pay taxes. GCBA leaders openly made statement that DYARCHY should withdrawn and the taxes were exorbitant and the nationalism momentum which was established from 1920 turned into rebellion did not reduced till 1931 December.
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 The normal Military Garrison of Burma consisted of two of battalions of British Infantry and four battalions of Indian Infantry, was soon found inadequate to cope with the situation, further troops from India had to be called in. They were 1/17th Dogra Regiment, 3/16 Punjab Regiment, 12th Infantry Brigate, 2nd Battalion of the Manchester Regiment, 3/10th Baluch Regiment, 2/5th Mahratta Light Infantry, 3/6 Rajputana Rifles Government raised 1,600 Civil Police, and also Irregular Levies consisted of Karens, and Chins. And 2/20th Burma Rifles, 3/20 Burma Rifles , Burma Military Police were included. Especially Burma Military Police had been used to the fullest extent from the out break of the rebellion. THURIYA prominent the news paper reported that two divisions of army was called in from India. ( F/N no: 56 ) British armed forces adopted scorched earth- policy and started burning the villages, destroying everything that came across their advance. Government troops did not made frontal attacks any more because of heavy causalities, instead , they started committing scorched-earth policy because the method was less expensive for the government. During that period GCBA members, were arrested total up to twelve thousands according to THURIYA newspaper . ( F/N no: 57 a ) THE GOVERNMENT made a display of HEADS cut from the rebels inside the Prome police station compound .Reporter U Pugalay got the photos from DURGA , who took the picture and reported in THURIYA newspaper and other various newspapers of the day .The title of the news was The barbaric act of British. This news shocked the whole country and repercussion reached to London. There was upheaval in the British parliament for cruelty committed by the British in Burma, and the explanation of the British government was put up to the parliament. Regarding with this matter enquiry commission was held and witness were examined for the teatimony of what they saw at the police station. The heads cut from the dead rebels were put on the table and every one from the opposite of the police station compound could easily able to see it. The British Army officer Captain Lane and Mr. Stevenson accepted the advise given by Dy .S.P. U Su to cut off the heads from the dead bodies . Altogether , they cut twenty heads and carried 16 heads with them to Prome. The responsibility was put on the administrative officer and Mr. Stevenson. Local government issused an order not to cut the heads again and they made the conclution that it was the big mistake committed by the authority and they did
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not agreed with this kind of practice. Pegu Commissioner prohibited this kind of collecting evidence if not possiblr to collect evidence due to special conditions the higher authority should refain from taking action against the subordinates concerned. This notification was signed by Chief Secretary F.B.Leach. Special Commissioner W.BOOTH-GRAVELY wrote the report dated 30th June 1931 mentioned that ( 1 ) photographs were taken from the distance of between 10 to 15 feet from the heads which were placed on the table inside of parade ground, that the photographer was inside police station compound . ( 2) Another about hundred dead bodies were found near the battle ground and all were without heads . Their heads were already cut . Durga was the one who took the photos and was called to give his testimony before the enquiry Commission.(F/N no: 57 b ) GCBA U Soe Thein fraction headquarter was raided by the police and was declared unlawfull assiociation. Police Department; Rangoon, the 10 February No: 35-XXXX In exercise of the power conferred by section 16 of the Indian Criminal Law ( Admendment ) aCT, 1908, as amended by the Devolution Act, 1920, the Governor in Council hereby declares the said ass0ciation in Rangoon to be unlawful.

The Schedule Rangoon Town. Name of Athin and details Managers and assistant Managers, Soe Theins GCBA, President Mg Soe Thein, Secretary, Tharrawaddy, 67, Bagaya Rd: Rangoon. Maung Maung . Joint Secretary CP Khin Maung, a Hanthawaddy . Head clerk Mg Thein Zan (F/N no: 58) The abovementioned declaration concerning with the U Soe Thein was not proper with the procedure . Actually first police must report to the Magistrate that certain association should be declared unlawful association . The magistrate must make Judicial Enquiry. He must make enquiry examination the police in camera infront of the member from the said association . Then he magistrate must put up his enquiry report to the authorities.. But in this case it was done without the notice of the said association. ( F/N no: 58 ) Gradually government got the upper hand in the field and was able to raid the headquarter where SAYA SAN took refuged, but every time the armed forces made the raid they found that the bird had flown. In the long run the guerrilla warfare continued but by March of 1932, Galon were on the defensive.

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 The first headquarter of Galon Army headquarter was at ALANTAUNG, e;ast of Tharrawaddy, then he moved his headquarter to TAUNG NYO which was east of Okkan , where the rebels suffered from marlayria and finally SAYA SAN moved to Shan Hill made his headquarter there. He needed time to make recovery for his recent loss which was fatal to the cause and tried to get contact in China which might supply modern arms; if possible to rebuilt his army. The government at the same time used forces against the villagers to surpress the rising , on the other hand it tried to appease with offer of amnesty and reward money to those who could give information about SAYA SAN. In July 7th , the rebel headquarter was located and destroyed. By the end of July the rising appeared to be completely quelled, although SAYA SAN and about 15 of his followers were still at large, Three of his followers were arrested by the Mandalay pickets and they betrayed the position of SAYA SANs camp. On August 2nd, he was caught in Hsipaw State. After the climax ,anti- climax arrived with the DEATH SENTENCE of SAYA SAN. He was hanged on November 17t h, at Tharrawaddy Jail. The defending lawyers for SAYA SAN were Dr. Ba Han, Dr. Ba Maw, U Kyaw Din, U Htoon Aung Gyaw,, U Kyaw Myint, U Ba Si ,U Thein Maung, U Ze Ya, U Po Aye, U Chan Tun Aung, U Tun Aung, Almost all the members of defense team were Barristers, except U Saw, the third grade pleader. ( F/N no: 59 ) President of the Special Tribunal was High Court Judge, Justice J. Cunliffe, the other two members were U Ba U ,[ later became the President of Government of Union of Burma ], and A. J. Dawood . Sir Arthur Eggar ICS, the Government Advocate, led the prosecution team. The trials were conducted in open court under the eyes of the press, an interested audiences. The total list of accused brought before the court and type of sentences passed on them were as follows;-- from 1930 to 1932 within the span of three years revolution 8300 persons were arrested, 350 were given sentences. The casualties were 3000 persons. Out of 350, 78 were given death sentences, and 270 were given transportation of life. According to the report made by THURIYA newspaper stated that in the government report there were quite a big amount of villagers were given 1 year to 10 years sentence respectively. ( F/N no: 60 )
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[ TWO ] ( A ) The rebellion of Holyman Hermit BADAKA from Shwebo Monywa district , BASHU village with the population of only 354., materialized his concept for the rebellion was based on the welfare of the peasants in the villages, who were in deep debts due to drought in Upper Burma, and the taxes levied annually by the government. Situations of the country were as follows-- In 19251926-------- for one farmer the amount of debt was Rs. 108.00 72 persons out of 100 were in debts. Another contributing effect was the price of paddy dropped drastically starting from end of 1923. In 1924 price of 100 baskets of paddy was---------------------------Rs 195 .00 .00, In 1925--------------------------------dido---------------------------------------Rs 195. 00, In 1926--------------------------------dido--------------------------------------- Rs 190. 00. And 1926 on wards the price of paddy went down to Rs 130. Capitation tax, Thatthameda tax, land tax were as follows;--- 19241925 Capitation tax------------------------------ Rs. 57,27,974 Land tax--------------------------------------Rs. 1,34,623 Thathameda tax----------------------------Rs. 43,38,456 19251926 Capitation tax---------------------------------Rs. 56,,77,850. Land tax--------------------------------------- Rs 1,40,694. Thathameda tax----------------------------- Rs. 41,33,708. 19261927 Capitation tax------------------------------- Rs. 58,40,000. Land tax-------------------------------------- Rs. 1,42,000. Thathameda tax---------------------------- Rs. 44,50,000.

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 Accordining to Settlement department report , during 192526 due to the heavy down pour of rain August and floods paddy fields in Upper Burma were destroyed. Again during 1926--1927 July, August, because of the bad weather monsoon arrived late to Upper Burma, and in late monsoon season heavy rain caused flood paddy fields were destroyed. The consequences were very heavy for the peasants who were already in debts, and standing obligations to pay tax, declined of market price for paddy and rice made them desperate. Their position reached the level of do or die status. On 1924, May 25, at the WUNTHANU GCBAC conference which was held in Paungde the resolution was put up that due to heavy expenditure caused by DYARCHY system ,Dyarchy government should be withdrawn from Burma, and the method of taxation should be revised. This was the fuel added to the fire and the reaction was BU-ATHIN, or NO-ATHIN; NO TO PAY TAX, NO TO RECOGNIZE DYARCHY and NON-CO-OPERATION WITH THE GOVERNMENT, emerged. Under the guidance of WUNTHANU GCBA, BU-ATHIN were established through out the country. ( F/N No: 61 ) [ TWO ] ( B ) This was the situation Holy man BANADAKA started his campaign with agitation against British Government . In short, peasants were agitated to refuse anything to government; i.e. total denial. He preached that he was going to bring down the government with his voodoo power , the only thing peoples had to do was follow him. Shwebo Distirct Supritandent Police received the declaration of BANDAKA from village headman which stated as follows--

Dated,1288 Tawthalin, September 11th, 1927.

ROYAL ORDER of KANDAWSHIN. TO THOSE WHO ARE MY FOLLOWERS must start to collect arms from September 1927, make yourself with arms ready for action. I, myself will start the offensive against the satan British Government, who robbed Burmese Kingdom from us. I pledge that I will personally do it. Starting from September to Febuary next year, start the revolution with all the weapons your have acquired with determination. Destroy all the things
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which should be destroyed. Destroy with using FIRE. The revolution started by attacking Myeadu town with strength on FEBUARUY 11TH 1927. The rebels killed headman. On July 24th 1927 they attacked the police station at DEPALYIN with hundred strong followers plus guns. Sub-Inspector Police Mg Pho Thee was killed by the rebels. They overrun the station and got away with guns from the police station. Wunthanu rebels then attacked OAKPHO village with fifty arms men. They came face to face with government armed polices and had to reteart without success . F/N no: 62 ) . The rebellion spread to Shwebo , Sagaing , Monywa , districts . During September 1928 Holyman BANKA was arrested and the rebellion came to the end .(F/N no: 63 a ). 64 WUNTHANU rebels were arrested . Out of 64 ,24 were discharged and 45 were sent before Sessions Court. They were charged under section 121, 121[a], 124, 395, 397, of Indian Penal Code. Holyman BANDAKA and 24 accused were given transportation of life. AMNESTY was given to all prisoners including Holyman BANDAKA for the occasion of KING GEORGE the sixth accession to the throne. Holyman BANDAKA was released from Mandalay Central Main Jail in May 24th 1937. He went back to his village die during 1950. ( F/N no: 63 b ) The Deputy Commissioner of Shwebo, in his statement before the court mentioned that due to the BANDAKAs rebellion, government lost Rs.12 lakhs in tax . Government was not able to make collection of tax for the year 1926.( F/N no:63 c) [THREE] 1929, U WISAYA CASE, he staged 166 days of hunger strike inside the jail for the rights of the prisoners,. His defiance was beyond comparision, and a PATRIOT WHO HEARD THE CALLED, AND HIS ANSWER WAS BEYOND AND ABOVE THE CALL OF DUTY to the country. HIS PROFILE WAS AS FOLLOWS- He was borned to U Pya ,Daw Zalatt family on 1890 April, at AMYINT town, Monywa district. When he was 20 he became a monk. After he heard about U OTTAMA case he decided to be a nationalist and threw his lot into politice. He became member of SANGA THATMEGGIE. In 1922 there was difference of opinion among the politians [HLAING, PU, KYAW, ] on the issues of whether t o participate or not to the election under DYARCHY. It was the first
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election for Burma. U WISAYA stood on the side to boycott the election and advocate for it. First he acknowledged HLAING, PU, KYAW, and later U SOE THEIN. Then he went to India with U OTTAMA and attended the Congress party conference at GAYA, in India. He resided in India and learned the art of politic of the day in India. In 1926 October he went to THARAWAW ,THARRAWADDY district,, for giving speech .The Deputy Commissioner issued the order prohibiting him not to give speech for two months. U Wisara refused to follow the order and gave a speech there. Again in November 21st , 1926 he was arrested by the police while he was on the way to OKPO. He was sent before the court and was sentenced to two month imprisonment. After two months of imprisonment he was rearrested again under section 124 [a] of Indian Penal Code, and sent to Tharrawaddy Jail for trial. He put up the application under Manuals of Rules for The Superintendence and Management of JAILS IN BURMA, section 806 to Deputy Commissioner. It reads as followsSection 806. To enable undertrial prisoners and prisoners undergoing simple imprisonment , who are themselves PHONGYIS to keep the SANGHA SABBATH twice a month[ i.e. LABYINE or FULL MOON day, and LAGWENE or CHANGE OF MOON], they may, at their request and subject to good behavior, be allowed the ministrations of another phongyi of the same gaing or sect, who has been approved by the Deputy Commissioner. His request was denied by the Deputy Commissioner. He decided that since his request was denied he will not going to eat anything anymore. After five days he was transferred to Rangoon Jail. After 40 days his request was permitted. On May 6th 1927 police came and took him to sent up before Insein Court. He refused to go. On the next day British District Supritendence of police and some police came and with force they took him before court. ,he was given one year and nine months imprisonment with hard labour. When the magistrate asked question his answer was I will not answer any question because your government is illegal After the judgement he was sent back to Rangoon Jail. The jailors and warders took off his yellow rope by force and made him wear prisoners grab,i.e. white cloth like ordinary prisoner or ordinary layman. U WISAYA DECIDED TO GO HUNGER STRIKE. The jail authorities made force feeding through nose. After 40 days of hunger strike he lost conscious then authorities sent him to lunatic asylum on November 30th 1927, claiming that he was a lunatic. At the asylum he was tortured by the authorities everyday. On 8th
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December he was given back his yellow rope again then he started to take meals. Them on Feburary 8th authorities took back his yellow ropes and force him to wear white cloth instead. U WISAYA went on hunger strike again. He was sent back to Rangoon Jail from lunatic asylum. Then authorities given back his rope and sent him to Bengal Jail where he spent his time. At Bengal Jail he under section 1929, he was sent back to Rangoon Jail and was released because his sentence was completed.(F/N no: 64 ) Again, he started to give speech and mentioned about his experiences ,sufferings during imprisonment .On November 28th, 1929 on the verged of going to India, for medical treatment U WISAYA was arrested for the third time and charged under section 124[a]; he was sent to Rangoon Jail. He was arrested because of his recent speeches he had given at various places, mentiomed about the brutality of the warders ,jailors, and lastly his suffering at lunatic asylum which not only boasted the moral and the nationalism but also peoples followed his principle to deny giving taxes to the government. His order of the day was No to pay Taxes. The authorities refused his request made under section 806 of Jail Maunal, to observe UPOSATHA once a forth night in a consecrated THEIN. This section 806 provided provision for all under trial phongyis; it is the law not a favour. He went on hunger strike for the last and final time. After 20 days he was not able to sit anymore he had to lie down on the floor because his physical and mental condition were deteriorated . After 80 days he was not speaking anymore and became unconscious. He was not able to breath. The news of his hunger strike and his physical, mental, medical conditions caused great concerned through out the country. Government sent Hanthawaddy Sessions Judge to conduct the trial of U WISAYA inside the jail. U WISAYA was very weak and could not made conversation, expect able to make few signs by hand. Inspite of the condition of the accused who was not able to defend his case, the court passed the sentence claiming that he was guilty of the offence .The court passed the sentence to 6 years with hard labour on that same day. The facts concerning with U WISAYAs trial was question in the Legislative Council by the Member of Legislative Council.

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 The proceedings of the Burma Legislative Council Volume XVI No2,FOURTH SESSIONSECOND MEETING, [ Tuesday, the 10th December 1929 ] reported as follows-- Question no 95, U SOE NYUNT [Bassein Rural ] Will government be pleased to state on what date the last trial of U WISAYA started ? The Honble the HOME MEMBER; On the 18th June 1929. Question no 96, U SOE NYUNT [Bassein Rural ] Will the government pleased to state [A] when it was decided to hold U WISAYAs trail in jail instead of in open court in the usual manner, and [B] at whose request this decision was arrived at ? The Honble the HOME MEMBER ; [A] It was decided to hold U WISAYAs trial in jail shortly before the commencement of the enquiry. [B] The District Magistrate ,Hanthawaddy, asked for the High Courts permission to hold the criminal proceedings in jail on the ground that U WISAYA was on an indefinite hunger strike and that there was no probability that he would subsequently be any more able to leave the jail precints than he then was. Question no 97,U SOE NYUNT [Bassein Rural ], Will the government be pleased to state what the condition of U WISAYA was when Superintendent of the Rangoon Central Jail found it impossible or to remove him from jail to the Court House on the day of the trail ? The Honble the HOME MEMBER ; U WISAYA was in weak state of health and was gradually losing ground as a result of prolong hunger strike. His mental condition was however,unaffected, and was able to understand the proceedings of the Court. Question no 98, U SOE NYUNT [ Bassein Rural ]; Will the government be pleased to state the last date on which U WISAYAS trail was held in jail ? The Hon;ble the HOME MEMBER ; On the 28thJune 1929. Question no 99, U SOE NYUNT [Bassein Rural ]; Will the government be pleased to state if U WISAYA was examined by any outside independent physician at any time when the trial was proceeded with in jail instead of the Court ? The Honble the HOME MEMBER ; The answer is in the negative .

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 Question no 100,U SOE NYUNT ;[Bassein Rural ]; [A] Were Government aware at the time that U WISAYA was being tried in jail instead of in Court ? [B] Did Government approved of it ? The Honble the HOME MEMBER ; [A] and [B] The answer is in affirmative.
Continuation from diarchy to crown colony ( new block ).

Question no 101, U SOE NYUNT [Bassein Rural ]; [A] Has a detailed medical report been kept of U WIZAYA condition from day to day during the progress of the trial in jail ? [B] Will Government place such report, if any, on the table ? The Honble the HOME MEMBER ; [A] The answer is affirmative. [B] The medical report is laid on the table. Question no 102, U SOE NYUNT [Bassein Rural ] ;Will the government definitely and clearly state how a man who was incapable of attending Court was found to be capable of standing his trial ? The Honble the HOME MEMBER ; The honble member is referred to the reply to starred question No 97. About 140 days of hunger strike ARLAN U LARBA of GCBA and responsible phongyis asked permission from the authorities to have an interview with U WISAYA, it was granted. On August 25TH, 1929, they met with U WISAYA inside the jail. His medical , physical conditions were in terrible state, with all bones and very skinny. He took great pain to breath and was not able to talk. U WISAYA gave his reading glass to the visiting phongyi for donation and last message to the country was BE GOOD.( F/N no: 65 ) U Soe Thein GCBA convened extraordinary Excutive Committee meeting and they made a demand to the government that the authorities should give permission to what U WISAYA had requested. Since the health of U WISAYA is deteriorating and could be passed away at any moment government to give permission and grant him his last wishes. Should he die because of the denial by the authorities the government will be responsible for the sad ending. Numerous demands made by the THANGATHATMEGEE were sent to the government daily Tension had became great and the whole country was waiting for the sad news
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of the demised of U WISAYA. Government was reluntant to comply with the request made by U WISAYA and by the peoples of Burma. On September 10th, 1929, U WISAYA passed away after 166 days of hunger strike inside the jail . ( F/N no: 66 ) Responsible persons from GCBA demand for the dead body of U WISAYA for proper funeral from jail authorities. At 11pm on that night government reply that they will return the dead body next day. Government questioned the responsible persons that at what place the demised body will be placed. The authorities return the dead body and put it at OOYINTAIK , Twante monestry, Kemmindine. Funeral Committee was formed and passed two resolutions,i.e. [1] Funeral ceremony will perform during the month of March, [2] To make bronze statue of U WISAYA and to erect at the suitable place in Rangoon. ( F/N no: 67 ) Question concerning of the treatment given to late U WISAYA was raised in Burma Legislative Council by U KHIN MAUNG GYI, it was as follows-- Question no 133 , U KHIN MAUNG GYI [ Magwe West ] ,Is the Government aware that there is great dissatisfaction among the people with the treatment meted out by the jail authorities to the late U WISAYA ; If so, is the government prepared to consider the desirability of instituting an enquiry committee into the treatment of prisoners in jail ; The Honble the HOME MEMBER ; The Government issused a very full statement on the treatment of the late U WISAYA in jail on September 30th last, and they do not wish to cover the same ground. The really important point however is whether the VINAYA rules require that monks in jail should be allowed-- [1] to wear their yellow ropes ; [2] to observe the UPOSATHA day in a consecrated THEIN . Such statements have been freely made and no doubt are sincerely believed by many devoted Buddhists. The Government, however, have the highest authority for saying that the statements are mistaken and that the monks who by reason of being confined to jail are not able to wear the yellow ropes or keep the UPOSATHA in a proper THEIN do not commit a sin against the VINAYA . They are contemplating the issues of a statement on the subject, but if the Buddhist members of this House would like to discuss the matter and to be put in
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possession of the authorities on which we rely, the Government will gladly meet them. Perhaps honble members who are Buddhist will get together and let me know whether they would send a deputation to the Government. They will no doubt agree that it is important that any misapprehensions which may exsit on the subject should be removed. An enquiry into the treatment of prisoners is now going on. As honble member is aware. Government recently published certain correspondence on the subject and invites an expression of views from the members of the public interested. They do not at present propose to form a committee. ( F/N no: 65 ) According to MANUAL OF RULES FOR THE SUPERINTENDENCE AND MANAGEMENT OF JAIL IN BURMA [Part one ] Section 806. clearly stated as follows. Observation of Sangha Sabbath by undertrial prisoners, and prisoners undergoing simple imprisonment, who are themselves PHONGYIs to keep the SANGHA SABBATH twice a month [i.e. LABYINE and LAGWENE ], they may , at their request and subject to good behavior, be allowed the ministrations of another phongyi of the same sect, who has been approved by the Deputy Commissioner. . It means that U WISAYA should had the right to enjoy the provision stated in section 806, at least during under trial. He was never given by the authorities to enjoy it. U WISAYA STATUE WAS ERECTED ON U WISAYA ROAD under the shadows of great Pagoda SHWEDAGON WHICH WAS DONE BEFORE INDEPENDENCE, donated by Myaung Mya U Ba Hla . [ FOUR ] January 21st, 1928 REVEREND U ATHAPA was convicted of an offence under section 17 [2 ] of the Criminal Amendment Act , and was sentence, ,by the Additional Magistrate Paunde to eighteen month rigorous imprisonment. U ATHAPA had been assisting in the promotion of meeting of associations declared, unlawful at which non- payment to taxes had been preached . The audience had been exhorted to resist Government officials with any weapons on the occasion of the officials visit to their houses. He incited the villagers to committed offences involving violence and against property, the most serious incident was riot at PADINBIN. On admission to the
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jail he went hunger strike for a week because he was not allowed his yellow robe. Hunger strike was one week. Then in June1928 he was tried by the Sessions Judge of Insein for giving speech to some 1,500 cultivators. His speech was serious inflammatory one made couponpreachers, which led to what is known as the Tharrawaddy rebellion. U ATHAPA instigated his audience to pay no taxes, and not to obey the law, and he asked whether they were ready for rebellion. At the time of this conviction he had already serving his sentence on the first conviction as an ordinary prisoner and the question of his classification was not taken into consideration. On July 13th,1928 he presented his apology for his offence asked for his released. Then on September 2nd,1929 he stated hunger strike again, because he was not allowed to wear his yellow robe. This time he was hospitalized on account of influenza attack. Permission was granted to wear yellow robe while he was in hospital. He stopped the hunger strike and began to take milk. On November 15th , he started another hunger strike because he was not allowed to keep Sabbath . U ATHAPA was simply using one concession as the starting point for further demand. The government thought that U ATHAPA main object was to be martyr and made himself the center of agitation with the purpose of embarrassing the government. THARRAWADDY U PU [Toungoo South ] raised the subject in Burma Legislative Council on December 10th, 1929 as follows;-- Mr. President, I move that the House do now adjourn to discuss a definite matter of urgent public importance of recent occurrence, namely, the situation arising out of the action and policy of the Government refusing the used of the yellow robe and permission to observe precepts in a THEIN , to Buddhist monks who are imprison in the jails of Burma which has already resulted in the death of U WISAYA in consequence of prolonged hunger strikes, and danger to the life of U ATHAPA who is at present on hunger strike in the Rangoon Central Jail for similar reasons. Mr. S,A.S. TYABJI [East Rangoon, Indian ] ; raised the question of differentiation between European prisoners and Indian and Burmans on December 10th,1929 as follows ; The last speaker thought that we were trying to follow in Burma and in India, the policy that had been adopted by the Irish people. The only difference between Ireland and India and Burma is this, and that
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is that in Ireland they had to have recourse to hunger strikes for gaining of their Free State, whist in India and Burma, we have had to have recourse to hunger strike for the change of differentiation between the treatment meted out to Indians and Burmans and Europeans . That is the amount of difference between the sacrifice which had to be made in India and in Burma and in other countries. We have to lose our lives for such small things under the British Government as the change of conditions between the treatment of Burmans and Indians and Europeans just as in Ireland they had to lose their lives for gaining their Independence or Free State. I do hope they will very soon change the type of Government which is the main thing after all and I expect in a very short time, whatever may be result of this debate and whether we win or lose, the DIFFERENT METHODS OF TREATMENT GIVEN TO EUROPEANS AND INDIANS AND BURMANS AT THE PRESENT TIME WILL HAVE TO GO. Sir, it is a disgraceful thing to feel that at the present time U ATHAPA is being nasal fed. It is certainly not a method which a morden civilized Government should utilize, The last speaker only spoke about the Reverend U ATHAPAs misdemeanours and he stated that one of the things that he did which was considered to be most grievous was that he preached non payment of taxes, or what might be called the Satyagraha movement. . Well , Sir, in certain circumstances that is a very useful method of bringing the Government to book or to reason, and not only Government but also other persons like landlords. This is a method which might be utilized usefully and successfully against landlords who do not take care of their tenants. The Government in certain circumstances aids the landlord, but at the same time that is the only method by which persons who have serious grievances against the landlord can take care of their own interests. Therefore, Sir, in our eyes, that was nothing grievous and that is what we are all prepared to do in certain circumstances. Sir, the point comes to thisare the conditions of different treatment to Europeans and to Burmans and in this particular case the PHONGYIS , going to be maintained or is Government going to change their attitude ; The people have already shown and our leaders have stated that there can be no friendship, there can be no bringing together, there can be no harmony between the Britisn Government and ourselves unless their
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method is changed and unless they show a change of heart. It is a very easy thing for them to do if they want to do it, and we know of course that things can be made to look very large and in which grave principles are involved, if they do not wish to do so. We have seen things being changed in this country, Sir which could not have been done before. When the Government do want to change and alter things they do it with good grace and easily, without any difficulty and without raising any rebellion like that in Tharrawaddy. Sir, I heartily support the motion of my friend U Pu in this. ( F/N no: 69 ) From 1922 to 1937 there were many nationalists who put up their defiance against the British Government, among of them many phongyis participated in the national movements as leaders, organizers, agitators. Out of the many phongyis , only few made headlines to be exact , only three PHONGYIS and one hermit whose struggles for the country caused a heavy impact on the Government and shook the entire country. They were U OTTAMA, U WISAYA, U ATHAPA, and lastly HERMIT HOLYMAN BANDAKA. In 1922 when British agreed to apply the new reforms to Burma also. There was a split in the rank of GCBA, U Chit Hlaing, one branch of the party decided to boycott the dyarchical reforms which they considered as inadequate and unreal. They held to the view of the Indian Congress Party and derived its inspiration therefrom. They were called WUNTHANU. The wunthanu continued to carry on with extensive antigovernment propaganda. They organized associations in villages, districts and preached boycott of the Reforms, non-payment of taxes, and boycott the British officials and non-WUNTHANU. ( F/N no: 70 ) On the other hand, the Peoples Party decided to work the Reforms, accepted Ministership and declared total separation of Burma from India. Phongyis Buddhist Monks took interest in politics, and many of them associated with the party of their choice. Then U OTTAMA, who was educated, U WISAYA, U ATHAPA throw in their lots into politics. One thing common among them was the theme of boycott, so was with the HERMIT BANDAKA. Among the three groups under GCBA , i.e. U CHIT HLAINGs GCBA, U SUs GCBA , and U SOE THEINs GCBA, they also stood for the same policy, namely boycott of the Reforms.

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 In 1919 India was given DYARCHY The British Government promised to give better system of government for India , after ten years On account of that for consideration of giving better government, H.M. Government formed a commission of enquiry . Sir. John Simmon was head of that commission. Simmon Commission was instructed to find out what the kind of government was suitable for India and Burma. [FIVE ] When the SIMMON COMMISSION visted to Burma 1923, the Burma Legislative Council elected Co-operating Committee consisting of seven non- official members. The majority of the members advocate for separation of Burma from India. The Committee held the same view. We hold, the report of the Committee stated that the first step towards the attainment of full responsible government in Burma is the Separation of Burma from the rest of British IndiaBurmas political connexion with India is wholly arbitrary and unnatural. It was established by the British rulers of India by force of arms and was being maintained for the sake of administration. ( F/N no: 71 ) It is not an associasion of two peoples having natural affinities tending towards union. It is neither combination of willing partners.. In all essential features of corporate life their common allegiance to H.M. the King Emporer which need not necessarily place one under the political tutttelage of the other. Political subservience of Burma to India had seriously jeopardized her financial and economic interests and even threatens to denationalize her. Financially , Burmas connexion with India has inevitably placed her within the orbit of the Meston Settlement, with the result that Burma has to surrender about fifty per cent of her revenues, i.e. those collected under the CENTRAL heads to Government of India, and Burma is left with the income which is hardly sufficient to meet her increasing needs. Thus Burma connexion with India cannot be justified on any grounds that count in the affairs of nations. We , therefore, strongly and unequivocally recommendation that Burma be immediately separated from British India. `The Simon Commission thoroughly agreed with the separatist doctrine, and in its report made a definite recommendation there to--- There is, however, one province, today an integral part of British India, which should, we think, be definitly excluded from new polity, and that is Burma. As the Montagu-Chelmsford Report pointed out Burma is not India. Its inclusion in
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India is an historical accident. We think that , when an endeavour is being made to lay down broad lines of advance towards an ultimate goal, the opportunity should be taken to break a union which does not rest on common interests . ( F/N No: 72) The Commission recommended that separation should be effected forthwith on the practical ground that no advantage seems likely to accure from postponement of a decision to a future date. The report continued as follows- The Consitutional difficulities of securing Burman participation in the Central Government of India are not prospective but actual. They will grow with every advance in the Indian Constituion and will prejudicially affect not Burma only but India itself. We advise, therefore, that Burma should be separated from India immediately. ( F/N No: 73 ) Although Simmon Commision arrived to Burma in 1923 the commission was able to submit its report only in 1932. [ SIX ] The important incident happened in May 26th, 1930 was anti-Indian Riot between Indians and Burmans occurred through out the country. Before going into details about its origin and causes of the riot we have to find out the true facts why it had happened.

The follows under mentioned facts were the remote causes [a] Influence of the Indian question , which included the growth of Indian

population in Burma, [ b] Distribution of Agricultural land, [c] Unsatifactory conditions of Land Tenure,

[d] Occupational distribution of the Indian population of Burma, [e ] Development of Anti- Indian feeling in Burma, [f] Marriage question, [g] Influence of the Press and others political influences, i.e. Thakin Organization .

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 [a] After the annexzation of Lower Burma , which consisted of three Commissionership of Pegu, Tenasserim and Arakan. In 1862 the three regions were combined into a single province called British Burma, and placed under a Chief Commissioner with headquarter at Rangoon. By 1886, the entire country was turned into a single province was placed under the Chief Commissioner , who later became Lieutenant-Governor in 1897, then in 1923 became the Governor, and lastly in 1937 after the separation from India Governor was directly responsible to the British Parliament. Meanwhile, the railway from Taungoo to Mandalay was laid, and telegraph lines began to be laid all over the country , together with postal services Indians were drafted into services. For those purposes Indian in large numbers, such as traders, contractors, lawyers, doctors,etc began arrive in the country. The historial background of Indians with Burma were as follows--- Since Burma was now part of Indian, so there was no hindrance to this migration. Adventurers from every parts of the world tried to find living in Burma which was upon as a new country where there was safety of person and property under British rule. And Burma came to be considered as Indian, legally and politically for all administrative purposes. According to Harvey, in his History of Burma, these immigrants came overland through Assam ; in Lower Burma they came by sea from Madras In some localities, such as Thaton, Prome, Pegu, Rangoon,, and in many towns in Arakan, Indian immigrants form a large proportion of the total population of the country. Telingana, a region on the Madras coast whence so many of them came.Like Hindus, they built shrines ; and it is probably these shrines that form the original strata of such pagoda like SHWEMAWDAW, SHWEDAGON, SHWEZAYAN , all of which dated before the Christian era. They brought with them their clergy into Burma. Like Chetties and European merchants do now in Rangoon. When King Asoka conquered KALINGA, and introduced Buddhism into South India, and gradually it spread to Lower Burma. King of Pegu Thamala of the ninth century A.D. sent his younger brother , the heir apparent, to learn wisdom at the University of Taxila. In the Pegu pagoda chronicle has the following interesting rercord ;In Banaras land there was an ancient pagoda on the top of the Gangess bank. When the bank was washed away men picked up the relics holy images that had been
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enshrined there, and give them to their children to play with. Nga Dula, a ship captain saw this ,and he thought , The folks in the east country deem these images divine and worshipped them. I shall profit if I sell them to the folk in the East country. So he bought them and came with them to the landing stage of Pegu. Even the biggest river of Burma, Irrawaddy came from the origin Sanskrit, named IRAVATI, i.e. giver of refreshment. Arhan, the first Buddhist prelate of the Pagan Empire was a the son of Brahman. When the Turks destroyed Buddhism in Bihar in twelfth centuary many Buddhist fled into Burma and Siam. Indian craftsmen were greatly in demand in Burma. The great temple ANANDA at Pagan built by King Kyansitha was the works of Indians; an imitation of the great cave temple of ANANTA , in the UDAYAGIRI Hills of Orissa. Indian craftsmen were greatly in demand in Burma. In short there were many references to India and to Indians in the antiquities of Burma. India was the homeland of Lord Buddha, was recognized in Burma as the Holy Land. Everything concerning with Buddhism came from India. There were references to Indians in Burma as peasants, traders, astrologers. Through out the history Burma had been receiving colonist from India and was absorbed in the local population. But from seventh century onwards, the British had commercial relations with Burma. In their records contained many references to Indians trading with Burma and residing in that country . During the period of the British Residency at the Burmese capital, from 1826 to 1840, large numbers of Indians resided in Rangoon and in AVA they were engaged in commerce and various professions. Some were appointed by the King to high offices of state. After the first Anglo Burmese war Indian migrated into British possession in large numbers. They came as government servants attached to the army, and as businessmen. Indian as of right migrated into Burma after British annexation of Pegu, and of all Upper Burma , this opened the new chapter of Indian migration to Burma. Indian acquired the right to reside in the country as sons of the soil. Man power was needed as skilled and unskilled labour, workmen, clerks, teachers, engineers, etc . Large number of workers, helpers, were required for railway, riverine boats, post offices, mills, oil- fields , mines, banks, shops, etc. Indian became most convienent reservoir of this supply. There were
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workers whose services was required by both Europeans and Burmese and Indians. These were domestics , laundrymen , cobblers, hotelkeepers, and men of all every professions followed in India. They entered not as conquer but as the subjects of the British who badly needed their services to develop the country. After all, Rangoon came to have large population composed of Indians. Indian immigrants were of three types. [1] permanent settlers, who willingly or under the pressure of circumstances made Burma their home, [2] long-term settlers, such as government servants, railway employees, traders, etc., who wanted to have a retired life preferred India to Burma, [3] migrants who seasonally came to Burma for a fixed period to de rice planting during raining season, and again during the harvest in winter. ( F/N no: 74 ) GROWTH OF INDIAN POPULATION IN BURMA as follows-- Year Total population Indians in Burma percentage 1872 2,747,148 136,504 6.9 1881 3,736 771 243.123 6.5 1891 8,098,014 420,830 5.4 1901 10,490,624 564,263 5.4 1911 12,115,217 743,288 6.1

1921 13,212,,192 887,077 6.7

1931 14,667,146 1,017,825 6.9 1941 16,823,798 Higher figure BURMESE AND INDIANS IN RANGOON Year Indians in Rangoon . percentage to total . Burmese in Rangoon percentage 1872 16,000 16 70,000 70 1881 66,000 44 67,000 50
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1901 119,000 48 81,000 33 1921 187,000 55 105,000 31 1931 212,000 53 128,000 32 From about 1880 onwards Rangoon began to develop into an Indian city. The Burmese population was not actually declining, but relatively the law of diminishing return began. British valued the Indians because of adaptability and dependability. They understood their British masters language, and they knew ins and outs of the British administrative methods. Indians population increased at a high rate up to 1930 and after this there was decline, not in numbers but in the percentage. The tide of nationalism in the country which started after 1920 Rangoon University Students boycott , had reached almost zenith in 1930 that caused the changed of political situation in the country. This made migration of Indians to Burma declined. ( F/N no: 75 ) [d] The impact of Indians in Burma was great especially for ordinarily Burmese who lived in big towns like Rangoon , Mandalay, always in difficulties if he does not understand either English or Indian languages especially at the offices and at courts on official matters. For the younger generation, a deep- rooted sense of frustration; the feeling that the Indian will continue his steady movement of infiltration into the country, that he will continue to expand his interest in trade and commerce, and that for an indefinite time ; whenever vancancies occur even in subordinate offices like clerical establishments similar post that Burmans are qualified and available only Indians were recruited. It seem that there is always an Indian round the corner waiting to step into it. It was very obvious that between Indians give information to their fellow countrymen. ( F/N no: 76 ) The other qualities of the Indian was; as a worker such as his frugality, his docility, his greater capacity for prolonged labour, the additional ef forts he will make in working very long hours for additional remuneration, alw ays made him a real serious competitor to tha Burman. During the British ruled there seem to have three class of people in Burma i.e. ,Europeans, Anglo- Indians, and lastly the native of the country ,BURMANS.
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 INDIAN EARNERS IN BURMA -MALES [ 1931 ] Unskilled and semi-skilled 206,555 Agriculture, Fishing, Hunting... 140,523 Traders and Shop- assistants 82,549 Craftsmen. 48,305 Clerical. 20,032 TOTAL530,874 It seem that although for generations Indians and Burman lived together in this country since the days of the Burmese Kings , gradually the harted and anger of the Burmese became bigger and bigger, and it turned into explosion in due course. [b] In 1930 out of the total number of agriculture land the Indian Chettyars owned six percent, and by 1937 Chettyars owned twenty five percent. In 1933 to 1935 it was found that Burman and other indigenous races held fifty- six percent to Chettyars thirty one percent. These figures suffice to show that the policy of Government of India of the encouragement of peasant proprietorship in Burma had miscarriage before separation arrived. [c] Economic influences lie at the root of the passions, which made possible the outbreak of riot in Burma. Those were still remain , and as long as they remain a potential and constant danger to peace and orderly progress of the country and to the security, welfare, happiness of the peoples. The ownership of land by the foreigner will followed sooner or later by political trouble arising from demand of the national of the country for the ownership of the land. The conditions in Lower Burma had arrived to a danger point and continuation of the transfer of ownership of lands to foreigners ,i.ie. from agriculturalist to the non-agriculturalist will cause another violent agitating for the ousting of the foreign owner, but in Upper Burma this kind of problem did not exsit because most of the lands were still in the possession of the Burmese. Due to that causes, Land Alienation Legislation in Burma must be proceeded. The materials upon which the immediate and more direct causes were provided in part by general and deep seated disturbance of mind for which dissatisfaction at the present position of land holding and the land tenure in the country were
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in part responsible for the troubles. Basically it was the question of have and have not, between the foreigners i.e. Indians and Burmans. Actually ,riots were against the government of anti- government nature based on the discontent by the agriculturalist with his present conditions. The contended population made abuses to the government and there were political propaganda which were more aggressive nature anti- foreigners, and to large extent at least anti-foreigner means anti-Indian landowner, anti- worker, anti- land financier. [e] The facts mentioned in paragraph [a], [b] ,[c], [d], almost covered the basis discontentment of the Burmese towards Indians and the rise of nationalism which were based on anti- British feelings , which meant anti- foreigners later the Indians , Anglo Indians were included. [f] Another fuse to the anti- Indians attitude bomb was the question of marriage of Burmese women to the foreigners, which was based on religion, customary laws of the groom. For many generations Burmans did not show any particular dislike for Indians. However the low standard of living of some Indians created a feeling of contempt in the Burmese mind. They called Indians, the Kala. Europeans were called by Burmese as kala phyu . Inter marriage between Indian men and Burmese women took place frequently. The children of Hindu by Burmese women were brought up as Buddhists, so there was no social problem created thereby. But in case of marriage between Mahomedan men and Burmese women was entirely different, because the offspring of Mahomedan by Burmese mothers were called ZERBADIS and was brought as Mahomedans and in 1931 their number was 125,262.The emergence of this new population roused fears in the Burmese mind. In 1885 after King Thibaw was taken away, Chief Minister Kingwun Mingyi made a request to the British authorities that he did not want Kalas to migrate into Upper Burma , the way it happened to Lower Burma after the annexation by the British. He was very worried that Burmese Buddhist might turned into other religion . Another thing were Indian Mahomedans, who while having wives in India in India, were in the habit of cohabiting with Burmese women in Burma. Marriage to the Burmese Buddhist is not a sacrament; it is just a civil contract. together, according to the Burmese Buddhist law and practice, a man and woman publicly living together, without having gone through
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a marriage ceremony, are recognized as husband and wife. Whereas in Mahomedan, did not look upon his wife as a legal wife; by Muslim law property could not descend to her or to her children, since no marriage was performed accordining to Muslim law. The property of the Muslim husband went to his Indian wife and to her children. Even Burmese woman married to Muslim according to the custom of Muslim law, when Muslim husband died out of the property left behind she will only entitled quarter . In Burmese Buddhist Customary Law she will be entitled the whole lot. In other words Burmese women were led to bona-fide belief that the marriage between Indians males appeared valid but at the same time it was not legal according to Muslim Laws. And accordining to the said Muslim Law no Burmese woman can become the lawful wife of a Muslim without first having emdraced his faith. The marriage between Muslim woman and Muslim male is only valid. The marriage of Burmese Buddhist woman to Muslim was not valid. In the case of Abdual Razak vs Mahomed Jaffar Bindannim , Lord Mac Naghtens judgement was quotes partly by Juducial Commissioner of Lower Burma in 1881 threw much light on the marriage of Burmese woman with Muslim we find mixed marriages everywhere exisiting among them, which have been duly celebrated according to Mahomedan rites; the wife having previously renounced her own religion and embraced that of her husband. Such an alliance is not regarded either party as temporary character . In short experience of this country to know that these marriages are regarded amongst the Mahomedan community as binding a character, and as conferring on a wife as honourable position in the family as the same position as the husbands other wife does. The offspring like wise of these marriages brought up in the Mohamedan faith and was regarded by Muslim father as his legitimate children. ( foot notes no: 77). No doubt , that illfeeling against the Indian was growing in the Burmese mind. Actually it was the anti-foreign feeling of the awakening Burma . Unfortunately Indians who was to be seen every where more than other foreigners became the easy target [g] And lastly the influence of the press of the day ,along with the influence of GCBA, Thangathamegge, and all assorted of associations, including Bu Athin everyone was shouting for nationalism. Anti - British, anti- Dyarchy, anti-taxation, was the general guide lines for the Burmese people. Anti- Indians, who were rich when majority of Burman were poor ,who owned lands that had
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been the properties of Burmese , who made Burmese women as their wives without considering the interests of the women they lived as their wives, and making them believed that the marriage was valid, who stole the jobs from Burmese , who took compound interest from Burmese debtor when the Burmans were in deep debts, these factors made Burmese very angry with Indians. Thus, the rift between Indians and Burmese getting bigger, wider, from day by day, and the situation was ready for explosion. The immediate cause of the Anti-Indians Riot in 1930 was as follows-- In the old days, under Burmese Kings, dock labour in Rangoon was largely Burmese. Business, however was small scale compare with the volume of 1930s. As the port of Rangoon developed after the middle of nineteen century, the demand for dock-labourer increased. Burman were not able to meet the demand. Immigrant Indians had to be recruited for the purpose. In due course Burmese labours were completely replaced by the Indians because of his efficiency. Burmans desired to participate in dock labour on 50-50 basis was agree to. But this agreement did not work out satisfactory because Employer preferred Indians labour instead of Burmans. In actual practice, Indians enjoyed monopoly in teak, salt, coal, and metallic ores, while Burmese were utilized for loading rice, and beside latter did not care to handle messy things like coal, salt, etc. In the long run the different tonnage counts interm of financial returns weighed heavily in favour of Indians. For transplanting rice Burman were as good as Indians, but in other spheres as to piece-work, Burman were unable to earn as much as the Indians. The reason of the cause was Burman were pronged to more accidents than Indians, due to want of experience. Indian labours were more effeicient than Burmese when the dull and monotonous, or when heavy manual labour were involved. Another difference was Burmans wanted more rest and higher wages, where as Indians settle for low wages. The Indians labour were maned by The Gang Maisttry who provides him with board at a contract rate, for Burman, he was not able to live under crowded conditions. And at the same time Indians dock-labour made a part time job as a rickshawpulling. We called rickshaw ,the lancha in Burmese. Burman on the other part was not able to pull rickshaw , but he will ply the cycle-shaw.
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 Meanwhile the struggle for existence was becoming keener, the cost of living was rising and more and more Burmans migrating to Rangoon, and other towns for employment . He found out that there was no job for him, he was not able to compete with Indians. The wages of Indian dock labourer was Rs 1.50 annas per day. But the labourers demand for Rs 2.00 which was refused by Head Maistries for increament. The Indian labourers started to boycott and refused to work on May 10th, 1930. British capitalist recruited from Burmese , altogether up to 2000 dock labourers in the place of Indians. This was the fuel for explosion . The employer SYNDIA Company did not wanted to take Burmese dock labourers and argued that Burmese were not efficient, and called back the Indians with compromised increatment from Rs 1.50 annas to Rs 1.75 annas on May 22nd. The Indians agreed to return to their jobs. On account of that Company dismissed the Burmese from the jobs. On May 26th, Burmese dock labourers returned to the job and started the riot. ( F/N no: 78 ) The result was violent out- break of ANTI-INDIAN RIOTING in Rangoon on May 26th, 1930. The poor Indians like dock-labourer, shop Assistant, rickshaw puller, and conservancy workers became the target of the attack. Within four days more than 120 were killed and many more were wounded. Authorities just looks on, the object being shown favour to the Burman. Not a man was convicted, not a man was brought before trial, for his part in this affair. Such was the complete breakdown of the system of law and order. This was the first anti- Indian Riot in 1930 the second one was in 1938.

[ SEVEN ] The result of this Anti- Indian Riot was the formation of DOBAMA ASIARYONE established after the riot, in July 20th 1931. On account of the riot , young men whose nationalism was in full swing, held a mass meeting at Botataung Sport Stadium to promote nationalism. When the meeting was over they shouted the sologan DO BA MA , which was meant We Burmans Association . This became the household word among the Burmese. From the day of it formation up to 1947. The original founders were Ko Ba Thaung [ Tutor ], Ko Hla Baw [ Chemistry teacher ], Ko Sein Tun [ Math Tutor ], and Ko Ohn Khin. They issued a statement serial number one- as follows,

BURMA............. IS.OUR COUNTRY, . BURMESE LANGUAGE..IS OUR LANGUAGE,

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 BURMESE DIALECT.IS OUR DIALECT. LOVEBURMA.

PROMOTE BURMESE LANGUAGE, RESPECTOUR DIALECT. Burma is your country . It is your duty to love your country. Burma should be exclusively for Burmese only, if it is not at present ,then we must make it now for the future. Do not forget these facts. We must unite. We must help one another. Open Burmese shops. If you buy, buy only from Burmese shops. If you must spend money, spend it at the Burmese shop. If we want to be powerful make ourselves economically strong. Make Burmese finanacially strong. In the first world war Germany lost the war because German were not financially strong if compared with U.S.A., and England, which used economics blockade against Germany. The address of ;;DO BA MA asiaryone was number 33, Yaydashea lan , Bahan ,Rangoon. ( F/N no: 79 ) They started agitating against foreigners through out the country. For some sologan, We want dare devils to protect the country from those who try to insult Burma. They made their rejection of subservient statrus to the colonizers known by abandoning the use of U, DAW,KO, MA, infront of the name of every individual , Burmese must put THAKIN; which means WE ARE MASTER, i.e. U Ohn will become THAKIN OHN. On July 20th, 1931 at U SAN DUN, DAW NYAT tansaung , Thakin Ba Thaung held the meeting and gave: as in the case of sahib in India, thakin was the term that Burmese were expected to use in addressing the British. ( F/N no: 80 ) The song called DOBAMA was sung at the meeting for the first time. And later become the national anthem of independence Burma, and they replaced the peacock of the Burmese royal household with a tri colour flag representing the Burmese nation as their banner. Some British observers and conservative Burmese condemned the Thakins as hotheaded young men. Thus DOBAMA ASSOCIATION was officially established. The members of Central Executive Committee were Thakin Ba Thaung was Chairman, Thakin Thein Maung was Secretary. And Thakin Ba Tin, Thakin Tun Shwe, Thakin Han, Thakin Hla Baw, Thakin Thein Han were E.C. members, were elected. DOBAMA association issued statement up to number eight. They emerged as popular leaders among the Burmese in general. They organized cultivators,
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labourers, education circles, and itinerant libraries, as well as a parliamentary political group, the KO MIN CHIN Party. However, the THAKINs lacked any coherent ideology, loosely borrowing ideas from the Irish Sinn Fein, Hilter, Mussoloni, Lenin, and the Ateturk. The Basis Principal of DOBAMA ASIAYONE were as follows--- BAMAR PHYI means , all the properties , including LAND,SEA, AIR, and SOVEREIGNITY owned by our ancestors, and the country must be governed by Burman. We are the owners of sovereignity, BAMAR-LU-MYO means, all the Burmese peoples, Shan , Kachin, Karen, Chin, and peoples from Frontier Areas. Our custom , our culture, and our religion must be maintained by all of us. We dispite the state we are in, we been ruled by the foreigners because we are unlucky. It will only for the time being, not forever. BAMAR THAKIN IS ONLY FOR BAMAR , means that in Burma there must be only one kind of thakin ,who are Burmese. We must fight back ,or made struggle for our independence. We must take back our sovereignty what we had lost. We must put in our efforts, we must make sacrifice for that aim and objective. THINK LIKE THAKIN, PRACTICE LIKE THAKIN, means that , we must try to stay above others, for that purpose, we must think, we must act, we must practice with good aims, and good intentions, and good genuine behavior only for the interest of the country and its peoples. ( F/N no: 81 a ) Thakin Soe drew the conclusion concerning with Dobama Asiayone in his report presented to All Burma Second Congress of the Communist Party , July 1945, that the leaders of Dobama Asiayone practiced more correct approach with the country politics than the Wunthanu leaders . The biggest achievement of Dobama Asiayone was that it successfully mobilized workers, farmers , students , young people and finally materialized the 1300 Ayaydawphone . Credit was given in the report to the Asiayone that it was successfully forged permanent union between workers and farmers . But after this achievement Asiayone failed to convert from 1300 Ayaydawphone workers strike into political strike ,than from political strike into Revolution . The report put the blame on the Asiayone that it did not either prepared or made plan for armed struggle from the beginning . Lastly in the report mentioned that the
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biggest mistake of Dobama Asiayone was collaboration with Japanese during the second World War . ( F/no: 81b ) There were two type of students which were emerging from Rangoon University in the early Depression years. The first type were conservative and western looking, who smoked English pipes that they bought from departmental stores such as Rowe & Co: in downtown Rangoon. They pinned their hopes for future success on winning positions in the Indian Civil Service: I.C.S. ( F/N no:82 a ) The second type were students and graduates who looked at the colonial government and the West in a different, more critical way. In 1930 , students and recent graduates of RU formed the DOBAMA ASIAYONE ( WE BURMANS ASSOCIATION ). They protested against British rule and called for national organization to put forth demands for Burmese rights. ( F/N no: 82 b ) ) Thakin were new blood of different type of politicians. Not like those who were in the politice since 1908 when YMBA was founded. Those politicians were British trained with British education from London. Whereas the new blood were educated in Burma with average level of education. Who were more hostile, more aggressive, harboured more hatred to foreigners than politicians of the preceeding generation. They did not expected to be invited to Government House for dinner with the Governor on weekends like the older politicians . Even if they were invited they did not wanted to go. The nationalism brewed by YMBA, GCBA, the instigations of U OTTAMA, U WISAYA, U ATAPA, U BADAKA, the passive disobedience of Bu Athin, of 1920 University of Rangoon Students Strike, the Philosophy of Boycott, the establishment of National High School, made these young men to open new fronts in politice. The situation was like making a ninety degree turn of the corner, which provided new views, new surrounding, new environment, and new expectations. Thakin Ba Thaung , Thakin Hla Baw, Bamakhit U Ohn Khin supervised the pubilishing of statements. Later Thakin Soe, Thakin Thein Mg Gyi, Thakin Tun Oak, and Thakin Ba Sein, joined the association. Sayar San made a donation of Rs.169.00annas to Dobama association, which they spent it on buying political literatures, mostly of leftist idealogy. They went through out the
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country and recruiting new members, and they were able to construct party structure from headquarter to village, track level. On most of the trips to the districts the authorities acted under the provision of section 144 Indian Penal Code , probihited from holding meetings. Thakin Ba Thaung , Thakin Ba Sein, Thakin Thein Maung, Thakin Tun Shwe were the first group to be convicted since the formation of DOBAMAR. ( F/N no: 83 )

In 1935 the first annual conference of DOBAMA ASIAYONE was held in YANANGYUNG. It was the success for DOBAMA. The second annual conference was convened at MYINGYAN in 1936. Thakin Ba Sein plus other three were arrested and convicted for two years under the section of 124[b] Indian Penal Code on account of the speech given at Moulmein. British government arrested large number of Thakins through out the country and were given sentences. British tried their best to surpress the activities of the asiayone, and arrested many of its members from the district. The famous sologan was, THAKIN PAUK SA TAUNG CHAUK LA, i,e. six months of imprisonment for every young Thakin. In 1937 election Dobama assiociation decided to contest at the election , U Mya of Tharrawaddy, Thakin Antgyi of Pakoku, and UHla Tin of Zalune were elected inspite of the harresment made by the government. The three elected member of parliament formed the party called, KO MIN KO CHINN Party. (F/N no: 84 a ) KO MIN KO CHIN Party had a Central Committee in Rangoon and local Committees in many other places through the country. It enjoyed secured representation in many District Councils . The party recruits among the young and unexperienced rawones. The method of instigating was first putting into the recruits heads a sense of grievence , secondly converting the grievence into political unrest, and finally into social disorder . They had the support of Thathana Mamaka Young Sanghas Association from West Rangoon , number of Volunteer Crops, and the Students Union . They had the conrespondence with number of communist organizations in India and United Kingdoom. The political views of the party and the political contacts were with the various committees of communist nature . In 1933, the Burmese Students Union in England was affiliated to the All Burma Youths League. In spite of occasional personal contacts between Thakins and agitators in India there was no sign any direct connection with the Congress Party .
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 The activities of the party included the publications of articles of articles in the press, issused manifestos, pamphlets , bulletins, and booklets and publishcation of certain newspapers such as the DOBAMA WEEKLY, DOBAMA THADINZIN MATTAN, and DAUNG . Since 1933 there had been a crescendo of seditious speeches by Thakins , and in 1938 alone thirty speeches were delivered .( F/N no: 84 b ). During in 1937 third annual conference was held at Prome and the guide line which was decided and approved by Dobama asiayone became the bible for youth organizations, sanga thatmegge, labourers,organs. They established contact with Indian Congress Party, British Communist Party, associations from Soviet, All India Hindu Maha thaba. The propaganda and organizing of the asiayone was very strong , it was transformed into formidable force in the countrys politice. (F/N no: 85 ) GCBA , gradually lost the leading role in the countrys politice because it was disintegrated into many fractions based on individual interest than on idealogy. In the place of GCBA, Dobama assiayone filled the gap. During 1937-38 annual meeting was split into two on account of the question of chairmanship between Thakin Ba Sein and Thakin Thein Maung. Patron Thakin Kodaw Maing did his best to make compromise between two fraction, but it was not successful. At the end Dobama assiayone was divided into two, i.e. one group was Thakin Ba Sein and the another was Thakin Kodaw Maing fraction, and it was more powerful to that of former, and took the leading role in 1938 Oil Field Workers General Strike against employer B.O.C. oil company. In 1936 students leaders Ko Aung San, Ko Nu, Ko Hla PE, and Ko Thein Pe joined the DOBAMA asiayone. [ EIGHT ] [a] THE FIRST INDIAN ROUND TABLE CONFERENCE was took place in London from November 12th 1930 to January 19th 1931, on account of H.M.Government decision to restore to the practice of having round table conferences with leaders from India and Burma to plan the future of the two counties. It was attended by 73 leaders from India, who included U Ba Pe, U Aung Thin, U Ohn Gaing, and Sir Oscar de Glanville. U Kyaw Myint said, opposing the principle of sepration , said the following in the Central Legislative Assembly Four gentlemen were selected as the delegates from Burma,, no invitation were issued to anyone else. Of the selection was made by Sir Charles Innes one was a European who has through out been an advocate of separation at all
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cost,, and another gentleman who represented nobody. The remaining two , Sir, were members of the Peoples Party. These two gentlemen actually protested against the unrepresen-tative character of the delegation. Their protested was over-ruled, rightly or wrongly these two gentlemen attended the Round Table Conference under protest.( F/N no; 86 ) The Round Table Conference, however ,accepted separation on principle, and decided to convene a separate Round Table Conference to discuss and draft the new constitution for Burma, which would be in no way inferior to that which was being drafted for India. It was taken for granted that Burma was to be separated from India, and Burma Sub- Committee was selected to go into this matter. The Sub-Committee requested the British Government to announce publicly its acceptance of the principle of separation, and also declare that the constitutional advance of Burma would not be prejudiced thereby, that the legitimate interests of BURMA Indians would be safeguarded. The financial settlement would be made between India and Burma. On January 20th, 1931, the Secretary of State of India for India, announced that separation from India would in no wise prejudice the constitutional advance of Burma. The objective would be the progressive realization of responsible government in Burma as an integral part of the British Empire. The idea was to create confidence in the Burmese mind. The great fear of the Burmese anti- separationists was that British were anxious to separate Burma in order to delay the grant of self-government to her. The same spirit of fear lingered in the hearts of the Burmese separationists too, and they wished to be reassured of the future. . There was two schools of thought, among the Burmese politicians which were now crystallized , The Separationists and Anti- Separationists. The former formed a Separation League which composed mainly from the members of Peoples Party. The latter were three factions of GCBA, and their respective supporters. Separationists stand was definite and unequivocal in support of their principle. The anti-separationists were not genuine. They did not trust British promises, and feared that the object of the imperialists was to separate Burma from India so as to be able to hold small country in subjection more easily.

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 The anti- separationist were afraid that Burma lose the advantages likely to occur to her from struggle for freedom. They stood for non-separation until such time as India became free, and with that Burma too. The vast majority of thinking Burmese were actually Separationist at heart, but many devoted Burmese Buddhist, including monks, out of religious sentiment wished to remain attached to India. There were many who harboured the opinion that Burma would be better defended against foreign aggression as attached to India. [b ] BURMA ROUND TABLE CONFERENCE was convened from 27th November, 1931 -----12th January, 1932, London. The inaugural session took place in the Kings Robing Room in the House of Lords and The Prince of Wales, delivering the welcome address I have come here to welcome in the name of His Majesty the King-Emperor to the capital of the Empire, Chief of the Shan States and other Delegates from Burma, and to inaugurate this Conference with the Representatives of His Government of the Parties which compose the Parliament now in sessions. Further Is t is used to say that the East is slow to change; but that saying is no longer true. Nowhere does the history record a political transformation at once so radical and so swift as that which has occurred in Burma within the space of my life time. Twenty years ago there were no politic in Burma, or in other sense, no real representatives institutions, no parties, no political press. Now, for sometime things have changed, the elected representatives of the peoples of Burma have constituted the great majority of its Legislature and share the responsibility for a large part of its administration, H.R.H mentioned about his attachment Burma among the many countries that I have visited I shall always retain the most pleasant memories of Burma-- its romantic scenery, its great rivers, its hills and forests , its wonderful pagodas, and, above all the friendliness of the peoples. I have not forgotten, and I shall not forget, the warm- hearted welcome they give me ten years ago. Again, H.R.H. continued to advise the Burmese delegate thatto those whose duty it is to build up a frame work of government or adapt an old one to new conditions, must be wise and careful architects,

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remembering that their building will have at once to bear the strains and stresses of a very difficult and restless phase of human history. A sense of common purpose, a capacity for patient and trustful collaboration in order to achieve that purpose, a readiness to recognize the honesty of other mens opinions,, a determination to do justice to all reasonable claims-- those, surely are the qualities that command success in such an enterprise as yours. ( F/N no: 87 ) The most interesting factor of the Conference was that some of those Burmese politicial leaders whom Prince of Wales missed on his visit to Burma were there. British invited nine British government delegates and twenty four Burmese delegates were invited to th ROUND TABLE CONFERENCE. [1] THE SAWBWA OF HSIBBPAW ,

[2] THE SAWBWA OF YAUNGHWE, [3] SRA SHWE BA, T.P.S., [4] MR. CHARLES HASWELL CAMPAGNAC, M.B.E. [5] MR, N.M. COWASJEE. [6] MR. M.M. OHN GHINE. [7] SIR OSCAR DE GLANVILLE, C.I.E. , O.B.E. [8] U TUN AUNG GYAW. [9] U MAUNG GYEE. [10] MR. SARABHAI NEMCHAND HAJI. [11] MR. KENNETH BRAND HARPER. [12] U CHIT HLAING. [13]MR.. ROBERT BLACK HOWISON. [14] DR. THEIN MAUNG. [15] U THARRAWADDY MAUNG MAUNG.

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 [16] MR. SYDNEY LOO-NEE. [17]U NI . [18] MISS MAY OUNG. [19]U BA PE . [20] THARRAWADDY U PU . [21] MR. HOE KIM SEING. [22] U BA SI . [23] U SU . [24] U AUNG THIN K.S.M. Out of the twenty four, two each to Europeans, Chinese, Indian and Anglo-Indian which total up to eight, and among the rest which was sixteen , two were Shans, another two were Karen, the rest were Burmese. Anti- Separationisit were FIVE , and Separationist were SIX and although Miss May Oung who was a Separationist and decided to stay nuteral.

The Conference consisted of four Plenary Sessions 27th November,1931, 1st Plenary Session [ Opening Ceremony ] ;2nd December, 1931, 2nd Plenary Session [ The General Discussion ] ; 3rd December, 1931, 3rd Plenary Session [ The General Discussion ] ; 8th January, 1931, 4th Plenary Session [ General Review of Work of Conference ] , and one Final Plenary Session on 12th January,1931 . ---Detail was reported in BURMA ROUND TABLE CONFERENCE PROCEEDINGS, presented by the Secretary of State for India to Parliament by Command of His Majesty. 1932 January. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY H.Ms STATIONARY OFFICE , LONDON. THE THIRD PLENARY SESSION was very interesting and the Burmses were very proud because Burmese delegate Tharrawaddy U Pu gave a speech with full nationalism and vigor and in defiant during general discussion on the 3rd December arguing why Burmese should not be given what they were asking for THE HOME RULE , BASED ON JUSTICE, NOTHING BUT THE BRITISH JUSTICE.
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 The details were as follows--- My Lord, this conference was called I think, to enable the Burmese to place their case before you, and through you before the leaders of the different parties in the British Parliament, so that they can decide our case. I would therefore appeal to His Majestys Government through you and to the members of the British Delegation in this Conference. I take it My Lord, that you and the other members of the British Delegation here will have to place our case before the British Parliament, by whom it will be judged. You are therefore in the position of Judges and as Judges I believe you would like to know all the facts of the case with which you have to deal, because unless you know the facts I am sure you may not be able to give the judgement on the case. In order, therefore, that you may know the full facts of the case I would request you, My Lord, to give me a little time to enable me to place my case before you . As the judges who will decided our cases, we the Burmans and the people of Burma generally, expect from you nothing but justice, only BUT BRITISH JUSTICE. That is what we want from you. Further , Tharrawaddy U Pu continued as---They know perfectly well that we claim, or demand , or ask or desire---use any word that you choosecomplete Home Rule. Belive me, My Lord, when I say we are determine to achieve it, we mean business . We want to free, like the Irish Free State , to have a Consitution like Ireland ,or like Canada , or Australia or any other Dominion, and nothing more. When I say equality , I mean an equality with other members of the British Commonwealth. Perhaps this word demand may seem impracticable to some but we consider that it is of birthright to rules freely in the same way as other free nations of the British Commonwealth. OUR DEMAND IS UNITED. The delegates from Burma , with the exception of very, very few possible only my friends the British Delegates from Burma are in agreement with our demand for full Dominion Status or full responsible government. With us no Hindu Muslim differences , such as have stood as a barrier in the path of Indian progress. We have no question of untouchability, or of Depress Class, and there is no question on Minorities.

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 I appeal to the press generally and to the British public to extend their world -- famed generosity to us, the Burmans , and especially to the antiseparationist group, and to extend their appreciation and give us their impartial, unbiased and unsympathetic decision. We expect British Justice and Fair Play, and British sportsmanship. Regarding political parties in Burma; Burmans of Burma have known politics since the last three thousand years --not four yearsnot four hundred years. I said three thousand years , according to our history. The Burmans believe that we had ruled our own country with our Kings for over three thousand years. For general imformation also I may mention that in 1044A.D., our country was under the rule of King Anawrata, a king who built six million forts , pagodas , and other magnificent buildings, which are still to be traced at Pagan. ( F/N no: 88 ) Now, for the first time since the spilt, the Separationists and Anti-Separationist are united again to put forward before you a united demand for full responsible government. In 1926 I came into the Council with my party of 10 members , as leader of the Home Rule Party. We members of the Home Rule Party decided by taking oath to abstain from accepting any salaried post in the way of a gift from the Government during the life time of the Council. In the Council of 1926 to 1928 I form the new party with my friend U Ni as leader. U Ni as a leader used to vote always vote in favour of separation; therefore he must be described as a separationist. Twenty one Party agreed that they will not accept any office in the shape of a gift offered by the Government until after new reforms which have to discuss here , and not even then, unless the peoples agree. U Nis Parliamentary Party, and my Party agree to join with Twenty- one Party under the name of Peoples Party. At any rate, give us a trail at ruling ourselves. If we fail, you can take back the whole administration. This is my personal opinion. We know how to rule our own country; we had ruled ourselves before ever you ruled Great Britian, My Lord. We think that those of our friends who have passed away are more fortunate than ourselves, who are living longer than they did, in the present wretched circumstances. We have become desperate.

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 My Lord, we the Separationists, claim a vast majority following. A question may be asked at this Conference ; how can you make such a claim . We have Phongyis Priests, in every village, at least one or two in every villages. These Phongyis have influence over their particular villages. Villagers cannot go away from that village and they have to stick to their Phongyi. It is a tradition in Burma that Phongyi from the village has always influenced the villagers. These Phongyis in turn ,pay their respect to the high Phongyi in town or big places. The GCBA are united in their creed. They have one political creed ,and that is to Boycott the Legislative Council. Tharrawaddy U Pu continued to mention the fact that minority has ruled over the majority in Burma. Burma is a Burmese country with the population of 14,667,146, and Burmese number about 12 millions which include the indigenous races, and the minorities less than 3 millions. The minorities have been 10 seats while Burmese were given only 12 seats. This is the downright insult to the Burmese. The Burman lost their country, and now they are threatened with minority rule. That cannot be British Justice. My Lord, who would like to live under such circumstances . Will you, my colleagues the British Delagates, please place yourselves in our position. I make an appeal to you. I am not threatening you; I would be the last man to do it. Tharrawaddy U Pu continued to make a point with defiant attidute that---Supposing you are a Burmans in our position in Burma, would you tolerate such a position for a day or for a minute. I will give you a more concrete supposition, though that supposition will never come about, I am sure. Please permit me , My Lord, to suppose for a moment-- that China, which has a population of over 400 million, ruled you in Britain, which has about 45 million as the same way as you are ruling us in Burma, what would you do then. You will ask for Dominion Status from the Chinese and in answer to that request the CHINESE GOVERNMENT said Oh, you Britishers, among your brothers you have not got 400 Chinese B.As ? WE WERE TOLD WE HAD NOT GOT 400 B.As by SIR REGINALD CRADDOCK. It might be said that you have not got 400 B.As--- not the B.A.s of Oxford or Cambridge.

You talk about capacity to rule ourselves . My Lord , what capacity do you want. What more capacity do you want. We have behind us a history running over three thousand years. What more do you want. I want to know how you judge CAPACITY.
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 By capacity do you mean to say that we must have gradutes, Oxford B.A.s or Chambridge B.A.s How did we ruled our country by our own King in those days. We had not got a single B.A. then. I will tell you King Anawrata did not even know the A.B.C.

I know more than he did, although I am not a graduate. He was not B.A. ; He did not receive an English education. By education do you mean English education, A.B.C., up to B .A.,M.A. and so forth. I will submit, in that case , I am differ from you, and the whole country will differ from you. IF YOU MEAN BY EDUCATION B.A.s AND UNIVERSITY EDUCATION AND ALL THAT, THAT IS NOTHING. I AM NOT A B.A.-- FAR FROM IT. I HAVE PASSED SEVENTH STANDARD IN MY COUNTRY. I have never been to England before, and I HAVE NO UNIVERSITY EDUCATION. DO YOU KNOW WHAT I HAVE , I CLAIM TO HAVE BRAINS . (F/N no: 83 ) Miss May Oung said as followsAs representative of woman of Burma, my duty is to repeat again the womens demand to be recognized as individual member of the State and to be guaranteed that there shall be no discrimination against them. In the days that have now gone by , whenever a woman rose to make any demand for her sex, she usually caused merriment amongst other sex. But My Lord, I am very grateful to you and to the other members of the Conference for the way in which they have accepted the demand I put forward on the behalf of the women of Burma. It has been agreed by the Committee that women shall have political rights, that is they shall have the vote and be eligible for election to both Houses of the Legislature. But I think it is necessary to say that the suffrage alone cannot cure all evils. I would like to remind the members of the Conference that a nation of which a portion--- Maybe large portionis denied equal treatment must necessarily be handicapped in its progress towards full development. U Chit Hlaing proposed LORD PEEL to preside over the deliberations at the Bumra Round Table Conference as the CHAIRMAN, and was seconded by Mr. Prime Minister. It was unanimously resolved. On 8th, Januaryy, 1932 , Plenary Session , the Delegates present a loyal address to HIS MAJESTY the KING, thanking him for the
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gracious consideration which he has accorded to the Members of the Conference. I propose this as the wording of the address --- The Delegates to the Round Table Conference present their humble duty to Your Majesty, and having reached the final stages of their task, desire to express their profound gratitude for the gracious consideration accorded to them by Your Majesty and by Her Majesty the Queen during the period of their deliberations. At the conclusion of a Conference summoned to consider the lines of a Constitution for Burma separated from India the Delegates would wish to assure Your Majesty---if such assurance were required---that they and the people of Burma yield to none in unfaltering loyalty to Your Majesty and Yours Throne. [ The resolution was carried unanimously ] . THE MESSAGE FROM HIS MAJESTIC THE KING was as follows-- The Queen and I cordially thank you for your loyal message , which was given us much pleasure. Having followed with closed interest the proceedings of your Conference. I realize how varied and complex are the problems calling for solution if the ties between the Government of Burma and India are to be loosened. I earnestly trust that the issue of your deliberations will further the prosperity and contentment of your country ; and , at the conclusion of this stage of your labours, I send my best wishes for a safe return to your homes. The Prime Minister in his closing speech given on 12th January 1932--- In closing this Conference my first very pleasant duty is to congratulate you upon the work that you have done. On 19th January last I said that the findings of the sub-Committee and made the necessary enquiries as to the conditions upon which separation was to take place. On the next day the Secretary of State for India repeated in the substance these remarks; and he added;--- They wish it to be understood that the prospects of constitutional advance held out to Burma as part of British India will not be
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prejudiced by this decision, and that the constitutional objective after separation will remain the progressive realization of responsible Government in Burma as an integral part of the Empire. In pursuance of this decision they intend to take such steps towards the framing, in consultation with public opinion in Burma, of a new Constitution, as may be found most convenient and expeditious, their object being that the new Constitutions for India and Burma shall come into force as near as may be simultaneously. ( F/N no: 90 ) . On the 21st August last, His Majestys Government announced that their intention to convene this CONFERENCE, and I quote the words;-- for the purpose of seeking the greatest possible measure of agreement regarding the future Constitution of Burma and the relations of Burma with India. The announcement went on ;-- The primary task of the Burma Conference will be to discuss the lines of a Constitution for a separated Burma. When the results of these deliberations are known there will be an opportunity for a review of the whole position by all parties concerned before any final adoption and proposal to Parliament by His Majestys Government of measures to implement their provisional decision in favour of separating Burma from India. This was the position when this Conference met and you began your deliberations . May I say on behalf of the H.MS Government, they were informed with the greatest satisfaction of the kindly , the generous, and the appreciative way in which you referred, in the course of this Conference, to the work of the officials one and all, in everything they have done in Burma, have been inspired mainly by the desire to help Burma to reach the stage which it has reached today. The whole genius of British administration is to lead up the peoples who came under its rule to a position when they can assume responsibility for their own government ; and it is with the greatest pride that my colleagues and myself face you this morning and bring this, the first stage of your deliberations , to a conclusion. As a matter of fact, you have no reason for being that at all. Negotiations are always slow, especially constitutional negotiations and the
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reason why negotiations are slow and proparganda and agitation are swift is that when you sit down, as you have sat down for the last few weeks under the chairmanship of an able an experienced man like Lord Peel, every one of your general aspirations, every one of the expression that you use ,so comprehensive, so attractive in their wholeness , has to be analysed. You have to look at possible difficulties; you can no longer merely talk to large crowds from which you get a magnificent inspiration for your words; you have to sit down and amongst yourselves, and between yourselves, hammer out in the essential details the specific features of your constitution, and then you find that there are difficulties that you had not anticipated; that there are things to be overcome that were not apparent in the pure agitation stage of the movement. So the days go into weeks and the weeks go into months and you think you are losing your time whereas, As a matter of fact, you are building up the constitution in the only way that workmen can do a piece of work like that, steadily, not in a great rush, but taking great care that every layer of stone that is laid is laid truly and well and with full consideration of what the foundation is upon which they had been laid, and also what the nature of the further layers that must come above them is to be. That is why I think there is so much impatience sometimes when either a conference or a government takes some days, some weeks ,,some months, to be careful that when statements are made and announcements are given forth they have been thought out and the conference and the government are prepared to stand by what is said by it. There is another thing. By the method of evolution, as I have said, things must appear very often to go very slowly. By the method of revolution-- I do not mean when I used that word merely great upheavals of force, but movements illconsidered, or unconsidered movements, rushing instead of walkingby the method of revolution things seem to go quickly. They do not. Take as much and begin with as much as will enable you to go on , that is all the wise men would ask at the opening stages of any new Constitution. When you go back to Burma do not allow your critics to say ; What have got---- because that will put you in a false position . You are not only getting today; you are getting tomorrow as well; and what you have
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got is not merely the Constitution as may be laid down in an Act of Parliament very shortly; but with that you have got the potentialities of that Constitution , and the potentialities, the chances of advance, of broadening, of widening , of extending are with youwhere they are not today, but they will be with you when that is done, and not only with us. Therefore, I would strongly urge you to take that point of view when in your own hearts, you say; What have we got . But above all, when you go home and meet your critics, do remember that a Constitution is not merely an instrument; it is a potentiality; and that potentiality will belong to when you get the Constitution which is now contemplated. (F/N No: 91 ) During his speech Mr. Prime Minister read out the Declaration of the His Majestys , Government;--- which will be surmmarized as follows-- I shall now read the declaration, which I am authorized to make by my colleagues of His Majestys Government;-- H.M. Government are prepared, if and when they are satisfied that the desire of the people of Burma is that the government of their country should be separated from that of India, to take steps, subject to the approval of Parliament, to entrust responsibility for the government of Burma to a Legislature representative of the people of Burma and a Ministry responsible to it, with the conditions and qualifications which I am about to specify.. [ 1 ] Legislature should consist of two Houses. The Upper House should be composed partly of elected members and partly of the members nominated by the Governor .It size should be about 1/3 of the Lower House. [ 2 ] Lower House should be composed of directly elected members. Provision should be made for representatives of minorities communities and special interest group. [ 3 ] Lower House should consist of 120 to 130 elected members. Two Houses will contain almost the double the present Legislature. [ 4 ] The power of the both Houses should be equal in respect of all Legislative measures, including Money Bills. Supply should be vested in the Lower House. Provision for the resolution of differences of opinion between two Houses by mean of joint session.
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 [5 ] The Ministry should be of six, but no more than eight ministers. Appointed by the Governor and collectively responsible to the Legislature. Governor should seek advise from the leader of the commanding the largest following in the Lower House. The Governor should have the right to preside over meetings of the Ministry. [ 6 ] The administration of the Federated Shan States and other areas now described as Backward Tracts, , but in future proposed to be known as Excluded Areas should be vested in the Governor. Relation between Ferderated Shan States and the rest of Burma will required consideration. [ 7 ] Goverenor should administered in responsibility to Parliament in the subjects of Defence and External Affairs. [ 8 ] Governor should not be dependent upon the Legislature for the supply required for the administration of reserved subjects , and he should be empowered to take such steps in the last resort as may be necessary to ensure that the necessary funds are forthcoming. He should also be given power to secure the enactment of such legislative measures as may be essential for the discharge of his responsibility for these subjects. [9 ] As regards finance the separation of Burma from India would in discharge of functions of which Provincinal Government and the Legislature had no opportunity to acquire experience. The success of the new Constitution no less than the general prosperity of the country will depend on Burmas ability to build up her credit in the money market of the world. Therefore, essential in the interest for Burma confidence should be established from the start in the soundness of her financial policy and in the management of credit and currency . [10] Statute should contain provisions to prevent the adoption of measures which should be enable to intervene to prevent the adoption of measures which would seriously prejudice the financial stability and the credit of Burma. The building up of credit depends mainly on the due fulfillment of obligations and the pursuit of sound budgetary policy. [11] Provisions should be made concerning for supply required for the reserved departments , the salaries and pensions [ including Family Pension and Provident Funds ] of officers appointed under guarantees given by the Secretary of State should not be dependent on the vote of the Legislature.
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 [12] The administration of financial questions, including the power of taxation and raising revenue, fiscal policy and expenditure on objects outside the sphere of the Governors personally responsibility, would be entrusted to the Ministry responsible to the Legislature. [13] Statute should provide for the appointment by the Secretary of State of a Financial Adviser to the Government. [14] The administration of the Railways of Burma, as distinct from control of policy, should be vested in a Statutory Board. [15] The efficiency of the public service is essential to the success of responsible Government; provision should be made in the Statute for the establishment of a Public Service Commission. [16] The Statute must also contain provision for the protection of all rights guarantee to persons re4curited by the Crown or the Secretary of State before establishment of the new Constitution, and to such persons as may be recruited by the Crown or the Secretary of State under the new Constitution for service in Burma. The Governor must have full control over officials serving in the fields directly administered by him; he should further have a special responsibility and necessary powers to enable him to protect the rights and interests of officers recruited by the Crown or Secretary of State and serving in the field administer by the Ministers. [17] With regard to subjects in the administration of which the Governor ordinarily would act on the advice of the Minister, H.M. Government consider that arrangements must be made whereby in the last resort the peace and tranquility of any part of Burma may be secured, serious prejudice to the interest of any section of the population may be avoided and Imperial interests protected. For these purposes Governor must be empowered to act in responsibility to Parliament and to implement his decisions, if necessary , by legislative enactment, administrative action, or appropriation of revenue. [18] Adequate powers must be vested in the Governor for the purpose of enabling the Kings Government to be carried on in the event of a breakdown of Constitution.
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 [19] His Majestys Government regret that the Conference has not been able to reach agreement on the question of the representation of minority communities and special interest in the Legislature. They hope that agreement may still be achieved , for settlement by consent must be more satisfactory than the decision imposed by any outside authority. Failing agreement . H,M.s Government would find it very difficult to enforce any scheme which did not recognize the claim of minorities and special interest to representation by separate electorates. [20] Constitution must contain provisions dealing with the difficult question of commercial discrimination. Governor should have power to secure this principle which is ; principle of equal rights and opportunities for any British subjects, is observed both in Legislation and Administration. [21] The Governor would necessarily continue to have discretions, on behalf of the Crown, to refuse his assent to legislative measures and to return the Bills for consideration and , subject to any instructions issued to him, the existing powers and reservation and dsisallowance would remain. [22] The Governor would obviously consider his relations with his Ministers and the Legislature before making use of these powers;; he would stay his hand as long as possible and be slow to use his own powers in such a way as to enable his Ministers to cast upon him a responsibility which properly is theirs. If Ministers are to develop responsible government they on their side must refrain from sheltering behind the Governors special powers, and leaving to him the hatred of an unpopular decision for which they, if they are to discharge their responsibilities, ought to be answerable. These powers are intended to lie in reserve and to be kept in the background . [23] It is on these lines that His Majestys Government will be prepared to frame, for the approval of Parliament, a Constitution for a Burma separated from India. But the first step is to ascertain whether the people of Burma endorse the provisional decision that separation should take place. To enable them to take decision on this matter, they should aware that not only the general nature of the Constitution proposed, but also of the financial consequences of separation. With this material before them the people of Burma will be in a position to decide whether or not they are in favour of separation from India.
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 His Majestys Government consider that the decision might best be taken placed before the electorate. The life of the present Legislative Council extended for a year, but an election must be held before the end of the year. If this Conference had achieved nothing else it would yet have served a great purpose in establishing direct and personal contact between representatives of the British Parliament and Leaders of public opinion in Burma. With this DECLARATION the BURMA ROUND TABLE CONFERENCE came to the end on January 12th, 1932. ( F/N no: 92 ) [ NINE ] SCHEME OF CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN BURMA IF SEPERATED FROM INDIA was presented by Secretary of State for India to the JOINT COMMITTEE OF PARLIAMENT ON INDIAN CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM in 1933 concerning with Burma. The Memmorandum stated by the Secretary of State for Indian as follow-- In accordance with the undertaking that I gave to the Joint Select Committee o0n 21st, I circulate herewith to my colleagues of the Committee and to the delegates a Memorandum setting out in some detail on the model of the Indian the nature of the proposals that would form the basis of a Bill that would be required if it were decided to separate Burma from India. On January 12th, 1932, at the close of the Burma Round Table Conference, Prime Minister made a statement that should the Committee take the view that Burma should be included in the Indian Federation, the proposal of the Indian White Paper subject to some consequential adjustments would apply to Burma. The Memorandum now circulated amplify or supplement the PRIME Ministers statement, the provisions to be found in the Indian White Paper in the respect of which the separation of Burma would inevitably require modification of the Indian White Paper proposal or render additional provisions or rendered additional provision necessary. Provisions of this kind have been tentatively and provisionally inserted for the sake of completeness , and lastly there are certain matters in respect of which in the Indian White Paper contains definite proposals but where it may be necessary to introduce
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modifications in the case off Burma which have not yet been work out in details. Such matters have been indicated in the Memorandum, but no alternative proposals have for the time been made. In due course I will give my views on points of this kind. In this Memorandum contain no recommendations which His Majestys Government specifically advise should be adopter. The Committee will recollect that following the Prime Ministers statement at the conclusion of the Burma Round Table Conference, the choice as between and Separation and Federation was left to Burma Legislative council. The Commmittee therefore will apparently have to make their RECOMMANDATIONS FOR OR AGAINST Separation of Burma without any clear expression of opinion from the Burma Council. But I hope that after the recess Committee will have the opportunity to express by the Indian delegates , their views and that the Committee will also agree to invite to London a suitable number of representative Burmans for consultation. The object of this Introduction to the SCHEME of CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN BURMA IF SEPARATED FROM INDIA, is explain in boardest outline the changes in the government of Burma, which would be brought about by the adoption of the proposal which is summarized as follow- [ 1 ] In the view of the differences of races,, history, culture, and political devolepment between India and Burma, the linking Burma to India in last centuary for reason of administrative convience should not be necessity lie Burma to the same path of political progress as India. Since the Government of India Act of 1919, Burma has been steadily carried forward by the tide of Indian reform. Now Burma stand the same point of political development as the other Provinces of British of India. The position was recognized by the Government of Burma in a dispatch of the August 13th, 1930, in which they wrote---- ..it is of great importance that it should be made clear beyond all possibility of doubt or question that the separation of Burma will not involve for Burma any departure from the statement, contained in the preamble
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to the Government of India Act,19. That the objective British policy is the progress realization of responsible government in British India as an integral part of the Empire. As the Commission say , that statement constitutes a pledge given by the British nation British India. When the pledge was first announced in August 1917, Burma was the part of British India. The pledge ,therefore was given to Burma well as to India, and even if Burma is separated from India the pledge still stands for Burma unimpaired and in all its force. The Government of Burma could not possibly agree to separation on any terms, and they trust that His Majestys Government will see fit to set at rest any doubts that may still exist on the subject. They attached importance to the point, for allegation is frequently made in the section of the public press of Burma which is opposed to the recommendation of the Statutory Commission that the British Government will seize the opportunity of separation to reduce Burma to the status of a Crown Colony.( F/N 93.) [ 2 ] The Burma SubCommittee of the first Indian Round Table Conference included in its Report , as its first recommendation,-- to make a public announcement that the principle of separation is accepted, and that prospects of constitutional advance towards responsible government held out to Burma as part of British India will not be prejudiced by separation. The Indian Round Table Conference did not agree unanimously to this adoption of , and action on, this recommendation without further full consideration, generally admitted that further consideration was a matter between His Majesty Government and the Burmans themselves, and India would abide by the issues. ( F/N no: 94 ) The Secretary of State for India in answer to a question in the House of Commons on 20th January 1931, when he made the following statement--- As my Right Hon. Friend the Prime Minister stated yesterday in the final plenary session of the Round Table Conference, the Government have decided to proceed with the separation of Burma. They wish it to be understood that the prospects of constitutional advance held out to
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Burma as part of British India will not be prejudiced by this decision, and that the constitutional objective after separation will remain the progressive realization of responsible government in Burma as an integral part of the Empire. In pursuance of this decision they intend to take such steps towards the framing , in consultation with public opinion in Burma, of a new Constitution as may be found convenient and expeditious, their object being that the new Constitution for India and Burma shall come into force as near as may be simultaneously. ( F/N No: 95 ) [ 3 ] In pursuance of this announcement the Burma Round Table Conference was convened for the purpose of seeking the greatest possible measure of agreement regarding the future Constitution of Burma and the relations of Burma with India. The primary task of the Conference being to discuss the lines of a Constitution for a separated Burma. The Conference sat from 27th November 1931 to 12th January 1932. In its report disclose a considerable measure of agreement between the delegates from Burma and those from Parliament upon the type and details of a Constitution for separated Burma. The sketch of a Constitution outlined in some details in the statement by Prime Minister and drawn up in the light of the Conference discussions, took therefore for its basic principle responsible government subject to certain safeguards , in the field of administration which is now provincial and subject to certain reservations as well as safeguard in the field now administered by the Central Government of India. [ 4 ] If and when they were satisfied that the desire of the peoples of Burma was that the government of their country should be separated from India, they would take steps , subject to the approval of Parliament, to give effect to this desire. In order to ascertain the desire the people of Burma , advantage was to be taken of a general election to the Burma Legislative Council, which due to be held in the following Autumn. At this election was main issues before the electorate. Prior to the election a mass meeting of members of the various GCBA was held at the Jubilee Hall, Rangoon, in the first week of July. At this mass meeting it was resolved to form an
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AntiSeparation League. The policy of League was laid down in five resolutions, the effect of which was to reject the Constitution for Burma outline by the Prime Minister at the end of the Round Table Conference. The election was held in November 1932, and the electorate returned a majority of candidates describing themselves as Anti- Separationists , as adherents to the policy adopted by the Anti- Separation League formed at the Jubilee Hall meeting. --- HISTORY. Data E WORD FILE ( History ) The composition of Burma .

[ 5 ] In December 1932 the question of separation of Burma from India based on the outlined by H .M. government formed the subject of a protracted debate in the Burma legislative Council. The Council , eventually, on 22nd, December, adopted the resolution which was identical in substance and almost in terms with those adopted at the Jubilee Hall meeting. The resolutions were:- [1] to opposed the separation of Burma from India on the basis of the Constitution out line by the Prime Minister on 12th January 1932; [2] emphatically opposed the unconditional and permanent federation of Burma with India ; [3] promised continued opposition to separation of Burma from India except on certain conditions ; and [4] proposed that, in the event of these conditions not being fulfilled, Burmese should included in the Indian Federation on special conditions differentiating her from other Provinces and including the right to secede at will from the Federation. (foot notes no: 96 ) The prospect of the new Constitution stirred up a frenzy of political activity in Burma. New parties , new personalities emerged , new alliance were made, and new direction too. The theme of the 1932 November election was the question of separation from India. U Chit Hlaing GCBA, U Su GCBA , joined together and made an alliance which was known as Hlaing -Myat--Paw after the names of U Chit Hlaing, U Myat Tha Dun, and U
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Paw Tun; this alliance was for Anti- separation. Another group called Maw- Myint-Bye , after the names of their leaders, Dr. Ba Maw , U Kyaw Myint , Ramree U Maung Maung. Dobama Thakin refused both the two school of thoughts , for them their demand was for total independence from the British, because whether Separation of Burma from India or not , Burma will be under the British rule. They had the idea for the politicians to make head on confrontation with the British Government in the issues of total Independence from British , instead of beating around the bush. For separation were the Peoples Party Independent Party or Golden Valley Party. The resolution for anti-separation won , but in the Legislative Council there was indecision. On December 22 nd, two rival motions were sponsored. U Tun Pe representing the special constituency of the Rangoon University, moved the resolution that this Council accepted the separation and the new Constitution drafted be His Majesty Government. The rival motion, sponsored by Ramree U Maung Maung, was to the effect that the Council rejected separation but favoured continued association with India with the right of secession reserved for Burma. ed U Tun Pe to move, and ignored the rival mover. This led to an uproar in the Council, and U Chit Hlaing lost the PRESIDENCY on acount of non- confidence motion against him, and put Sir Oscar de Glanville in his place. After all the heat and uproar the Council adopted the resolution to stay with India with the unreserved right to leave at any convenient time in future. The separation issue did not end there. H.M. Government decided that the resolution of the Legislative Council was equivocal. It said it must be separation now or association with India for ever after. No secession could be allowed at a future. Once again the Council debated. From April 25th to May 6th when the Council was prorogued, the members debated brilliantly, and some speakers like U Tun Pe totaling a 40 hours speech- making during the period. U Ba Pe in his 40 hours marathon speech he said as follows--- As regards of the financial position of Burma I am sure the leaders are perfectly in touch with it. Some have great confidence in the Congress. Having been at one time a member I had regarded it as a shrine or a pogoda .
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( Lit:--The indentity of an ant-hill was revealed as an iguana came out of it though it was worshipped in mistake for pogoda.) Regarding the debt obligation to India in the event of Burma separating from it , the Howard Nixon lays down sixty crores as Burmas obligation towards Indian debts. But the Congress would not remain idle . This is a creditable piece of work . They are really learned people. They also engaged financiers to work out the financial position between India and Burma . There are two volumes on the subject. In the reports it is mentioned that in case Burma seperates from India , it ought to pay 102 crores to India towards the settlement of debt . And the Congress subscribed to this report . If comparison between the two reports is made , Those who owe allegiance to the Congress will that the British Government lays down 60 crores as debt obligation and the Congress 102 crores. If Congress imposes such demands even before it could pretended to claim any power , what shall we do if they require us to pay 1,200 crores when they actually assume power ? When they are really in power and demand payment what are you going to do ? And who can say that Congress would not make such demands , when the estimate it at 102 crores as against 60 crores demanded by the British ? If you leave the Federation after joining it and they really demand 102 crores or possibly more what are we going to do ? If we say that we are not responsible for the debts and that the future generations will liquidate it will be doing them a grave injustice. If we have real love for the country and the nation , we should regard the debts that are to be squared by the generations to come as those that are to be paid by us. Therefore we should first concern ourselves with such disabilities . As I have told you , they are at liberty to withhold their consent to our secession when we want to secede . If we are in a position to secede from the Federation forcibly , we may do so ; if not we will be able to secede only when they consent to it . I earnestly request those who are urging Federation to note that we shall be in difficult position if we are bound to them . Please let us know in brief, if not in detail the line of action you will adopt when they ( Indians ) do something in connection with this matter ( Federation ). But if you say that secession will come by itself when the time comes , I rather anxious about it. We are also people of the country and we ourselves have personally been working in her cause . While working for the
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prosperity and the advancement of our nation and our religion , we ask you to make common cause with us, because you should and ought to do so . We will never espouse a cause unless it is reasonable . We always say that our views are so and so and that we are in favour of a such thing. You can also express your views and if we accept and follow your lead . But if we do not approve them, we shall let you know the points on which we disagree with you . Let us suppose that we can come out of the Federation easilyin fact its not easy and you may as tell us ways and means you would devise and the demands you would make while staying within the Federation for a considerable time ; or say definitely if you comtemplate staying inside the Federation only for 2 days. When you say a considerable time it means a long time because there can be no time-limit in politics . What difference will it make if you are required to remain in the Federation for about ten or 15 years without your disabilities being removed ? At present 65 percent of the residents of Rangoon are Indians and after about 10 or 15 years the percentage will go up to 90 . Although you are saying that it is impossible, Burmans are being relegated to a minority , community unconsciously . Please read the first part of the Census Report of 1931. We have already read that and we come to know that the political and economic conditions of the Burmese people are deteriorating day by day. Though people may have been shouting in thoroughfares that Burma is for Burmans , that time has already passed . Please save them . Dont you want to join hands with us in saving them ? No doubt the answer will be in the affirmative . Then if you want to join hands with us, please do not allow youselves to get bindly into the trap (Federation ) . -Again , Ba Gyi U Ba Pe continued with is speech he stated that Ferderation with Indian would not do any good to Burma . He stated as follows--- Well , there are many questions to be asked , but you would not answer . What will What will you do if you are not allowed the right to secede ? If you cannot get out what will you do ? Such is the question of secession is inherent in all the Federations. But the consideration is that you want to get out there would be financial adjustments . Nobody except the Buddha can prophesy the future . If anybody does it must be the guess work .
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 If the present situation is studied the future can be guessed. It may be wrong . Whom should we depend upon and work ? Think carefully . You can depend on your own people . It is impossible to depend upon others. I will explain why it is impossible to do so . It is not the responsiblility of the Indians or Chinaman or British to get Home Rule for Burmans. The responsibility lies with us . Are others responsible for our prosperity ? No, it is ours. We cannot throw the responsibility on others. Look at the Indians . In 1917 when Sir Samuel Hoares predecessor, Mr. Edwin Montagu , the Secretary of State for India came to India to make enquiries for the purpose of giving a new constitution to India and Burma, we met him at Calcutta . He never came to Burma. He came to Bengal. They were sent over to enquire what sort of constitution was to given to us . At that time Burma was left out and our countrymen had to depute usU Pu , and the late U Tun Shein and myself had to go to England . Government never sent us . While we were there we met President Patel . He was then the Secretary of the Congress. We also met Mrs. Annie Beasant , Mr. Jinnal , Sir S.N. Bannerjea , and the other leaders. They Houghton was the only man who took any notice us . He is an Englishman who returned from Burma . He help us by looking out for flat for us . gave evidence before the Joint Selecte Committee . While we were there neither the British nor the Indians took any notice of us . We were ignored. Mr. Bernard Then with grim determination we made friends with journalists , we interviewed the members of Parliament and then only WE WERE REGARDED AS HUMANS BEINGS . First we went to the Indians . They sighted us . They did not speak about us . They work for themselves . It was not through Indians that we got the Dyarchical form of government . If we had only relied upon Indians we got nothing . We had to go to England once against in 1920 . After a hard strugglegiven the Dyarchical form of Government which Indian also got . It was not through Indian help . We had to work for ourselves . We could not rely on Indians . If we do so we shall have to stay where we are placed . They are not to be blamed .They are busily involved in their own work . It is difficult for them to do anything for us . Their action became too glaring when we went the Round Table Conference . Five of them U Chit Hlaing , Tharrawaddy U
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Pu , U Tun Aung Gyaw , U Su , and Tharrawaddy U Maung Maung went to see Mr. Gandhi . Gandhi was then in Englkand . U Chit Hlaing and his friends then asked for ( Mr. Gandhis help . Said he We are busy with our own work , do try and work for yourselves . They never got his help . They will be joining the Federation in the hope that Indians will help us . They are entering into it thinking that Indians will help us and that Indians are a broad minded race . How magnanimous they are can be gleaned from the fact that they demand 102 crores as obligations to India , whereas the British claim only 60 crores . Thing past I cannot recollect any occasion when they help us . What pained us lamentably was that at the last Round Table Conference , Indians asked for Home Rule and we also asked for what we wanted . There, Indians instead of keeping to themselves---I am speaking of Hajis actions---asked for about 35 percent Indians representatives in the legislature when the new constitution for Burma comes into force and also for safeguarding of Indians . To back up my words I will read out the Conference Proceedings and let you know how impertinent the Indians leaders are . Some 30 or 40 Indians members who came to attend the Indian Round Table Conference wrote to the Prime Minister that they would also join the deliberations of the Burma Round Table Conference and yet they said that the principle of selfdetermination should be the order of the day. In their case they would act according to their wishes; in our case they wanted to carry on in the manner of tossing coins in America heads I win and tails you lose . If we join the Federation by relying on these people and into the bargain with great drawbacks which will place us in a very inferior position , who will guarantee that our race will not be wipe out of existence ? We Burmans will surely suffer and will soon disappear from the universe . Your voters did not ask you to send them to serfdom . You can make them MASTERS , but dont shut your eyes and convert them into slaves of the Indians . Think carefully . The mandate of ours voters is not like this . They want to see Burmans in Burma prospering and holding their heads erect . And also try and obtain Dominion Home Rule and not to quarrel either with the Indians or the British but to try and get what we want. They also requested us not to allow ourselves to be bought off or persuaded or seduce through women . And lastly to carry out duties honestly and with
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dignity. That was our mandate. ( EXTRACT FROM BURMA LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL PROCEEDINGS - FOURTH COUNCIL -- 5th MAY 1933, page 438 , 439 , 440 , 444 to 446 . ) . Further , U Ba Pe went on with his speech that Is there any any Burman who likes permanent federation ? If there is any , he is the enemy of Burmas freedom . They are the enemies who betray the country . The matters as it now present itself is not over, there is something more to be said . I know that there are traitors among us . I know also that there are many people who still entertain a patriotic feeling that Burmese sovereignty will return and and they can hoist the peacock flag ( IBID , PAGE 459 ). The weight of opinion was against separation, and members who were against teamed up and sent cables to New Delhi and to London ,conveying their decision that if it must be for or against separation and nothing in-between they were against. [TEN ] On 1924, May 25th, at the WUNTHANU GCBA conference which was held at Paungde the resolution was put up that due to heavy expenditure caused by DYARCHY system, the Dyarchy government should be withdrew from Burma, and the method of taxation should be revised .( F/N no: 97a) This was the fuel added to the fire and the reaction was BU-ATHIN, or NO-ATHIN ( (NO TO PAY TAX, NO TO RECOGNIZE DYARCHY , and NON-CO- OPERATION WITH THE GOVERNMENT .) were emerged through out the country. Actually these BU ATHIN were established before Paungde conference, its orgin was from 1920 University students boycott success GCBA put up the political line that was Non-cooperation with the government. Under the guidance of WUNTHANU GCBA, BU ATHIN were established in various districts , those from Tharrawaddy, Theyet, and Prome were the most active and strongest. During 1923 August government declared BU ATHIN;; ILLEGAL AND WAS UNLAWFUL ASSOCIATION. ( foot notes no: 97 b ) [ ELEVEN ] His Majestys Government in London, bothered by the goings on in the Council in Rangoon, once again invited leaders from Burma to come over and talk round the table. Burmese delegation consisted of twelve members discussed with the Joint Select Committee of the Lords and the Common between November 29, 1933 and December 20, 1933, before final decision was made.
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 We have satisfied ourselves, the Committee reported, by discussion with the Delegates from Burma representing the anti-separationist parties that b they have no real desire to see Burma included in an Indian Federation; and indeed they frankly admit that on their own terms they would unhesitatingly prefer separation. ( foot notes no: 98) At last the die was cast ALEA IATA EST. Separation it was to be. The Government of Burma Act was passed having the blessing of the British Parliament to Burmas new Constitution. After 50 years of the annexation of Upper Burma , Burma regained her lost identity. [ TWELVE ] In 1935-36 Rangoon University Student Union election for Executive Committee Members , the following were elected from Thakin students- - [1] KO NU, .CHAIRMAN [2] MR, RASCHID [ VIC-CHAIRMAN ] [3] KO THI HAN [SECERATRY] [4] KO OHN [TREASURER] [5]KO TUN ON .[ LIBRARIAN] [6] KO THA HLA [ FOREIGN RELATION] [7] KO TUN TIN [ SOCIAL RELATION ] [8] KO AUNG SAN [ OWAY EDITOR ] [9 ] KO BA SETT [ SPORT ] Influence of the DOBAMA asiayone reached not only to the entire country but also to Rangoon University Student Union , and on account of that effect the above-m entioned students were elected to Executive Committee of the Student Union. They were young Thakins . The different breed who were the disciple of Thakin Ko Daw Maing. They studied communist literature , a devoted members of NAGANI BOOK SOCIETY. The activities of Dobama asiayone was functioning inside campus, and had established close relationship with the students and the students were with the workers on account of the good office given by DOBAMA ASIAYONE .
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 It was the very important contact which led the young students leaders to had close relations with the workers from oil-fields.In the field of industry, the most famous, or the most notorious , or the most mischievous , recent achievement of thakin was their ability to exploit the workers of Yenangyaung , Chauk , Lanywa , and Syriam in their strike which started at Chauk . ( F/N no: 99 ) [ THIRTEEN ] The young Thakin of Dobama Asiayone set up a leftist bookclub called the NAGANI [ Red Dragon ] in 1937 , and poured out translations of leftist literatures. KO NU KO AUNG SAN , THAKIN THAN TUN , KO KYAW NYEIN, KO BA SHWE, and most of the young thakins, studied the books , literatures of leftist nature. They were Marists, they were Fabian Socialists , they admires Hitler , and Mussolini, and they had great hunger with the stories of Irish struggle for freedom. They believed in BENITO MUSSOLONIs words mentioned in various speeches given by MUSSOLONI during 1930s at Rome and various places in Italy. IT IS BETTER TO HAVE LIVED ONE DAY AS A LION THAN ONE HUNDRED YEARS AS A SHEEP. By the end of 1936 these young thakin leaders began to take increasing lead and more initiative in the national political struggles , which caused older generation of 1920 politicians in embarrassing position . KO NU ,KO OHN KHIN , and THAKIN THAN TUN were the members of Dobama asiayone and the original founders of Nagani Book Club . This Book Club was in touched with the Workers Book Shop and Messrs. Victor Gollancz, Ltd, in United Kingdom, both sources of communist literature. ( F/N no: 100 ) [ FOURTEEN ] University of Rangoon students staged strike against the administrative authorities for the second time in 1936. Small group of senior students formed a group that they wanted the changed the old order and to bring in the new. U NU met a senior student U OHN, who introduced him to three figures in the College who would made history. They were AUNG SAN , KYAW NYEIN, THEIN PE. They discovered that they had the same mind and same way of thinking. In the following session, 1935-36 they all contested the election of Executive Committee of the Rangoon University Students Union. Elections were quite affairs before. On account of the blessing and the support of the Principal D.J.Sloss the Union was a statutory institution, and it was kept clear from politics. The 1935-36 elections changed everything; KO NU , KO KYAW NYEIN, KO AUNG SAN, KO THEIN PE , Mr, M.A. RASCHID contested for membership in the Executive. They all won, and under the leadership the Union
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became more active and more lively. It took more keen interest in contemporary affairs. They stayed away from politics, but invited the political leaders of opposite views to come to Union and debate publicly on subjects of national interest. In the year 1936, had bigger destiny was in store for the Students Union than that of a social and literary club. Early in the year KO NU gave a speech criticizing the administration of the Union bi its Council and the authorities. Principal Sloss was very angry and served KO NU the expulsion order. Then afterwards another expulsion was issues to AUNG SAN, as an editor of OWAY ANNUAL magazine, which was the another organ of the Union. The article entitled Hell Hound at Large in which a member of University staff, easily recognizable by the description , was severely attacked; was published. ( F/N no: 101 a ) The article HELL HOUND at LARGE was printed in February 1936 OWAY magazine , according to Rector Dr. Tha Hla **** it started with Escape from Awizi (HELL)*** and ended*** Will the finder kick him back to Hell ? signed YAMAMIN ( King of Hell ) Aung San was demanded to reveal the author of the offending article, he refused to reveal the name of the author . Mr. D.J. Sloss wanted for confirmation from him because they told Aung San that they already knew the author . Aung SanMy reply, of course was the journalistic etiquette preventing me to revealing the identity of the author. I walked out from the room after saying that (F/N no:101b) Aung San was order to leave. The Principal might have thought that since the final examination was round the corner the students would not took interest with expulsion, because they were studying for the final examination. The reaction was opposite in this case. The Union convened the Mass meeting of students , And reported what had happened. Suggestions were invited for action. Actually in private discussions, Executive Committee wanted for calling a strike. But they were not sure about the students respond. During the meeting fiery speeches spoken by KHIN MG GALAY, KYAW NYEIN , and others. KO NU made an appeal to the students that the students should consider the issues on principle, and not on any sentiments for him. U NU pointed out the fact that Students in India were on strike, and

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returning their degrees to the Universities as a gesture of contempt. Not only giving their degrees but also their lives. When Raschid stood up to speak and find out the mind of the students , his voice was drowned in the shouts of Lets go out, go out and DOWN WITH THE PRINCIPAL . Outside the Hall, buses were waiting hoping that the students would used them. Students stepped onto the buses and drove around the campus, shouting that they have gone on strike, asking their friends to joined them. That day was the 25th February, 1936,, some 700 men students and 35 women students were on strike and made their strikers camp at the SHWE DAGON pagoda.

The strikers made the following demands to the authorities;--- [1] To amend the provisions provided in the Rangoon University Act [2] To provide for University examination for non- collegiate students, [3] To make concessions for the residential students by reducing the rate of monthly university fees and hostel fees, [4] To accept and communicate by the Rangoon University authorities with the student representatives, [5] To revoke the dismissal order from the university concerning with KO AUNG SAN and to permit him to sit for the examination, [6] The power to expel any student from university must be given to the university authorities instead of giving it only to the Principle which must be st Mandalay university must not be closed for any reason, [8] The student must be given the right to called for their answer papers and the right to check them, on their request, [9] If the students call off the strike , the authorities must postphone the commencement of examination for at least one month so that students could able to sturdy , [10] Their must not be direct or indirect interrogation , questioning , whatever so , by the authorities concerned regarding with the student strike. ( F/N no: 102 )
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 Concerning with demand no: 1-- changes in the University Act to allow the RUSU to seat two representatives on the University Council , with the demand no: 4to allow greater role for students in the management of the campus hostels; and with demand no: 5--- to reinstatement of expelled students , was put up in details. Until and unless these demands are accept by the authority we will not call off the strike. To give support to the cause , students from Rangoon High School and other High Schools also went on strike. Finally the strike spread all over the country. The demand was not important, what important was the historial significance that the strike released a massive wave of nationalist movement sweep people through the vital years to ultimate independence The expulsion of Ko Nu and Aung San faded away from sight but the strike became an expression of national defiance against alien authority. The press, and the people gave the students their whole hearted support. The young leaders became HEROES, their speeches were reported under prominent headlines, their pictures were carried by the newspapers into every home. From this moment THE YOUNG THAKIN LEADERS took the lead towards the total independence from the British within ten years. Dr. Ba Maw who was in charged of the Education Ministry in the last years of dyarchical set-up , negotiated and came to terms with the students. Dr, Ba Maw government finally gave in to the demands made by the strikers. The government agreed and formed an Enquiry Commission, Committee for reconstruction of University Act, It was the great victory for the students. Their first test and their real coming together. Principle D.J. Sloss was replaced with Professor U Pe Maung Tin , and he became the first Burmese to head the institution .

KO NU practice his gesture and perfected the admonishing finger which used in public, KO AUNG SAN was emotional , RASCHID was the organizer, KYAW NYEIN was the brain, NYO MYA the author of the famous Hell Hound at Large , KHIN MAUNG GALAY, KO OHN, KO TUN WIN , KO TUN OHN, KO THI HAN, MA AH MAR, MA KHIN MYA, MA YI YI , and others took their part to keep the strike on. The students called off the strike on 10th May 1936 and returned to their class room for the exam.
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 The RUSU strike brought to fore of Burmese politics a new generation of Burmese leaders . Ko Aung San , Ko Nu , Ko Than Tun , and others were able to use Western institutions and political tactics against British, and also with more established politicians such as Dr. Ba Maw . The difference between the RUSU protestors and other established politicians was, their solidarity , their ability to mobilized themselves and others without the complications of overdeveloped egos , while the politicians of 1920 often sought to promote themselves at the expense of national solidarity . The student leaders acted more as comrades than as political competitors. This new attitude and willingness to control; to suppress individual rivalries for the national cause would contribute heavily to the forging alliances that carried Burma to independence a decade later . The period between 1923 t0 1937 was the period where important political events were happened, the rebellion in Tharrawaddy by SAYASAN, the rebellion of holyman BADAKA, 166 days hunger strike of U WISAYA, the series of civil disobedient made by U OTTAMA , who died behind the bars in 1939, the defiance by the people, emergence of the new young political leaders such KO NU, RASCHID, KHIN MG GALAY, KO OHN , KO TUN WIN, KO THI HAN, KO KYAW NYEIN, and they served the country as PRIME MINISTERS, MINISTERS, after Independence in the Government of Union of Burma. As for AUNG SAN ,who later became the founder of FOURTH MYANMAR NAING DAW , he served the country as Commander-in-Chief and Minister of War during Japanese occupation, and Prime Minister of Interim government under British Governor during 1947 ,and signatory to AUNG SAN ATTLEE AGREEMENT, lastly he fell under the guns of the assassins on 19 July, 1947, during cabinet meeting. Destiny was to throw them together more for they ,the young leaders of the new era , had just arrived. Ko Nu returned his B.A. degree to the University and drifted into politics , Kyaw Nyein went back to take honour degree and worked for B.L. , at the same time joined the Custom department for living, Aung San took the B.A degree and to preside over Union and the All Burma Student Union, which grew out of the 1938 strike on 1st October. Later he left and joined DOBAMA Asiayone for good.
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 THE ROOTS, BURMA THROUGH PASSAGE OF TIME FROM 1937 NINTY ONE SUBJECT REFORM GOVERNMENT. TO---1942 THE FALL OF RANGOON. The New system of government which was called NINETY- ONE SUBJECT REFORM GOVERNMENT was introduced to Burma under the provisions of GOVERNMENT OF BURMA ACT 1935. Although the Act was passed and called Government of Burma Act 1935 it became active only in 1937, unfortunately it lasted up to 1942, only for nearly six years.

Here we have to go through with the Government of Burma Act 1935, in details so that the reader will get the panoramic view of its importance. Because this GOVERNMENT OF BURMA ACT 1935 was very significance for BURMA and the Burmese , and it was the first modern Constitution introduced to Burma , in her history . The gist of Government of Burma Act 1935 as follows-- An Act to make further provision for the Government of Burma. ( 2th AUGUST 1935 ) Be it enacted by the Kings most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled and by the authority of the same, as follows:__ PART I, Introductory. Short title :-- 1.----This Act may be cited as the Government of Burma Act 1935. Government of Burma by the Crown--- 2 (1) All rights , authority and jurisdiction heretofore belonging to His Majesty the King, Emperor of India, which appertain or are incidental to the government of the territories in Burma for the being vested in him and all rights, authority and jurisdiction exercisable by him by treaty, grant, usage, sufferance or other wise in, or in relation to , any other territories in Burma, are exercisable by His Majesty , except in so far as may be otherwise provided by or under this Act, or as may be otherwise directed by His Majesty.

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 (2) The said rights, authority and jurisdiction shall include any rights, authority or jurisdiction herefore exercisable in relation to any territories in Burma by the Secretary of State, the Secretary of State in Council, the Governor- General of India, the Governor-General in Council, the Governor of Burma or the Local Government of Burma, whether by delegation from His Majesty or otherwise. PART II--- The Executive. The GOVERNOR: Appointment and functions of the Governor-- Executive authority of Burma-- , Administration, Council of Ministers, Other provisions as to ministers, Discretionary functions of Governor, Special responsibilities of Governor, Provisions as to Instrument of Instructions, Superintendence of Secretary of State, Financial Adviser to Governor, Advocate- General, Provisions as to police rules, Provision as to crimes of violence intended to overthrow Government, Source of certain information not to be PART III-- The Legislature.- General , Provisions as to members of Legislature , Procedure generally PART IV----Legislation. Powers of the Legislature as to Legislation, Legislative procedure ,Legislative powers of Government. PART VI.. FINANCE. General , Procceedings in the Legislature, Borrowing, Audit and Accounts Ferderated Shan States. PART VII---The Burma Railway Board .

PART VIII-- The High Court. PART IX ----The Service of the Crown in Burma Defense Services , General Provisions as to Civil Services, Recruitment by Secretary of State and provisions as to certain civil posts, Provisions as to persons appointed by Secretary of State in Council. persons holding reserved posts and commissioned officers in civil employment , Special Provisions as to Judicial Officers , Special Provisions as to Burma Frontier Service, Provisions for the protection of certain existing officers, Miscellaneous provisions as to Civil Services, Public Service Commissions, Chaplains, General .
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 PART X---- Property, Contract , Liabilities and Suits . Provisions as to existing Government property , Power to acquire property and to make contracts, etc, Suits and Proceedings , Rights and liabilities Secretary of State in Council. PART XI--- Miscellaneous Provisions as to Relations with India. Financial settlement as between India and Burma, Provisions as to Custom duties on India - Burma trade, Relief in respect of tax on income taxable both in India and Burma, Provisions as to monetary system, Provisions as to immigration from India. PART XII-- Provisions in Event of Failure of Constitutional Mahinery Power of Governor to issue Proclamations. PART XIII Provisions as to Secretary of State Advisers to Secretary of State, Contributions from revenues of Burma to expenses of Secretary of State in certain circumstances. PART XIVMiscellaneous. Power of His Majesty to delimit boundaries of Burma , Provisions as to pardon , Persons not to be subjected to disability by reason of race, religion, Compulsory acquisition of land, etc, Protection for certain rights , privileges and pensions , Court of appeal in revenue matters, Existing law to continue in force, Adaptation of existing laws, High Commissioner for Burma, Secretarial staff of Governor of Burma , No proceedings to lie against Governor or Secretary of State , Removal of certain disqualifications on the occasion of the first elections to Legislature, Procedure as respects proposal for amendment of certain provisions of Acts and Orders in the Council, Power of His Majesty to amend the Second Schedule, Power of His Majesty in Council to remove difficulties as respects Burma , Orders in Council , Interpretation , Commencement . ( F/N no: 103 ) Concerning with the Government of Burma Act 1935, on 21st June 1937, His Excellency VICTOR ALEXANDER JOHN HOPE, MARQUESS of Linnlithgow, Kt, G.M.S.I., G.M.I.E., O.B.E., D.L., T.D., Viceroy and Governor-- Generals Message To India regarding the Constitutional Position, and the doubts And uncertainities that existed in relation to that position in many parts of India and into Political Parties in India.
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 ( The STATEMENT APPLIES TO BURMA. VIDE STARRED QUESTION AT THE END OF THE STATEMENT ) HIS EXCELLENCY THE VICEROYS BROADCAST ON MONDAY, 21 JUNE 1937. ---------- I have been intimately associated with the framing of the present Constitution. I am familiar with the close concern shown by the Parliament, whether in the Joint Select Committee or on the floor of both Houses to devise a scheme which would confer real and substantial powers on popularly elected ministers, and which would enable those ministers to feel that they could with confidence frame and implement with the co-operation of Governors and the Services a programme of legislation on broad lines for the benefit of the Province the government of which was in their hands. The Act, and the Instrument of Instructions which must be read with the Act, have been approved by Parliament. Taken together they represent the intention of Parliament and the instruction given by PARLIAMENT to Governors. Those documents made it clear beyond any possibility of question that , under Provisional Autonomy, in all matters failing within the ministerial field, including the position of the minorities, the services, etc, the Governor will ordinarily be guided in the exercise of his power by the advice of his ministers, and that those ministers will be responsible not to Parliament but to the provincial legislature. I have made clear, I hope the object at which Parliament is aiming in the Act, the fact that is has transferred the executive authority in the Province in practice to ministers, and that the extent to which a Governor, acting in his discretion or in his individual judgement, has vested in him certain responsibilities is restricted to the bare minimum judged to be essential. I have indicated further that in the ministerial field there can be no interference by a Governor with ministers, save in respect of matters with regard to which he is empowered to exercise an individual judgement.

Again, it is my firm conviction that this Constitution will be found to offer immense opportunities for beneficent public service. And in this connection , I may venture a word upon a matter very close to my heart. It is my conviction that in the full working and development of this Constitution lies the best hope for that general and lasting amelioration in the condition of the rural population and of the humbler sections of society which all of us so ardently desire.
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 Whatever emerges, you may count upon me, in face even bitter disappointment, to strive untiringly towards the full and final establishment in India of the principles of parliamentary Government------. ( Extracts from the Proceedings of the First House of Representatives, Volume II---No 7, at a meeting held on Wednesday, the 25TH August 1937 ). ( F/N no: 104 ) STARRED QUESTIONS ( To which oral replies were given. ) * 728. Mr. GANGA SINGH ( Mandalay , Indian ) : Will Government be pleased to state if it is aware that Lord Zetland desired Lord Linlithgow to issue a statement in this connection and thye statement was published recently ? The Honble the Minister for Home Affairs : The Viceroys Message to India was published on the 22nd June 1937, but Government is not aware whether it was published at the instance of the Secretary of State or not.

SUPPLEMENTARY QUESTIONS. Mr. GANGA SINGH : It is not a fact that this statement was published in Burma by the Government of Burma ? The Honble the Minister for Home Affairs : The answer is in negative, as far as I know . Mr. GANGA SINGH : It is not a fact that the Government of Burma supplied copies of this Statement to all the presses in Rangoon ? The Honble the Minister for Home Affairs : I require notice to emquire into the matter . Mr. GANGA SINGH : Will the Honble Minister for Home Affairs kindly state if he is willing to lay this Statement on the table of the House, if the Governmenmt of Burma had supplied copies of the statement to the Press ? The Honble the Minister for Home Affairs : My friend has put the question and if it found necessary I shall place it on the table. * 729. Mr. GANGA SINGH ( Mandalay, Indian ) : Will Government be pleased to state if the principl of consultation of Ministry involved in the statement is applicable to Burma ? If not, why ?

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 The Honble the Minister for Home Affairs : In so far as the conditions under the Government of Burma Act and the Government of India Act are the same, the same principles apply . The second part of the question does not srise. ( F/N no: 105 ) According to BURMA PARLIAMENTARY COMPANION written by Mr. GANGA SINGH, Member, House of Representatives 1940 edition--- On the 1st April 1937 Burma was separated from India and new constitution was accorded to her by the Government of Burma Act 1935. Under this CONSTITUTION the Legislature consists of His Majesty, represented by the Governor, and two Chambers known respectively as the Senate and the House of Representatives. The Senate, or the Upper Chamber consisits of thirty-- six members, half of whom are elected by the House of Representatives and half of whom nominated by the Governor. The Presiding Officer of the Senate, who is elected by the members, is styled the The House of Representatives consists of one hundred and thirty two members, all of whom are elected by various constituencies and bodies. And their term was five years. The Presiding Officer of this House, who is elected by the members of the House, is styled, the Speaker. The House of Representatives elected The Honble U Chit Hlaing, Barrister-at- Law, who was the last President of the now defunct Burma Legislative Council , as the first Speaker. Like his predecessor, the Governor is not a member of the Legislature but he may in his discretion summon, prorogue or dissolve the Chambers and may address either Chamber or both Chambers assemble together and may for that purpose require the attendance of members. The powers and duties of the new Legislature are fully set out in the Government of Burma Act and in the Rules of Procedure pertaining to the Chambers and need not, therefore, be recapitulated here. ( F/N no: 106 )

Along with the new constitution , new governor was appointed for Burma. The appointment of the Governor was--- COMMISSION PASSED UNDER THE ROYAL SIGN MANUAL AND SIGNET APPOINTING

THE HONOURABLE SIR ARCHIBALD DOUGLAS COCHRANE, K.C.S.I. , D.S.O.,

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 TO BE GOVERNOR OF BURMA . Dated 8th March 1937. GEORGE R.I. GEORGE THE SIXTH, by the Grace of God, of Great Britain, Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas , King , The Defender of the Faith , Emperor of India . To Our Trusty and Well Beloved ARCHIBALD DOUGLAS COCHRANE ( commonly called Honourable Aechibald Douglas Cochrane ) Kinght Commander of Our Most Exalted order The Star of India, Companion of Our Distinguished Service Order , Commander in Our Navy ( Retired ) . GREETING I. We do by this Our Commission under Our Sign Manual appoint you the said Archibald Douglas Cochrane to be during Our Pleasure Our Governor with all powers, rights , priviles and advantages to the said office belonging or appertaining. II. And We do hereby authorise , empower and command you to exercise and perform all and Singular the powers and directions contained in certain Letters Patent under The Great Seal Bearing date at Westminster the Fifth day of March 1937 making provision for the office Of Governor of Burma III. And further We do hereby appoint that this Our PRESENT Commission shall Supersede--- IV. And We do hereby command all and singular Our officers and loving subjects in Burma And all others whom it may concern to take due notice hereof and to give their ready Obedience accordingly . Given at Our Court at Buckingham Palace the Eight day of March 1937 in the First Year of Our Reign . BY HIS MAJESTYS COMMAND. ZETLAND. ( F/N no: 107 )

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 As I have mentioned before this Government of Burma Act 1935 only survived in practice from 1937 to 1942.. Although the new constitution might be perfected for the good of the country, but the fact that an introduction of the new system to Indian and Burma was unfortunately very late because the Second World War was just around the corner and Japanese Army had already begun their military campaigns in China. For Burmese thakin leaders the 1938 , or the year 1300 of the Burmese Era , was THE YEAR OF REVOLUTION. In 1934 at London, Mr. Stanley Baldwin in speech mentioned about India-- What we thought India for century ?, We have preached English Institutions and democracy and all the rest of it------There is a wind of nationalism and freedom blowing around the world. And flowing as strongly in Asia as anywhere in the world. Are we less true conservatives because we say The time has now come ? Are those who say The time may come some day, are you truer conservatives ?. Many political developments occurred in the country : Within that short period of five years three governments fell, namely Dr. Ba Maws government , U Pus government, and lastly the Galon U Saws government , the 1938 Anti- Indian Riot , 1939 Aindawya Pagoda Mandalay Incident , 1938 Rangoon University Student Strike ( The Secretariat Incident ) , Taungt Thone Yar Aryaydaw Phone- 1938 B.O.C. Oil field Workers Strike ( Long march from Yenangyaung to Rangoon 300 miles ) , Establishment of Burma Revolutionary Party in 1939 , the Japanese invasion into Burma and the fall of Rangoon , and lastly the Retreat of the British Army from Burma . For young thakins, they opposed the new constitution brought in by the Government Of Burma Act 1935 . Three of the members contested in the election and was elected in House of Representatives they refused to draw the salaries as members. The young thakin leaders did not accepted the constitution and decided to wreck it at all cost; instead of co- operating. On April 1,1937, the day that the constitution came into life in Burma , Thakin Nu and some other fellow thakin stood solemnly infront of the High Court buildings and burnt the Union Jack and a copy of Government of Burma Act 1935 in the act of defiance. It was reported in the newspapers, the SUN and the NEW LIGHT OF BURMA , and thought that government would
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take action against the offenders but it didnt. Dr. Ba Maw who was newly elected Prime Minister, refrained from taking any action. ( F/N no: 108 ) In 1935 the British Parliament passed the Government of Burma Act , which came into forced in April and effected the separation of Burma from India. Burma became separate territory under the BRITISH CROWN. The new Secretary of State for Burma was established in the United Kingdom. The Act enlarged the powers of the Burma Government. All the former central subjects were allocated to it while the control of the legislature and the Ministers was greatly enlarged. The defence of Burma, the control of the armed forces, external affairs, monetary policy, Christian affairs , and the scheduled (frontiers) areas, and some other matters were retained under the Governors control which were withheld from the Ministers and the legislature . Three Counsellors were appointed for their advices regarding in these matters to the Governor . In 1940 one of the Counsellors was a Burman. Joint consultation between the Ministers and Counsellors was provided. The important subjects like law and order and finance were placed in the charge of the Ministers who were responsibly to the legislature. The Act provided for a maximum of ten Ministers , and the members of the Ministry were drawn from the majority party or groups in the legislature. Franchise was widen and roughly 20 per cent of the population had votes. The principle of communal representation was maintained, 25 of 132 seats were reserved for the minority communities. This constitution brought Burma generally, in so far as its internal government was concerned, nearly to the level of the Dominions . But the special powers of the Governor and the exclusion of the vital subjects like defence and the monetary affairs , as well as the restrictions placed on the powers of the legislature, it made the present government seem less good or less impressive compared with the Dominion . More over , the exclusion of the scheduled areas further limited the scope of self-government, in fact British wanted Burmese to claim only the Irrawaddy valley in future ; the area between the Shan Yoma and Arakan Yoma and the Irrawaddy Delta region . That fact was proved correct when Aung San went to London on the invitation of His Majestys Government concerning with the constitutional issues with Burma in 1947, H.M. Government
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was ready to give total independence to Burma according to the area specified in the Government of Burma Act 1935, that is excluding the frontier areas . ( F/N no: 109 ) Aung San had to call PANGLONG Conference at Shan States to get agreement with the peoples from frontier areas under the supervision of H. M. Governments representative. . Only after PANGLONG AGREEMENT was signed AUNG SAN-ATTLEE Agreement was able to execute. The scheduled areas were in effect the hills surrounding Burma on the west, north and east . These areas were excluded from responsible government on the ground of their political backwardness. These areas comprised the Federal Shan States , the Shan State of Chindwin and Myitkyina districts , the Chin Hill district , the Kachin Hill Tracts , the Naga Hills , the Hukawng Valley , and the Salween district. These were to be governed in their traditional manner under the supervision of the Burma Frontier Service, and supreme legislative and executive power in respect of them rested with the Governor . Prior to the coming of the Act into force , the first election to the House of Representatives was held in December,1936 . The strength of the parties in the new House was as follows --- United Party (U BA Pe).46 , Sinyetha (Poor Mans Party ) Dr.Ba Maw16 , U Chit Halaing12 , Ko--Min Ko-- Chin ( Thakin )..3 , Golden Valley Party2 , and Thetpan and Fabian Parties..1 . Nonparty members including 17 Burmans ,12 Indians , 9 Karens , 9 Europeans , and 2 each of AngloBurman and Chinese members. ( F/N no: 110 ) United Party was the largest group , but U Ba Pe could not able to form a ministry. Over two months time he proved either unable or unwilling to negotiate with other parties and proposed only members of the United Party for cabinent position. The chance to form the government was diverted to Dr. Ba Maw . He , who had campaigned to wreck the Constitution, dropped this course of action and joined a coalition of seven parties . He succeeded in getting the support of the minority groups and despite of 16 seats formed the government and became the first premier. The policy of the Sinyetha Party was to promote the lot of the cultivator. He began to develop distinct Nazi tendencies; he formed private army known as DAHMA TAT . He began to make himself as the Dictator of Burma . ( F/N no: 111 a )
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 U Saw who broken away from U Ba Pe and formed the Myochit Party , he also had private army called GALON TAT. The political rivals considered U Saw as a man with fascist tendencies. There was a general impression of developing the dictator complex . (F/N no: 111b ) The origin of private army or Tatt were formed by various parties . The first Tatt was called YE TATT, and founder was M.A . SIR MAUNG GYI . It was formed on 6th July 1930, and their headquarter was at 92 Pansodan, Rangoon . SIR M.A. MAUNG GYI was the General of YE TATT, consisted of twelve regiments . Their uniform was dark green and was sometime called Green Army . Myoma High School Volunteer YE TATT , the commanding officer was Major Saya U Hla Moe . This TATT later joined BURMA Independence Army . Dobama Asiayone Lett yone Tatt , later involved in under ground activities during the armed struggle against British government and Japanese Army between 1939 to 1945 . Myochit GALON TATT, consisted of 93 regiments, and worn KARKI trousers. They carried bamboo stick . U Saw was the Commander-in-Chief of his private army . Shinyethat Dama Tatt , consisted of 28 regiments. Their uniform was blue trouser ,pinni shirt, with pinni berry hat . Commander in Chief was Dr. Ba Maw . They carried real agriculture use Dahs . Lastly, the students STEEL TATT , consisted of 36 regiments . The third party was the Thakin Party , comprised of young leaders elements largely drawn from the students of the University and had close liaison with the Students Union . Their party harboured violent nationalism and revolutionary ideas, and had the tendencies to incline towards communism. Their aim was simple , THE COMPLETE INDEPENDENCE , NO HALF MEASURE . THE YEAR 1938 witness widespread unrest based on nationalist movements such as Secretariate incident ( 1938 Rangoon University Student Strike ) , 1938 Yenangyaung Oil Field Workers Strike; long march 300 miles to Rangoon , Anti-Indian rIot 1938 , and lastly 1939 Aindawya Pagoda Mandalay Incident caused Dr. Ba Maw s government fell in one of the regular seasonal non-confidence motions.
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 FIRST HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES NO: 27 FIRST SESSION TWENTY SEVEN MEETING , WEDNESDAY , THE 24TH MARCH 1937, P 766. NON CONFIDENCE IN THE MINISTRY U BA THAN ( Pome Town ) Mr. Speaker, Sir, I moved that this House has no confidence in the Honble Ministers for Education and Forests , Dr. Ba Maw and U Paw Tun . Sir , the coaliation consist of peoples of different types and description and of divergent political views and it is an admixture of all colours and creeds and political complexions . The party of which Dr. Ba Maw and Paw Tun are accredited leaders has already formed a shadow cabinet . I am now concerned with the personnel of the cabinet ; I am now more concerned with the political views of each . Since these two leaders are the moving spirit of the shadow cabinet and therefore of the future Government of Burma , I will deal with them only. Anyone with a smattering of Burmese politics will know that these two leaders representing two different schools of political thought . Dr. Ba Maw , the exponent of the SINYETHA policy has not yet discarded his pet party of wrecking the constitution , though U Paw Tun has concientuously to his own satisfication discard his policy of non- acceptance of office . All that we know of the coalition is that they represent a heap of rubbish ( A voice : ORDER ) thrown at random into a wayside receptacle, one article as different from the other , equally incongruous and shapeless as the rest of the combination . This combination of men and policies from a chaotic mass , a jumble of things utterly devoid of form . We should like to know , and we are entitled to know , whether this combination of men and policies so mixed could evolve in scheme for the successful working of the constitution . In other words , we want to know their policy . Sir , we are not prepared to give them a blank cheque . To give them a blank cheque is unfair to the country , and if we happen to do so blindly , it is unfair to ourselves . To my mind , three things are essential for ensuring stability . A sound policy this is NO: 1; NO: 2 is the strength to carry out that policy ; and the THIRD is the INTEGRITY and HONESTY of PURPOSE TO CARRYOUT that POLICY . Now I should like to test the Coalition Ministry by these standards . Sir , I know of no policy worth naming issused by the Coalition Party except a few days back when an eleventh hours effort was made xxxxx

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 From my prefatory remarks , it will be seen that I attack the Coalition Ministry as a side issue . I am attacking the two leaders now , because they are moving spirit of the future Coalition Government . A few days ago , the Coalition Party issued to the press a working programme . A perusal of that programme show that the programme is but a mere copy of the programme of the United GCBA . ( HEAR , HEAR ) xxx Now I come to NO: 2; United Partys NO: 2 is to work for the improvement of agriculture conditions and Coalition Party s NO: 2 is to pursue an agricultural and land policy which will primary protect and promote the interests of agriculturists in Burma. xxxx Sir , Dr. Ba Maw has either repudiated his SINYETHA policy or he has not repudiated it . If he has repudiated his SINYETHA policy- he sought election on that policy- since his change of front is not made known to his electors or to this House , how can we have any confidence in such a man ? Well if he has not repudiated his alliance with the various minorities , whose aspirations are contradictory to and incompatible with his SINYETHA policy , must naturally raised grave doubt regarding his political integrity and as such this House can have no confidence in him . That being the case , I feel justified in calling upon Dr. Ba Maw to make a clean and clear statement and I further call upon him , if he dares , to come forward with public declaration of renunciation of his SINYETHA policy . Now I come to the second test , The second test is whether they have a necessary strength . The coalition depends for its strength on altogether seven parties viz , Dr. Ba Maw s group , U Chit Hlaing s group headed by U Paw Tun , the Arakenese group , the Karen group , the Independents , the secessionist of the United GCBA , and lastly the Indians . In view of the reports that I have , I want Dr. Ba Maw to prove whether the numbers , forming each group remain the same as claimed by him .xxxxx Mr. Aw Myo Shu and his friends are out . ( A voice ; SHAME ) I understand even the Karens are out . Having no strength , it is useless bluffing the country , Dr. Ba Maw , and I take this opportunity of challenging that strength . Now I come to the last test . The last test is whether they have individually the integrity to carry out the policy and collectively the honesty of the purpose for the accomplishment of that policy . For that you will have to first find out whether they have any sense of responsibility if they do have , whether they have shown , as a ministerial party , any sense of responsibility when part A of the BUDGET WAS THROWN OUT . It is useless to come at a later stage in a repentant mood and read to the House , a statement of lament as was done by U Pu , one time a leader and now a deputy of Dr. Ba Maw.xxxx
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( A voice : THE SAME DAY ) XXX. Anyway , it is a difference of a few minutes . Sir , what sense responsibility have shown when they threw out the BURMA FRONTIER FORCE BILL ? Sir , Dr. Ba Maw is a master of quick changes . One day a kind of head-wear , the other day a gaung baung that is as regards his personal life appearance . As regards his political party and working programme , it is far worse . If his past record is bad enough to condemn him as unreliable , he now proves to be more unreliable and shifty with him inconsistency is the outer rather than an expection . It is difficult , nay it is impossible to indentify such a man with the word Stability . Since integrity is one of the tests , I hope the House will call upon him to explain the Senate election scandal . It is rumoured that he sold the votes to swell his partys funds xxxx. Before I resume my seat , Sir , I should like to address a few words to the Indian leaders of this House.xxxx They set up one party against the other and they help to fan the flame of enmity and discard between Burmans . Over and above that , they also give monetary help .xxxxxx To the Europeans xxxxx If you are supporting Dr. Ba Maw , you should call upon him to make a public renunciation of his SINYETHA policy first . (n A voice : NOT NECESSARY )xxxxx In consistency and instability could only result from Coalition Ministry led by Dr. Ba Maw and I am sure , you think twice before you rush into support him. Sir , with these remarks , I beg to move the motion of non-confidence against the MINISTERS . U BA THI ( Mandalay District South ) Seconded the motion . U OHN MAUNG ( Thaton East ) xxxxxxx Dr. Ba Maw has something up his sleeves to wreck the constitution , namely his SINYETHA policy . At the outset ,I would mention that neither Dr. Ba Maw nor U Paw Tun or anyone in the Coalition Party is at liberty to pursue his own policy now . Since they have joined the Coalition Party , they are bound by the decision of the Coalition Party , the working programme of which was published , I think Sir , in the Rangoon Gazette of the 22nd . xxxx For the present , there are two main parties- Coalition Party consisting of about 67 menbers and the United Party consisting of about 38 menbers.xxx the United Party promised to work the new constitution and started its propaganda on this basic , but when it come to the actual working of it , they tried to wreck the constitution by throwing out Part A of the budget and secondly by adopting obstructive methods .xxxx If Dr. Ba Maw or U Paw Tun or anyone in the Coalition is unfaithful , we will discard them . If they vare ambitious , we will pull them down

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. If they are dishonest , we will drive them.xxxx Dr. Ba Maw survived this non- confidence motion this time in 1937 , The Honble Speaker : That creates a tie and the duty of the Speaker is to preserve THE STATUS QUO ( Loud cheers ), The Motion was lost .

For Dr. Ba Maws government , death of Bo Aung Kyaw during Secretariat Incident in 1938, seventeen deaths during Aindawya Pagoda incident 1939, and the oilfield workers walking 300 miles to Rangoon and farmers marched to Rangoon in 1938 were too much for the government to swallow. U Pu took the place of Dr. Ba Maw and formed the coalition cabinent which comprised both U Ba Pe and Myo Chit parties. In 1940 U Pu eliminated U Ba Pe. In September 1939, Second World War broke out in Europe when Germany invaded Poland. This event changed the Londons attitude to the Burmese government because Britain wanted solidarity in the empire for the fight against fascism . Governor Archibald Cochrane requested U Pu to solicit a formal declaration of war from Burmese legislature. U Pu refused , on the grounds that it would split his party . In September 1940 U Pus government fell. U Saw did that project to bring down U Pus government with the help of Ba Gyi Ba Pe . Galon U Saw became Prime Minister ,he formed his own cabinet in place of U Pus . He introduced some important legislation and retained office till January 1942. He went to London to talk with Mr. Churchill for future of Burma in October 1941 . Like other Burmese nationalists he thought that co-operation with the British during the war would bring complete independence . In a meeting with Mr. Churchill , U Saw promised Burmas loyalty in the war , but demanded the application of the third clause of the Alantic Charter, the right of self determination of nations, to Burma . On that basis U Saw demanded a British promise of the grant of dominon status to Burma at the end of the war. Churchill merely repeating the vague promise of discussions on self-government at some point after the conclusion of hosilities. Burma was not promised dominion status . On November 27, Mr. Maxton , Member for Glasgow , Bridgeton Independence Labour Party ), raised the question in the House as to whether any immediate steps are to be taken to establish self- government in Burma . Mr. Amery in reply , said that the visit of U Saw had provided for
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the establishment of personal contacts which are always most valuable and for exchange of imformation and views between him and Ministers here on a number of matters of interest to Burma and His Majesty s Government, But , admitted Mr. Amery , when pressed with a supplementary question , it was not practicable to give the kind of definite assurance that he ( U Saw ) came over to seek and U Saw did not altogether agree with that view . ( F/N no: 112 ) In fact U Saw differed violently and said so.The result I have achieved is not satisfactory, he wrote in his statement to the press , and is not commensurate with the amount of risk I have under- taken in coming to England. It was his desire to see that both Burma and Britain pull well together and people of the Empire should be quite united as members of the same family . The British Government had given an assurance that self- government would be bestowed on Burma one day, but no one knows when Burma will get self- government .( F/N no: 113 ) In Myanmar Political History by U Lay Maung mentioned in his book about the episode of dialogue between Mr. Churchill and U Saw as follows :- When U Saw was in London he met with British Prime Minister Mr. Churchill during their talk Mr. Churchill asked U Saw It is not better for Burmese to live under the British rather than under the Burmese Kings, U Saw retorted back asking Mr. Churchill ; Will you be happy if Great Britain is under dictator Hitler?, Mr. Churchill replied in anger; If British Government give complete independence to Burma , you Burmese will going to kill each other for power and blood will flows in the country. The had decided to see American officials and harp on the promises of freedom in the Atlantic Charter . Then all hell broke lose . The Pearl Harbor and Hong Kong debacles suddenly revealed the hollowness of Allied power to U Saw . In San Franciso he witnessed a city terrified by stories of attacking Japanese off its coast . He formed the view that US public opinion was irresolute and defeatist . Then, U Saw tried to solicit US President Franklin D. Roosevelt to put pressure on Churchill, but achieved nothing . In disappointment he went home via Hawaii to Rangoon. He reached Honolulu on the night of 7th December, the place had been bombed by Japanese Imperial Navy on that morning, of the same day and saw everything was burning. His journey was blocked .
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 So he took the western route to Burma. On his way he contacted the Japanese Embassy in Lisbon, and offered Japan Burmas co- operation in the war. In early January 1942 he flew to Palestine, and while his plane was in mid air British intercepted , and made the plane forced landing. He was sent to Uganda where British interned him to the end of the war, because British found out about his connection with the Japanese Embassy in Lisbon. British intelligent was successfully decoded the Japanese message and found out what U Saw had said with the Japanese counterpart for Japanese war efforts . What happened was that U Saw had become a victim of British cipher success . Early in the war the British had broken the Japanese Naval and diplomatic codes and had a full transcript of what U Saw had said to the Japanese in Lisbon .This fact could never be revealed for fear of compromising the code- breakers secret. Churchill was initially determined to have U Saw tried for treason on the grounds that it was important to bring traitors to justice . The Viceroy , Linlithgow, knew what had happened and was interested to know if there was any chance of trying him and Tin Tut on capital charges and of shooting both or either of them. If U Saw had been in Burma in 1942 , he would probably have occupied the position that Ba Maw came to hold as chief collaborator with the Japanese . During while in England on October 22, U Saw spoke to Members of the House of Lords and the House of Commons in a Committee room of the Commons on Burma after Seperation. On November 4th , U Saw was the guest speaker at the luncheon given by the East India Association and the Royal Society. Mr. Amery presided , and said that the Government could not bind itself to definite dates until it could see at least the outline of the problems which would face it at wars end . But the Government would stand by the declared aim of promoting Burmas attainment of Dominion status as the goal and objective of constitutional progress. ( F/N no: 114 ) His Myochit party did not survived and disappeared from the mainstream of the nationalist struggle. Later he and his Myochit party was out of place because Aung San and his AFPFL enjoyed the support of the whole country . Sir Paw Tun stepped into his shoes of U Saw and formed the cabinet which survived only for a few months . The government was forced to flee to India later , because of the Japanese invasion into Burma . Therefore , the period between 1937 and 1942 all the Governments were never stable.
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 The Burmese members who held the largest number of seats in the House of Represetatives were always divided into small groups. Coalitions of these never held together for long, and there were frequent changes of Government. Personal jealousies were rife with the result that no settled line of policy was pursued. These characteristic of it were the common effects of partial autonomy where all substantial power was concentrated in the hands of the representative of the British Crown. During those days there was a dictum , that was The changes of Burma s political climate depend on the developments from the banks of the Inya Lake. That was true, and it is still true even to this day . Because in 1930 to 1947 Galon U Saws residence was on the northen bank and his daughter Baby Saw still live up to this day and on the sourthen bank Dr. Ba Maw lived up to mid nineteen sixty. Both of them played important part in the countrys politics. Both were Prime Ministers and held cabinet portfolios in various governments. And after independence General Ne Win lived up to his last days on the northen bank. He was a neighbor of late Galon U Saw. Ne Win made a coup against the Government of Union of Burma in 1962, and became military dictator for 26years and led the country to ruin. And in 1988 Aung San Su Kyi moved to the sourthen bank where her mother Daw Khin Kyi lived. Now General Than Shwe live on the northen bank and Aung San Su Kyi residence is on the sourthen , and they are still in dispute for the power and the issue of establishing the parliamentary system in Burma . The Governor had all the substantial powers in his hand, this led to an intense demand for independence in which the major political parties were united. They opposed to all measures which even indirectly would have increase Imperial authority. They did not like every increased in defence expenditure, and advocate the Burmanisation of the armed forces. The year 1937 after the separation from India politicians turned to Burmanization which they concentrated with control over Rangoon Corporation . In 1937 , the 33 councilors managing the Corporation consisted of two Chinese , three Anglo- Indians , nine Indians , eight Europeans , and eleven Burmese . Now , Burmese politicians rushed through a bill in the House of Representatives to increase Burmese representation on the Council to 50 percent . As separation turned to nationalization , Asian immigrant
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communities in Rangoon grew concerned about how far the new Burmese Government would go . In reference to the words spoken by Stanley Baldwin, 1934 at London there is a wind of nationalism and freedom blowing around the world and flowing as strongly in Asia as anywhere in the world , Actually in Burma the wind of nationalism was blowing at the rate of category 5 , especially after Burma was separated from India . Political climate of the country had already changed in favour of young leaders after 1936 RUSU strike ,and at the same time image of old political leaders had became hopeless. It was their own doing because they were leading the country to no where for so long , at the same time they were making fortune out of politics . Here , the words of Oliver Cromwell proved true with prevailing circumstances of those politicians of the 1920 order ,-- -- it is not fit that you should sit here any longer ! You have been sat too long here for any good , you have been doing lately you should now give place to better man . Corrupt unjust persons, scandalous to be the profession of the gospel ; How can you be a parliament for Gods people ? Depart I say and let us done with you . In the name of God , GO, GO . Then came 1938. The year that started revolution of Burma . Anti- Indian Riot was the starter . In the above- mentioned facts which I had already stated that Burmese in those days despised all the Indians and put the blame on the Indians for any lame excuse . Anti-Indiian Riot started on July 26 1938 , afternoon in Rangoon . The cause of this riot was about the book written by Maung Shwe Hpi . The name of the book was Moulvi-Yogi Awada Sadan printed at the National Press in Mandalay. It was three parts consisting first of tract written by U Pan Nyo , called Moulvi Yogi Sadan , second tract replying to the first , written by one Abdulla alias U Sin and the third portion was by Maung Shwe Hpi, that part was an original contribution himself . I was sufficient passage disparaging of Lord Gautama Buddha which were calculated to be highly offensive to any serious Buddhist who might read it . Actually there was no attraction to anyone when it was published . However , it was reprinted in 1936 by a printer named Maung Ba Ba alias Sultan Mahomed alias Mahideenm of Taikkyi , in Insein District , at the
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expense of certain Mahomedan gentleman named H.M. Patal of Rangoon . This book escaped attention from the public. But the more offensive extracts from it were discovered in July 1938 as an appendix to a trival novel written by one Maung Htin Baw and published by the AUNG Myin Gyin Press. Of 37th street, Rangoon , as part of its series of Once More Publications . Maung Shwe Hpi was a school-master of Myedu village in the Shwebo District . In 1931 , he , at the instigation of one Hassain Shah , the Moulvi of the Mingla Mosque in Mandalay , caused a number of copies of Moulvi Yogi Awada Sadan to be printed . On 26th July ,1938 , the meeting was held at the SHWEDAGON PAGODA ,which was the platform for the protesters . They were there for the protest against Maung Shwe Hpis book , along with the original protest against the book they rose other political matters based on nationalism also . The meeting was sponsored by the phongyis from Tayettaw monastery . The name of this phongyi organization was called THATHANA- MARMAKA . The meeting was attended by Buddhists. The crowd was said to be very big because all Burmese through out Rangoon was there . During the meeting there was a heated discussions and made protests against Zerbadis , Indians , Mahomedan Law , Islamic religion . At about four oclock in the afternoon they closed the meeting and decided to march into down town for making protest . The hot tempered protestors emerged from the Shwe dagon Pagoda , in a procession and they marched toward Theingyi Zay along the Shwe Dagon Pagoda road . On the way they removed planks from the fences and collected stones and bricks as side arms. They started shouting KALA- KALA: YAIK YAIK , MIDOK- MIDOK SHO- SHO , FLAMING TROCH BURN BURN ; KALA- YU DE BAMA MA DWE BAMA PYI PYI HMAR LIN SHA LO-LA . When they reach KHYAKU Monastery they came across one India milk seller and gave him a good beating. At THAINGYIZAY the crowd went out of control and startered beating all the Indians that came across the crowd . The Riot had begun . The police mostly Indians tried to dispersed using sticks and started beating the crowd . But ,the police beat phongyis in particularly out of the protestors. This made other Burmans got angry and other Burman joined the riot and it spread to the Districts in alarming speed on 28th , 29 th , 30th July . On July 30 th it reached to Mandalay . They spread almost in concentrated circles radiating from Rangoon as fast as the
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news of what happened there would travel by means of the Burmese newspapers , passengers , and other carriers of information and rumour . The number of causality was 818 and 165 deaths , between 26 th July to September 9th , according to U Lay Maung s MYAMMAR NAING THA MINE . In the government report it was mentioned as causalities was 875 , and 181 deaths excluding 59 deaths from the gunshot by the police and 112 causalities caused by the beating of the police. The government figures based on the period between July 26th to September 24th . The Muslims everywhere , almost without exception , did what they could by way of apology toward off the onslaught upon them which had begun. For , i8n every town and village to which the disturbances spread , it took a uniform course of a vicious attack on the muslim residents and particularly upon the shop-keepers and often upon other Indians as well . At same time the Burmese did all damages they could inflicted to Indians because of the grievances that had harboured long ago against the Indians . The remote causes of the first Anti- Indian Riot and 1938 second Anti- Indian Riot were same , only differences were the immediate causes of the two. The former was the problem of employment of dock laborers between Burmese and Indans and the latter was due to the book by Shwe Hpi . If we looked into the remote causes of grievances by the Burmese against Indians they were the following ( 1 ) Unsatisfactory conditions of land tenure ; (2 ) Influence of the Indian question ; (3 ) The marriage question ; (4 ) (A) The press and (B )other political infliuences . Regarding with the abovementioned remotes causes no: ( 1 ) , (2 ) , ( 3 ) were already discussed in the chapter concerning with the First Anti- Indian Riot of 1930 . Here we have to go into details with the ( 4 ) (A) influences of the press and (B) the political influences , especially the Thakins . First is about the Press. There were three newspapers which were The Sun , The New Light of Burma, and the New Burma , the newspaper adopted in nationalist policy . In 1933 the New Light of Burma ( New Light of Burma 17th June 1933 ), engaged in attributing the separation controversy among Burmans to the Indians in the country and complaining of their interferences in Burmas internal affairs. The same newspaper In ( 30th June 1933, under heading Guest insulting host ) stated that whether Burma is
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separated or not, the Indians peril in the country is increasing day by day, as is evidenced from the ratio of the population of Burmese to Indians being thirteen to one . New Burma ( 2nd June 1933. Leader Anti- Burman Plot )at the same time attributed the financing of the antiseperation of Burma from India movememt . It charged the Indians with trying to hoodwink both the British public and the British Government into rejection of the separation proposals . The newspaper warned Indians that , if they continued to meddle in the affairs of the Burmese people , it would be impossible to promote friendly relations between the two countries . The Sun( 9th Febuary 1933 ; A word to all Burmans ) also charged the Indians with misleading the Burmese politicians in the matter of the separation controversy . In 1934 proparganda became more pronounced in the Burmese Press . The New Light of Burma ( 14th May 1934 Burmans and Indians ) attacked Indians for making claims to safeguarding and for placing obstacle in the way of separation . It advocated the restriction of immigrant to protect the Burmese people . New Burma ( New Burma 18th and 22nd April 1934 Indians in Burma ) also blamed Indians for demanding measures to safeguard their interests . It observed that Indians in Burma had done more than enough mischief to the people and that persistence in such policy on their part would leave in the minds of the Burmese people an indelible memory of an insult to their national pride . The Sun (25th December 1934 Indians in Burma ) too joined in and warned the Indians to cease agitating for safeguards. In June 1935 the New Light of Burma( 2nd June 1935 A country which is free from Chettyars ) published an attack upon Chettyars in general . The same paper ( ibid 6th May also conducted an agitation for the Burmanization of the Post and Telegraphs Department ,suggesting that the Indians postal employees should be sent back to India . In August 1935 New Burma ( New Burma 2nd August 1935) delivered an attack upon the marriage of Muslim with Burmese

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woman . Is it any wonder the newspaper said, that the Zerbadis are increasing so fast ? In 1936 April, the New Light of Burma( 4th April 1936) attributed poverty and unemployment among the Burmese to the influx of Indians into Burma and this paper again urged the government to reserve the Post and Telegraphs Department for Burmans . In March 1937 , the Sun (20 th March 1937 ) pressed for Burmanization of the services , especially the Post and Telegraphs Department . In July 1937 . the New Light of Burma ( 31th July 1937 ) suggested that legislation should be taken to restrict immigration of all foreigners although it conceded that it was not permissible to enforce restrictions against Indians until three years after the introduction of the Constitution . In June Saithan (Saithan 6th June 1937) published a strong attack upon Indians which included such passages as It would be best if they were not here . I do not want to see them in this country, and since the dawn of history, Indians have been the leaders of attack against the Burmans on behalf of the white faces

In the same month , the Sun( 22 th June 1937 ) published another objectionable article on account of which the Government demanded the security to the amount of Rs 500. It was alleged that , in a quarrel in Rangoon between an Indian and a Burman coolie, the Indian enlisted the support of the other Indians who launched a general attack on the Burman . It was pointed out that , although Indians were majority in Rangoon , they were in a hopless minority up country. There was an implied threat that things would be very uncomfortable and very rough for the up country minority. If Indians did not behave in a proper manner. In January 1938, the same paper ( ibid 5th January 1938) suggested immigration tax should be imposed on foreigners in order to check the influx of Indians labourers . In June 1938 the Thiha( 5th June 1938), Burmese owned weekly paper, warned Indians that by monopolizing all kind of commercial enterprise they would incur the displeasure of the Burmese . The example of Jews in Germany was mentioned and suggested that such a state of affairs might occur in Burma . In July 1938 , the Sun ( 16 July 1938 ) published
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an article by Ashin Sandawuntha of the Thayettaw Kyaungdaik advocating the introducting the introduction of legislation to prohibit the marriage of Burmese women with Indians in order to llimit the propagation of the Muslim faith in this way . Proparganda was occasitionally evident in agratrian disputes , in which the Chettyars were the object of attack . In June 1936 Saithan, (Saithan 19 th June 1936), warned the Government to prevent the Chettyars oppressing the Burmese landlords . The paper urged they landowners whose lands had been taken from them by Chettyars to form farmers and landowners association . In June 1938 the same paper ( ibid- 15th June 1938 ), complained the activities of Chettyars and suggested that legislation should be introduced to prevent Chettyars from owning land in Burma . ( F/N no: 115 ). The aboved facts were made by various newspapers out of pure nationalism which heated up the situation of the day . But from authority point of view the part of the Burmese Press particularly Sun ,the New Light of Burma, Saithan, and New Burma, cannot altogether acquitted of the charge of having contributed in the years from 1933 onwards the fears now entertained by uneducated Burmans of the consequences of Indian immigration into the country . On the authority side they put the blame on the part played by Burmese Press over this period was to exaggerate facts and was easy to do it . Actually, the Press had nothing to do with fears produced out of the product of social and economic phenomena established in the country . What printed in the newspapers were nothing with exaggerating but the true facts that had been established long ago in the country . No one created the Indian problem but the British Government who did not made any restrictions on flow of migration of Indians into Burma , they even encouraged Indians to do so . The reason was very simple because population in Lower Burma was very thin at the time British annexed Lower Burma , and at the same time British wanted Indians for converting wild lands into agriculture land. They needed labourers for the job. The truth was Press gave the Indians and British the whole boardside of Burmans hated to all the foreigners . Press also gave the Burmans to realize that the danger of Indians issue was looming in the horizon which could be fatal for the country in future .

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 (4) (B)---The impact of political influence regarding with the riot was considerable, but not the decisive one . Because the political climate in that time was ripped for explosion due to the remote causes . The Riot Inquiry Committee admitted the fact that the influence of thakin organization had great impact upon the Burmese and on the upheavels occurred in the country . For some years there were volume of disturbing and often pursuers propaganda flooded the country made by the thakin organization . In 1937 there were both large and petty scale of industrial unrest in the country and the rate was rising to considerable volume . The Riot Inquiry Committee was constituted by a Resolution of the Government of Burma in the Home Department recorded in the proceedings of the Government of Burma No: 442 C38, Part XVI, dated the 22th September 1939. The following gentlemen were appointed to composed the Committee :-- 1. The Honble Mr. Justice H.B.L. Braund, M.A., Barrat Law 2. 2. U Po Han, B.A. (Cal ), BaratLaw, Member of the Public Service Commission, Burma . 3. Senator A. Rahim OF Maymyo . 4. U Khin Mg Dwe , Higher Grade Pleader, Mandalay . 5. Dr M.A. Rauf, B.A. ( Oxon ) , B.C.L., LL.D , BaratLaw . 6. Mr. F.S.V. Donnison, I.C.S., was appointed Secretary to the Committee . The Committee was charged with the duty ---- 1. to inquire into and report on (a )the causes of the recent riots in Burma; (b) the measures and actions taken by the police and civil officers

during the riots ; (c ) the loss of life and property and the desecration and destruction of religious edifices and buildings during the riots ;

2. to make recommendations for the prevention of similar communal or religious disturbances .

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 The Interim report of the of the Committee mentioned two facts namely (1) the influences of the press , (2) the influences of the political parties as the culprits concerning with the riot . It did not put the blame on them concerning with the immediate causes, but the Committee accused them with the remote causes .(1) It blamed the press that they instigated the Burmans to hate or to get anti- Indians feeling, in the articles especially the newspapers namely New Light of Burma , Sun , New Burma, and Committee reported that these newspapers played upon the emotions of their Burmese readers in this matter to which Committee had referred . And also blame the Burmese Press that they had for a long time been by no means averse to proparganda unfavourable to Indians . The Committee put the blame on THAKINS for putting fuel into the fire . ( F/N no:116 ). (2) Further , it discussed the fault of Officials part for not taking enough efforts in checking with books published by various press, in accordance to the rules and regulations prescribed by Section 9 of the Press and Registration of Books Act (1867 ) and Section 11 A of the Act. In pursuance of section 9 of the Act printer must delivered a copy of book to the Deputy Commissioner of the District within whose jurisdiction the printing press producing the book is situated . And every Deputy Commissioner was order to transmit the book to the Secretary of the Judicial Department of the Government of Burma through the Director of Public Instruction at Rangoon . The Director of Public Instruction is charged with the duty to obtaining a review of the book and forwarding it together with the review , to the Secretary of the Judicial Department . Those instructions have been subsequently renewed by a Government of Burma Miscellaneous Department letter dated the 16 September 1927 , by which all Deputy Commissioners are enjoined to see that section 9 of the Act and the instructions issued under it are duly carried out . The Director of Public Instructions has been god enough to give evidence before us and he has produced his registered which embrace the years 1931 and 1936. Neither the 1931 nor the 1936 editions of the book appear in his registered . Nor do they appear in the quarterly lists of books published in the Burma Gazette as having been received by the Judicial Secretary . There was a breakdown of the machinery of this Act, and that Mg Shwe Hpis book was not sent , as , in the case of the 1931 edition at any rate, it should have been, for review to the Director of Public Instructions .
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 Lastly, the Director of Public Instructions has , from his own observation, formed the opinion that there are a great many books appearing in Burma never come to his office , as they must do if the instructions given under the Act are properly carried out . ( F/N no: 117 ). The Enquiry Commission was formed , and it reported in due course , but the Riots had left their deep and ugly mark on the uneasy scene , and that mark could not be erased by the Commission . After the Anti- Indians riots , troubles broke out in the oil fields at Chauk. Burmese called this political progress was called 1300 AYAYDAW PHONE. Workers put up demands for better conditions to the Company , but B.O.C. Company refused to respond . The grievances of the oilfield workers had started long ago and those facts were considered as remote causes . On the workers part they asked for improvements in the followings- ( 1 ) for better living conditions and to get living quarters , because t the of the present living quarter is ten feet by ten feet ,( in some books eight feet by eight feet was mentioned ). ( 2 ) for fixing new a reasonable salary equal to the volume of work they did every day in the oil fields , ( 3 ) for reinstating ten days instead of present seven days for religious holidays and ten days leave with pay , because the fields under harsh conditions, while clerical staffs enjoyed ten r religious holidays and twenty days leave with pay . ( 4 ) for medical leave with pay concerning with diseases suffered out of the works. ( F/N no 118 ) The worker leaders demands were ignored by the Company without showing any reasons . On the morning of 8th January 1938 Thakin Khin went and reported at the office that he was there for the daily work .
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Mr Bishaw sent for Thakin Khin . When Thakin Khin arrived at the Mr. Shaws office --- Mr. Bishaw : You asked leave for one day and took extra one day without permission . If you do not followed the rules and regulations ,then it is my duty to take action so that you will get the habit of following rules . YOU TOOK EXTRA ONE DAY WITHOUT PERMISSION , I WILL GIVE YOU 15 DAYS. Now , you do not need to come for 15 days starting from to day . If you want to work again , you must report after 15 days . Mr. BISHAW gave an order in written to Thakin Khin . Thakin Khin told everything to Thakin Ba Tin. Thakin Ba Tin went to Mr. Bishaw and complaint that the punishment was too severe for daily wages worker . After heated argument , Mr. Bishaw changed his order from 15 days to 7 days instead . He told that he must take action otherwise he will be in great trouble to enforce rules and regulations to all the workers and Company will fire him . Thakin Ba Tin went back to asiayone headquarter and told everything to Thakin Khin and others . Thakin Khin said they must start a strike in defiance . While they were discussing the pros and cons concerning with the strike, Bench Clerk from store room came running in and shouted You all come with me urgent . Worker had started the strike . That was what happened on the 8th January 1938 . The strike at Chauk oil field had started . The workers decided for only three days as token strike . The workers had some hopes expecting response from the Company. Unfortunately , there was no response from Company side . By the late evening worker given up hopes and called the mass meeting . On 9th January 1938 , mass meeting was held on the vacant plot behind the Chauk Bazzar . ( the date 9th January 1938 was recorded in Myanma Political History by U Lay MAUNG and in 1300 Ayaydawphone Records by Thakin Ba Tin mentioned this date as 31 th October 1937 ). At that mass meeting , the resolutions to make demands were passed . The following demands were made by the workers ; ( 1 ) Company must give 53 days on leave with pay annually for every oilfield worker ,

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 ( 2 ) Labor Bureau of the company must be abolished and instead of it , the Labor Welfare Committee consisting with representatives of Government and of oil fields workers must be immediately established , ( 3 ) worker salary must be paid not on daily basis but on monthly basis , ( 4 ) not to take any action against the leaders of 8th January strike and to reinstate them to the previous posts , ( 5 ) If B.O.C. Company give promise to undertake these demands the workers will return to the previous post, and if the Company refused to agree with the demands the workers will continue the strike till to the end . ( F/N no: 119 ) On the 10th January the workers sent their demands in writing to the Company but they received no reply from the B.O.C. On account of the negative attitude maintained by the Company , workers called the Mass meeting which was convened at 12.noon on that same day inside the U Pho Chun zattpweyone. From the mass meeting new eight demands were added to the previous demands and sent it in writing to Company . By this time the oil- fields workers strike had spread to Yenangyaung , Lanywa , and Syriam . On 12 Febuary 1938 , Magwe District Magistrate opened Criminal Miscellaneous Case No: 1 of 1938 and issued curfew order in Chauk under the provisions of section 144 Criminal Procedure Code starting from 12th January 1938 midnight . Signed by S.H.C. MULAWAT, District Magistrate, Magwe . The new demands were-- ( 1 ) to renovate all workers quarters with living space for the whole family , ( 2 ) to provide electricity for the living quarters , ( 3 ) to provide adequate amount of water supply , ( 4 ) to provide free education for the children of the workers , ( 5 ) to provide medical care for the family members of the workers e especially for the wives with pregnancy ,
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 ( 6 ) to provide recreation center for the workers and their families , ( 7 ) in the place of dismissal of the worker or demised of the worker or on the retirement of the worker the vacancy must be filled from the workers instead of recruiting from outside , ( 8 ) there must be no victimization of the workers who are the members of asiayone ( F/N no: 120 ) Company agreed to give in some demands but Company denied with the demands to reinstate the workers involved in the strike . During the strike Government took the initiative and sent Minister Dr. Thein Maung and Dr. Ba Maw to Yenangyaung on a mission of conciliation . On 24th January 1938 Thakin Ba Tin received four letters , first was letter from B.O.C. mentioned some proposals for settlement of strike , second was from Government representatives inviting the strike leaders to meet them on 25 January , 1938 , third was from Thakin Ka an invitation to mass meeting on the 25th . The last one was from Thakin Lay Maung and Thakin Hlaing prohibiting the leaders not to meet the government representatives . However, the strike executive committee including Thakin Ba Tin decided to meet the government representatives because they put consideration with the fact that workers had high hopes for settlement by the good office of the two gentlemen Dr. Thein Maung and Prime Minister Dr. Ba Maw . On the 25th the members of strike executive committee and workers went to the place where the representatives stayed . Dr. Ba Maw greeted them infront of the office and waved his hand as a gesture to the crowd of workers . After everyone seated ---- Dr. Ba Maw : I am very glad to see you all in this meeting. If you can tell us what we can do in this matter for the settlement . Here is my colleague , Finance Minister Dr. Thein Maung , who is in charge of the affairs of all Companies in the country and he is able to solve problems concerning with companies . If you tell us your grievances then we will try and find ways and means to solve it . Thakin Ba Tin : We are very glad to hear your kind words . However, up to now Government had neither done nothing with workers needs nor give pressure to the Company ; Instead , government issued curfew on the people.
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Government gave protection to the Company by using the provisions of Police Act section 30 , and Oilfield Act section 12 A , sub section 1( a) 1 , and sub section 1( b) 1. Therefore, we cannot able to link with what you are speaking now and what really had happened before and what is happening now . We simply fail to understand you . Dr. Ba Maw : I will make enquiry about what had happened . Important thing is Thakin Hlaing , Thakin Ka , U Ba Hlaing from Yenangyaung should come to Rangoon and discusse about the present matter . You , Thakin Ba Tin , you knew about me how I am doing for the benefits of the poor Burmese people . Remember , I m also Burmese like you . One day you will witness what will become of these companies. So you better send U Ba Hlaing to me . Thakin Hta : U Ba Hlaing is here because Yenangyaung labor Asiayone asked him to be here . We have not yet discuss about Chauk yet . Mr. Prime Minister , we like to know how you are going to do with labor crisis?. Dr. Ba Maw : The reason of asking U Ba Hlaing was I thought that he has been given power concerning with the labor issues , that is with the present strike . Thakin Pe Than : Chauk oil workers strike had started quite long ago , as for Yenangyaung it is only matter of nine days . Concerning with U Ba Hlaing workers will decide today once and for all . Thakin Ba Tin : When I get back to the workers after this meeting , they will ask me what have we achieved from this meeting . What must I tell ?. Must I tell them that with the present situation Government offer nothing , and at the same time do nothing ?. I have no alternative but to tell them that if Company gives anything we will get to that extent , the matter is entirely on the decision of the Company . It is in the hands of the B.O.C. . I am very sad on behalf of the Government about this. With this meeting came to an end . Dr. Ba Maw : Oh ! you dont need to sad government behalf . Do bring U Ba Hlaing along with you gentlemen when you come to Rangoon for further discussion. F/N no:121 ). Thakin Ba Tin shouted at the workers who were waiting for news about the meeting with governments representatives . I will explain everything about
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the meeting after the lunch, you all come to U Po Chun zatt pwe yone at 12. 00 noon to day . At 11.00 noon Thakin Ba Aung , Thakin Hlaing , Thakin Kha , and U Ba Hlaing , arrived . Thakin Hlaing : Hello, Thakin Ba Tin what did Mg Ba Maw give you ? Is not abundant ?. Thakin Ba Tin : Its 11.30 . You better eat now ; To day you will know What we are going to get and what will happen in future At the U Po Chun zatt yone about 7000 workers arrived from Lanywa . The situation was stalemate and strike drag on for months while workers waited for results . In the mean time there were wildcat strikes and frequent arrest by the police . The women workers went to the B.O.C. main gate and made a sit in strike . This caused human barricade to prevent some wavering workers from reporting for duty . B.O.C. Company used two way strategy , the first one was a soft method . B.O.C. sent two Ministers Dr. Ba Maw and Dr. Thein Maung to foil the striker . When it failed they chose another method. The second method was used of force under the cover of law , especially when strike had turned from days into months . The strikers made demands again and again which were not sincerely obliged by the Company . Company tried to meet some demands as token . Women joined the strike more numbers in than at the beginning . Among the women strikers Daw Aye , Daw Nyo , Daw Gan , Daw Myint , Daw Su , Daw Aye Khin , were most active and look the leading role . Police came to the gate were women strikers sit on the street which made human barricade infront of the Store Gate . Police used water cannon against the women strikers . The women strikers did not gave in to any threats . Inspector of police Mr. Swara Singh arrived to the scene and asked who was the leader among the strikers . Daw Nyo stood up and said she was the leader Mr. Singh asked Daw Nyo why she had hampered the other workers from reporting for duty . She retorted that she was demanding workers rights from Capitalist B.O.C. Company . Mr. Singh ordered her to remove from making sit in strike , because according to him she had committed crime . All the women workers refused to give in . First police tried to drive a bus into the crowd of strikers . Then police used water cannon against
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the strikers , it was also a failure to remove the sit in strikers . Mr. Singh told them that he will arrest Daw Nyo. All the women strikers replied that police should arrest all of them . They told the police that they were Burmese females they would not allowed any police to physically touch them. Mr. Singh lead the police to make a charge . Daw Aye made a rushed at Mr. Singh and tried to get the stick from his hand . The situation turned into melee . Police arrested Daw Aye and put her on the truck and the rest of women strikers jumped into the truck , about 40 women were arrested . While on the way to jail Daw Aye removed her HTA-MAIN and waved at the onlookers as if she was waving a flag while the truck was driving through the town . They were sent to Magwe jail, Myingyan jail , and to various police stations . They were charged with section under the provisions of Indian Penal Code . . Daw Aye was sent before Warden of the Oil- fields office and was sentenced to 1 year and 8 months imprisonment , but the sentence was reduced to one day sitting because her husband passed away during the period of her detention at the jail . To counter the strike B.O.C. Company recruited new workers at Yenangyaung and sent them to Chauk for replacement in places of the strikers . Company on their part tried very hard to make seem everything normal . A kind of white wash for propaganda . Of course there were some workers went back to former works , they could be classified as ( 1 ) those who were given new incentives from the Company , ( 2 ) Workers [Trojan horses ] sent from Yenangyaung to demoralize the workers on strike, ( 3 ) those who afraid of losing their job forever , ( 4 ) those who were not financially able to survive without any job . The majority of the workers kept on strike with donations given by the public from other districts which came in . Then in November workers decided to make a long march to Rangoon and put up their demands and grievances at Rangoon to the Government . The distance to Rangoon from Chauk was about three hundred miles , which they decided to march 15 miles a day . The strike was an epic. It caught the imagination of the people particularly the students , and won the support of the national press . On 28th November 1938 , telegram sent from Thakin Po Hla Gyi was received by Chairman of Dobama Asiayone Htaik Tin Ko Daw Gyi
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at 5.pm in the evening . Telegram stated that on 30 November 1000 workers will march walking from Chauk to Rangoon , signed THAKIN PO HLA GYI . ( F/N no: 122 ) On 1300 Nattaw La San 5th at the vacant plot near Chauk Bazar they held the mass meeting , about 2000 workers and public had attended the meeting . At the meeting Thakin Thet was president , the secretary was Thakin Lwin, Thakin Po Hla Gyi and Thakin Ba Tin put up the two Resolutions. Resolution No: ( 1 ) Settlement for the differences between the workers and B.O.C. Company had already put up to the Government and there was no positive result or reply from Government . ( a ) tax collected from oilfields workers for 50 years must refund , immediately . ( b ) Government must intervened into this dispute and solved the solution , immediately . Resolution No: ( 2 ) (a) Workers must march to Rangoon and put up and demand the facts contained in the Resolution no: ( 1 ) to the Government directly . ( b ) Workers must demonstrate peacefully during the long march to Rangoon . They must show peaceful means of demonstration up to the end, untill we attain our demands . ( F/N no: 123 ) On 1300 Natt Daw La San 6 th Sunday at BA LA BA AKYOSATT monastery the mass meeting was held and about 500 Burmese and Indians attended the meeting in Chauk. At the meeting they passed four resolutions concerning with the present strike and out of the four the two resolutions were as follows - Resolution No: ( 3 ), All Workers Mass Meeting urged the authorities to withdraw curfew according to the provisions under section 37 ( 7 ) and section 144 of Criminal Procedure Code that was issued in Mandalay , Resolution No: ( 4 ) , All Workers Mass Meeting urged the Government to stop making collection of Thathamada Tax on the workers who were in dispute and on strike with B.O.C. Company . Instead of that Government and Company must do something to meet the demands raised by the workers . ( F/N no: 124 ) On 30th November 1938, 6.ooam in the morning a long march from Chauk to Rangoon had started . It started with full Burmese Royal ceremony , the way Burmese Kings started their venture from palace . About
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4000 crowd followed along with the workers column up to Myothit . Some accompanied with the column to Moelar . Administration group carried Red Flag and Green Flag for signal, and attached breast plate in Tri Colour insignia of Dobama Asiayones flag . The Medic group had armband with Red Cross insignia . THIS WAS THE GRAND SHOW BURMA EVER WITNESSED . The workers took their marching route along the high way to Yenangyaung then to Magwe. From Magwe to Taungdwingyi , then to Allanmyo . From Allalmyo to Prome , then the final destination Rangoon . On 4th December the column arrived Magwe Mya Tha Lun Pagoda about 10.00 am in the morning . Security was very tight , and police armed with stick were everywhere . The column was about half mile long and they were marching in double file and kept to left side which did not made trouble to the ongoing traffic . They kept strict discipline beyond everyones doubt . At the front of the column and at the last position , workers carried Tri- Colour flag and they were waving flags like as if they were at the carnival , Magwe District Secretary of Dobama Asiayone welcomed the strikers and led the column to Mehtee Taik Monastery and they decided to take rest for the night inside Damaryone building . The workers had their lunch on the bank of Irrawaddy river under the afternoon sun . Than D.S.P. and police arrived in RC 1400 bus and arrested leaders of the marching column . They were THAKIN PO HLA GYI , THAKIN BA DIN ,THAKIN BA MAUNG , THAKIN KHIN , THAKIN PE GYI , and Sayadaw U YAYAMA , Sayadaw U ZAWTIKA, Sayadaw U EINDAYA , and SHINN NANDA . They were arrested under Section 107 Indian Penal Code with warrant . The leaders refused to let the police handcuff them , Thakin Po Hla Gyi retorted back to the police that they were not criminals , and they gave permission the police to take them anyplace police fancy . All of them were detained at Magwe Central Jail . The moral of the strikers reached to the lowest point because of the action taken by the police , the workers stop eating and decided to make hunger strike . It was an act of civil disobedience shown by the strikers . The whole column was stranded at Magwe , for seven days because they seem that they had no leaders to lead the column to Rangoon .
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 At the same time Dristrict Magistrate Mullar Watt told the worker that Coalition Government made notification that workers will meet the shortage of food, and they will get into troubles and many hardships , Strike leaders were destructive elements . If there were any grievances workers should put up application to Deputy Commissioner or they should send their delegates to Rangoon and talk directly with Government . The best advice for the workers was to go back to Chauk . Magwe District Magistrate issued on another curfew order under the provision of Section 144 of Criminal Procedure Code on 6 December . The curfew area covered East , South , and West of Magwe , except North which was the only direction to Chauk . Rangoon Dobama Asiayone sent three new BHOs ( Leadres ), they were Thakin Pe Than , Thakin Soe , Thakin Htain Win to Magwe . From Rangoon RUSU Chairman Ko Ba Hein , and Secretary Ko Ba Shwe , arrived to Magwe for settlement concerning with minor students strike in Magwe . At Magwe , Workers leaders , Dobama Leaders , RUSU Student Leaders met and laid down plans for the interest of present strike . On 11th December they held mass meeting which started at 6.15 pm . As soon as the meeting started police arrived to the meeting Thakin Soe and Thakin Pe Than were arrested with warrant . Ko Ba Hein gave a speech and he was arrested . Before he was about to be arrested Ko Ba Hein in his speech told the workers to continue the march to Rangoon tomorrow immediately , and if there is any action taken by the authorities to prevent workers from marching to Rangoon , you all must give your lives if situation call for . He told that police were waiting to arrest me . Do not worry about me . He also told that if they arrested him government must face the consequences tomorrow . He told workers that their duty was to advance to Rangoon at all cost . ( F/N no: 125 ) After Ko Ba Hein , Thakin Htein Win asked the police to wait for few minutes and made the speech stating that workers must not abandon the aims and object, try and march on tomorrow without fail . He told the workers that if the authorities do something to the column he will go hunger strike even to death inside jail . He also told them they should not worry about him or his colleagues. If the authorities started shooting at the column on the way to Rangoon under the cover of provisions of Section 144, he told
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them workers must leave the death and carryon marching to Rangoon for achieving their aims and objectives without fail . He told them that Death is nothing . After the short speech he was arrested by the police . ( Thakin Htain Win was a cousin of Thakin Tun Lwin @ Bo Ba La , member of thirty commardes .) ( ditto ) The following advertisement was printed on 6th December 1938 issued of Myanma Alin newspaper . BHO ( Leaders ) are wanted . If one BHO arrested another BHO will take his place We made this declaration today afternoon . Oh ! Thakin and Thakinma lend us your ears . 1200 Workers from the oilfields of Chauk , Yenangyaung , Lanywa , Yenankyat , had started the long march to Rangoon on their own decision and shown to the government that their demands must be fulfilled . Another column of 20000 farmers column will also make a long march and meet our column at Rangoon . Although we put our effort in abiding law and order with strict discipline , the British Government had started using harsh and desperate measures . This was an act of cowardice . The authorities arrested the workers using the provisions under Section 107 and tried to stopped the column using Section 144 of Criminal Procedure Code . It is a wonder that authorities started using force against the workers who neither carry no arms nor harbour no malice against no one . We do not sure how much force they will use in future in the process of suppressing the workers who just asking remedies for their suffering caused by the company who only considered profits instead of the welfare of the workers. We have decided to finish what we had started to achieve for our aims and objects . To achieve our aims we will carry on to the end , if one Leader ( BHO ) is arrested , another Leader ( BHO ) will step in and carry on with the crusade . TO ACHIEVE THIS , WE NEED LEADERS ( BHO ) to fill the vancant places because of the arrest by police . Please contact : No: 277, Pansodan , Rangoon . Remarks : WE HOLD NO RESPONSIBLTY FOR LATE COMMERS . WHO WILL SURE TO MISS THIS HISTORIC CHANCE . SIGNED : ( 1 ) Thakin Than Tun , ( 2 ) Thakin Hla Maung, Dobama Asiayone .
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 ( 3 ) Thakin Soe , ( 4 ) Thakin Ba , Workers Union, Syriam Oilfield . ( 5 ) Thakin Hlaing , Labour Union , Yenangyaung . ( 6 ) Thakin San Tun Hla , ( 7 ) Thakin Ba Tha , ( 8 ) Thakin Ba Yin ,

Rangoon District , Dobama Asiayone . ( F/N no: 126 ) Total 15 new recruits had applied for the post of new LEADERS ( BHO ) to Dobama Asiayone . Their duty was to lead the stranded column at Magwe to Rangoon inspite of the danger which were imprisonment , death . The first woman recruit was secretary of Kemmendine Dobama Asiayone Ma Khin Hla . They had to pledge that they will lead the column to Rangoon at all cost . Their duty and obligation will finish only when the column arrive to Rangoon , and they also pledged that they will not either abandon the column or retreat back when confrontation turn out against them by the action of authorities . , whose sole intention was to stop the column reaching Rangoon . Battle fronts of the 1300 Ayaydawphone were ( 1 ) Yenanchat , ( 2 ) Lanywa , ( 3 ) Chauk , ( 4 ) Thayawkone , ( 5 ) Moelar , ( 6 ) Yenangyaung , ( 7 ) from Chauk to Rangoon distance was nearly 400 miles . Strenght of Dobama Asiayone ( Head quarter) Dobama Asiyone Magwe District. . Cash : nill , Power: nill , Armament : nill . Strategy of the Dobama Asiayone for the 1300 Ayaydaw phone. ( 1 ) Instigating to achieve mass uprising and support , ( 2 ) Organizaing for new activist, ( 3 ) Mass participation of uprising for 1300 Ayaydaw phone using civil disobedience technique . Leaders for Instigating Section . ( 1 ) Thakin Ba Tin B.O.C. Worker Yenangyaung , ( 2 ) Thakin Aung Pe B.O.C. Clerk do ( 3 ) Thakin Hlaing B.O.C. Worker do ( 4 ) Thakin Soe Nyunt B.O.C. Clerk do ( 5 ) Thakin Thant B.O.C. Sewing Dept: do ( 7 ) Thakin Ka B.O.C Clerk do
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 ( 8 ) Thakin Ohn Mg Trader do ( 9 ) Thakin Ba Ba do do ( 10 ) Thakin Khin Nyunt do do Leaders of Blocking and Sit In Strike Women Worker Committee . Thakinma Daw Shal , Thama Daw Than , Thakinma Daw Mya Khin , Thakinma Daw Thein Negw , Thakinma Ma Gyan , Thama Ma Aye , Thakinma Ma Nyo , and ( ORGANIZA ) Thakinma Ma Pu . After the arrest of Thakin Soe , Thakin Than Pe , student leader Ko Ba Hein , Thakin Htein Win , Ko Ba Shwe , the strikers decided to carry on with their long march to Rangoon . On the next day morning at 6.00 am strikers column was ready to march . The column had only one exist from monastery to outside. Police force , armed police , and mounted police had taken position on the northern side of the monastery , By 6.30 am column started the march from small lane which was at the back of the monastery . D.S.P , police and Township Officer U Pe were waiting at the end of the lane . Township Officer told the strikers to stop marching and turn back ; and not to proceed to Rangoon . If they want anything they could demand here .They could also send delegation to local authorities . The strikers replied that for eleven months the workers had already sent delegates and made demands, but B .O.C. gave a negative reply and even made reported that there was no strike anymore So enough is enough . Because of B.O.C.s negative attitude they were now out of job . Township Officer U Pe told the strikers that they could faced starvation on the way . Workers replied that they were straving for long time and they told Township Officer U Pe that their families had no money , no food and totally nothing . Under this kind of situation they said they were living death . If they retreat now it would not made any differences , so they told that they must advance even they faced death . For them death and living death was same . They told the authorities that they had already put their futures and their lives in the hands of authorities.

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 While the argument between the strikers and the authorities was in progress police went inside the monastery compound without taking off their shoes and arrested four leaders including the one who was carrying a flag . The behavior of the police was very rude because they took the flag and attached a shoe at the top of the flag pole . This made the situation out of control . The strikers called out advance and the column moved forward . Township officer U Pe took out his revolver and waved his hand , then police charged at the strikers with fixed bayonet , as if they really going to kill . But when the strikers shown that they really meant to advance at all cost , police and the Township officer made their retreat . Mounted police made a charged at the column but strikers did not retreat . Strikers shown that they did not cared about their lives . After the mounted police , policemen started striking at the peoples at the front of the column with baton . About four or five workers fell down due to the blow . The on lookers were very angry and started throwing rocks at the policemen . It was on the verged of total riot . The large crowds of peoples who were looking at the commotion started throwing rocks, bricks at the police and they started chanting Forward , Move ; Move forward .( F/N NO:127 ) On account of the strong moral and physical support of angry Burmese , the workers violently moved forward against the mounted police that made police lost controlled of their horses and retreated back to former position . One big old brick landed squarely on the head of the District Superintendent of Police , he also retreated back .. No one knew who threw it . At the same time the big rapid sound of commotion came out from the direction of Magwe jail . The mounted police and police troops moved towards the jail in great hast . Yesterday evening only few minutes before police arrested him , Ko Ba Htein told the workers that the workers sole duty was to march to Rangoon , and said dont fail . Idea of Ko Ba Htein was he gave a hint to the workers that when you march I will do my part . During the confrontation between the authorities and strike column inside the small lane , school boys went and gave the news of confrontation to the prisoners inside the jail then the all political prisoners , ordinary criminal prisoners started throwing rocks bricks at the walis inside the jail and they shouted THAKIN MYO HEY DOBAMA, STRIKE , STRIKE. LIGHT THE
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TOURCH , LIGHT THE TOURCH This upheaval made strikers safe exit toward the bank of Irrawaddy . Thus the column escaped the police cordon and marched on toward Rangoon . ( F/N No: 128 ) Unfortunately, the mounted police came galloping back from Magwe jail turned toward the column and arrested quite a lot of strikers . Among them Thakin Tun Khin , Thakin Lwin , from Rangoon. Thakin Khin Maung Nyo , Thakin Thein Maung , Thakin Thein Aung , Thakin Than , and Thakin Tin Hla from Chauk . The column proceeded toward Allalmyo. On the way public from villages , towns, offered foods and full moral supports . When the column arrived to Allalmyo , the residents of the town gave a big Royal Burmese Welcoming Ceremony as if the King had arrived . At the same time due to the arrest of Ko Ba Hein and Ko Ba Shwe of RUSU by the police at Magwe , extremed reaction exploded at Rangoon University . 1938 SECRETRIATE INCIDENT (or) 1300 Student Ayaydaw ( or ) Rangoon University Student Strike [ third time ] and Mandalay Enidawyar incident were automatically linked to the oilfields workers strike , in continuous rapid succession of sequences . On account of the arrest made by the police under section 107 Indian Penal Code to Ko Ba Shwe and Ko Ba Hein of RUSU, the representatives of All Burma Student Union and representatives of Rangoon University Student Union met on 12th December Rangoon University Student Union building inside Rangoon University campus and the meeting turned into emergency meeting for discussion. Next day the 13th December at the RUSU building students mass meeting was held and the following resolutions were passed . ( 1 ) Government must release Ko Ba Hein and Ko Ba Shwe immediately since from the beginning the arrest was unjust , ( 2 ) Government must withdraw all restrictions imposed upon the workers who were demanding for their justified rights by making strike , ( 3 ) The meeting passed the resolution that Government must withdraw Section 23 and Section 144 imposed in Mandalay and Magwe . They sent all the resolutions passed by the meeting to the Government and to the press . The Rangoon District Magistrate issued Section 144 of Cr. P. C. in Rangoon District . ( F/N No: 129 )
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 On 15th December boy students and girls students from schools about 10,000 met at Shwedagon Pagoda and committed an act of civil disobedience. They marched in the form of a column consisted of four students in one row and marched toward the downtown . Their act of defiance motivated the politicians with political awareness ,and instigated the public with the idea of nationalism and civil disobedience against the authority. U Saw wrote a letter to Governor asking whether Section 144 to be revoked or not . Government in their reply at 3.pm on the same day mentioned as follows If you break section 144 you will be severely punished . At 4.00 pm strikers consisted of the students , U Saw with his crowd altogether 500 started their act of defiance from U BaYee Zetyat . They marched toward downtown in silence , without shouting any slogan and in double file up to KYAKU monastery . First, before breaking the law they requested phongyis, and public not involve in this civil disobedience , and also pointed the facts phongyis should wait for their turn , because authorities could used forces including shooting by the police under the provisions of section 144 could resulted in death or physical hurt or imprisionment . When they marched beyond KYAKU monastery they started shouting slogans in high pitched voice and marched along Phayalan , Khyine Gyi Lan , Dalahousie Lan , Public witnessed this civil disobedience in surprised . When they reached City Hall U Saw gave a speech stating that their act of civil disobedience had achieved . There was no casuality and they had successfully breached the provisions of Section 144 which meant a victory for the people . U Saw said in his short speech -- We purposely did what government said not to do . He continued his speech and mentioned that government could took cognizance or expelled them from Burma and sent them to others part of British India or sent them before the court and passed imprisonment sentence . Let them do what they want for we dont care the consequences . ( F/N No: 130 ) On account of breaking the prohibition of section 144 Cr. P. C . U Saw and others were sent before Rangoon District Magistrate U Po Sa Court on 20th December inaccordance with section 40 of Rangoon Town Police Act .
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Magistrate asked whether they had broke the law , all the accused admitted they had committed. They were asked to explain the reason for committing this act . The accused told the court that they purposely did it because they could not accepted the provisions contained in section 37 ( 2 ) of Rangoon Town Police Act , which was against the interest of public . This Rangoon Town Police Act section 37 ( 2 ) prohibited peoples from mass meeting , gathering, marching in crowd of political nature . They knew that Commissioner of Police , Rangoon had issued prohibiting the public from committing the provisions contained in that abovementioned section 37 ( 2 ) from 1st December to 31th December . Magistrate U Po Sa passed the sentences stating that according to section 50 , fine must be two hundred rupees but he ordered only rupee 100 fine .The accused refused to pay fine one hundred instead they agreed for imprisonment. They were given two months simple imprisonment and ( A ) class . The Deputy Commissioner of Police arranged U Saw and other two to be transferred in a private car with police escort but U Saw refused it. He went to jail in ordinary police van with other prisoners . Before entering the van U Saw shook hands with Deputy Commissioner of Police and said good bye . He also waved his hands to his supporters and saluted them who were chanting DO-GALON- DOBAMA. ( F/N No: 131 ) On 17th December held the meeting by all the students from all schools in Rangoon at North West corner ( YARHU DAUNK )of the ShweDagon Pagoda middle platform and seconded the resolutions passed on 13th December by RUSU . In the mean time Magwe District Magistrate passed sentence on strike leaders who were four sanhgas ( phongyi ) and five thakins . The cases were sent before District Magistrate Mr.Mulla Watt Court, who was a complainant of the case . Deputy Commissioner Mr Mulla Watt issued Section 144 Cr. P.C. order . He ordered District Suprintendent of Police Mr. B. Stout for cognizance against the strikers leaders . And Mr. B. Stout gave his statement at the court presided by Mr. Mulla Watt . All the accused were sentenced for imprisonment with hard labour . The whole process was illegally and irregular proceeding , because the person who issued Section 144 order , the person who made a complainant of the case , the person who entertained the case in his court , and the person who passed the sentence were only the same person .
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 The column of oilfield workers started their march to Rangoon on 18 December at 7.00am . They left Allanmyo and arrived to Prome on next day . The flags of Dobama Asiayone and Communist were carried by the flag carriers and maintained strict discipline on the way without shouting . At PALO village with was half way to Prome they were given lunch . The moral support was given by the peoples . In the newspapers issued dated 19th December following notice to students was printed. TO ALL STUDENTS IN RANGOON.

WE, had put up our demands to the Coalition Government. WE received no reply from government giving promise that they will comply with our demands. If we do not receive any reply from government by 4.00 pm to- day ( 19th December 1938 ) we will protest with upgraded civil disobedience . What you want to do ? , what are you going to do ?. On 20th December at 8.00 am ; you all must hold meeting at your schools and send us your resolution to us. Sg. Hla Shwe , Vice-Chairman . ( F/N no: 132 )

Actuall , their aim was to block all the entrance of Secretariat and sit in strike . The time mentioned in the notice to the students was the coded message that strike will start at 8.00am on that day . On 20 th December morning meeting was held at 8.15 am Rangoon University Student Union building . In the meeting Vice Chairman Ko Hla Shwe chaired meeting as Chairman. Then students went to down town in buses along Kokine Road, Kandawgalay Road , U Mg Mg Ohn Kaing Road , Stockade Road, Mongomarie Street, Sparks Street , and when they arrived in front of St. Paul Church there were about 8000 high school students had already arrived except students column from Myoma High School , all were waiting for students column from Myoma High School for a reasonable time . But after waiting for few minutes students started marching in column of four students in row , and they encircled the SECRETARIAT compound . Students took position on SPARK ST: , DALHOUSIE ST: ,BIGANDET ST: , AND JUDAH EZEKIEL ST: . The students divided into small groups of 1000, 500 , 300 of students and made sit in strike which blocked the four gates of SECRETARAT . This made officers and staff were not able to go inside or getting out of the compound . The students positioned ladies university students at the front and all were sitting on the tar road under hot bright sun .
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 About 9.30 am or 10.00 am Commissioner of Police Mr. Reynolds went to the scene and after his assessment of the situation he went to Premiers house and asked the PREMIER concerning with the intention of the Government with this crisis . The Premier told the Commissioner that it was absolutely necessary to keep one gate open so that officers could go in and out of their offices and if the students picketers would not listen they were to be picked up and removed . On receipt of the order from Premier, Mr Reynolds went to the Mogul Guard and in consultation with his Deputy Commissioner and Assistant Commissioner of Police and decided upon a certain course of action . Police decided to block Sparks Street at the corner of Dalhousie Street with barriers and to keep the crowd of spectators out . Then , to clear all the spectators out of Sparks Street and up to Fraser Street and put up the barriers there. After that , to arrest the leaders if they refused to remove and to carry away the picketers and if it was necessary to pick up the picketers from the gate . Commissioner and a force of four hundred policemen accompanied with few mounted police . On the first assault Assistant Commissioner of Police Mr. Tydd with 100 policemen and few mounted police was to take action according to the plan . During that time students column from Myoma High School arrived and they joined with the sit in student four gates of Secretariat. Before the police arrived to Sparks Street . Ko Hla Shwe, leader of the students demonstrators , gave order to Ko Thein Aung to withdraw. Ko Thein Aung did so by forming a procession . The procession started from the northern gate in Sparks Street with girls students in front and went down south and then turned into Dalhousie Street and then into Judah Ezekiel Street and then into Bigandet Street . As procession went along the picketers from each gate joined and swelled the ranks . When the head of the procession turned into Sparks Street again , they came into contact with the police and a clash occurred. ( F/N No: 133 ) At 11.oo am , food donations from the public arrived in truck and the food were distributed to the students. Food were of assorted nature and coffee was also included . Burma National Tobacco Company proprietor donated cigarettes and umbrellas for the students and the bystanders . After foods were

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consumed starting from Sparks Street students , prepared to withdraw from four sides of the Secretariat . Their route of withdrawal of students was from Sparks Street to Dalhousie Street then from Judah Ezekiel Street to Bigandet Street . When the students arrived to the corner of Bigandet Street and Sparks Street just in front of THURIYA newspaper office the mounted policemen tried to stop the column . The boys and girls students at the front of the column refused the order and they tried to rush in with determination . Then the commotion started with the police striking the students with batons. Students did not replied the police with force , because they were using non-violence method . Many students fell due to the striking with baton by the police . Grils students were hit and they were dragged into the Thuriya newspaper building and were given first aid by volunteer Red Cross members . Some were sent immediately to Civil Hospital . Students could not resisted the beating anymore and they had to withdraw from Bigandet Street toward east . Then they made total withdrawal in uniform column returned toward Myoma High School . Those who were injured after receiving the treatment they returned to their respective schools with the good office of Thuriyas newspaper staffs . While policemen were beating the students, Rangoon City Mayor U Ba Galay , U Tun Aung Member of Representatives or Lower Chamber , U Ainn , Mandalay Thuriya U Tun Yin , Mandalay U San Hla Baw, and U Ba Ohn Member of House of Representatives ( Bassein ) were inside the Thuriya newspaper office building . When the beating by the police was at the height of maximum level, students went down under the severe blows of the police. The abovementioned gentlemen were deeply moved with the brutalities of the authorities they went out to veranda and started shouting Stop beating , have mercy . Within a few minutes injured students filled the newspaper building . The staff gave medic assistance and they put the students into the buses and sent them to hospital . ( F/N No: 134 ) According to Amyotha Thakin Thein Maung , the number of casualties were 63 received simple injuries ,19 received grievanious injuries . Some injuried students were sent to University hospital. Among those who recieved injuries were students, Red Cross members , Member of House of Respresentatives U Tun Pe , and editor Ko Kyaw Sein .

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 List of students who received injuries . ( 1 ) Mg Ba Than, aged 22, Ywathit, ( 2 ) Mg Bo Oo , aged 18, Myoma , ( 3 ) Mg Han, aged 22 , Sagaing Hall Rangoon University , ( 4 ) Mg Than , aged 18, Government High School , ( 5 ) Mg Kyaw Sein ,aged 20 , 14 th street , ( 6 ) Mg Kyi, aged 18, Myoma , ( 7 ) Mg Ba , aged 20, 94 Street , Kandawgalay , ( 8 ) Mg Tin Than , aged 17 , St John Colleage, ( 9 ) Mg Hla Mg , aged 18 , Yegyaw , ( 10 ) Maumg Maung Gyi , aged 18 , 42 street , ( 11 ) Mg Thein Hlaing ,aged 19 , 93 Shwe daung dan , ( 12 ) Mg Aung Sein , aged 25 , Lancatser Road , ( 13 ) Mg Kywe , aged 14 , St John , ( 14 ) Mg Aung Ko ,aged 19 , Sagaing Hall ,

( 15 ) Mg Tun Kyi ,aged 20 , Special Norman High School Kemmidine , ( 16 ) Mg Sein Aung Lin , aged 14, Methodist High School , ( 17 ) Mg Aung Bwint, age 22 , Momgomarie , ( 18 ) Mg Hla Maung, aged 21 , Myoma, ( 19 ) Mg San Hla, aged 20 , Methodist , ( 20 ) Mg Than , aged 20 Hteedan , ( 21 ) Mg Soe Maung , aged 24 , Pagan Hall , ( 22 ) Mg Tin Maung , aged 18 , St John , ( 23 ) Mg Thein Hlaing , aged 18 , Pinya Hall ,

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 (24 ) Mg Shein , aged 18 , St John , ( 25 ) Mg Sein , aged 25 , National Red Cross , ( 26 ) Mg Tun Sein , aged 18, Myoma High School , ( 27 ) Mg Kyin , aged 25 , Mortin , ( 28 ) Mg Khin Kyi , aged 18 , St John , ( 29 ) Thakin Ba Than , aged 28 , 277 Pansodan , ( 30 ) Mg Soe Lwin , aged 10 , Myoma School , ( 31 ) Mg Tun Pe , aged 38 , Sanchaung , ( 32 ) Mg Myint Than , aged 17 , Myoma High School , ( 33 ) Mg Mg , aged 17 , Myoma High School , ( 35 ) Mg Ko Lay , aged 21 , Pagan Hall , ( 36 ) Mg Tin Maung , aged 21 , Pagan Hall , ( 37 ) Mg Ba Hlaing , aged 20 , Judson Hall , ( 38 ) Mya Mya , aged 17 , Pazundaing Municipal School , ( 39 ) Ma Saw Yee , aged 18 , Pazundaing Municipal School , Bombay Burma Timber Saw Mill , ( 40 ) Ma Sein Sein , aged 16 , Pazundaung Municipal School , ( 41 ) Mg Than Myint , aged 23 , Myoma High School , ( 42 ) Mg Kyaw Ohn , aged 17 , Pazundaung High School , ( 43 ) Mg San Tike , aged 20 , Lanmadaw Municilpe High School , ( 44 ) Mg Kyaw , aged 20 , Pazundaung Municiple , ( 45 ) Mg Ohn Pe , aged 20 , do. ( 46 ) Mg Ba Nyunt , aged 19 , Government High School , ( 47 ) Mg Chit , aged 25 , school teacher ,Pazundaung ,
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 ( 48 ) Mg Chit Ko Hla , aged 18 , Methodist , ( 49 ) Mg Kan , aged 22 , in door patient , University , ( 50 ) Mg Kyaw Khin , aged 20 , indoor patient , Myoma High School , ( 51 ) Mg Ba Htay , aged 16 , indoor patient , Pazundaung Municipal High School , ( 52 ) Mg Tin Maung , aged 20 , indoor patient St John College , ( 53 ) Mg Kyaw , aged 30 , indoor patient , Sattsan , ( 54 ) Mg Saw Hla , aged 19 , indoor patient , Methodist , ( 55 ) Mg Kyaw Sein , aged 20 , indoor patient , Editor , Thuriya Newspaper , ( 56 ) Mg Tun Tin , aged 26 , indoor patient , Special Norman School , ( 57 ) Mg Ba Hlaing , aged 20 , indoor patient , Judson College , ( 58 ) Mg Kyaw , aged 20 , indoor patient , Mortin Street , ( 59 ) Mg Thein Shwe , aged 16 , indoor patient , Myoma High School , ( 60 ) Thakin Aung Tin , aged 23 , 7 st , ( 61 ) Mg Thein Aung , aged 24 , Thathon Hall , ( 62 ) Mg Tun Shan , aged 20 , Thathon Hall , ( 63 ) Mg Tin Maung , aged 19 , Methodist , ( 64 ) Mg Hla Pe , aged 17 , Myoma , ( 65 ) Thakin Than , aged 17 , Dobama Asiayone , Botataung .( F/N no: 135 ) List of University Students who received injuries . Mg Aung Gyaw , I .A. Senior , Judson College , Mg Shwe Tin , I.A. Senior , Judson College, Mg Thein Hlaing , I.A. Senior , Mg Tin Mg , University ,
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 Mg Tun Shein , I .A . Senior , University , Mg Tin Mg , B.A. Senior , University , Mg Ba Than , University , Ma Khin Than , I.A. Senior , University, Inya Hall, indoor patient,

Ma Tin Nyunt , I.A. senior , University , Inya Hall ,indoor patient . ( F/N No: 136 ). U Lay Maung in his book mentioned the number of casualties as three hundred . In the evening 20th December , Rangoon University Student Union Executive Committee Member Ko Thein Aung , Ko Tun Shan , Ko Tin Maung, Thakin Than , and Thakin Hla Pe were arrested . At 9.30 pm Superintendent of Police , Central Division, Rangoon Town , Police Station Officer Mr . Khan and police raided the THURIYA newspaper office and confiscated printed newspapers for next day distribution and photo plates which recorded the urgly scenes of mid day clash between the police and students which happened before the newspaper office . The 20th December students striker at Secretariat about 200 students both girls and boys were injured. According to the eyes witnesses the caused of these injuries were due to the charged made by the mounted police . The police not only charged the column of student but they strike down the students with batons without discrimination or without mercy . On account of that actions by police Ko Aung Gyaw received head injury . The girl student in front of him was beaten with baton from mounted police while she felled down on the road Ko Aung Gyaw tried to cover her from further beating and at the same time police baton hit his head . His friends took him to Civil Hospital and received first aid . Then his friend took him back to University. Unfortunately , his head injury was very severe and he lost conscious . His friends took him back to hospital again . He passed away just before the head operation. ( F/N No: 137 ). The size of baton used by the foot policemen was nearly three feet and diameter was about five inches.

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 Ko Aung Gyaw was named BO AUNG GYAW , and the funeral was attended by nearly three hundred thousands public . AFTER THE STUDENTS STRIKE at Secretariat and the death of Bo Aung Gyaw , the strikes spread through out the whole country and resulted another seventeen deaths at Mandalay . The situation and progress of the oilfield workers strike column had arrived to Prome on 2Oth December .

Concerning with the above incident Government formed Enquiry Committee dated 20th March 1939 to enquire into and report upon :- ( 1 ) the composition of the assembly which came into with the police on 20th December near Secretariat , Rangoon , and the reasons for its presence there ; ( 2 ) the circumstances in which it came to be dispersed by force ; ( 3 ) the action of the police when so dispersing it ; ( 4 ) the casualties that were caused . The Committee examined 63 witnesses , made up of 35 students, 3 teachers , 4 members of the House of Representatives , 5 men of the Burma National Ambulance Crops , and the Myoma Volunteer Crops , the Managing Director of the Sun Press , 1 Thakin , 2 editors , 3 photographers , the Police Sergeant and 8 Police Officers including the Commissioner of Police . Committee framed main four issues , out of the issues no: ( 2 ) and no: ( 3 ) should be considered on how the committee had discussed in the report . With issues no: 3 Committee member U Sein Tun Aung discussed in the Minority Report and Note of Dissent signed by him :-- The extracts from the students statements as to what happened in Sparks Street are reproduced; The statement made by witness no: 11 Ma Khin San, They did not bar our passage, but when we went into Sparks Street and when we got just in front of Bryan Smyths office , the mounted police began pushing up towards the pavement on the side of the Sun Press. Just at that moment the foot policemen, who came along Sparks Street from Dalhousie Street side about 100 strong , surrounded and struck us . We did nothing in retaliation.
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 In fact, we never intended to do anything in retaliation to the police . Ma Saw Yee received a bleeding wound on head . When I saw her receiving a bleeding wound I went to help her . As I did so I myself received two blows on the head . Then a confusion arose . We sat down, but as the heat of the sun became unbearable we went to the pavement on the side of the Secretariat compound carrying Ma Saw Yee with us . There were altogether about 20 of us both boys and girls . Some first-aiders were also there and when they rendering first aid to the wounded some policemen came and drove us away . We refused to go . Just at that juncture . I saw Ko Thein Aung and a standard bearer being beaten by the police and arrested and taken away . When the standard bearer was taken away under arrest, he left the flag behind . Whereupon Ma Khin Mya went and caught hold of that flag . A policeman came forward and attempted to snach it away from Ma Khin Mya , but she would not let it go . We also joined in and helped Ma Khin Mya . Subsequently ,in the course of the struggle Ma Khin Mya fell on the ground . While she was lying on the ground some policemen kicked and beat her about . Some of us went in and raised her up . When we were able to help her up one Burmese police officer came and said it was no use standing there and asked us to go away from Sparks Street . Taking his advice we went towards Bigandet Street . When we got to Bigandet Street we saw one girl student staggering about and I went and helped her . Just at that moment I heard a cry Run!, Run! ,The police are attacking the students Then I saw policemen are at chasing the students both into Bigandet Street and Fraser Street and assaulting them . As I could not run anywhere I lay under a tree in Bigandet Street . While I was lying down under the tree in Bigandet I saw several policemen assaulting the students who were lying wounded on the street . As I was afraid , I kept my eyes shut and refused to look any more . ( F/N no: 138 ) Ma Aye Kyin ( Witness no: 12 ) --- I was struck on the right side of my crown and I fell down . The person who struct me was a European sergeant . I tried to get up and as I was in a sitting position I was struck again on my right shoulder. I did not know whether he was an European or Indian . As soon as I was struck for second time Ko Thein Aung asked us to sit down . Some of us sat down , some did not . Then I saw an Indian policeman squeezing the
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neck of the boy student and pushing him away . That boy fell down and as he was in lying position an Indian policeman delivered a blow with a stick which landed on his head . I saw him lying in a pool of blood . Mg Tin Maung ( Witness no : 26 ):-- As a result of a charge the students fell back . O ne of the European sergeants came right up to me and gave me a blow on my chin ; but I avoided the blow which fell on my chest . Almost immediately after , I was given a blow on the head with a stick . I fell senseless . When I recovered consciousness, I found myself in a private car --- taken to the General Hospital where I remained as a indoor--patient for about 15 days .

Ma Kyi Kyi ( Witness no: 21 ):-- As I was looking east a European sergeant pulled me by the hair and delivered a blow on my abdomen and I fell down and lost consciousness . When I regained consciousness, I was called to come to the side of the pavement on the Secretariat and I went there. Maung Kyaw Sein ( Witness no: 28 ) :-- One of them gave me a blow on the back and then one European sergeant raised me by the armpit and gave two or three blows on the buttock and they pushed me on the pavement . I saw some policemen assaulting some girl students just in front of the Hindu Temple and Bryan Smyth and Company . When I saw the girl students being assaulted in that manner I went over to protect them . Those who assaulted the girl students at that place were Indian policemen . I told them in Hindustani , Dont strike , dont strike. They took no notice of me but went on assaulting the girls . They also struck me on both my arms . They then pushed me and I staggered forward . As I staggered forward I turned round to look and as I did so I received a blow on the left temple . Ma Mya Mya ( Witness no: 38 ) :-- They charged us . One Indian policeman dealt out a blow to me . I ward off the blow with my right arm. As a result of the blow I fell ; as I fell I received another blow on my back delivered by a European sergeant. Just at that moment two students covered me with their bodies so as to protection to me . As they covered me with their bodies one of the students received a blow on the head . Whereupon another student raised me up by the
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armpit and carried me to a corner near the Sun Press . As I was being carried along , that student also received a blow ; I saw blood spurting out of the wound on his head . Ma Sein Thin ( Witness no: 39 ) I received a blow dealt out by an Indian police on the head . As a result of the blow I fell down unconscious . There is a definite evidence that Maung Aung Gyaw who met his death was first beaten in Sparks Street , and again on the pavement of the Sun Press side , while he was staggering with a bleeding head injury as is fully described in the majority report . The presence of these students does not admit of any doubt as many of them have identified their portraits in the photographs exhibited in the proceedings . The students version received strong corroboration from four members the House of Representatives U Mya , U Ain , U Ba Ohn and U Tun Aung ( Witness Nos. 4, 5 , 6 , and 34 ) and the Manaing Director of the Sun Press, U Ba Galay ( Witness no: 53 ) and some first-aiders one of whom, Maung Than Myint ( Witness no: 36 ) received a bleeding head injury in spite of his uniform which displayed a red-cross emblem . ( F/N no: 139 ) Actually , according to U Shwe Ba, Superintendent, Eastern Division , and Commissioner of Police himself and others admitted that the students that composed the assembly were of both sexes and that the ages of the girls students ranged from 14 to just over 20 . Further more, U Shwe Ba admitted that the students, when they went in procession round the Secretariat , were a peaceful and orderly crowd and that they carried no weapons of any kind . Therefore , what is clear to our mind is that no danger either to property or to person could be apprehended from such a crowd . That they were in fact a happy crowd and almost in holiday mood is proved by the photograpoh Exibit A. In that photograph some girls are shown as laughing even when some of them were pushed sideways by the mounted policemen. Such being the nature of the composition of the crowd and such being the mood in which the crowd were , the police would in our opinion be justified to used only such force as would be necessary to disperse them .
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 To the majority of the member of the police forces that they used moderate force in charging the crowd in Bigandet Street and Fraser Street. They were armed not with ordinary batons but with riot batons . A riot baton is a formidable weapon . It measures about two feet in lengh and about two inches in diameter . If such formidable weapon were used even with ordinary force, considerable damage could have caused . According the Police Surgeon U Ba Than , eighty cases were brought to the hospital for treatment and out of that three received grievous injuries . One of them was Maung Aung Gyaw , who received head injury . ( F/N no: 140 ) Maung Khin Maung ( Witness no: 43 ):-- I saw a European sergeant giving a blow to Maung Aung Gyaw . The blow fell on the temple of the head . When he received the blow he reeled forward . As he reeled forward the same European sergeant gave him another blow . As far as I remember, fell more or less on the same place . As a result of the blow the stick snapped into two . One of the broken pieces of the stick flew some where near were I was . I picked it up and gave that stick to Ko Thein Mg in the evening .(F/N no: 141 ) Police Surgeon U Ba Than , made a post- mortem examination of Maung Aung Gyaw he found --- ( 1 ) an old abrasion over the right temple ; ( 2 ) one braded contusion half inch in diameter over the top of the head about the middle ; ( 3 ) one big contusion over the whole of the right temple . He added that when he made an internal examination he found an extensive farcture of the skull and that from the injuries found on Maung Aung Gyaw three separate blows must have been given . In his opinion 90 percent of the men receiving such injuries as received by Maung Aung Gyaw will not servive .( F/N no: 142 ) Concerning with the issues no: 2 the following episode gave the police an excuse in using force at their will against the student strikers . During the confusion there was one incident which police claimed that one policeman was landed into trouble .
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 It happened as follows :-- According to Mr. Tydd there were some leaders who egged on their followers to press forward were hit by the police , one of the students caught hold of and struggled with a European sergeant and then fell into a drain near the pillar-box at the junction of Biganet Street and Sparks Street . When they fell, misssles came pouring on the police force from the crowd in Fraser Street and Bigandet and the Sun Press . In these circumstances the police not only under section 128 of the Code of Crimal Procedure but also under section 97 of the Penal Code were justified in charging the crowd in Bigandet Street and Fraser Street .That they were justified in law is even admitted U E Maung, counsel for the students. But the police would not be justified, if they did it at all , in charging the students in Sparks Street . T he students strikers were allowed to pass into Sparks Street by the police themselves . After they had passed into Sparks Street , the police formed a cordon between them and the main body of students in Bigandet Street . They, therefore, became a distinct and separate body. If police wanted to charge these students , they must first ask them to disperse under section 128 of the Criminal Procedure Code : but the police according to the evidence placed before us did not do so .( F/N no: 143) The true fact was that Maung Kyi Maung and even the counsel U E Maung frankly admits that the students constituted themselves an unlawful assembly when they the picketed gates of the Secretariat ; but what he submits that the students shed the character of an unlawful assembly when they withdrew from the gates and walked around the Secretariat in procession . ( F/N no: 144 )

U E Maung Barr- at-Law , who was the consul of the students also drew the conclusion that students had shed the character of unlawfully assembly by withdrawing from the gates of Secretariat but police still had the right to command them to disperse by the police officer or Commissioner of Police who said to be at the scene . But no police officer did not gave command the students to disperse. Instead, police made a charge by mounted police . Another important main fact was the Premier GAVE ORDER to Commissioner of Police Mr . Reynolds that one gate of the Secretariat must absolutely be opened for the officers to go in and go out of their office and if the picketers would not listen they were to be picked up and removed. In this
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case at the time police charged the students in front of the news paper THURI head office , the gates of the Secretariat were started to abandon by the students and without any picketers, it was a high-handed decision for the police to charge the students . Due to these facts police on that day police acted contrary with the provisions of the law concerning with issue no ( 2 ) and ( 3 ) .

Finally the Committee in their report concerning with the conclusion was not unanimous , and the report was divided into two conclutions. The Committee consisted of three gentlemen they were Honble Mr. Justice Ba U , Senator U Thwin and U Sein Tun Aung . U Sein Tun Aung wrote the note of dissent. In remarks made by the Chairman stated that Further , in view of the evidence given by all the student witness that they went into Sparks Street to hear the address to be given by U Hla Shwe from the corner of Sparks and Fraser Street , we would add that if the police had not taken precipitate action but waited for a few minutes to see what the students would do , this unfortunate clash would not have happened. ( F/N no: 145 ) On 14 December 20,000 farmers from Pegu District and Thathon District started their march to Rangoon, while Senate was in sessions in Rangoon . In the book written by U Chan Tha , title name I , the I.C.S. , he mentioned as follows :- He, as a Sub- divisional Officer of Pegu district had to solve the problem of the farmers . Approximatly about 1,500 farmers of both sex were marching to Rangoon from Waw , Thanatpin , Kawa. Their leader was Thakin Ba Than . Their route of marching to Rangoon was , first they crossed the Sittaing River and they came from Thathon District . They arrived to Waw township, then to Rangoon via Pegu . Before farmers column started from Thathon, the authorities in Pegu met and discussed about security and danger of troubles while they were inside Pegu district . The meeting was chaired by Deputy Commissioner . The members were District Superintendent of Police , Sub-Division Officer , and other police officer. During the meeting Deputy Commissioner gave the task to handle the situation to Sub- Division Officer U Chan Tha , because he was direct in charged of that district .
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 U Chan Tha put up his line of action to Deputy Commissioner that he wont use the provisions under Section 144 of Criminal Procedure Code. He told that he could take full responsibility with the situation from Waw to the end of Pegu district boundary . Before the farmers arrived to Waw , Thakin Su came and talk with U Chan Tha and promised that the column had made decision not to break law . U Chan Tha and Township Officer U Tun Shein gave necessary assistance to the column of farmers on the gentleman promise of Thakin Ba Than , who after U Su paid a visit to U Chan Tha and not only talked about the column of farmers before they arrived to Waw but also gave promised about the conduct of the column when they were inside Pegu district . Sub-divisional Officer U Chan Tha and Township Officer U Tun Shein gave the column a free ride to the end of Pegu district and also made arrangements for food ,and provided clean sanitation during their stay inside Pegu district . It was a success because the whole column passed Pegu district without any incident . The column arrived to Shwedagon Pagoda on the 19th December . Another farmers column from Tharawaddy district arrived to Rangoon and settled at Shwedagon Pagoda . On 8th January 1939 the oilfield worker column arrived Rangoon and also made their base at Shwedagon Pagoda . At South west corner of Shwedagon Pagodas middle platform all strikers columns ,they were oilfields workers , farmers, students , clerks , ordinary peoples gathered and decided to hold mass meeting . On 9 January mass meeting was held and in that meeting they made ratifications concerning with the demands of the oilfield workers ,of the students strikers, and of the farmers . In the mass meeting they passed resolution to bring down the government immediately . The mass meeting was chaired by Thakin Mya . Workers strikes were happened four times in 1935, four times in 1936 and four times in 1937. While oilfield workers strike and Rangoon University students strike were happening in Rangoon, also in Mandalay the students were on strike . On the 1st Feburary 1939 the following schools and universities were on strike .

( 1 ) Mandalay Intermediate College , ( 2 ) Teachers Training College ,

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( 3 ) National High School , ( 4 ) B T N School ,

( 5 ) Wesily School , ( 6 ) Pauk Myaing, ( 7 ) Kasely School . Students from abovementioned schools started their picketing at the gate of Central High School to prevent other students from attending the school from very early in the morning . Students stubbornly carried on with the picketing under hot sun .

Government took action against the students strikers by arresting the following students on 8th Febuary 1939 . ( 1 ) Ko Tha Myat, ( 2 ) Ko Saw Hla , ( 3 ) Ko Hla Pe , ( 4 ) Ko Kyi , ( 5 ) Ko Chan Tun , ( Cabinet Minister AFPFL government , after 1962 army coup he joined General Ne Wins camp and took Ambassador post under Revolutionary Government ). ( 6 ) Ko Ko Lay ( 7 ) Ko Kyaw Win , ( 8 ) Ko Aung . The leader was Ko Khin Mg Galay ,later known as Bho Khin Mg Galay , ( who became Home Minister , Government of Union of Burma , in 1965 he was detained by the military government spent nearly four years at Insein Central jail for his anti- militarist campaign . ) Students held emergency meeting, they went to Commissioners residence at the Mandalay Civil line and made a peaceful demonstration . On 10th Febuary 1939 , at 12 noon , they held the meeting inside Aindawya Pagoda compound and was by students , monks ,public , altogether about 200,000. In that meeting , they passed a resolution that they will marched to downtown as defiance gesture . According to that resolution monks , students , civilains ,carried tri- color flags , Peacock flags , and started marching from their headquarter Aindawya
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Pagoda . It was a gaint demonstration staged by the students and the sangha through the streets of Mandalay . The procession was over a mile long. In fact when its head reached south- west corner of the moat which surrounds the laplace of King Thibaw , the tail-end was still wagging impatiently in the Pagoda , itching to leave . The procession was marching along 84th street towards Clock Tower and when they reached 26 B street , the corner of telegram office they met Burma Rifle led by Deputy Commissioner Mr. Lak , and Police Inspector Mr .David on the bank of the moat, putting their back toward the Mandalay palace . The authorities in Mandalay were given instructions by the Government in Rangoon to stop the procession .The clash was expected and the hand of fate seemed to lay heavy on the assembly .The district official stopped the procession and warned that if there was no dispersal the police would be ordered to open fire .

The strikers refused to do so then , police started shooting at the crowd for the first time . Six monks were shot. In front of Imperil Bank on the 26 B street another volley of shots run out and four were shot . Then, for the third time police shot at the crowd near Row & Co: , many were shot . The list of causalities were seven phongyis , three students , and seven ordinary peoples, total seventeen deaths . They were Sangha U PANDITA , Sangha U PYINYA ZAW TA , Sangha U WAIPYONLA , Sangha U ZARNITA , Sangha U ARLAWKA , Sangha U KAYLATHA , Sangha U KYATU. Student Bho Ba Thay from Wesilay , student Bho Tun Aung of U Naikbaindas school , student Bho Tin Aung , aged 12 , of Central National School . Civilain Bho Mhu , Bho Tun Aung , Bho Aung Htoo , Bho Khin Maung , Bho Tun E , Bho Ba Lunn, Bho Khin Maung . They were posthumously awarded NAYMYO MAHAR THIHA THUYA and the funeral was attended by 200,00 peoples. This was recorded as TAUNG THON YAR PYIT AYAYDAWPHON. On account of that , Dr. Ba Maw lost his government in regular non confidence motion , and U Pu formed a new government in accordance with the instruction of the Governor .
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 In September 1939 World War in Europe had started with the invasion of Germen troops into Poland . On 9th September 1939 Dobama Asiayone ( Thakin ) held Executive Committee meeting and passed the following resolution that :- Unified strategy in resitance against the British Government for freedom from the Britishs yoke was important . Then in Mandalay , Executives Committee meeting was held and passed nine declaration concerning with the Second World War and future of Burma . Out of that the following two were important . ( A ) That they decided Burma must free from British shackle at all cost . For that purpose they must try and bring down and substitute with the new Burmanization system of government in the place of the present 91 Subject Reform system of government introduced by the British under the provisions of 1935 Government of Burma Act . ( FIRST CONSTITUTION FOR BURMA .) ( B ) We decided to cooperate with any one, any groups , who harbuored same attidute with us in the matter of freedom for Burma . Dobama Asiayone Young thakin leaders from Dobama Asiayone formed FREEDOM BLOCK or B. F.B. in October 1939 , with Dr. Ba Maw as ARNARSHIN or dictator and Ko Aung San as Seceretary . Thakin Mya , Thakin Nu , Thakin Than Tun from Dobama Asiayone, Dr. Thein Maung , U Tun Aung , Saw Pe Tha , Mandalay U Ba Shwe , U Ba U , Thakin Ba Hein and some other politicians were members. The Declaration was issused by Burma Freedom Block . It stated that :- British Government declared that they are fighting in Europe for democracy freedom . The ideology of Burma Freedom Block is freedom and democracy for Burma . If British Government promise to give freedom to Burma then Burma will make contributions to British War efforts . If not, Burma should not contribute any kind of contribution whatever so for the British War efforts . If the British government decided to give freedom then it must make arrangements to call Constituency Assembly for drawing Constitution concerning with Burma . Further , BRP rejected to support all kinds of War of Colonization. This declaration was mentioned in speeches made by the leaders of Burma Freedom Block at various meetings through out the country . On account of that police arrested Dr. Thein Maung on 26th July 1940, and charged with provision of section 124 , Sedition . On 6th August 1940 Dr. Ba Maw was also arrested under the provision of Burma Defence Act for making
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anti-war speech and sentenced one year imprisonment under the section 124 Sedition . Authority sent him to Mogok jail . Again Thakin Nu at Jubilee Hall made a speech concerning with anti- war efforts and if British Government refused to declare that they will give freedom to Burma, Burma will not contribute any war efforts . Thakin Nu was arrested and charged with section 124 ( A ) Sedition . Burma Freedom Block secretary Thakin Aung San also made speeches at Zalun and at Daunk Gyi on the same subject . Police issued warrant under section 124 for Thakin Aung San . Fortunately , one nationalist Burmese police officer called Hla Taw gave his good office to Aung San, and Aung San was able to dodge the authorities and got back to Rangoon . District Supretendent of police of Hanzada issued public notice for the arrest of Aung San or leading information where about of Aung San with reward of Rs. 5.00 . In Rangoon Aung San , Ko Nu , Kyaw Nyein discussed about the situation and Aung San decided to evade the police in order he could searched foreign contacts for the revolution . Thakin Nu was arrested and sentenced two years imprisonment in jail . Other politicians such as Thakin Soe , Thakin Mya , Thakin Mya Thiwn , Thakin Lay Mg , Thakin Thein Pe, were arrested and sentenced and sent to jail . Aung San became Thakin was now Secretary of the Dobama Asiayone , after having ousted Thakin Ba Sein and Thakin Tun Ok. First they formed BURMA REVOLUTIONARY PARTY and had felt the need of getting arms and assistance from some friendly foreign powers , the best part of the idea was they didnt sure about who that power would be . Actually , it was a vague and formless bodies of young thakins who met at secret places and dreamed their dream aloud . Among them was Thakin Mya , who was not only the oldest but also elected to House of Representatives on Ko Min Ko Chin Party ticket . Thakin Chit or Saya Chit looked upon them as their guide and teacher ,Thakin Kyaw Nyein was the brain, and was a provider to the comrades because he was employed in the custom department . He was intellectual as well as energetic . Ba Shwe was a student leader from Tavoy high school , and he was specially brought over to Rangoon , by the R.U.S.U, to organize the student body and the BRP. Ba Shwe , who was in charge of military operations had a revolver which could not fire . With that revolver he and his gang
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committed robbery for money and jewels with the hope that they could raised party funds . Unfortunately the victim had nothing to surrender and the crime ended without success , and they tendered their apology to the victim for the troubles . He tried this venture because the B.R.P, had no money. Hla Maung, the law student, and president of the All Burma Students Union acted as a diplomat who searched in the high and low places for contacts. He and Thakin Hla Pe went to Thailand on search-mission . Police come to know about this venture , but on advice of U Myint, lecture of faculty of law , the owner of New Light of Burma published false report stating that Hla Maung was busy with activities in Rangoon . It made a good alibi for both of them . Among the group two young men were keen enthusiasts in the conspiracy. One was a medical student Maung Maung who got hold of British army training manuals , and after reading them , he appointed himself Chief of Military Training . He did gave training to the cadres on handing guns . The other was Aung Gyi from Paungde , who worked in the government and collected vital information and worked for BRP at night. { Later Maung Maung became Col: Director of Military Training in the Burma Army cum , Professor of Military Science at the Rangoon University . Aung Gyi , on the other hand became Colonel General Staff , then Vice Chief of Staff in Burma Army. Both of them founded Defense Service Academy , D.S.A. , and introduced Defense Services Institute (D.S.I. ), and Burma Economics Development Corporation ( B.E.D.C. ) . Both Aung Gyi and Maung Maung were the culprits, who dragged Defense Services into economy and financial ventures competing with other private enterprises of the country around 1955 . }

B.R.P. was on the War Path against British Government without funds, and firearms . But they had unlimited supply of fury and fancy ideas ,and keenness . They were the ones who made revolution in modern Burmese history . In Rangoon , Japanese Consulate contacted BRP through Dr. Ba Maw and Dr. Thein Maung that Japanese would like to help with Burmas future , and they wanted discussed about the help with BRP . BRP took the offer but Japan counter part discovered that Aung San and majority members were Bolsheviks . And the same time some members of BRP thought that Japan had suspicious ambitions of her own in South- East Asia .

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 Aung San had the idea that they should look for help from China, and to contact with Communist Eight Route Army . On account of that Aung San and Thakin Hla Myaing were smuggled out of the country to Amoy which is on the China coast . The second option was that if they could not make contact with China they decided to look for Japan as an second alternative. While Aung San and Thakin Hla Myaing were on the way to Amoy, Japanese counter part tried to look for them in Rangoon because of the earlier contacts Japan had made with Dobamar Asaiyone ( Thakin Ko Daw Maing). Japanese Col: Suzuki of Japanese Imperial Army and Mr. Su Gee of Minamigan were the ones looking for Aung San . They received photographs of Aung San and Thakin Hla Myaing from Dobama Asiayone and went back to Thailand . Then from Thailand they sent the photos Major Kanda at KOW LOON and asked him to look for Aung San and Hla Myaing . Col: Suzuki went back to Tokyo . Later Japanese Army Major and military police found them at the international settlement of Kulangsu in Amoy. On 12 November, 1940 Aung and Hla Myaing flew to Tokyo . When they arrived Col: Suzuki was waiting at the airport and made introduction addressing himself as Mr. Minami, Chief Secretary , Japan-Burma Society . They were put at the country side hotel and asked whether Aung San and his collegue wanted any women for the night . The offer was refused by both of them . Keji Suzuki was graduate from Japanese Military Academy . He was posted to Phillipines and there he acquired interest and information about island warfare in Soth-East Asia . He later served as Chief of the Vessel Department at General Headquarters . His ambition was to make present to the Emperor a special kind of gift . He wanted a country for a special fruit for the Emperor that which should not to be eaten or used up but prized , preserved and protected . Aung Sans patriotism and honesty commanded hundred percent respect from the Japanese counter part . Than, Aung San and Keji Suzuki worked for a plan together . For the former was to liberate Burma from foreign yoke , and the latter was to engineer Expansion of Japan into the further shores . Both of them thought that the destiny of the country was in their hands . Sine Japan was not at war with the West or U.S Suzuki could not get full official support
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for this plan . Aung San Japanese name was OMODA MONJI and for Hla Myaing was TODA SAI DAI CHI By a month or two Japanese Imperial Army and Navy decided to join hands with them and established Minam Kikan for implementing the project . Both Aung San disgused as an officer on the Shun Tein Maru and Mr. Mitsuru Sugii, as purser of the shipo went back to Rangoon in February, 1941 . Their ship anchored at Bassein. Aung San with other two shipmates went out of the harbor and Aung San changed into Burmese cloths and put false teeth as disguised. He went to Rangoon by Henzada and arrived in Rangoon. He met with BRP and made arrangements for sending recruits to Japan . While Aung San was in Tokyo Thakin Ba Seins Dobama fraction already made arrangement independently with Japan with their own plan for war against the British . Due to shortage of time and urgency of the situation the question of differences among the fractions were forgotten . They used Varsity- Co-operative Stores managed by a student of 1936 strike Tun On which was inside the Scott Market ,now Bogyok Market as convenient hiding place and assembly point . It was an exodus for them and they successfully smuggled out Young Thakins in batches by sea . Between February to June almost all the thirty thakins were smuggled out of Burma in eight voyages . They were hidden inside the engine room until they reached safe distance from Rangoon port . Only when they were inside the engine room then to their surprised they found out the members of two fractions , Aung Sans fraction and Ba Seins fraction who were on the same mission . The THIRTY COMRADES were trained very hard for the war . Aung San was marked for the commander of the BURMA INDEPENDENCE ARMY and Thakin Tun Ok was marked for administration duties . Their training centre was at Hianan. The Members of the Thirty Comrades were as follows :- ( 1 ) Bo Taza @ Thakin Aung San ,( from Thakin Kodaw Maings fraction ), ( 2 ) Bo Latya @ Thakin Hla Pe , ( 3 ) Bo Ne Win @ Thakin Shu Maung , ( from Thakin Ba Seins fraction ), ( 4 ) Bo Zeya @ Thakin Hla Maung ,
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 ( 5 ) Thakin Tun Ok , @ Thakin Tun Ok , ( 6 ) Bo Set Kya @ Thakin Aung Than . ( 7 ) Bo Aung @ Thakin San Hlaing , ( 8 ) Bo Yan Naing @ Thakin Tun Shein , ( 9 ) Bo Kyaw Zaw @ Ko Shew , ( 10 ) Bo Yan Aung @ Thakin Hla Myaing , ( 11 ) Bo La Yaung @ Thakin Ba Gyan , (12 ) Bo Phon Myint @ Thakin Tin Aye ,

( 13 ) Bo Myint Swe @ Thakin Thakin Tun Khin , ( 14 ) Bo Ta Ya @ Thakin Khin Maung U , ( 15 ) Bo Ba La @ Thakin Tun Lwin , ( 16 ) Bo Ye Htut @ Thakin Aung Thein , ( 17 ) Bo Mo Nyo @ Thakin Kyaw Sein , ( 18 ) Bo Min Gyaung @ Thakin Saw Lwin , ( 19 ) Bo Tauk Htain @ Thakin San Mya , ( 20 ) Bo Zin Yaw @ Thakin Than Nyunt , ( 21 ) Bo Saw Naung @ Thakin Thit , ( 22 ) Bo Min Yaung @ Ko Hla , ( 23 ) Bo Lin Yon @ Thakin Tun Shwe , ( 24 ) Bo Myint Aung @ Thakin Soe , ( 25 ) Bo Htein Win @ Ko Saung , ( 26 ) Bo Saw Aung @ Thakin Ngwe , ( 27 ) Bo Moe @ Thakin Moe , ( 28 ) Bo Nyana @ Thakin Maung Maung ,
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 ( 29 ) Bo Mya Din @ Thakin Than Tin , ( 30 ) Thakin Than Tin , died during training on Formosa island. Bo Ba La in his Memoir of the revolutionalist, Vol: no: one, page 36/37/38/39 , mentioned that the departure of thirty comrades was divided into five groups . The first group consisted of Thakin Aung San( Bo Te Za ) , Thakin Hla Pe ( Bo Let Ya ), Thakin Aye Maung ( Bo Moe ) , Thakin Ba Gyan ( Bo La Yaung ), Ko Tun Shein( Bo Yan Naing ) . They left Rangoon on 10th March 1941 by sea . The second group consisted of Ko Shwe ( Bo Kyaw Zaw ) , Thakin Aung Thein ( Bo Ye Htut ), Thakin Tun Shwe ( Bo Lin Yone ) , Thakin Tin Aye ( Bo Phone Myint ) , Thakin Than Tin ( Bo Mya Din ), Thakin Saw Lwin ( Bo Min Gaung ) , Thakin Soe ( Bo Myint Aung ) . Thet also left by sea on 13th April 1941. The third group consisted of Ko Hla Maung ( Bo Ze Ya )), Thakin San Mya ( Bo Tauk Htain ) , Thakin Khin Maung U ( Bo Ta Ya ) , left during second week of May by sea . The fourth group consisted of Thakin Shu Maung ( Bo Ne Win ), Thakin Than Nyunt ( Bo Zin Yaw ), Ko Maung Hla ( Bo Min Yaung ), Thakin Kyaw Sein ( Bo Moe Nyo ), Thakin Ngwe ( Bo Min Yaung ) , Thakin Thit ( Bo Saw Naung ) , Thakin San Hlaing ( Bo Aung ) , Thakin Maung Maung ( Bo Nyana ) , Thakin Tun Ok, Thakin Tun Khin (, Thakin Tun Khin ( Bo Myint Swe ) , Thakin Tun Lwin ( Bo Tun Lwin ) , and Thakin Tun Lwin ( Bo Ba La ). They left on 8th July 1941 by sea . Thakin Aung Than ( Bo Sett Kyar ) , and Thakin Than Tin went by land , but Thakin Than Tin died during the trip at Formosa . Lastly , Ko Saung ( Bo Htein Win ) who was in Japan , met with Thakin Aung San and after discussion he decided and joined the group . The episodes about their experience at Hinan about the training were almost same . It was hard ,harsh , terrible , very severed but the member of thirty comrades survived the training because they dreamt the same dream that one day they could be the liberators of the Burma for complete freedom free from British yoke. Thakin Tun Ok in his book My Adventure page 67/68 , 1943 edition , wrote about his experience inside the engine room .
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 When he arrived to the ship the officers took him inside the room and he changed into the cloths which were very dirty without delay for security reason . Then he went down from one floor to another until he reached inside the engine room where he heard the voices speaking in Burmese . He could not see them because it was very dark and there was no light . Next morning , he met other Thakins , those he was not able to see them last night . They talked about their individual experiences they had before they arrived to the ship . They were altogether eleven consisted of Thakin Tun Ok , Thakin Shu Maung ( Bo Ne Win ), Thakin San Hlaing( Bo Aung ), Thakin Tun Khin ( Bo Min Swe ) , Thakin Tun Lwin ( Bo Ba La ) , Thakin Kyaw Sein ( Bo Nyo), Thakin Hla ( Bo Min Yaung ) , Thakin Ngwe ( Bo Saw Aung ) , Thakin Thein Nyunt ( Bo Zin Yaw ) , Thakin Thit ( Bo Saw Naung ) , and Thakin Maung Maung ( Bo Nya Na ) . While they were talking a sailor came running and shouted that police were embarking the ship . They jumped into the trap door which was right under the engine . The sailor closed the trap door and tightened with the bolt . They were inside the trap door and it was very dark and it had a foul smell and it was very dirty . They did not sure about their safety . After waited for a long time the ship engine started running and heat had risen inside the trap door and became very hot .They stayed inside the trap door for a long hours and only after the ship was at sea then the sailor came and opened the trap door . During the ordeal a thought came into his head while he was inside the trap door. Thakin Tun Ok remembered that he had talked too much for long time , now the situation did not called for talking any more . It was the time for action , and sacrificed . Japanese instructor taught him with the subject of Civil Administration . He was earmarked for the duties of administration when the conquered Burma, and at the same time Aung San was for commanding the Burmese contingent of armed forces named BURMA INDEPENDENCE ARMY . All the thirty comrades were trained for several months in selected groups, in sabotage , fifth column work , in administration , in general staff duties , and general warfare . After that they had new names , well trained , plans were made , and ready for the march into Burma .
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 In Rangoon , the leaders of BRP waited for the news of the invasion from Thirty Comrades but the signal was not received even when Japan attacked and bombed Pearl Habour , the headquarter of American Naval Fleet in Pacific , the Japanese declaration of War , and bombing by Japanese air force on 23rd December and later repeatedly bombed again . With the bombing by Japanese air force on Rangoon materialized how enfeebled structure of British rule in Burma was quickly smashed beyond repair . THE ROOTS, JAPANESE INVASION INTO BURMA , FROM 24 DECEMBER 1941 TO THE FALL OF RANGOON . Before the Japanese invasion to Burma , the Burma Government had no proper line of defense concerning with the country . In the under- mentioned facts proved that Burma was considered minor importance by British Government and also by the Burma Government . In 1938 question about Burma Army was asked in the House of Representatives . Government in the reply to the above-stated question concerning about the strength of Burma Army , it stated that there were only 159 Burmans , 3040 other indigenous races , 1423 Indians and 1587 British soldiers in Burma Army . And of officers there were 4 Burmans , 75 indigenous races , 36 Indians , and 163 British . This reply was made in 1938 by the Government. (F/N no: 146 ) . In another way, actually , there were scant forces in Burma : only two regular British battalions that by December 1941 had been drained of officers and men so that muster about four companies ; four mixed battalions of the Burma Rifle ; nine battalions of Military Police ; one squadron of fighter (Buffalo) aircraft and other assorted various units . Again , in the official British Inter-Service HISTORY of the WAR AGAINST JAPAN stated :- The possibility of an attack on Burma across her eastern frontier had for long been regarded as remote , and in 1939 the General Officer Commanding Burma did not consider there was any real danger of invasion from that quarter .

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 In August the Chief of Staff revived the situation in the Far East and concluded that though a Japanese occupation of Siam would bring the threat of air attack on Burma closer , the invasion of Burmese territory would still be a comparatively remote threat . Reinforcements were needed , but since the defense of Malaya had to have precedence , the provision of these could only be a long term project .( F/N no: 147 ). In October a Defence Conference held at Singapore slightly revised the previous judgment and made recommendation that additional air and ground forces be supplied to Burma . But Chief of Staff considered that the conference had overestimated the scale of possible Japanese attack . They vetoed the recommendations of the Singapore conference except to have British Indian Command earmark a brigade group to dispatch to Burma in an emergency . After United States had successfully broken the Japanese code in early July 1941 , U.S. intercepted the message sent to London from Tokyo, and American alerted the British about the Japanese intentions driving south-ward and across main-land of Southeast Asia . Unfortunately , British were unable to step up their commitments for the defense of Burma . British commander in Burma Sir John Smyth pointed out the status of Burma was : from point of view of defense , Burma was nobodys baby . Even after the war started in Europe, Burma command was in constant change between London, New Delhi , Singapore , and Java . ( headquarters for General Wavells South- West Pacific Command ). Japan on their part , even before Pearl Harbour , had entrenched in French Indo- China . Their strategy was to use 15th Army for takeover in Thailand and the conquest of Burma , and 25th Army was for Malaya and Singapore . The pre- 1939 appreciations and plans of Defence was from the very beginning wrong in their accessment made by the High Command . The real of a land attack on Burma by an external enemy was long regarded as remote. In 1927 there was an appreciation from the meeting concerning with possible invasion of Chinese from province of Yunnam. It was emphasized that such a danger would be preceded by sufficient indications . General Staff in India , until 1939 the Committee of Imperial Defence took the view that a land attack in force on Burma was only a distant
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possibility . After the action of Japanese in Thailand the Chief of Staff changed with the question on Defence of Burma . The danger of air attack was , however , the only main concern of the army in Burma . The Commanding officer of Burma Army Maj: General D.K. Mc Leod , wrote a letter in 1939 which mentioned that : On the Siamese ( Thai ) border there is not much scope for a larger force ( than raiding parties ) to attack Burma by land via Manadalay . This is the only practical route for a force of any size-say a Brigade . The objective would be Moulmein . But I do not regard the land threat very seriously- air attack by Japan from Siamese aerodromes is the big danger. ( F/N no: 148 ). In June, Anglo-French Naval , Military , and Air Force Conference met in Singapore to co-ordinate plans for meeting the Japanese aggression in the Far East . It was thought that the Japanese forces in Thailand would threatening Malaya and Indo- China by land operations . As for Burma , they considered air attack by Japanese only on oil-refineries in Burma . But after the collapsed of French in the western front , French collaboration with the British to defend Malaya and Burma from Indo- China vanished . In October 1940 , the Singapore Defence Conference met to co- ordinate plans for the employment of British , American , and Dutch forces in the event of war with Japan . Although the conference gave greater attention to Burma , it still focused on the old theory of the foundation of British strategy in the Far East which based on Singapore . A fleet based at Singapore was not only strong enough to provide cover for communication in the Indian Ocean and South- West Pacific but also to frustrate any large expeditions against Australia and New Zealand any British Far Eastern possessions . On account of that the first option and priority was defence of Malaya. It was considered more important than BURMA . At the same time Burma whose imperial importance was because of her oil and mineral resources and also of the fact that sea and air communications with Singapore . Burma was the channel for supplies to the Chunking Government. Burma was an outpost of India and if any threat to Burma occurred by Japanese of any kind including the occupation would resulted the menace to Eastern India and the installations of imperial importance situated there . They appreciated that after occupying Thailand Japan could attack Burma and Eastern India through Malaya . Malaya should be Japan primary objective .
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 ( 1 ) Air attack on oil refineries and docks at Rangoon , and possibly on the vulnerable points in Eastern India , ( 2 ) Land , seaborne , air attacks , air borne troops on Tenasserim to capture or destroy aerodromes on the Singapore air route , ( 3 ) Attacks on the reminder of Burmas eastern frontier would probably be limited and Japan might be assisted by Thai troops , ( 4 ) An attack from Chiengrai into southern Shan States was a feasible proposition for large force , against which measures must be taken by the High command in near future . British still thought that Japanese would attack from Yunnan by land and air . The conference considered about the strength necessary for holding and delaying any land attack on Burma until reinforcement arrived for keeping open the air route to Singapore . They admitted the fact that with present strength neither Victoria point nor Mergui could be defended . The defence of the rest of Tenasserim required four battalions , a Field Company . The defence for Shan States required two Brigades with two Fields Batteries, a Mountain Battery , an Anti- Tank Battery, a Light Anti- Aircraft Battery , a Light Tank Company and two Fields Companies . As for defence of Rangoon area required a Brigade support by a Field Battery and a Field Company . In the report concluded that with the present force the most they can be done is to hold the northen part of Tenasserim and Rangoon . The vital installations in the Rangoon area, the oil- fields, etc area entirely unprotected from air attack . Further , the defence of Burma were estimated as follows : Five Infantry Brigades and two additional Battalions . One field Regiment and one Battery , two Mountain Batteries , one Anti- Tank Battery , one Heavy Anti-Aircraft Regiment of 24 guns , one Light Anti- Aircraft Battery ( non-mobile ) , one Light Anti- Aircraft Battery ( mobile ) , and one Company of Light Tanks . The Chief of Staff did not agree to this conclusion , and on January 1941 they stated that the Conference proposal for Burma was over estimated .

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 Even about February 1941 , War Office assured the Governor of Burma it would be a waste to send additional more troops to Burma because it was highly improbable that Burma would be involved in the war . After the war broke out with Japan , the War Office and the Far East Command informed General Sir A. Wavell that an attack in force against Burma was unlikely until the Japanese had completed their campaings in Malaya and the Philippines . When the War happened , Commander- in -Chief Far East issued instructions to GOC, Burma Army , that the first duty was to maintain the Imperial air route to Singapore by providing local protection for the various landing grounds in the southern Burma . The British afraid that Japan might made an attack on the northern Shan States through Indo- China . The General Staff, India assumed that there were two options for Japanese open to them . One was to concentrate on Malaya and sever connection between Burma and Malaya by cutting the air route down the west coast by capturing Tavoy , Mergui , and Victoria Point . The second would be to use two divisions in Thailand for capturing Tavoy, Mergui , and Victoria Point , than advance by land on Keng-Tung and Taunggyi at an early date . In the mean time British went further with their appreciations based on inadequate estimate of the Japanese strength and erred on the side of optimism . They made five fatal mistakes . ( 1 ) That the traditional step-by-step policy of Japan would preclude her attacking many countries at the same time . ( 2 ) That they drew conclusions an invasion through southern Shan States based on the fact that line of communications was very good. ( 3 ) That the conditions of the country on the frontier were natural difficult , the few and indifferent tracks , the hills and the thick jungle would restrict the numbers the Japanese could employ and use them . ( 4 ) Also everyone believed that British air forces would be able to prevent the Japanese from using even the limited approaches to the frontier .
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 ( 5 ) The worst theory was that Singapore would not fall and that the Allies would enjoy the monopoly of Bay of Bengal and the Indian Ocean . With these abovementioned facts British prepared for the war against Japanese in South-East Asia . As for Burma , Gen. Sir A. Wavell after discussion with Governor of Burma , Commander-in- Chief , Far East , GOC, Burma Army cabled to Chief of Imperial General Staff on November 11th recommended transfer of Burma to the India Command . His arguments were : ( a ) that the defence of Burma was vital to the defence of India and not to Malaya , ( b ) Bomber squadrons for the defence of India were best located in Burma , ( c ) reinforcement of land forces for Burma must come from India , ( d ) administration of Burma Defence Forces could be more effectively done from India than from Burma or The War Office . Unfortunately no reply was received to this request . Reinforcements for Burma arrived in 1941 December to Burma only when the hostilities started . They were sent to Burma but they could not arrived on time for effective service . The first reinforcement was 23rd Garrison Company . This went to Akyab in December 1941 for the defence of the airfield and port . Later , in January 1942 , it was relieved by the 14th Battalion 7th Rajput Regiment . In Rangoon the first reinforcements to arrive were 8 Indian Heavy Anti-Aircraft Battery ( less two sections ) , and 3rd Indian Light Anti- Aircraft Battery . These disembarked on the last day of 1941 and at once took up duties at airfields and other vital points around Rangoon and Moulmein . In mid-December the 17th Indian Division had been selected for service in Burma and it was commanded by Maj. Gen. J.G. Smyth , V.C. From 17 Indian Division two Brigades groups were sent to Malaya and only Divisional Headquarters and the 46th Indian Infantry Brigade Group were sent to Burma . It was made up of young troops and was destined for Iraq and had no experience in jungle welfare and was not fit for immediate active service .
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 48th Indian Infantry Brigade of the 19th Indian Division arrived in Rangoon on 31th January and was transferred to the area of the 17th Indian Division . 1st Battalion the West Yorkshire Regiment landed in Burma at the end of January. The 1st Battalion the Cameronians and the 2nd Battalion the Duke of Wellingtons Regiment arrived in February . In early March the I st Battalion the Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers was flown into Burma to the Magwe. Rangoon had fallen . The convoy bringing in the 63 Indian Infantry Brigade Group reached Rangoon on 3rd March and was just in time to participate in the final stages of the battle for the Rangoon port . Just before the evacuation of Rangoon the reinforcement of artillery were landed in Rangoon . After, Sir A. Wavell visited on 6th February the Salween front he diverted 7th Armoured Brigade Group which was intended for Java to Rangoon . With the evacuation of Rangoon all entry of reinforcements come to cease. From the beginning Burma Command made mistakes on the defence of Burma . British Government would not cave in to Japanese pressure to close the Burma Road again . That meant war , since the Japanese were unlikely to be able to mount a naval blockade of Burma . There were two jungle roads into Burma from Thailand , but like almost everyone else the Commander of Burma Army Major General D.K. Mc Leod had the same theory that these roads were impassable . The intelligence report had described how difficult was the Three Pagpdas Route from Thailand into Burma , but after all, it had been used by Burmese royal troops invading Thailand in the old days . The report concluded that the odds would definitely be in favour of Burma in the present well prepared state of defences . The author of this report went on to record one unfavourable feature , apparently without the slightest trace of irony: It cannot be denied that the Burmans are one of those peoples who do not fully appreciate the benefits of British rule . In 1938 Mr. John Clague , an intelligent civil servant , took a different view . He had minuted that it would be easy to invade Burma through those passes . Burmese elephant thieves drove stolen animals into hailand this way on a regular basis . ( Note on the Karens , Clague Papers , Mss Eur E 52/22, p.4, OIOC . )
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 JAPANESE FORCES IN THE CAMPAING FOR BURMA. Japanese side put in Fifteenth Army which was ultimately consisted of four divisions .In 1942 January 33rd Division and 213 Infantry Regiment ( less 33rd Infantry Group and 213 Infantry Regiment ) and the Mountain Artillery Regiment arrived in February. The third group consisting of the 2nd Battalion ,213 Infantry Regiment , and 6 Company of the Mountain Artillery Regiment came in March . The two divisions had a total strength of 40,000 against the 1st Burma Division and 17th Indian Division and two Chinese armies equal to one Indian Division . In the matter concerning with Air Force Japanese , it was numerically superior to the Allied Air Force of R.A.F. ,I.A.F. ,A.V.G. put together . When the war broke out with Japan, British had one squadron; No: 67 Squadron which consisted sixteen Buffalo aircrafts in Burma . Another air force was American Volunteer Group with P. 40 ( Tomahawk ) aircrafts which were meant for Chinese theatre and their based was at Taungoo and Magwe aerodrome was at their disposal . Japanese had one air division ( 5 Air Division ) which consisted 200 front line aircrafts . Each light bombers regiments was equipped with 27-37 light bombers ( type 99 ) and heavy bombers regiments were equipped with 27-37 heavy bombers ( type 99 or type 100 ). On the night of 7-8 December, Japan invaded THAILAND . After some resistance raised by the Thai arm forces , Thai and Japan signed the ten- year treaty of alliance on the 14th December . Toward the end of the month Thailand announced the policy of fullest co-operation with Japan . Thai troops were soon fighting by the side of the invader. Later in January Thailand , made a formal declaration of war on the United States and Britain . Now Japanese had occupied Thailand and they were at the gates of Burma . THE SITUATION WERE A GOOD GAMBIT FOR ATTACKING BURMA . Japan declared war on the allies on 7th December 1941 . Japan made first air attack inside Burma . Rangoon was bombed on 23rd December, 10.00 am in the morning by Japanese air force consisted of 60 ( type 99 ) bombers and 30 fighters . The casualties were high between 2000- 2500 peoples. The second raid was at 10.30 am in the morning of 25th December, by the Japanese air force consisted of 80 ( type 99 ) bombers and 20 fighters . The casualties were between 750- 1700 . Most of the town wards were burnt down because of the bombing . British were able to shoot down eleven Japanese air crafts .
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 Rangoon port dock- labours and other Indians started their exodus to India via Taungup . They went through Rangoon- Prone highway . Rangoon was deserted and became a ghost town . The most serious effect of the bombing was the exodus of 75 percent of the population . The city was denuded of all servants , menials , employees and coolies . All essential services , air raid services, municipal services , transport services , Post and Telegraph clerks , the Ordnance and Military Works , and Telephone Exchange personnel and above all dock labour , left Rangoon . In Bangkok the Thirty Comrades and few Burmans formed Burma Independence Army, B.I.A. on 26th December 1941 at the residence of U Lun Pe . Out of the thirty comrades the first group of five members were sent to Burma for espionage activities . They were Bo Ne Win, Bo Taya , Bo Moe Nyo , Bo Lin Yone, Bo Zeya , Bo Myint Shwe . When they reached beyond Theinsaik they devided into three groups , first group consisted Bo Ne Win as leader , second group Bo Moe Nyo and Bo Lin Yone as leaders , the third group Bo Taya as leader. On the way Bo Taya group was arrested by the British . B.I.A. started recruiting volunteers and the strength of B.I.A. was total 3776 troops . B.I.A. advanced into Burma in four columns , namely, Tavoy column , Victoria column , Moulmein column , and Papun column . For the Thirty Comrades , IT WAS TIME OF COURAGE , IT WAS THE TIME FOR GREATNESS , and IT WAS THE TIME FOR HEROES . THE OPENING OF THE CAMPAING The Papun column was commanded by Lt. General Kawa Shima and Col: Latya , they entered Papun through Chiengmai and occupied Myittha village on 15th January . British sent reserved platoon at Kyaukmedaung to attack the Japanese at Myitta but the British troops fell back on Kyaukmedaung under the order of Battalion Headquarter with the intention to attack on the next morning . On 11 January at 1630 hours Japanese aircrafts raided Tavoy . The first raid was by 9 planes and dropped 12 bombs and the second was by 23 air crafts which bombed and machine-gunned the aerodrome . The communications were not interrupted and there was seven casualities . On 16th January British received news that Myitta was in the hands of Japanese and on 17th January British received the news that great strength of
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Japanese troops were in the south of Kyaukmedaung British retreated to Wagon village . Then ,on 18th January Japanese made advance towards Tavoy and entered Tavoy on the night of 18 January . By 19th January Japanese appeared near the Tavoy aerodrome in the north-eastern part of the city . The detachment of Kokine Battalion, the Burma Frontier Force put up a spirited defence , but eventually forced to withdraw and the aerodrome was lost . By 12.30 hours the commanding officer issued the withdrawal from Tavoy and evacuated the town . B.I.A. troops commanded by Col: Toku Naga started their march to Burma from Bangkok on 31st December mid-night . They arrived inside Mergui district on 2nd January 1942. Bo Yan Naing , Bo Min Gyaung , and Bo Tauk Htein were with the column . This column was divided into two groups ,one went to Victoria Point and Bokpyin the other group commanded by Bo Min Gyaung captured Kaya Thuri village inside the Bokpyin township which was 150 miles from Mergui district . From Kaya Thuri village the column advanced towards Mergui and captured part of Mergui on 17th January 1942 at 6.00 am in the morning . On the same day two companies of the 3 Battalion Burma Rifles were transferred by road and sea to Tavoy . Later in the day ( 18th January ) Army headquarter directed the Mergui garrison to withdraw by sea to Rangoon . Half of the total forces in Mergui district and civilian whose service were no longer required sailed by S.S. Harvey Adamson to Rangoon in the late evening of the 20 January . The remainder of the troops left to Tenasserim Island by several launches except a small demolation squad . On the same day ( 18 January )with the good office of Dobama Assayone additional 2000 new recruits joined the army . They left Bo Tun Sein with 300 troops at Mergui and advanced towards Amherst . Mean while 143rd Infantry Regiment crossed the frontier from Taplee and occupied the village of Marang which was 35 miles south-west of Victoria . From Marang Japanese moved down to Pakchan and entered Maliwun village only 20miles north of Victoria Point . On 12thDecember, Victoria Point registered air raid . British thought that Japanese combine attack was expected at the dawn of 13th December . On 13th December, Victoria Point and aerodrome were bombed and machinegun heavily . This resulted desertion of civil police . On the same day the town was

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evacuated . Advance guard of Japanese forces entered the town on the morning of 15 December . The attack on Tavoy was considered by the Burma Command as an isolated attempt and not as a beginning of a general offensive . But for the Japanese Moulmein was their objective . Their aim was to annihilate the British forces along the river south of Bilin . Japanese started building a motor road from Rahaeng to Mae Saut early in January and they finished the road in the middle of February . From Myawaddy to Kyondo the unmeltalled road was 5 miles On this road stood Kawkareik town situated near the foot of Dawna Range . Kyondo was connected with Moulmein by launch services . From Kyondo there also ran a maze tracks and one of the track was a motorable in the dry season and crossed the Haungtharaw river by ferry at Kyain . There was another route through Three Pagodas Pass . The forward defence positions of Moulmein were therefore Myawaddy , Kawkareik , and the Three Pagodas Pass . Col: Ketajima , commander of B.I.A. , Moulmein Column advanced toward Moulmein . At the same time Fifteen Army advanced its head-quarters to Rahaeng in order to command the operations of 55th Division near Moulmein and directed the penetration of the 33rd Division to the banks of the Salween . This was the master plan to attack Kawkareik and Moulmein thus drawing the Burmese forces to the vincinty of Moulmein, while the 33rd Division moved north , made a surprise crossing of the Salween at Pa-an in order to cut off and annihilate the forces along the river south of Bilin and thus made clear the way for a crossing of the Sittang at Mokpalin. It would sealed the fate of Rangoon . Before that move , air raid on Moulmein and Kawkareik were started . Air raid was executed on 18th January by a force of 14 bombers and escorted by five fighters on Moulmein . They bombed aerodrome and the supply deports. Although damages were not much but it made Burmese population to move toward the country side . On the same day 1st Battalion 7th Gurkha Rifles detected the Japanese movement on the east banks of the Thaungyin river at Myawaddy . On 19th January another air raid and bombs set of fire in Moulmein. The position along the road were heavily bombed daily . On 7th January , the landing stage at
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Kyondo had been attacked . It was the evidence that big scale attack on Moulmein and Kawkareik were imminent . The Japanese 55 th Division made an advance in the small hours of 20th January and crossed Thaungyin at Myawaddy and at Palu . The first blow by the Japanese went to the forward company at milestone 51 . Japanese forces surrounded the British troops at various points . Those were from 1st Battalion 7th Gurkha Rifles and held out for for nearly five hours inspite of the telephone communication was cut off and the ammunition ran short . About 100 troops made a gallant to breakout the Japanese ring . On receipt of the information that about 1000 strong of mixed Japanese and Thai were advancing the plain . The troops guarding the Nabu Pass had also been force to retire to Thingannyinaung. The attack of Myawaddy was supported by attacks on the right and left flanks at Kwingalay sector . The Brigadier issused D company of the1st Royal Battalion 9th Jat Regiment to take positions in Myohaung ,Kawnwe and Tadanku to cover three tracks , one from Kwingala to Myohaung along the Myohaung and Koko Chaungs , another from Myohaung area via Kwanmo and the via Tadanku to Kawkareik . Till 23rd January D Company commander tried to dominate the Tichara-Mepale area did not received an order to withdraw which was sent to him since 21st January from Battalion Headquarter never reached him because he had no wireless communication . From the start of the operations the main positions at Sukli and Misty Hallow and the entire line of communication to Kawkareik was bombed and machinegunned at intervals . At the same time there were strong indications that a large-scale attack was imminent . Reports that reached Brigade and Divisional Headquarters were extremely varying and on account of that Divisional Commander issused orders for immediate withdrawal . On 21st January Brigade Headquarters moved to Kawkareik only to move out at dawn . Brig. J. K. Johnes gave orders to Sub Divisional Officer , Kawkareik for ecacute the civilian population at once at Kawkareik and Kyondo and Home Guard and Raid Wardens warned the public to leave the town at once . The Slappers were ordered to blow the Treasury and addition to the three mills, the Electric Power Plant and reserves of paddy . Criminals were released on bail and political prisoners were sent to Moulmein . By dawn the town was empty . Brigade Headquarter moved to mile
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stone 12 which was west of Kawkareik and at 11.00 hours Kawkareik was bombed by 22 Japanese aircrafts . On the same day 6 R A F Blenheims bombed Mae Saut . Due to the conditions of the entire front which were deteriorating very fast Brigader issued for withdrawal at night to Kyondo .
HISTORY. Data E WORD FILE ( History )

[ 5 ] In December 1932 the question of separation of Burma from India based on the outlined by H .M. government formed the subject of a protracted debate in the Burma legislative Council. The Council , eventually, on 22nd, December, adopted the resolution which was identical in substance and almost in terms with those adopted at the Jubilee Hall meeting. The resolutions were:- [1] to opposed the separation of Burma from India on the basis of the Constitution out line by the Prime Minister on 12th January 1932; [2] emphatically opposed the unconditional and permanent federation of Burma with India ; [3] promised continued opposition to separation of Burma from India except on certain conditions ; and [4] proposed that, in the event of these conditions not being fulfilled, Burmese should included in the Indian Federation on special conditions differentiating her from other Provinces and including the right to secede at will from the Federation. (foot notes no: 96 ) The prospect of the new Constitution stirred up a frenzy of political activity in Burma. New parties , new personalities emerged , new alliance were made, and new direction too. The theme of the 1932 November election was the question of separation from India. U Chit Hlaing GCBA, U Su GCBA , joined together and made an alliance which was known as Hlaing -Myat--Paw after the names of U Chit Hlaing, U Myat Tha Dun, and U Paw Tun; this alliance was for Anti- separation. Another group called Maw- Myint-Bye , after the names of their leaders, Dr. Ba Maw , U Kyaw Myint , Ramree U Maung Maung.

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 Dobama Thakin refused both the two school of thoughts , for them their demand was for total independence from the British, because whether Separation of Burma from India or not , Burma will be under the British rule. They had the idea for the politicians to make head on confrontation with the British Government in the issues of total Independence from British , instead of beating around the bush. For separation were the Peoples Party Independent Party or Golden Valley Party. The resolution for anti-separation won , but in the Legislative Council there was indecision. On December 22 nd, two rival motions were sponsored. U Tun Pe representing the special constituency of the Rangoon University, moved the resolution that this Council accepted the separation and the new Constitution drafted be His Majesty Government. The rival motion, sponsored by Ramree U Maung Maung, was to the effect that the Council rejected separation but favoured continued association with India with the right of secession reserved for Burma. ed U Tun Pe to move, and ignored the rival mover. This led to an uproar in the Council, and U Chit Hlaing lost the PRESIDENCY on acount of non- confidence motion against him, and put Sir Oscar de Glanville in his place. After all the heat and uproar the Council adopted the resolution to stay with India with the unreserved right to leave at any convenient time in future. The separation issue did not end there. H.M. Government decided that the resolution of the Legislative Council was equivocal. It said it must be separation now or association with India for ever after. No secession could be allowed at a future. Once again the Council debated. From April 25th to May 6th when the Council was prorogued, the members debated brilliantly, and some speakers like U Tun Pe totaling a 40 hours speech- making during the period. U Ba Pe in his 40 hours marathon speech he said as follows--- As regards of the financial position of Burma I am sure the leaders are perfectly in touch with it. Some have great confidence in the Congress. Having been at one time a member I had regarded it as a shrine or a pogoda . ( Lit:--The indentity of an ant-hill was revealed as an iguana came out of it though it was worshipped in mistake for pogoda.) Regarding the debt obligation to India in the event of Burma separating from it , the Howard Nixon lays down sixty crores as Burmas
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obligation towards Indian debts. But the Congress would not remain idle . This is a creditable piece of work . They are really learned people. They also engaged financiers to work out the financial position between India and Burma . There are two volumes on the subject. In the reports it is mentioned that in case Burma seperates from India , it ought to pay 102 crores to India towards the settlement of debt . And the Congress subscribed to this report . If comparison between the two reports is made , Those who owe allegiance to the Congress will that the British Government lays down 60 crores as debt obligation and the Congress 102 crores. xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx If Congress imposes such demands even before it could pretended to claim any power , what shall we do if they require us to pay 1,200 crores when they actually assume power ? When they are really in power and demand payment what are you going to do ? And who can say that Congress would not make such demands , when the estimate it at 102 crores as against 60 crores demanded by the British ? If you leave the Federation after joining it and they really demand 102 crores or possibly more what are we going to do ? If we say that we are not responsible for the debts and that the future generations will liquidate it will be doing them a grave injustice. If we have real love for the country and the nation , we should regard the debts that are to be squared by the generations to come as those that are to be paid by us. Therefore we should first concern ourselves with such disabilities . As I have told you , they are at liberty to withhold their consent to our secession when we want to secede . If we are in a position to secede from the Federation forcibly , we may do so ; if not we will be able to secede only when they consent to it . I earnestly request those who are urging Federation to note that we shall be in difficult position if we are bound to them . Please let us know in brief, if not in detail the line of action you will adopt when they ( Indians ) do something in connection with this matter ( Federation ). But if you say that secession will come by itself when the time comes , I rather anxious about it. We are also people of the country and we ourselves have personally been working in her cause . While working for the prosperity and the advancement of our nation and our religion , we ask you to make common cause with us, because you should and ought to do so . We will never espouse a cause unless it is reasonable . We always say that our views are so and so and that we are in favour of a
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such thing. You can also express your views and if we accept and follow your lead . But if we do not approve them, we shall let you know the points on which we disagree with you . Let us suppose that we can come out of the Federation easilyin fact its not easy and you may as tell us ways and means you would devise and the demands you would make while staying within the Federation for a considerable time ; or say definitely if you comtemplate staying inside the Federation only for 2 days. When you say a considerable time it means a long time because there can be no time-limit in politics . What difference will it make if you are required to remain in the Federation for about ten or 15 years without your disabilities being removed ? At present 65 percent of the residents of Rangoon are Indians and after about 10 or 15 years the percentage will go up to 90 . Although you are saying that it is impossible, Burmans are being relegated to a minority , community unconsciously . Please read the first part of the Census Report of 1931. We have already read that and we come to know that the political and economic conditions of the Burmese people are deteriorating day by day. Though people may have been shouting in thoroughfares that Burma is for Burmans , that time has already passed . Please save them . Dont you want to join hands with us in saving them ? No doubt the answer will be in the affirmative . Then if you want to join hands with us, please do not allow youselves to get bindly into the trap (Federation ) . -Again , Ba Gyi U Ba Pe continued with is speech he stated that Ferderation with Indian would not do any good to Burma . He stated as follows--- Well , there are many questions to be asked , but you would not answer . What will What will you do if you are not allowed the right to secede ? If you cannot get out what will you do ? Such is the question of secession is inherent in all the Federations. But the consideration is that you want to get out there would be financial adjustments . Nobody except the Buddha can prophesy the future . If anybody does it must be the guess work . If the present situation is studied the future can be guessed. It may be wrong . Whom should we depend upon and work ? Think carefully . You can depend on your own people . It is impossible to depend upon others. I will explain why it is impossible to do so . It is not the responsiblility of the Indians or Chinaman or British to get Home Rule for
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Burmans. The responsibility lies with us . Are others responsible for our prosperity ? No, it is ours. We cannot throw the responsibility on others. Look at the Indians . In 1917 when Sir Samuel Hoares predecessor, Mr. Edwin Montagu , the Secretary of State for India came to India to make enquiries for the purpose of giving a new constitution to India and Burma, we met him at Calcutta . He never came to Burma. He came to Bengal. They were sent over to enquire what sort of constitution was to given to us . At that time Burma was left out and our countrymen had to depute usU Pu , and the late U Tun Shein and myself had to go to England . Government never sent us . While we were there we met President Patel . He was then the Secretary of the Congress. We also met Mrs. Annie Beasant , Mr. Jinnal , Sir S.N. Bannerjea , and the other leaders. They Houghton was the only man who took any notice us . He is an Englishman who returned from Burma . He help us by looking out for flat for us . gave evidence before the Joint Selecte Committee . While we were there neither the British nor the Indians took any notice of us . We were ignored. Mr. Bernard then with grim determination we made friends with journalists , we interviewed the members of Parliament and then only WE WERE REGARDED AS HUMANS BEINGS . First we went to the Indians . They sighted us . They did not speak about us . They work for themselves . It was not through Indians that we got the Dyarchical form of government . If we had only relied upon Indians we got nothing . We had to go to England once again in 1920 . After a hard strugglegiven the Dyarchical form of Government which Indian also got . It was not through Indian help . We had to work for ourselves . We could not rely on Indians . If we do so we shall have to stay where we are placed . They are not to be blamed .They are busily involved in their own work . It is difficult for them to do anything for us . Their action became too glaring when we went the Round Table Conference . Five of them U Chit Hlaing , Tharrawaddy U Pu , U Tun Aung Gyaw , U Su , and Tharrawaddy U Maung Maung went to see Mr. Gandhi . Gandhi was then in Englkand . U Chit Hlaing and his friends then asked for ( Mr. Gandhis help . Said he We are busy with our own work , do try and work for yourselves . They never got his help . They will be joining the Federation in the hope that Indians will help us .
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They are entering into it thinking that Indians will help us and that Indians are a broad minded race . How magnanimous can be gleaned from the fact that they demand 102 crores as obligations to India , whereas the British claim only 60 crores . Thing past I cannot recollect any occasion when they help us . ( O ) What pained us lamentably was that at the last Round Table Conference , Indians asked for Home Rule and we also asked for what we wanted . There, Indians instead of keeping to themselves---I am speaking of Hajis actions---asked for about 35 percent Indians representatives in the legislature when the new constitution for Burma comes into force and also for safeguarding of Indians . To back up my words I will read out the Conference Proceedings and let you know how impertinent the Indians leaders are . Some 30 or 40 Indians members who came to attend the Indian Round Table Conference wrote to the Prime Minister that they would also join the deliberations of the Burma Round Table Conference and yet they said that the principle of selfdetermination should be the order of the day. In their case they would act according to their wishes; in our case they wanted to carry on in the manner of tossing coins in America heads I win and tails you lose . If we join the Federation by relying on these people and into the bargain with great drawbacks which will place us in a very inferior position , who will guarantee that our race will not be wipe out of existence ? We Burmans will surely suffer and will soon disappear from the universe . Your voters did not ask you to send them to serfdom . You can make them MASTERS , but dont shut your eyes and convert them into slaves of the Indians . Think carefully . The mandate of ours voters is not like this . They want to see Burmans in Burma prospering and holding their heads erect . And also try and obtain Dominion Home Rule and not to quarrel either with the Indians or the British but to try and get what we want. They also requested us not to allow ourselves to be bought off or persuaded or seduce through women . And lastly to carry out duties honestly and with dignity. That was our mandate. ( EXTRACT FROM BURMA LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL PROCEEDINGS - FOURTH COUNCIL -- 5th MAY 1933, page 438 , 439 , 440 , 444 to 446 . ) . Further , U Ba Pe went on with his speech that Is there any any Burman who likes permanent federation ? If there is any , he is
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the enemy of Burmas freedom . They are the enemies who betray the country . The matters as it now present itself is not over, there is something more to be said . I know that there are traitors among us . I know also that there are many people who still entertain a patriotic feeling that Burmese sovereignty will return and and they can hoist the peacock flag ( IBID , PAGE 459 ). The weight of opinion was against separation, and members who were against teamed up and sent cables to New Delhi and to London ,conveying their decision that if it must be for or against separation and nothing in-between they were against. [TEN ] On 1924, May 25th, at the WUNTHANU GCBA conference which was held at Paungde the resolution was put up that due to heavy expenditure caused by DYARCHY system, the Dyarchy government should be withdrew from Burma, and the method of taxation should be revised .( F/N no: 97a) This was the fuel added to the fire and the reaction was BU-ATHIN, or NO-ATHIN ( (NO TO PAY TAX, NO TO RECOGNIZE DYARCHY , and NON-CO- OPERATION WITH THE GOVERNMENT .) were emerged through out the country. Actually these BU ATHIN were established before Paungde conference, its orgin was from 1920 University students boycott success GCBA put up the political line that was Non-cooperation with the government. Under the guidance of WUNTHANU GCBA, BU ATHIN were established in various districts , those from Tharrawaddy, Theyet, and Prome were the most active and strongest. During 1923 August government declared BU ATHIN;; ILLEGAL AND WAS UNLAWFUL ASSOCIATION. ( foot notes no: 97 b ) [ ELEVEN ] His Majestys Government in London, bothered by the goings on in the Council in Rangoon, once again invited leaders from Burma to come over and talk round the table. Burmese delegation consisted of twelve members discussed with the Joint Select Committee of the Lords and the Common between November 29, 1933 and December 20, 1933, before final decision was made. We have satisfied ourselves, the Committee reported, by discussion with the Delegates from Burma representing the anti-separationist parties that b they have no real desire to see Burma included in an Indian Federation; and indeed they frankly admit that on their own terms they would unhesitatingly prefer separation. ( foot notes no: 98)
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 At last the die was cast ALEA IATA EST. Separation it was to be. The Government of Burma Act was passed having the blessing of the British Parliament to Burmas new Constitution. After 50 years of the annexation of Upper Burma , Burma regained her lost identity. [ TWELVE ] In 1935-36 Rangoon University Student Union election for Executive Committee Members , the following were elected from Thakin students- - [1] KO NU, .CHAIRMAN [2] MR, RASCHID [ VIC-CHAIRMAN ] [3] KO THI HAN [SECERATRY] [4] KO OHN [TREASURER] [5]KO TUN ON .[ LIBRARIAN] [6] KO THA HLA [ FOREIGN RELATION] [7] KO TUN TIN [ SOCIAL RELATION ] [8] KO AUNG SAN [ OWAY EDITOR ] [9 ] KO BA SETT [ SPORT ] Influence of the DOBAMA asiayone reached not only to the entire country but also to Rangoon University Student Union , and on account of that effect the above-m entioned students were elected to Executive Committee of the Student Union. They were young Thakins . The different breed who were the disciple of Thakin Ko Daw Maing. They studied communist literature , a devoted members of NAGANI BOOK SOCIETY. The activities of Dobama asiayone was functioning inside campus, and had established close relationship with the students and the students were with the workers on account of the good office given by DOBAMA ASIAYONE . It was the very important contact which led the young students leaders to had close relations with the workers from oil-fields.In the field of industry, the most famous, or the most notorious , or the most mischievous , recent achievement of thakin was their ability to exploit the workers

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of Yenangyaung , Chauk , Lanywa , and Syriam in their strike which started at Chauk . ( F/N no: 99 ) [ THIRTEEN ] The young Thakin of Dobama Asiayone set up a leftist bookclub called the NAGANI [ Red Dragon ] in 1937 , and poured out translations of leftist literatures. KO NU KO AUNG SAN , THAKIN THAN TUN , KO KYAW NYEIN, KO BA SHWE, and most of the young thakins, studied the books , literatures of leftist nature. They were Marists, they were Fabian Socialists , they admires Hitler , and Mussolini, and they had great hunger with the stories of Irish struggle for freedom. They believed in BENITO MUSSOLONIs words mentioned in various speeches given by MUSSOLONI during 1930s at Rome and various places in Italy. IT IS BETTER TO HAVE LIVED ONE DAY AS A LION THAN ONE HUNDRED YEARS AS A SHEEP. By the end of 1936 these young thakin leaders began to take increasing lead and more initiative in the national political struggles , which caused older generation of 1920 politicians in embarrassing position . KO NU ,KO OHN KHIN , and THAKIN THAN TUN were the members of Dobama asiayone and the original founders of Nagani Book Club . This Book Club was in touched with the Workers Book Shop and Messrs. Victor Gollancz, Ltd, in United Kingdom, both sources of communist literature. ( F/N no: 100 ) [ FOURTEEN ] University of Rangoon students staged strike against the administrative authorities for the second time in 1936. Small group of senior students formed a group that they wanted the changed the old order and to bring in the new. U NU met a senior student U OHN, who introduced him to three figures in the College who would made history. They were AUNG SAN , KYAW NYEIN, THEIN PE. They discovered that they had the same mind and same way of thinking. In the following session, 1935-36 they all contested the election of Executive Committee of the Rangoon University Students Union. Elections were quite affairs before. On account of the blessing and the support of the Principal D.J.Sloss the Union was a statutory institution, and it was kept clear from politics. The 1935-36 elections changed everything; KO NU , KO KYAW NYEIN, KO AUNG SAN, KO THEIN PE , Mr, M.A. RASCHID contested for membership in the Executive. They all won, and under the leadership the Union became more active and more lively. It took more keen interest in contemporary affairs. They stayed away from politics, but invited the political leaders of opposite views to come to Union and debate publicly on subjects of national interest.
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 In the year 1936, had bigger destiny was in store for the Students Union than that of a social and literary club. Early in the year KO NU gave a speech criticizing the administration of the Union bi its Council and the authorities. Principal Sloss was very angry and served KO NU the expulsion order. Then afterwards another expulsion was issues to AUNG SAN, as an editor of OWAY ANNUAL magazine, which was the another organ of the Union. The article entitled Hell Hound at Large in which a member of University staff, easily recognizable by the description , was severely attacked; was published. ( F/N no: 101 a ) The article HELL HOUND at LARGE was printed in February 1936 OWAY magazine , according to Rector Dr. Tha Hla **** it started with Escape from Awizi (HELL)*** and ended*** Will the finder kick him back to Hell ? signed YAMAMIN ( King of Hell ) Aung San was demanded to reveal the author of the offending article, he refused to reveal the name of the author . Mr. D.J. Sloss wanted for confirmation from him because they told Aung San that they already knew the author . Aung SanMy reply, ofcourse was the journalistic etiquette preventing me to revealing the identity of the author. I walked out from the room after saying that (F/N no:101b) Aung San was order to leave. The Principal might have thought that since the final examination was round the corner the students would not took interest with expulsion, because they were studying for the final examination. The reaction was opposite in this case. The Union convened the Mass meeting of students , And reported what had happened. Suggestions were invited for action. Actually in private discussions, Executive Committee wanted for calling a strike. But they were not sure about the students respond. During the meeting fiery speeches spoken by KHIN MG GALAY, KYAW NYEIN , and others. KO NU made an appeal to the students that the students should consider the issues on principle, and not on any sentiments for him. U NU pointed out the fact that Students in India were on strike, and returning their degrees to the Universities as a gesture of contempt. Not only giving their degrees but also their lives. When Raschid stood up to speak and find out the mind of the students , his voice was drowned in the shouts of Lets go out, go out and DOWN WITH THE PRINCIPAL . Outside the Hall, buses were waiting hoping that the students would used them. Students stepped onto the
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buses and drove around the campus, shouting that they have gone on strike, asking their friends to joined them. That day was the 25th February, 1936,, some 700 men students and 35 women students were on strike and made their strikers camp at the SHWE DAGON pagoda.

The strikers made the following demands to the authorities;--- [1] To amend the provisions provided in the Rangoon University Act [2] To provide for University examination for non- collegiate students, [3] To make concessions for the residential students by reducing the rate of monthly university fees and hostel fees, [4] To accept and communicate by the Rangoon University authorities with the student representatives, [5] To revoke the dismissal order from the university concerning with KO AUNG SAN and to permit him to sit for the examination, [6] The power to expel any student from university must be given to the university authorities instead of giving it only to the Principle which must be stopped, [7] Mandalay university must not be closed for any reason, [8] The student must be given the right to called for their answer papers and the right to check them, on their request, [9] If the students call off the strike , the authorities must postphone the commencement of examination for at least one month so that students could able to sturdy , [10] Their must not be direct or indirect interrogation , questioning , whatever so , by the authorities concerned regarding with the student strike. ( F/N no: 102 ) Concerning with demand no: 1-- changes in the University Act to allow the RUSU to seat two representatives on the University Council , with the demand no: 4to allow greater role for students in the management of the campus hostels; and with demand no: 5--- to reinstatement of expelled students , was put up in details.
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 Until and unless these demands are accept by the authority we will not call off the strike. To give support to the cause , students from Rangoon High School and other High Schools also went on strike. Finally the strike spread all over the country. The demand was not important, what important was the historial significance that the strike released a massive wave of nationalist movement sweep people through the vital years to ultimate independence The expulsion of Ko Nu and Aung San faded away from sight but the strike became an expression of national defiance against alien authority. The press, and the people gave the students their whole hearted support. The young leaders became HEROES, their speeches were reported under prominent headlines, their pictures were carried by the newspapers into every home. From this moment THE YOUNG THAKIN LEADERS took the lead towards the total independence from the British within ten years. Dr. Ba Maw who was in charged of the Education Ministry in the last years of dyarchical set-up , negotiated and came to terms with the students. Dr, Ba Maw government finally gave in to the demands made by the strikers. The government agreed and formed an Enquiry Commission, Committee for reconstruction of University Act, It was the great victory for the students. Their first test and their real coming together. Principle D.J. Sloss was replaced with Professor U Pe Maung Tin , and he became the first Burmese to head the institution .

KO NU practice his gesture and perfected the admonishing finger which used in public, KO AUNG SAN was emotional , RASCHID was the organizer, KYAW NYEIN was the brain, NYO MYA the author of the famous Hell Hound at Large , KHIN MAUNG GALAY, KO OHN, KO TUN WIN , KO TUN OHN, KO THI HAN, MA AH MAR, MA KHIN MYA, MA YI YI , and others took their part to keep the strike on. The students called off the strike on 10th May 1936 and returned to their class room for the exam. The RUSU strike brought to fore of Burmese politics a new generation of Burmese leaders . Ko Aung San , Ko Nu , Ko Than Tun , and others were able to use Western institutions and political tactics against British, and also with more established politicians such as Dr. Ba Maw . The difference between the RUSU protestors and other established politicians was,
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their solidarity , their ability to mobilized themselves and others without the complications of overdeveloped egos , while the politicians of 1920 often sought to promote themselves at the expense of national solidarity . The student leaders acted more as comrades than as political competitors. This new attitude and willingness to control; to suppress individual rivalries for the national cause would contribute heavily to the forging alliances that carried Burma to independence a decade later . The period between 1923 t0 1937 was the period where important political events were happened, the rebellion in Tharrawaddy by SAYASAN, the rebellion of holyman BADAKA, 166 days hunger strike of U WISAYA, the series of civil disobedient made by U OTTAMA , who died behind the bars in 1939, the defiance by the people, emergence of the new young political leaders such KO NU, RASCHID, KHIN MG GALAY, KO OHN , KO TUN WIN, KO THI HAN, KO KYAW NYEIN, and they served the country as PRIME MINISTERS, MINISTERS, after Independence in the Government of Union of Burma. As for AUNG SAN ,who later became the founder of FOURTH MYANMAR NAING DAW , he served the country as Commander-in-Chief and Minister of War during Japanese occupation, and Prime Minister of Interim government under British Governor during 1947 ,and signatory to AUNG SAN ATTLEE AGREEMENT, lastly he fell under the guns of the assassins on 19 July, 1947, during cabinet meeting. Destinity was to throw them together more for they ,the young leaders of the new era , had just arrived. Ko Nu returned his B.A. degree to the University and drifted into politics , Kyaw Nyein went back to take honour degree and worked for B.L. , at the same time joined the Custom department for living, Aung San took the B.A degree and to preside over Union and the All Burma Student Union, which grew out of the 1938 strike on 1st October. Later he left and joined DOBAMA Asiyone for good. THE ROOTS, BURMA THROUGH PASSAGE OF TIME FROM 1937 NINTY ONE SUBJECT REFORM GOVERNMENT. TO---1942 THE FALL OF RANGOON.

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 The New system of government which was called NINETY- ONE SUBJECT REFORM GOVERNMENT was introduced to Burma under the provisions of GOVERNMENT OF BURMA ACT 1935. Although the Act was passed and called Government of Burma Act 1935 it became active only in 1937, unfortunately it lasted up to 1942, only for nearly six years.

Here we have to go through with the Government of Burma Act 1935, in details so that the reader will get the panoramic view of its importance. Because this GOVERNMENT OF BURMA ACT 1935 was very significance for BURMA and the Burmese , and it was the first modern Constitution introduced to Burma , in her history . The gist of Government of Burma Act 1935 as follows-- An Act to make further provision for the Government of Burma. ( 2th AUGUST 1935 ) Be it enacted by the Kings most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled and by the authority of the same, as follows:__ PART I, Introductory. Short title :-- 1.----This Act may be cited as the Government of Burma Act 1935. Government of Burma by the Crown--- 2 (1) All rights , authority and jurisdiction heretofore belonging to His Majesty the King, Emperor of India, which appertain or are incidental to the government of the territories in Burma for the being vested in him and all rights, authority and jurisdiction exercisable by him by treaty, grant, usage, sufferance or other wise in, or in relation to , any other territories in Burma, are exercisable by His Majesty , except in so far as may be otherwise provided by or under this Act, or as may be otherwise directed by His Majesty. (2) The said rights, authority and jurisdiction shall include any rights, authority or jurisdiction herefore exercisable in relation to any territories in Burma by the Secretary of State, the Secretary of State in Council, the Governor- General of India, the Governor-General in Council, the Governor of Burma or the

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Local Government of Burma, whether by delegation from His Majesty or otherwise. PART II--- The Executive. The GOVERNOR: Appointment and functions of the Governor-- Executive authority of Burma-- , Administration, Council of Ministers, Other provisions as to ministers, Discretionary functions of Governor, Special responsibilities of Governor, Provisions as to Instrument of Instructions, Superintendence of Secretary of State, Financial Adviser to Governor, Advocate- General, Provisions as to police rules, Provision as to crimes of violence intended to overthrow Government, Source of certain information not to be PART III-- The Legislature.- General , Provisions as to members of Legislature , Procedure generally PART IV----Legislation. Powers of the Legislature as to Legislation, Legislative procedure ,Legislative powers of Government. PART VI.. FINANCE. General , Procceedings in the Legislature, Borrowing, Audit and Accounts Ferderated Shan States. PART VII---The Burma Railway Board .

PART VIII-- The High Court. PART IX ----The Service of the Crown in Burma Defense Services , General Provisions as to Civil Services, Recruitment by Secretary of State and provisions as to certain civil posts, Provisions as to persons appointed by Secretary of State in Council. persons holding reserved posts and commissioned officers in civil employment , Special Provisions as to Judicial Officers , Special Provisions as to Burma Frontier Service, Provisions for the protection of certain existing officers, Miscellaneous provisions as to Civil Services, Public Service Commissions, Chaplains, General . PART X---- Property, Contract , Liabilities and Suits .

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 Provisions as to existing Government property , Power to acquire property and to make contracts, etc, Suits and Proceedings , Rights and liabilities Secretary of State in Council. PART XI--- Miscellaneous Provisions as to Relations with India. Financial settlement as between India and Burma, Provisions as to Custom duties on India - Burma trade, Relief in respect of tax on income taxable both in India and Burma, Provisions as to monetary system, Provisions as to immigration from India. PART XII-- Provisions in Event of Failure of Constitutional Mahinery Power of Governor to issue Proclamations. PART XIII Provisions as to Secretary of State Advisers to Secretary of State, Contributions from revenues of Burma to expenses of Secretary of State in certain circumstances. PART XIVMiscellaneous. Power of His Majesty to delimit boundaries of Burma , Provisions as to pardon , Persons not to be subjected to disability by reason of race, religion, Compulsory acquisition of land, etc, Protection for certain rights , privileges and pensions , Court of appeal in revenue matters, Existing law to continue in force, Adaptation of existing laws, High Commissioner for Burma, Secretarial staff of Governor of Burma , No proceedings to lie against Governor or Secretary of State , Removal of certain disqualifications on the occasion of the first elections to Legislature, Procedure as respects proposal for amendment of certain provisions of Acts and Orders in the Council, Power of His Majesty to amend the Second Schedule, Power of His Majesty in Council to remove difficulties as respects Burma , Orders in Council , Interpretation , Commencement . ( F/N no: 103 ) Concerning with the Government of Burma Act 1935, on 21st June 1937, His Excellency VICTOR ALEXANDER JOHN HOPE, MARQUESS of Linnlithgow, Kt, G.M.S.I., G.M.I.E., O.B.E., D.L., T.D., Viceroy and Governor-- Generals Message To India regarding the Constitutional Position, and the doubts And uncertainities that existed in relation to that position in many parts of India and into Political Parties in India.

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 ( The STATEMENT APPLIES TO BURMA. VIDE STARRED QUESTION AT THE END OF THE STATEMENT ) HIS EXCELLENCY THE VICEROYS BROADCAST ON MONDAY, 21 JUNE 1937. ---------- I have been intimately associated with the framing of the present Constitution. I am familiar with the close concern shown by the Parliament, whether in the Joint Select Committee or on the floor of both Houses to devise a scheme which would confer real and substantial powers on popularly elected ministers, and which would enable those ministers to feel that they could with confidence frame and implement with the co-operation of Governors and the Services a programme of legislation on broad lines for the benefit of the Province the government of which was in their hands. The Act, and the Instrument of Instructions which must be read with the Act, have been approved by Parliament. Taken together they represent the intention of Parliament and the instruction given by PARLIAMENT to Governors. Those documents made it clear beyond any possibility of question that , under Provisional Autonomy, in all matters failing within the ministerial field, including the position of the minorities, the services, etc, the Governor will ordinarily be guided in the exercise of his power by the advice of his ministers, and that those ministers will be responsible not to Parliament but to the provincial legislature. I have made clear, I hope the object at which Parliament is aiming in the Act, the fact that is has transferred the executive authority in the Province in practice to ministers, and that the extent to which a Governor, acting in his discretion or in his individual judgement, has vested in him certain responsibilities is restricted to the bare minimum judged to be essential. I have indicated further that in the ministerial field there can be no interference by a Governor with ministers, save in respect of matters with regard to which he is empowered to exercise an individual judgement.

Again, it is my firm conviction that this Constitution will be found to offer immense opportunities for beneficent public service. And in this connection , I may venture a word upon a matter very close to my heart. It is my conviction that in the full working and development of this Constitution lies the best hope for that general and lasting amelioration in the condition of the rural population and of the humbler sections of society which all of us so ardently desire.
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 Whatever emerges, you may count upon me, in face even bitter disappointment, to strive untiringly towards the full and final establishment in India of the principles of parliamentary Government------. ( Extracts from the Proceedings of the First House of Representatives, Volume II---No 7, at a meeting held on Wednesday, the 25TH August 1937 ). ( F/N no: 104 ) STARRED QUESTIONS ( To which oral replies were given. ) * 728. Mr. GANGA SINGH ( Mandalay , Indian ) : Will Government be pleased to state if it is aware that Lord Zetland desired Lord Linlithgow to issue a statement in this connection and thye statement was published recently ? The Honble the Minister for Home Affairs : The Viceroys Message to India was published on the 22nd June 1937, but Government is not aware whether it was published at the instance of the Secretary of State or not.

SUPPLEMENTARY QUESTIONS. Mr. GANGA SINGH : It is not a fact that this statement was published in Burma by the Government of Burma ? The Honble the Minister for Home Affairs : The answer is in negative, as far as I know . Mr. GANGA SINGH : It is not a fact that the Government of Burma supplied copies of this Statement to all the presses in Rangoon ? The Honble the Minister for Home Affairs : I require notice to enquire into the matter . Mr. GANGA SINGH : Will the Honble Minister for Home Affairs kindly state if he is willing to lay this Statement on the table of the House, if the Governmenmt of Burma had supplied copies of the statement to the Press ? The Honble the Minister for Home Affairs : My friend has put the question and if it found necessary I shall place it on the table. * 729. Mr. GANGA SINGH ( Mandalay, Indian ) : Will Government be pleased to state if the principl of consultation of Ministry involved in the statement is applicable to Burma ? If not, why ?

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 The Honble the Minister for Home Affairs : In so far as the conditions under the Government of Burma Act and the Government of India Act are the same, the same principles apply . The second part of the question does not srise. ( F/N no: 105 ) According to BURMA PARLIAMENTARY COMPANION written by Mr. GANGA SINGH, Member, House of Representatives 1940 edition--- On the 1st April 1937 Burma was separated from India and new constitution was accorded to her by the Government of Burma Act 1935. Under this CONSTITUTION the Legislature consists of His Majesty, represented by the Governor, and two Chambers known respectively as the Senate and the House of Representatives. The Senate, or the Upper Chamber consisits of thirty-- six members, half of whom are elected by the House of Representatives and half of whom nominated by the Governor. The Presiding Officer of the Senate, who is elected by the members, is styled the The House of Representatives consists of one hundred and thirty two members, all of whom are elected by various constituencies and bodies. And their term was five years. The Presiding Officer of this House, who is elected by the members of the House, is styled, the Speaker. The House of Representatives elected The Honble U Chit Hlaing, Barrister-at- Law, who was the last President of the now defunct Burma Legislative Council , as the first Speaker. Like his predecessor, the Governor is not a member of the Legislature but he may in his discretion summon, prorogue or dissolve the Chambers and may address either Chamber or both Chambers assemble together and may for that purpose require the attendance of members. The powers and duties of the new Legislature are fully set out in the Government of Burma Act and in the Rules of Procedure pertaining to the Chambers and need not, therefore, be recapitulated here. ( F/N no: 106 )

Along with the new constitution , new governor was appointed for Burma. The appointment of the Governor was--- COMMISSION PASSED UNDER THE ROYAL SIGN MANUAL AND SIGNET APPOINTING

THE HONOURABLE SIR ARCHIBALD DOUGLAS COCHRANE, K.C.S.I. , D.S.O.,

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 TO BE GOVERNOR OF BURMA . Dated 8th March 1937. GEORGE R.I. GEORGE THE SIXTH, by the Grace of God, of Great Britain, Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas , King , The Defender of the Faith , Emperor of India . To Our Trusty and Well Beloved ARCHIBALD DOUGLAS COCHRANE ( commonly called Honourable Aechibald Douglas Cochrane ) Kinght Commander of Our Most Exalted order The Star of India, Companion of Our Distinguished Service Order , Commander in Our Navy ( Retired ) . GREETING I. We do by this Our Commission under Our Sign Manual appoint you the said Archibald Douglas Cochrane to be during Our Pleasure Our Governor with all powers, rights , priviles and advantages to the said office belonging or appertaining. II. And We do hereby authorise , empower and command you to exercise and perform all and Singular the powers and directions contained in certain Letters Patent under The Great Seal Bearing date at Westminster the Fifth day of March 1937 making provision for the office Of Governor of Burma III. And further We do hereby appoint that this Our PRESENT Commission shall Supersede--- IV. And We do hereby command all and singular Our officers and loving subjects in Burma And all others whom it may concern to take due notice hereof and to give their ready Obedience accordingly . Given at Our Court at Buckingham Palace the Eight day of March 1937 in the First Year of Our Reign . BY HIS MAJESTYS COMMAND. ZETLAND. ( F/N no: 107 )

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 As I have mentioned before this Government of Burma Act 1935 only survived in practice from 1937 to 1942.. Although the new constitution might be perfected for the good of the country, but the fact that an introduction of the new system to Indian and Burma was unfortunately very late because the Second World War was just around the corner and Japanese Army had already begun their military campaigns in China. For Burmese thakin leaders the 1938 , or the year 1300 of the Burmese Era , was THE YEAR OF REVOLUTION. In 1934 at London, Mr. Stanley Baldwin in speech mentioned about India-- What we thought India for century ?, We have preached English Institutions and democracy and all the rest of it------There is a wind of nationalism and freedom blowing around the world. And flowing as strongly in Asia as anywhere in the world. Are we less true conservatives because we say The time has now come ? Are those who say The time may come some day, are you truer conservatives ?. Many political developments occurred in the country : Within that short period of five years three governments fell, namely Dr. Ba Maws government , U Pus government, and lastly the Galon U Saws government , the 1938 Anti- Indian Riot , 1939 Aindawya Pagoda Mandalay Incident , 1938 Rangoon University Student Strike ( The Secretariat Incident ) , Taungt Thone Yar Aryaydaw Phone- 1938 B.O.C. Oil field Workers Strike ( Long march from Yenangyaung to Rangoon 300 miles ) , Establishment of Burma Revolutionary Party in 1939 , the Japanese invasion into Burma and the fall of Rangoon , and lastly the Retreat of the British Army from Burma . For young thakins, they opposed the new constitution brought in by the Government Of Burma Act 1935 . Three of the members contested in the election and was elected in House of Representatives they refused to draw the salaries as members. The young thakin leaders did not accepted the constitution and decided to wreck it at all cost; instead of co- operating. On April 1,1937, the day that the constitution came into life in Burma , Thakin Nu and some other fellow thakin stood solemnly infront of the High Court buildings and burnt the Union Jack and a copy of Government of Burma Act 1935 in the act of defiance. It was reported in the newspapers, the SUN and the NEW LIGHT OF BURMA , and thought that government would
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take action against the offenders but it didnt. Dr. Ba Maw who was newly elected Prime Minister, refrained from taking any action. ( F/N no: 108 ) In 1935 the British Parliament passed the Government of Burma Act , which came into forced in April and effected the separation of Burma from India. Burma became separate territory under the BRITISH CROWN. The new Secretary of State for Burma was established in the United Kingdom. The Act enlarged the powers of the Burma Government. All the former central subjects were allocated to it while the control of the legislature and the Ministers was greatly enlarged. The defence of Burma, the control of the armed forces, external affairs, monetary policy, Christian affairs , and the scheduled (frontiers) areas, and some other matters were retained under the Governors control which were withheld from the Ministers and the legislature . Three Counsellors were appointed for their advices regarding in these matters to the Governor . In 1940 one of the Counsellors was a Burman. Joint consultation between the Ministers and Counsellors was provided. The important subjects like law and order and finance were placed in the charge of the Ministers who were responsibly to the legislature. The Act provided for a maximum of ten Ministers , and the members of the Ministry were drawn from the majority party or groups in the legislature. Franchise was widen and roughly 20 per cent of the population had votes. The principle of communal representation was maintained, 25 of 132 seats were reserved for the minority communities. This constitution brought Burma generally, in so far as its internal government was concerned, nearly to the level of the Dominions . But the special powers of the Governor and the exclusion of the vital subjects like defence and the monetary affairs , as well as the restrictions placed on the powers of the legislature, it made the present government seem less good or less impressive compared with the Dominion . More over , the exclusion of the scheduled areas further limited the scope of self-government, in fact British wanted Burmese to claim only the Irrawaddy valley in future ; the area between the Shan Yoma and Arakan Yoma and the Irrawaddy Delta region . That fact was proved correct when Aung San went to London on the invitation of His Majestys Government concerning with the constitutional issues with Burma in 1947, H.M. Government
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was ready to give total independence to Burma according to the area specified in the Government of Burma Act 1935, that is excluding the frontier areas . ( F/N no: 109 ) Aung San had to call PANGLONG Conference at Shan States to get agreement with the peoples from frontier areas under the supervision of H. M. Governments representative. . Only after PANGLONG AGREEMENT was signed AUNG SAN-ATTLEE Agreement was able to execute. The scheduled areas were in effect the hills surrounding Burma on the west, north and east . These areas were excluded from responsible government on the ground of their political backwardness. These areas comprised the Federal Shan States , the Shan State of Chindwin and Myitkyina districts , the Chin Hill district , the Kachin Hill Tracts , the Naga Hills , the Hukawng Valley , and the Salween district. These were to be governed in their traditional manner under the supervision of the Burma Frontier Service, and supreme legislative and executive power in respect of them rested with the Governor . Prior to the coming of the Act into force , the first election to the House of Representatives was held in December,1936 . The strength of the parties in the new House was as follows --- United Party (U BA Pe).46 , Sinyetha (Poor Mans Party ) Dr.Ba Maw16 , U Chit Halaing12 , Ko--Min Ko-- Chin ( Thakin )..3 , Golden Valley Party2 , and Thetpan and Fabian Parties..1 . Nonparty members including 17 Burmans ,12 Indians , 9 Karens , 9 Europeans , and 2 each of AngloBurman and Chinese members. ( F/N no: 110 ) United Party was the largest group , but U Ba Pe could not able to form a ministry. Over two months time he proved either unable or unwilling to negotiate with other parties and proposed only members of the United Party for cabinent position. The chance to form the government was diverted to Dr. Ba Maw . He , who had campaigned to wreck the Constitution, dropped this course of action and joined a coalition of seven parties . He succeeded in getting the support of the minority groups and despite of 16 seats formed the government and became the first premier. The policy of the Sinyetha Party was to promote the lot of the cultivator. He began to develop distinct Nazi tendencies; he formed private army known as DAHMA TAT . He began to make himself as the Dictator of Burma . ( F/N no: 111 a )
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 U Saw who broken away from U Ba Pe and formed the Myochit Party , he also had private army called GALON TAT. The political rivals considered U Saw as a man with fascist tendencies. There was a general impression of developing the dictator complex . (F/N no: 111b ) The origin of private army or Tatt were formed by various parties . The first Tatt was called YE TATT, and founder was M.A . SIR MAUNG GYI . It was formed on 6th July 1930, and their headquarter was at 92 Pansodan, Rangoon . SIR M.A. MAUNG GYI was the General of YE TATT, consisted of twelve regiments . Their uniform was dark green and was sometime called Green Army . Myoma High School Volunteer YE TATT , the commanding officer was Major Saya U Hla Moe . This TATT later joined BURMA Independence Army . Dobama Asiayone Lett yone Tatt , later involved in under ground activities during the armed struggle against British government and Japanese Army between 1939 to 1945 . Myochit GALON TATT, consisted of 93 regiments, and worn KARKI trousers. They carried bamboo stick . U Saw was the Commander-in-Chief of his private army . Shinyethat Dama Tatt , consisted of 28 regiments. Their uniform was blue trouser ,pinni shirt, with pinni berry hat . Commander in Chief was Dr. Ba Maw . They carried real agriculture use Dahs . Lastly, the students STEEL TATT , consisted of 36 regiments . The third party was the Thakin Party , comprised of young leaders elements largely drawn from the students of the University and had close liaison with the Students Union . Their party harboured violent nationalism and revolutionary ideas, and had the tendencies to incline towards communism. Their aim was simple , THE COMPLETE INDEPENDENCE , NO HALF MEASURE . THE YEAR 1938 witness widespread unrest based on nationalist movements such as Secretariate incident ( 1938 Rangoon University Student Strike ) , 1938 Yenangyaung Oil Field Workers Strike; long march 300 miles to Rangoon , Anti-Indian rIot 1938 , and lastly 1939 Aindawya Pagoda Mandalay Incident caused Dr. Ba Maw s government fell in one of the regular seasonal non-confidence motions.
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 FIRST HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES NO: 27 FIRST SESSION TWENTY SEVEN MEETING , WEDNESDAY , THE 24TH MARCH 1937, P 766. NON CONFIDENCE IN THE MINISTRY U BA THAN ( Pome Town ) Mr. Speaker, Sir, I moved that this House has no confidence in the Honble Ministers for Education and Forests , Dr. Ba Maw and U Paw Tun . Sir , the coaliation consist of peoples of different types and description and of divergent political views and it is an admixture of all colours and creeds and political complexions . The party of which Dr. Ba Maw and Paw Tun are accredited leaders has already formed a shadow cabinet . I am now concerned with the personnel of the cabinet ; I am now more concerned with the political views of each . Since these two leaders are the moving spirit of the shadow cabinet and therefore of the future Government of Burma , I will deal with them only. Anyone with a smattering of Burmese politics will know that these two leaders representing two different schools of political thought . Dr. Ba Maw , the exponent of the SINYETHA policy has not yet discarded his pet party of wrecking the constitution , though U Paw Tun has concientuously to his own satisfication discard his policy of non- acceptance of office . All that we know of the coalition is that they represent a heap of rubbish ( A voice : ORDER ) thrown at random into a wayside receptacle, one article as different from the other , equally incongruous and shapeless as the rest of the combination . This combination of men and policies from a chaotic mass , a jumble of things utterly devoid of form . We should like to know , and we are entitled to know , whether this combination of men and policies so mixed could evolve in scheme for the successful working of the constitution . In other words , we want to know their policy . Sir , we are not prepared to give them a blank cheque . To give them a blank cheque is unfair to the country , and if we happen to do so blindly , it is unfair to ourselves . To my mind , three things are essential for ensuring stability . A sound policy this is NO: 1; NO: 2 is the strength to carry out that policy ; and the THIRD is the INTEGRITY and HONESTY of PURPOSE TO CARRYOUT that POLICY . Now I should like to test the Coalition Ministry by these standards . Sir , I know of no policy worth naming issused by the Coalition Party except a few days back when an eleventh hours effort was made xxxxx

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 From my prefatory remarks , it will be seen that I attack the Coalition Ministry as a side issue . I am attacking the two leaders now , because they are moving spirit of the future Coalition Government . A few days ago , the Coalition Party issued to the press a working programme . A perusal of that programme show that the programme is but a mere copy of the programme of the United GCBA . ( HEAR , HEAR ) xxx Now I come to NO: 2; United Partys NO: 2 is to work for the improvement of agriculture conditions and Coalition Party s NO: 2 is to pursue an agricultural and land policy which will primary protect and promote the interests of agriculturists in Burma. xxxx Sir , Dr. Ba Maw has either repudiated his SINYETHA policy or he has not repudiated it . If he has repudiated his SINYETHA policy- he sought election on that policy- since his change of front is not made known to his electors or to this House , how can we have any confidence in such a man ? Well if he has not repudiated his alliance with the various minorities , whose aspirations are contradictory to and incompatible with his SINYETHA policy , must naturally raised grave doubt regarding his political integrity and as such this House can have no confidence in him . That being the case , I feel justified in calling upon Dr. Ba Maw to make a clean and clear statement and I further call upon him , if he dares , to come forward with public declaration of renunciation of his SINYETHA policy . Now I come to the second test , The second test is whether they have a necessary strength . The coalition depends for its strength on altogether seven parties viz , Dr. Ba Maw s group , U Chit Hlaing s group headed by U Paw Tun , the Arakenese group , the Karen group , the Independents , the secessionist of the United GCBA , and lastly the Indians . In view of the reports that I have , I want Dr. Ba Maw to prove whether the numbers , forming each group remain the same as claimed by him .xxxxx Mr. Aw Myo Shu and his friends are out . ( A voice ; SHAME ) I understand even the Karens are out . Having no strength , it is useless bluffing the country , Dr. Ba Maw , and I take this opportunity of challenging that strength . Now I come to the last test . The last test is whether they have individually the integrity to carry out the policy and collectively the honesty of the purpose for the accomplishment of that policy . For that you will have to first find out whether they have any sense of responsibility if they do have , whether they have shown , as a ministerial party , any sense of responsibility when part A of the BUDGET WAS THROWN OUT . It is useless to come at a later stage in a repentant mood and read to the House , a statement of lament as was done by U Pu , one time a leader and now a deputy of Dr. Ba Maw.xxxx
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( A voice : The same day )xxx . Anyway , it is a difference of a few minutes . Sir , what sense responsibility have shown when they threw out the BURMA FRONTIER FORCE BILL ? Sir , Dr. Ba Maw is a master of quick changes . One day a kind of head-wear , the other day a gaung baung that is as regards his personal life appearance . As regards his political party and working programme , it is far worse . If his past record is bad enough to condemn him as unreliable , he now proves to be more unreliable and shifty with him inconsistency is the outer rather than an expection . It is difficult , nay it is impossible to indentify such a man with the word Stability . Since integrity is one of the tests , I hope the House will call upon him to explain the Senate election scandal . It is rumoured that he sold the votes to swell his partys funds xxxx. Before I resume my seat , Sir , I should like to address a few words to the Indian leaders of this House.xxxx They set up one party against the other and they help to fan the flame of enmity and discard between Burmans . Over and above that , they also give monetary help .xxxxxx To the Europeans xxxxx If you are supporting Dr. Ba Maw , you should call upon him to make a public renunciation of his SINYETHA policy first . (n A voice : NOT NECESSARY )xxxxx In consistency and instability could only result from Coalition Ministry led by Dr. Ba Maw and I am sure , you think twice before you rush into support him. Sir , with these remarks , I beg to move the motion of non-confidence against the MINISTERS . U BA THI ( Mandalay District South ) Seconded the motion . U OHN MAUNG ( Thaton East ) xxxxxxx Dr. Ba Maw has something up his sleeves to wreck the constitution , namely his SINYETHA policy . At the outset ,I would mention that neither Dr. Ba Maw nor U Paw Tun or anyone in the Coalition Party is at liberty to pursue his own policy now . Since they have joined the Coalition Party , they are bound by the decision of the Coalition Party , the working programme of which was published , I think Sir , in the Rangoon Gazette of the 22nd . xxxx For the present , there are two main parties- Coalition Party consisting of about 67 menbers and the United Party consisting of about 38 menbers.xxx the United Party promised to work the new constitution and started its propaganda on this basic , but when it come to the actual working of it , they tried to wreck the constitution by throwing out Part A of the budget and secondly by adopting obstructive methods .xxxx If Dr. Ba Maw or U Paw Tun or anyone in the Coalition is unfaithful , we will discard them .If they vare ambitious , we will pull them down .

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If they are dishonest , we will drive them.xxxx Dr. Ba Maw survived this non-confidence motion this time in 1937 ,

The Honble the Speaker : That creates a tie and the duty of the Speaker is to preserve THE STATUS QUO ( Loud cheers ), The Motion was lost . On 26th August 1939 , Non Confidence in the Ministry was again put up by U Aye ( Insein South ) against Dr. Ba Maw s Government , after deliberations the motion was lost by 61 votes for and 66 votes for against the motion . On 16th February 1939 , Non Confidence Motion in the Ministry was again put up by U Saw ( Henzada North ), ( Galon ) against Dr. Ba Maw s Government , after deliberations , the was adopted by 70 votes in favour of the motion . For Dr. Ba Maws government , death of Bo Aung Kyaw during Secretariat Incident in 1938, seventeen deaths during Aindawya Pagoda incident 1939, and the oilfield workers walking 300 miles to Rangoon and farmers marched to Rangoon in 1938 were too much for the government to swallow. U Pu took the place of Dr. Ba Maw and formed the coalition cabinent which comprised both U Ba Pe and Myo Chit parties. In 1940 U Pu eliminated U Ba Pe. In September 1939, Second World War broke out in Europe when Germany invaded Poland. This event changed the Londons attitude to the Burmese government because Britain wanted solidarity in the empire for the fight against fascism . Governor Archibald Cochrane requested U Pu to solicit a formal declaration of war from Burmese legislature. U Pu refused , on the grounds that it would split his party . In September 1940 U Pus government fell. U Saw did that project to bring down U Pus government with the help of Ba Gyi Ba Pe . Galon U Saw became Prime Minister ,he formed his own cabinet in place of U Pus . He introduced some important legislation and retained office till January 1942. He went to London to talk with Mr. Churchill for future of Burma in October 1941 . Like other Burmese nationalists he thought that co-operation with the British during the war would bring complete independence . In a meeting with Mr. Churchill , U Saw promised Burmas loyalty in the war , but demanded the application of the third clause of
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the Alantic Charter, the right of self determination of nations, to Burma . On that basis U Saw demanded a British promise of the grant of dominon status to Burma at the end of the war. Churchill merely repeating the vague promise of discussions on self-government at some point after the conclusion of hosilities. Burma was not promised dominion status . On November 27, Mr. Maxton , Member for Glasgow , Bridgeton Independence Labour Party ), raised the question in the House as to whether any immediate steps are to be taken to establish self- government in Burma . Mr. Amery in reply , said that the visit of U Saw had provided for the establishment of personal contacts which are always most valuable and for exchange of imformation and views between him and Ministers here on a number of matters of interest to Burma and His Majesty s Government, But , admitted Mr. Amery , when pressed with a supplementary question , it was not practicable to give the kind of definite assurance that he ( U Saw ) came over to seek and U Saw did not altogether agree with that view . ( F/N no: 112 ) In fact U Saw differed violently and said so.The result I have achieved is not satisfactory, he wrote in his statement to the press , and is not commensurate with the amount of risk I have under- taken in coming to England. It was his desire to see that both Burma and Britain pull well together and people of the Empire should be quite united as members of the same family . The British Government had given an assurance that self- government would be bestowed on Burma one day, but no one knows when Burma will get self- government .( F/N no: 113 ) In Myanmar Political History by U Lay Maung mentioned in his book about the episode of dialogue between Mr. Churchill and U Saw as follows :- When U Saw was in London he met with British Prime Minister Mr. Churchill during their talk Mr. Churchill asked U Saw It is not better for Burmese to live under the British rather than under the Burmese Kings, U Saw retorted back asking Mr. Churchill ; Will you be happy if Great Britain is under dictator Hitler?, Mr. Churchill replied in anger; If British Government give complete independence to Burma , you Burmese will going to kill each other for power and blood will flows in the country. The had decided to see American officials and harp on the promises of freedom in the Atlantic Charter . Then all hell broke lose . The Pearl Harbor and Hong Kong debacles suddenly revealed the hollowness of Allied
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power to U Saw . In San Franciso he witnessed a city terrified by stories of attacking Japanese off its coast . He formed the view that US public opinion was irresolute and defeatist . Then, U Saw tried to solicit US President Franklin D. Roosevelt to put pressure on Churchill, but achieved nothing . In disappointment he went home via Hawaii to Rangoon. He reached Honolulu on the night of 7th December, the place had been bombed by Japanese Imperial Navy on that morning, of the same day and saw everything was burning. His journey was blocked . So he took the western route to Burma. On his way he contacted the Japanese Embassy in Lisbon, and offered Japan Burmas co- operation in the war. In early January 1942 he flew to Palestine, and while his plane was in mid air British intercepted , and made the plane forced landing. He was sent to Uganda where British interned him to the end of the war, because British found out about his connection with the Japanese Embassy in Lisbon. British intelligent was successfully decoded the Japanese message and found out what U Saw had said with the Japanese counterpart for Japanese war efforts . What happened was that U Saw had become a victim of British cipher success . Early in the war the British had broken the Japanese Naval and diplomatic codes and had a full transcript of what U Saw had said to the Japanese in Lisbon .This fact could never be revealed for fear of compromising the code- breakers secret. Churchill was initially determined to have U Saw tried for treason on the grounds that it was important to bring traitors to justice . The Viceroy , Linlithgow, knew what had happened and was interested to know if there was any chance of trying him and Tin Tut on capital charges and of shooting both or either of them. If U Saw had been in Burma in 1942 , he would probably have occupied the position that Ba Maw came to hold as chief collaborator with the Japanese . During while in England on October 22, U Saw spoke to Members of the House of Lords and the House of Commons in a Committee room of the Commons on Burma after Seperation. On November 4th , U Saw was the guest speaker at the luncheon given by the East India Association and the Royal Society. Mr. Amery presided , and said that the Government could not bind itself to definite dates until it could see at least the outline of the problems which would face it at wars end . But the Government would stand by the declared aim of promoting Burmas attainment of Dominion status as the goal and objective of constitutional progress. ( F/N no: 114 )
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 His Myochit party did not survived and disappeared from the mainstream of the nationalist struggle. Later he and his Myochit party was out of place because Aung San and his AFPFL enjoyed the support of the whole country . Sir Paw Tun stepped into his shoes of U Saw and formed the cabinet which survived only for a few months . The government was forced to flee to India later , because of the Japanese invasion into Burma . Therefore , the period between 1937 and 1942 all the Governments were never stable. The Burmese members who held the largest number of seats in the House of Represetatives were always divided into small groups. Coalitions of these never held together for long, and there were frequent changes of Government. Personal jealousies were rife with the result that no settled line of policy was pursued. These characteristic of it were the common effects of partial autonomy where all substantial power was concentrated in the hands of the representative of the British Crown. During those days there was a dictum , that was The changes of Burma s political climate depend on the developments from the banks of the Inya Lake. That was true, and it is still true even to this day . Because in 1930 to 1947 Galon U Saws residence was on the northen bank and his daughter Baby Saw still live up to this day and on the sourthen bank Dr. Ba Maw lived up to mid nineteen sixty. Both of them played important part in the countrys politics. Both were Prime Ministers and held cabinet portfolios in various governments. And after independence General Ne Win lived up to his last days on the northen bank. He was a neighbor of late Galon U Saw. Ne Win made a coup against the Government of Union of Burma in 1962, and became military dictator for 26years and led the country to ruin. And in 1988 Aung San Su Kyi moved to the sourthen bank where her mother Daw Khin Kyi lived. Now General Than Shwe live on the northen bank and Aung San Su Kyi residence is on the sourthen , and they are still in dispute for the power and the issue of establishing the parliamentary system in Burma . The Governor had all the substantial powers in his hand, this led to an intense demand for independence in which the major political parties were united. They opposed to all measures which even indirectly
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would have increase Imperial authority. They did not like every increased in defence expenditure, and advocate the Burmanisation of the armed forces. The year 1937 after the separation from India politicians turned to Burmanization which they concentrated with control over Rangoon Corporation . In 1937 , the 33 councilors managing the Corporation consisted of two Chinese , three Anglo- Indians , nine Indians , eight Europeans , and eleven Burmese . Now , Burmese politicians rushed through a bill in the House of Representatives to increase Burmese representation on the Council to 50 percent . As separation turned to nationalization , Asian immigrant communities in Rangoon grew concerned about how far the new Burmese Government would go . In reference to the words spoken by Stanley Baldwin, 1934 at London there is a wind of nationalism and freedom blowing around the world and flowing as strongly in Asia as anywhere in the world , Actually in Burma the wind of nationalism was blowing at the rate of category 5 , especially after Burma was separated from India . Political climate of the country had already changed in favour of young leaders after 1936 RUSU strike ,and at the same time image of old political leaders had became hopeless. It was their own doing because they were leading the country to no where for so long , at the same time they were making fortune out of politics . Here , the words of Oliver Cromwell proved true with prevailing circumstances of those politicians of the 1920 order ,-- -- it is not fit that you should sit here any longer ! You have been sat too long here for any good , you have been doing lately you should now give place to better man . Corrupt unjust persons, scandalous to be the profession of the gospel ; How can you be a parliament for Gods people ? Depart I say and let us done with you . In the name of God , GO, GO . Then came 1938. The year that started revolution of Burma . Anti- Indian Riot was the starter . In the above- mentioned facts which I had already stated that Burmese in those days despised all the Indians and put the blame on the Indians for any lame excuse . Anti-Indiian Riot started on July 26 1938 , afternoon in Rangoon . The cause of this riot was about the book written by Maung Shwe Hpi .

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 The name of the book was Moulvi-Yogi Awada Sadan printed at the National Press in Mandalay. It was three parts consisting first of tract written by U Pan Nyo , called Moulvi Yogi Sadan , second tract replying to the first , written by one Abdulla alias U Sin and the third portion was by Maung Shwe Hpi, that part was an original contribution himself . I was sufficient passage disparaging of Lord Gautama Buddha which were calculated to be highly offensive to any serious Buddhist who might read it . Actually there was no attraction to anyone when it was published . However , it was reprinted in 1936 by a printer named Maung Ba Ba alias Sultan Mahomed alias Mahideenm of Taikkyi , in Insein District , at the expense of certain Mahomedan gentleman named H.M. Patal of Rangoon . This book escaped attention from the public. But the more offensive extracts from it were discovered in July 1938 as an appendix to a trival novel written by one Maung Htin Baw and published by the AUNG Myin Gyin Press. Of 37th street, Rangoon , as part of its series of Once More Publications . Maung Shwe Hpi was a school-master of Myedu village in the Shwebo District . In 1931 , he , at the instigation of one Hassain Shah , the Moulvi of the Mingla Mosque in Mandalay , caused a number of copies of Moulvi Yogi Awada Sadan to be printed . On 26th July ,1938 , the meeting was held at the SHWEDAGON PAGODA ,which was the platform for the protesters . They were there for the protest against Maung Shwe Hpis book , along with the original protest against the book they rose other political matters based on nationalism also . The meeting was sponsored by the phongyis from Tayettaw monastery . The name of this phongyi organization was called THATHANA- MARMAKA . The meeting was attended by Buddhists. The crowd was said to be very big because all Burmese through out Rangoon was there . During the meeting there was a heated discussions and made protests against Zerbadis , Indians , Mahomedan Law , Islamic religion . At about four oclock in the afternoon they closed the meeting and decided to march into down town for making protest . The hot tempered protestors emerged from the Shwe dagon Pagoda , in a procession and they marched toward Theingyi Zay along the Shwe Dagon Pagoda road . On the way they removed planks from the fences and collected stones and bricks as side arms. They started shouting KALA- KALA: YAIK YAIK , MIDOK- MIDOK SHO- SHO , FLAMING TROCH BURN BURN ; KALA- YU DE BAMA MA DWE BAMA PYI PYI
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HMAR LIN SHA LO-LA . When they reach KHYAKU Monastery they came across one India milk seller and gave him a good beating. At THAINGYIZAY the crowd went out of control and startered beating all the Indians that came across the crowd . The Riot had begun . The police mostly Indians tried to dispersed using sticks and started beating the crowd . But ,the police beat phongyis in particularly out of the protestors. This made other Burmans got angry and other Burman joined the riot and it spread to the Districts in alarming speed on 28th , 29 th , 30th July . On July 30 th it reached to Mandalay . They spread almost in concentrated circles radiating from Rangoon as fast as the news of what happened there would travel by means of the Burmese newspapers , passengers , and other carriers of information and rumour . The number of causality was 818 and 165 deaths , between 26 th July to September 9th , according to U Lay Maung s MYAMMAR NAING THA MINE . In the government report it was mentioned as causalities was 875 , and 181 deaths excluding 59 deaths from the gunshot by the police and 112 causalities caused by the beating of the police. The government figures based on the period between July 26th to September 24th . The Muslims everywhere , almost without exception , did what they could by way of apology toward off the onslaught upon them which had begun. For , i8n every town and village to which the disturbances spread , it took a uniform course of a vicious attack on the muslim residents and particularly upon the shop-keepers and often upon other Indians as well . At same time the Burmese did all damages they could inflicted to Indians because of the grievances that had harboured long ago against the Indians . The remote causes of the first Anti- Indian Riot and 1938 second Anti- Indian Riot were same , only differences were the immediate causes of the two. The former was the problem of employment of dock laborers between Burmese and Indans and the latter was due to the book by Shwe Hpi . If we looked into the remote causes of grievances by the Burmese against Indians they were the following ( 1 ) Unsatisfactory conditions of land tenure ; (2 ) Influence of the Indian question ; (3 ) The marriage question ; (4 ) (A) The press and (B )other political infliuences . Regarding with the abovementioned remotes causes no: ( 1 ) , (2 ) , ( 3 ) were already discussed in the chapter concerning with the
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First Anti- Indian Riot of 1930 . Here we have to go into details with the ( 4 ) (A) influences of the press and (B) the political influences , especially the Thakins . First is about the Press. There were three newspapers which were The Sun , The New Light of Burma, and the New Burma , the newspaper adopted in nationalist policy . In 1933 the New Light of Burma ( New Light of Burma 17th June 1933 ), engaged in attributing the separation controversy among Burmans to the Indians in the country and complaining of their interferences in Burmas internal affairs. The same newspaper In ( 30th June 1933, under heading Guest insulting host ) stated that whether Burma is separated or not, the Indians peril in the country is increasing day by day, as is evidenced from the ratio of the population of Burmese to Indians being thirteen to one . New Burma ( 2nd June 1933. Leader Anti- Burman Plot )at the same time attributed the financing of the antiseperation of Burma from India movememt . It charged the Indians with trying to hoodwink both the British public and the British Government into rejection of the separation proposals . The newspaper warned Indians that , if they continued to meddle in the affairs of the Burmese people , it would be impossible to promote friendly relations between the two countries . The Sun( 9th Febuary 1933 ; A word to all Burmans ) also charged the Indians with misleading the Burmese politicians in the matter of the separation controversy . In 1934 proparganda became more pronounced in the Burmese Press . The New Light of Burma ( 14th May 1934 Burmans and Indians ) attacked Indians for making claims to safeguarding and for placing obstacle in the way of separation . It advocated the restriction of immigrant to protect the Burmese people . New Burma ( New Burma 18th and 22nd April 1934 Indians in Burma ) also blamed Indians for demanding measures to safeguard their interests . It observed that Indians in Burma had done more than enough mischief to the people and that persistence in such policy on their part would leave in the minds of the Burmese people an indelible memory of an insult to their national pride .

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 The Sun (25th December 1934 Indians in Burma ) too joined in and warned the Indians to cease agitating for safeguards. In June 1935 the New Light of Burma( 2nd June 1935 A country which is free from Chettyars ) published an attack upon Chettyars in general . The same paper ( ibid 6th May also conducted an agitation for the Burmanization of the Post and Telegraphs Department ,suggesting that the Indians postal employees should be sent back to India . In August 1935 New Burma ( New Burma 2nd August 1935) delivered an attack upon the marriage of Muslim with Burmese woman . Is it any wonder the newspaper said, that the Zerbadis are increasing so fast ? In 1936 April, the New Light of Burma( 4th April 1936) attributed poverty and unemployment among the Burmese to the influx of Indians into Burma and this paper again urged the government to reserve the Post and Telegraphs Department for Burmans . In March 1937 , the Sun (20 th March 1937 ) pressed for Burmanization of the services , especially the Post and Telegraphs Department . In July 1937 . the New Light of Burma ( 31th July 1937 ) suggested that legislation should be taken to restrict immigration of all foreigners although it conceded that it was not permissible to enforce restrictions against Indians until three years after the introduction of the Constitution . In June Saithan (Saithan 6th June 1937) published a strong attack upon Indians which included such passages as It would be best if they were not here . I do not want to see them in this country, and since the dawn of history, Indians have been the leaders of attack against the Burmans on behalf of the white faces In the same month , the Sun( 22 th June 1937 ) published another objectionable article on account of which the Government demanded the security to the amount of Rs 500. It was alleged that , in a quarrel in Rangoon between an Indian and a Burman coolie, the Indian enlisted the support of the other Indians who launched a general attack on the Burman . It was pointed out that , although Indians were majority in Rangoon , they were
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in a hopless minority up country. There was an implied threat that things would be very uncomfortable and very rough for the up country minority. If Indians did not behave in a proper manner. In January 1938, the same paper ( ibid 5th January 1938) suggested immigration tax should be imposed on foreigners in order to check the influx of Indians labourers . In June 1938 the Thiha( 5th June 1938), Burmese owned weekly paper, warned Indians that by monopolizing all kind of commercial enterprise they would incur the displeasure of the Burmese . The example of Jews in Germany was mentioned and suggested that such a state of affairs might occur in Burma . In July 1938 , the Sun ( 16 July 1938 ) published an article by Ashin Sandawuntha of the Thayettaw Kyaungdaik advocating the introducting the introduction of legislation to prohibit the marriage of Burmese women with Indians in order to llimit the propagation of the Muslim faith in this way . Proparganda was occasitionally evident in agratrian disputes , in which the Chettyars were the object of attack . In June 1936 Saithan, (Saithan 19 th June 1936), warned the Government to prevent the Chettyars oppressing the Burmese landlords . The paper urged they landowners whose lands had been taken from them by Chettyars to form farmers and landowners association . In June 1938 the same paper ( ibid- 15th June 1938 ), complained the activities of Chettyars and suggested that legislation should be introduced to prevent Chettyars from owning land in Burma . ( F/N no: 115 ). The aboved facts were made by various newspapers out of pure nationalism which heated up the situation of the day . But from authority point of view the part of the Burmese Press particularly Sun ,the New Light of Burma, Saithan, and New Burma, cannot altogether acquitted of the charge of having contributed in the years from 1933 onwards the fears now entertained by uneducated Burmans of the consequences of Indian immigration into the country . On the authority side they put the blame on the part played by Burmese Press over this period was to exaggerate facts and was easy to do it . Actually, the Press had nothing to do with fears produced out of the product of social and economic phenomena established in the country . What printed in the newspapers were nothing with exaggerating but the true facts that had been established long ago in the country .

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 No one created the Indian problem but the British Government who did not made any restrictions on flow of migration of Indians into Burma , they even encouraged Indians to do so . The reason was very simple because population in Lower Burma was very thin at the time British annexed Lower Burma , and at the same time British wanted Indians for converting wild lands into agriculture land. They needed labourers for the job. The truth was Press gave the Indians and British the whole boardside of Burmans hated to all the foreigners . Press also gave the Burmans to realize that the danger of Indians issue was looming in the horizon which could be fatal for the country in future . (4) (B)---The impact of political influence regarding with the riot was considerable, but not the decisive one . Because the political climate in that time was ripped for explosion due to the remote causes . The Riot Inquiry Committee admitted the fact that the influence of thakin organization had great impact upon the Burmese and on the upheavels occurred in the country . For some years there were volume of disturbing and often pursuers propaganda flooded the country made by the thakin organization . In 1937 there were both large and petty scale of industrial unrest in the country and the rate was rising to considerable volume . The Riot Inquiry Committee was constituted by a Resolution of the Government of Burma in the Home Department recorded in the proceedings of the Government of Burma No: 442 C38, Part XVI, dated the 22th September 1939. The following gentlemen were appointed to composed the Committee :-- 7. The Honble Mr. Justice H.B.L. Braund, M.A., Barrat Law 8. 2. U Po Han, B.A. (Cal ), BaratLaw, Member of the Public Service Commission, Burma . 9. Senator A. Rahim OF Maymyo . 10. U Khin Mg Dwe , Higher Grade Pleader, Mandalay . 11. Dr M.A. Rauf, B.A. ( Oxon ) , B.C.L., LL.D , BaratLaw . 12. Mr. F.S.V. Donnison, I.C.S., was appointed Secretary to the Committee . The Committee was charged with the duty ---- 3. to inquire into and report on
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 (a )the causes of the recent riots in Burma; (b) the measures and actions taken by the police and civil officers

during the riots ; (c ) the loss of life and property and the desecration and destruction of religious edifices and buildings during the riots ;

4. to make recommendations for the prevention of similar communal or religious disturbances . The Interim report of the of the Committee mentioned two facts namely (1) the influences of the press , (2) the influences of the political parties as the culprits concerning with the riot . It did not put the blame on them concerning with the immediate causes, but the Committee accused them with the remote causes .(1) It blamed the press that they instigated the Burmans to hate or to get anti- Indians feeling, in the articles especially the newspapers namely New Light of Burma , Sun , New Burma, and Committee reported that these newspapers played upon the emotions of their Burmese readers in this matter to which Committee had referred . And also blame the Burmese Press that they had for a long time been by no means averse to proparganda unfavourable to Indians . The Committee put the blame on THAKINS for putting fuel into the fire . ( F/N no:116 ). (2) Further , it discussed the fault of Officials part for not taking enough efforts in checking with books published by various press, in accordance to the rules and regulations prescribed by Section 9 of the Press and Registration of Books Act (1867 ) and Section 11 A of the Act. In pursuance of section 9 of the Act printer must delivered a copy of book to the Deputy Commissioner of the District within whose jurisdiction the printing press producing the book is situated . And every Deputy Commissioner was order to transmit the book to the Secretary of the Judicial Department of the Government of Burma through the Director of Public Instruction at Rangoon . The Director of Public Instruction is charged with the duty to obtaining a review of the book and forwarding it together with the review , to the Secretary of the Judicial Department . Those instructions have been subsequently renewed by a Government of Burma Miscellaneous Department letter dated the 16 September 1927 , by which all Deputy
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Commissioners are enjoined to see that section 9 of the Act and the instructions issued under it are duly carried out . The Director of Public Instructions has been god enough to give evidence before us and he has produced his registered which embrace the years 1931 and 1936. Neither the 1931 nor the 1936 editions of the book appear in his registered . Nor do they appear in the quarterly lists of books published in the Burma Gazette as having been received by the Judicial Secretary . There was a breakdown of the machinery of this Act, and that Mg Shwe Hpis book was not sent , as , in the case of the 1931 edition at any rate, it should have been, for review to the Director of Public Instructions . Lastly, the Director of Public Instructions has , from his own observation, formed the opinion that there are a great many books appearing in Burma never come to his office , as they must do if the instructions given under the Act are properly carried out . ( F/N no: 117 ). The Enquiry Commission was formed , and it reported in due course , but the Riots had left their deep and ugly mark on the uneasy scene , and that mark could not be erased by the Commission . After the Anti- Indians riots , troubles broke out in the oil fields at Chauk. Burmese called this political progress was called 1300 AYAYDAW PHONE. Workers put up demands for better conditions to the Company , but B.O.C. Company refused to respond . The grievances of the oilfield workers had started long ago and those facts were considered as remote causes . On the workers part they asked for improvements in the followings- ( 1 ) for better living conditions and to get living quarters , because t the of the present living quarter is ten feet by ten feet ,( in some books eight feet by eight feet was mentioned ). ( 2 ) for fixing new a reasonable salary equal to the volume of work they did every day in the oil fields , ( 3 ) for reinstating ten days instead of present seven days for

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 religious holidays and ten days leave with pay , because the fields under harsh conditions, while clerical staffs enjoyed ten r religious holidays and twenty days leave with pay . ( 4 ) for medical leave with pay concerning with diseases suffered out of the works. ( F/N no 118 ) The worker leaders demands were ignored by the Company without showing any reasons . On the morning of 8th January 1938 Thakin Khin went and reported at the office that he was there for the daily work . Mr Bishaw sent for Thakin Khin . When Thakin Khin arrived at the Mr. Shaws office --- Mr. Bishaw : You asked leave for one day and took extra one day without permission . If you do not followed the rules and regulations ,then it is my duty to take action so that you will get the habit of following rules . YOU TOOK EXTRA ONE DAY WITHOUT PERMISSION , I WILL GIVE YOU 15 DAYS. Now , you do not need to come for 15 days starting from to day . If you want to work again , you must report after 15 days . Mr. BISHAW gave an order in written to Thakin Khin . Thakin Khin told everything to Thakin Ba Tin. Thakin Ba Tin went to Mr. Bishaw and complaint that the punishment was too severe for daily wages worker . After heated argument , Mr. Bishaw changed his order from 15 days to 7 days instead . He told that he must take action otherwise he will be in great trouble to enforce rules and regulations to all the workers and Company will fire him . Thakin Ba Tin went back to asiayone headquarter and told everything to Thakin Khin and others . Thakin Khin said they must start a strike in defiance . While they were discussing the pros and cons concerning with the strike, Bench Clerk from store room came running in and shouted You all come with me urgent . Worker had started the strike . That was what happened on the 8th January 1938 . The strike at Chauk oil field had started . The workers decided for only three days as token strike . The workers had some hopes expecting response from the Company. Unfortunately , there was no response from Company side . By the late evening worker given up hopes and called the mass meeting . On 9th January
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1938 , mass meeting was held on the vacant plot behind the Chauk Bazzar . ( the date 9th January 1938 was recorded in Myanma Political History by U Lay MAUNG and in 1300 Ayaydawphone Records by Thakin Ba Tin mentioned this date as 31 th October 1937 ). At that mass meeting , the resolutions to make demands were passed . The following demands were made by the workers ; ( 1 ) Company must give 53 days on leave with pay annually for every oilfield worker , ( 2 ) Labor Bureau of the company must be abolished and instead of it , the Labor Welfare Committee consisting with representatives of Government and of oil fields workers must be immediately established , ( 3 ) worker salary must be paid not on daily basis but on monthly basis , ( 4 ) not to take any action against the leaders of 8th January strike and to reinstate them to the previous posts , ( 5 ) If B.O.C. Company give promise to undertake these demands the workers will return to the previous post, and if the Company refused to agree with the demands the workers will continue the strike till to the end . ( F/N no: 119 ) On the 10th January the workers sent their demands in writing to the Company but they received no reply from the B.O.C. On account of the negative attitude maintained by the Company , workers called the Mass meeting which was convened at 12.noon on that same day inside the U Pho Chun zattpweyone. From the mass meeting new eight demands were added to the previous demands and sent it in writing to Company . By this time the oil- fields workers strike had spread to Yenangyaung , Lanywa , and Syriam . On 12 Febuary 1938 , Magwe District Magistrate opened Criminal Miscellaneous Case No: 1 of 1938 and issued curfew order in Chauk under the provisions of section 144 Criminal Procedure Code starting from 12th January 1938 midnight . Signed by S.H.C. MULAWAT, District Magistrate, Magwe . The new demands were--
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 ( 1 ) to renovate all workers quarters with living space for the whole family , ( 2 ) to provide electricity for the living quarters , ( 3 ) to provide adequate amount of water supply , ( 4 ) to provide free education for the children of the workers , ( 5 ) to provide medical care for the family members of the workers e especially for the wives with pregnancy , ( 6 ) to provide recreation center for the workers and their families , ( 7 ) in the place of dismissal of the worker or demised of the worker or on the retirement of the worker the vacancy must be filled from the workers instead of recruiting from outside , ( 8 ) there must be no victimization of the workers who are the members of asiayone ( F/N no: 120 ) Company agreed to give in some demands but Company denied with the demands to reinstate the workers involved in the strike . During the strike Government took the initiative and sent Minister Dr. Thein Maung and Dr. Ba Maw to Yenangyaung on a mission of conciliation . On 24th January 1938 Thakin Ba Tin received four letters , first was letter from B.O.C. mentioned some proposals for settlement of strike , second was from Government representatives inviting the strike leaders to meet them on 25 January , 1938 , third was from Thakin Ka an invitation to mass meeting on the 25th . The last one was from Thakin Lay Maung and Thakin Hlaing prohibiting the leaders not to meet the government representatives . However, the strike executive committee including Thakin Ba Tin decided to meet the government representatives because they put consideration with the fact that workers had high hopes for settlement by the good office of the two gentlemen Dr. Thein Maung and Prime Minister Dr. Ba Maw . On the 25th the members of strike executive committee and workers went to the place where the representatives stayed . Dr. Ba Maw greeted them infront of the office and waved his hand as a gesture to the crowd of workers . After everyone seated ----
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 Dr. Ba Maw : I am very glad to see you all in this meeting. If you can tell us what we can do in this matter for the settlement . Here is my colleague , Finance Minister Dr. Thein Maung , who is in charge of the affairs of all Companies in the country and he is able to solve problems concerning with companies . If you tell us your grievances then we will try and find ways and means to solve it . Thakin Ba Tin : We are very glad to hear your kind words . However, up to now Government had neither done nothing with workers needs nor give pressure to the Company ; Instead , government issued curfew on the people. Government gave protection to the Company by using the provisions of Police Act section 30 , and Oilfield Act section 12 A , sub section 1( a) 1 , and sub section 1( b) 1. Therefore, we cannot able to link with what you are speaking now and what really had happened before and what is happening now . We simply fail to understand you . Dr. Ba Maw : I will make enquiry about what had happened . Important thing is Thakin Hlaing , Thakin Ka , U Ba Hlaing from Yenangyaung should come to Rangoon and discusse about the present matter . You , Thakin Ba Tin , you knew about me how I am doing for the benefits of the poor Burmese people . Remember , I m also Burmese like you . One day you will witness what will become of these companies. So you better send U Ba Hlaing to me . Thakin Hta : U Ba Hlaing is here because Yenangyaung labor Asiayone asked him to be here . We have not yet discuss about Chauk yet . Mr. Prime Minister , we like to know how you are going to do with labor crisis?. Dr. Ba Maw : The reason of asking U Ba Hlaing was I thought that he has been given power concerning with the labor issues , that is with the present strike . Thakin Pe Than : Chauk oil workers strike had started quite long ago , as for Yenangyaung it is only matter of nine days . Concerning with U Ba Hlaing workers will decide today once and for all . Thakin Ba Tin : When I get back to the workers after this meeting , they will ask me what have we achieved from this meeting . What must I tell ?. Must I tell them that with the present situation Government offer nothing , and at the same time do nothing ?. I have no alternative but to tell them that if Company gives anything we will get to that extent , the matter is entirely on the
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decision of the Company . It is in the hands of the B.O.C. . I am very sad on behalf of the Government about this. With this meeting came to an end . Dr. Ba Maw : Oh ! you dont need to sad government behalf . Do bring U Ba Hlaing along with you gentlemen when you come to Rangoon for further discussion. F/N no:121 ). Thakin Ba Tin shouted at the workers who were waiting for news about the meeting with governments representatives . I will explain everything about the meeting after the lunch, you all come to U Po Chun zatt pwe yone at 12. 00 noon to day . At 11.00 noon Thakin Ba Aung , Thakin Hlaing , Thakin Kha , and U Ba Hlaing , arrived . Thakin Hlaing : Hello, Thakin Ba Tin what did Mg Ba Maw give you ? Is not abundant ?. Thakin Ba Tin : Its 11.30 . You better eat now ; To day you will know What we are going to get and what will happen in future At the U Po Chun zatt yone about 7000 workers arrived from Lanywa . The situation was stalemate and strike drag on for months while workers waited for results . In the mean time there were wildcat strikes and frequent arrest by the police . The women workers went to the B.O.C. main gate and made a sit in strike . This caused human barricade to prevent some wavering workers from reporting for duty . B.O.C. Company used two way strategy , the first one was a soft method . B.O.C. sent two Ministers Dr. Ba Maw and Dr. Thein Maung to foil the striker . When it failed they chose another method. The second method was used of force under the cover of law , especially when strike had turned from days into months . The strikers made demands again and again which were not sincerely obliged by the Company . Company tried to meet some demands as token . Women joined the strike more numbers in than at the beginning . Among the women strikers Daw Aye , Daw Nyo , Daw Gan , Daw Myint , Daw Su , Daw Aye Khin , were most active and look the leading role . Police came to the gate were women strikers sit on the street which made human barricade infront of the Store Gate . Police used water cannon against the women strikers . The women strikers did not gave in to any threats .
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 Inspector of police Mr. Swara Singh arrived to the scene and asked who was the leader among the strikers . Daw Nyo stood up and said she was the leader Mr. Singh asked Daw Nyo why she had hampered the other workers from reporting for duty . She retorted that she was demanding workers rights from Capitalist B.O.C. Company . Mr. Singh ordered her to remove from making sit in strike , because according to him she had committed crime .

All the women workers refused to give in . First police tried to drive a bus into the crowd of strikers . Then police used water cannon against the strikers , it was also a failure to remove the sit in strikers . Mr. Singh told them that he will arrest Daw Nyo. All the women strikers replied that police should arrest all of them . They told the police that they were Burmese females they would not allowed any police to physically touch them. Mr. Singh lead the police to make a charge . Daw Aye made a rushed at Mr. Singh and tried to get the stick from his hand . The situation turned into melee . Police arrested Daw Aye and put her on the truck and the rest of women strikers jumped into the truck , about 40 women were arrested . While on the way to jail Daw Aye removed her HTA-MAIN and waved at the onlookers as if she was waving a flag while the truck was driving through the town . They were sent to Magwe jail, Myingyan jail , and to various police stations . They were charged with section under the provisions of Indian Penal Code . . Daw Aye was sent before Warden of the Oil- fields office and was sentenced to 1 year and 8 months imprisonment , but the sentence was reduced to one day sitting because her husband passed away during the period of her detention at the jail . To counter the strike B.O.C. Company recruited new workers at Yenangyaung and sent them to Chauk for replacement in places of the strikers . Company on their part tried very hard to make seem everything normal . A kind of white wash for propaganda . Of course there were some workers went back to former works , they could be classified as ( 1 ) those who were given new incentives from the Company , ( 2 ) Workers [Trojan horses ] sent from Yenangyaung to demoralize the workers on strike, ( 3 ) those who afraid of losing their job forever , ( 4 ) those who were not financially able to survive without any job . The majority of the workers kept on strike with donations given by the public from other districts which came in .
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 Then in November workers decided to make a long march to Rangoon and put up their demands and grievances at Rangoon to the Government . The distance to Rangoon from Chauk was about three hundred miles , which they decided to march 15 miles a day . The strike was an epic. It caught the imagination of the people particularly the students , and won the support of the national press . On 28th November 1938 , telegram sent from Thakin Po Hla Gyi was received by Chairman of Dobama Asiayone Htaik Tin Ko Daw Gyi at 5.pm in the evening . Telegram stated that on 30 November 1000 workers will march walking from Chauk to Rangoon , signed THAKIN PO HLA GYI . ( F/N no: 122 ) On 1300 Nattaw La San 5th at the vacant plot near Chauk Bazar they held the mass meeting , about 2000 workers and public had attended the meeting . At the meeting Thakin Thet was president , the secretary was Thakin Lwin, Thakin Po Hla Gyi and Thakin Ba Tin put up the two Resolutions. Resolution No: ( 1 ) Settlement for the differences between the workers and B.O.C. Company had already put up to the Government and there was no positive result or reply from Government . ( a ) tax collected from oilfields workers for 50 years must refund , immediately . ( b ) Government must intervened into this dispute and solved the solution , immediately . Resolution No: ( 2 ) (a) Workers must march to Rangoon and put up and demand the facts contained in the Resolution no: ( 1 ) to the Government directly . ( b ) Workers must demonstrate peacefully during the long march to Rangoon . They must show peaceful means of demonstration up to the end, untill we attain our demands . ( F/N no: 123 ) On 1300 Natt Daw La San 6 th Sunday at BA LA BA AKYOSATT monastery the mass meeting was held and about 500 Burmese and Indians attended the meeting in Chauk. At the meeting they passed four resolutions concerning with the present strike and out of the four the two resolutions were as follows - Resolution No: ( 3 ), All Workers Mass Meeting urged the authorities to withdraw curfew according to the provisions under section 37 ( 7 ) and section 144 of Criminal Procedure Code that was issued in Mandalay ,
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Resolution No: ( 4 ) , All Workers Mass Meeting urged the Government to stop making collection of Thathamada Tax on the workers who were in dispute and on strike with B.O.C. Company . Instead of that Government and Company must do something to meet the demands raised by the workers . ( F/N no: 124 ) On 30th November 1938, 6.ooam in the morning a long march from Chauk to Rangoon had started . It started with full Burmese Royal ceremony , the way Burmese Kings started their venture from palace . About 4000 crowd followed along with the workers column up to Myothit . Some accompanied with the column to Moelar . Administration group carried Red Flag and Green Flag for signal, and attached breast plate in Tri Colour insignia of Dobama Asiayones flag . The Medic group had armband with Red Cross insignia . THIS WAS THE GRAND SHOW BURMA EVER WITNESSED . The workers took their marching route along the high way to Yenangyaung then to Magwe. From Magwe to Taungdwingyi , then to Allanmyo . From Allalmyo to Prome , then the final destination Rangoon . On 4th December the column arrived Magwe Mya Tha Lun Pagoda about 10.00 am in the morning . Security was very tight , and police armed with stick were everywhere . The column was about half mile long and they were marching in double file and kept to left side which did not made trouble to the ongoing traffic . They kept strict discipline beyond everyones doubt . At the front of the column and at the last position , workers carried Tri- Colour flag and they were waving flags like as if they were at the carnival , Magwe District Secretary of Dobama Asiayone welcomed the strikers and led the column to Mehtee Taik Monastery and they decided to take rest for the night inside Damaryone building . The workers had their lunch on the bank of Irrawaddy river under the afternoon sun . Than D.S.P. and police arrived in RC 1400 bus and arrested leaders of the marching column . They were THAKIN PO HLA GYI , THAKIN BA DIN ,THAKIN BA MAUNG , THAKIN KHIN , THAKIN PE GYI , and Sayadaw U YAYAMA , Sayadaw U ZAWTIKA, Sayadaw U EINDAYA , and SHINN NANDA . They were arrested under Section 107 Indian Penal Code with warrant . The leaders refused to let the police handcuff them , Thakin Po Hla Gyi retorted back to the police that they were not criminals , and they gave permission the police to take them anyplace police fancy . All of them were detained at Magwe Central Jail .
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 The moral of the strikers reached to the lowest point because of the action taken by the police , the workers stop eating and decided to make hunger strike . It was an act of civil disobedience shown by the strikers . The whole column was stranded at Magwe , for seven days because they seem that they had no leaders to lead the column to Rangoon . At the same time Dristrict Magistrate Mullar Watt told the worker that Coalition Government made notification that workers will meet the shortage of food, and they will get into troubles and many hardships , Strike leaders were destructive elements . If there were any grievances workers should put up application to Deputy Commissioner or they should send their delegates to Rangoon and talk directly with Government . The best advice for the workers was to go back to Chauk . Magwe District Magistrate issued on another curfew order under the provision of Section 144 of Criminal Procedure Code on 6 December . The curfew area covered East , South , and West of Magwe , except North which was the only direction to Chauk . Rangoon Dobama Asiayone sent three new BHOs ( Leadres ), they were Thakin Pe Than , Thakin Soe , Thakin Htain Win to Magwe . From Rangoon RUSU Chairman Ko Ba Hein , and Secretary Ko Ba Shwe , arrived to Magwe for settlement concerning with minor students strike in Magwe . At Magwe , Workers leaders , Dobama Leaders , RUSU Student Leaders met and laid down plans for the interest of present strike . On 11th December they held mass meeting which started at 6.15 pm . As soon as the meeting started police arrived to the meeting Thakin Soe and Thakin Pe Than were arrested with warrant . Ko Ba Hein gave a speech and he was arrested . Before he was about to be arrested Ko Ba Hein in his speech told the workers to continue the march to Rangoon tomorrow immediately , and if there is any action taken by the authorities to prevent workers from marching to Rangoon , you all must give your lives if situation call for . He told that police were waiting to arrest me . Do not worry about me . He also told that if they arrested him government must face the consequences tomorrow . He told workers that their duty was to advance to Rangoon at all cost . ( F/N no: 125 )
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 After Ko Ba Hein , Thakin Htein Win asked the police to wait for few minutes and made the speech stating that workers must not abandon the aims and object, try and march on tomorrow without fail . He told the workers that if the authorities do something to the column he will go hunger strike even to death inside jail . He also told them they should not worry about him or his colleagues. If the authorities started shooting at the column on the way to Rangoon under the cover of provisions of Section 144, he told them workers must leave the death and carryon marching to Rangoon for achieving their aims and objectives without fail . He told them that Death is nothing . After the short speech he was arrested by the police . ( Thakin Htain Win was a cousin of Thakin Tun Lwin @ Bo Ba La , member of thirty commardes .) ( ditto ) The following advertisement was printed on 6th December 1938 issued of Myanma Alin newspaper . BHO ( Leaders ) are wanted . If one BHO arrested another BHO will take his place We made this declaration today afternoon . Oh ! Thakin and Thakinma lend us your ears . 1200 Workers from the oilfields of Chauk , Yenangyaung , Lanywa , Yenankyat , had started the long march to Rangoon on their own decision and shown to the government that their demands must be fulfilled . Another column of 20000 farmers column will also make a long march and meet our column at Rangoon . Although we put our effort in abiding law and order with strict discipline , the British Government had started using harsh and desperate measures . This was an act of cowardice . The authorities arrested the workers using the provisions under Section 107 and tried to stopped the column using Section 144 of Criminal Procedure Code . It is a wonder that authorities started using force against the workers who neither carry no arms nor harbour no malice against no one . We do not sure how much force they will use in future in the process of suppressing the workers who just asking remedies for their suffering caused by the company who only considered profits instead of the welfare of the workers. We have decided to finish what we had started to achieve for our aims and objects . To achieve our aims we will carry on to the end , if
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one Leader ( BHO ) is arrested , another Leader ( BHO ) will step in and carry on with the crusade . TO ACHIEVE THIS , WE NEED LEADERS ( BHO ) to fill the vancant places because of the arrest by police . Please contact : No: 277, Pansodan , Rangoon . Remarks : WE HOLD NO RESPONSIBLTY FOR LATE COMMERS . WHO WILL SURE TO MISS THIS HISTORIC CHANCE . SIGNED : ( 1 ) Thakin Than Tun , ( 2 ) Thakin Hla Maung, Dobama Asiayone . ( 3 ) Thakin Soe , ( 4 ) Thakin Ba , Workers Union, Syriam Oilfield . ( 5 ) Thakin Hlaing , Labour Union , Yenangyaung . ( 6 ) Thakin San Tun Hla , ( 7 ) Thakin Ba Tha , ( 8 ) Thakin Ba Yin ,

Rangoon District , Dobama Asiayone . ( F/N no: 126 ) Total 15 new recruits had applied for the post of new LEADERS ( BHO ) to Dobama Asiayone . Their duty was to lead the stranded column at Magwe to Rangoon inspite of the danger which were imprisonment , death . The first woman recruit was secretary of Kemmendine Dobama Asiayone Ma Khin Hla . They had to pledge that they will lead the column to Rangoon at all cost . Their duty and obligation will finish only when the column arrive to Rangoon , and they also pledged that they will not either abandon the column or retreat back when confrontation turn out against them by the action of authorities . , whose sole intention was to stop the column reaching Rangoon . Battle fronts of the 1300 Ayaydawphone were ( 1 ) Yenanchat , ( 2 ) Lanywa , ( 3 ) Chauk , ( 4 ) Thayawkone , ( 5 ) Moelar , ( 6 ) Yenangyaung , ( 7 ) from Chauk to Rangoon distance was nearly 400 miles . Strenght of Dobama Asiayone ( Head quarter) Dobama Asiyone Magwe District. . Cash : nill , Power: nill , Armament : nill . Strategy of the Dobama Asiayone for the 1300 Ayaydaw phone. ( 1 ) Instigating to achieve mass uprising and support , ( 2 ) Organizaing for new activist, ( 3 ) Mass participation of uprising for 1300 Ayaydaw phone using civil disobedience technique . Leaders for Instigating Section . ( 1 ) Thakin Ba Tin B.O.C. Worker Yenangyaung ,

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 ( 2 ) Thakin Aung Pe B.O.C. Clerk do ( 3 ) Thakin Hlaing B.O.C. Worker do ( 4 ) Thakin Soe Nyunt B.O.C. Clerk do ( 5 ) Thakin Thant B.O.C. Sewing Dept: do ( 7 ) Thakin Ka B.O.C Clerk do ( 8 ) Thakin Ohn Mg Trader do ( 9 ) Thakin Ba Ba do do ( 10 ) Thakin Khin Nyunt do do Leaders of Blocking and Sit In Strike Women Worker Committee . Thakinma Daw Shal , Thama Daw Than , Thakinma Daw Mya Khin , Thakinma Daw Thein Negw , Thakinma Ma Gyan , Thama Ma Aye , Thakinma Ma Nyo , and ( ORGANIZA ) Thakinma Ma Pu . After the arrest of Thakin Soe , Thakin Than Pe , student leader Ko Ba Hein , Thakin Htein Win , Ko Ba Shwe , the strikers decided to carry on with their long march to Rangoon . On the next day morning at 6.00 am strikers column was ready to march . The column had only one exist from monastery to outside. Police force , armed police , and mounted police had taken position on the northern side of the monastery , By 6.30 am column started the march from small lane which was at the back of the monastery . D.S.P , police and Township Officer U Pe were waiting at the end of the lane . Township Officer told the strikers to stop marching and turn back ; and not to proceed to Rangoon . If they want anything they could demand here .They could also send delegation to local authorities . The strikers replied that for eleven months the workers had already sent delegates and made demands, but B .O.C. gave a negative reply and even made reported that there was no strike anymore So enough is enough . Because of B.O.C.s negative attitude they were now out of job . Township Officer U Pe told the strikers that they could faced starvation on the way .
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 Workers replied that they were straving for long time and they told Township Officer U Pe that their families had no money , no food and totally nothing . Under this kind of situation they said they were living death . If they retreat now it would not made any differences , so they told that they must advance even they faced death . For them death and living death was same . They told the authorities that they had already put their futures and their lives in the hands of authorities. While the argument between the strikers and the authorities was in progress police went inside the monastery compound without taking off their shoes and arrested four leaders including the one who was carrying a flag . The behavior of the police was very rude because they took the flag and attached a shoe at the top of the flag pole . This made the situation out of control . The strikers called out advance and the column moved forward . Township officer U Pe took out his revolver and waved his hand , then police charged at the strikers with fixed bayonet , as if they really going to kill . But when the strikers shown that they really meant to advance at all cost , police and the Township officer made their retreat . Mounted police made a charged at the column but strikers did not retreat . Strikers shown that they did not cared about their lives . After the mounted police , policemen started striking at the peoples at the front of the column with baton . About four or five workers fell down due to the blow . The on lookers were very angry and started throwing rocks at the policemen . It was on the verged of total riot . The large crowds of peoples who were looking at the commotion started throwing rocks, bricks at the police and they started chanting Forward , Move ; Move forward .( F/N NO:127 ) On account of the strong moral and physical support of angry Burmese , the workers violently moved forward against the mounted police that made police lost controlled of their horses and retreated back to former position . One big old brick landed squarely on the head of the District Superintendent of Police , he also retreated back .. No one knew who threw it . At the same time the big rapid sound of commotion came out from the direction of Magwe jail . The mounted police and police troops moved towards the jail in great hast . Yesterday evening only few minutes before police arrested him , Ko Ba Htein told the workers that the workers sole duty
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was to march to Rangoon , and said dont fail . Idea of Ko Ba Htein was he gave a hint to the workers that when you march I will do my part . During the confrontation between the authorities and strike column inside the small lane , school boys went and gave the news of confrontation to the prisoners inside the jail then the all political prisoners , ordinary criminal prisoners started throwing rocks bricks at the walis inside the jail and they shouted THAKIN MYO HEY DOBAMA, STRIKE , STRIKE. LIGHT THE TOURCH , LIGHT THE TOURCH This upheaval made strikers safe exit toward the bank of Irrawaddy . Thus the column escaped the police cordon and marched on toward Rangoon . ( F/N No: 128 ) Unfortunately, the mounted police came galloping back from Magwe jail turned toward the column and arrested quite a lot of strikers . Among them Thakin Tun Khin , Thakin Lwin , from Rangoon. Thakin Khin Maung Nyo , Thakin Thein Maung , Thakin Thein Aung , Thakin Than , and Thakin Tin Hla from Chauk . The column proceeded toward Allalmyo. On the way public from villages , towns, offered foods and full moral supports . When the column arrived to Allalmyo , the residents of the town gave a big Royal Burmese Welcoming Ceremony as if the King had arrived . At the same time due to the arrest of Ko Ba Hein and Ko Ba Shwe of RUSU by the police at Magwe , extremed reaction exploded at Rangoon University . 1938 SECRETRIATE INCIDENT (or) 1300 Student Ayaydaw ( or ) Rangoon University Student Strike [ third time ] and Mandalay Enidawyar incident were automatically linked to the oilfields workers strike , in continuous rapid succession of sequences . On account of the arrest made by the police under section 107 Indian Penal Code to Ko Ba Shwe and Ko Ba Hein of RUSU, the representatives of All Burma Student Union and representatives of Rangoon University Student Union met on 12th December Rangoon University Student Union building inside Rangoon University campus and the meeting turned into emergency meeting for discussion. Next day the 13th December at the RUSU building students mass meeting was held and the following resolutions were passed . ( 1 ) Government must release Ko Ba Hein and Ko Ba Shwe immediately since from the beginning the arrest was unjust ,
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 ( 2 ) Government must withdraw all restrictions imposed upon the workers who were demanding for their justified rights by making strike , ( 3 ) The meeting passed the resolution that Government must withdraw Section 23 and Section 144 imposed in Mandalay and Magwe . They sent all the resolutions passed by the meeting to the Government and to the press . The Rangoon District Magistrate issued Section 144 of Cr. P. C. in Rangoon District . ( F/N No: 129 ) On 15th December boy students and girls students from schools about 10,000 met at Shwedagon Pagoda and committed an act of civil disobedience. They marched in the form of a column consisted of four students in one row and marched toward the downtown . Their act of defiance motivated the politicians with political awareness ,and instigated the public with the idea of nationalism and civil disobedience against the authority. U Saw wrote a letter to Governor asking whether Section 144 to be revoked or not . Government in their reply at 3.pm on the same day mentioned as follows If you break section 144 you will be severely punished . At 4.00 pm strikers consisted of the students , U Saw with his crowd altogether 500 started their act of defiance from U BaYee Zetyat . They marched toward downtown in silence , without shouting any slogan and in double file up to KYAKU monastery . First, before breaking the law they requested phongyis, and public not involve in this civil disobedience , and also pointed the facts phongyis should wait for their turn , because authorities could used forces including shooting by the police under the provisions of section 144 could resulted in death or physical hurt or imprisionment . When they marched beyond KYAKU monastery they started shouting slogans in high pitched voice and marched along Phayalan , Khyine Gyi Lan , Dalahousie Lan , Public witnessed this civil disobedience in surprised . When they reached City Hall U Saw gave a speech stating that their act of civil disobedience had achieved . There was no casuality and they had successfully breached the provisions of Section 144 which meant a victory for the people .

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 U Saw said in his short speech -- We purposely did what government said not to do . He continued his speech and mentioned that government could took cognizance or expelled them from Burma and sent them to others part of British India or sent them before the court and passed imprisonment sentence . Let them do what they want for we dont care the consequences . ( F/N No: 130 ) On account of breaking the prohibition of section 144 Cr. P. C . U Saw and others were sent before Rangoon District Magistrate U Po Sa Court on 20th December inaccordance with section 40 of Rangoon Town Police Act . Magistrate asked whether they had broke the law , all the accused admitted they had committed. They were asked to explain the reason for committing this act . The accused told the court that they purposely did it because they could not accepted the provisions contained in section 37 ( 2 ) of Rangoon Town Police Act , which was against the interest of public . This Rangoon Town Police Act section 37 ( 2 ) prohibited peoples from mass meeting , gathering, marching in crowd of political nature . They knew that Commissioner of Police , Rangoon had issued prohibiting the public from committing the provisions contained in that abovementioned section 37 ( 2 ) from 1st December to 31th December . Magistrate U Po Sa passed the sentences stating that according to section 50 , fine must be two hundred rupees but he ordered only rupee 100 fine .The accused refused to pay fine one hundred instead they agreed for imprisonment. They were given two months simple imprisonment and ( A ) class . The Deputy Commissioner of Police arranged U Saw and other two to be transferred in a private car with police escort but U Saw refused it. He went to jail in ordinary police van with other prisoners . Before entering the van U Saw shook hands with Deputy Commissioner of Police and said good bye . He also waved his hands to his supporters and saluted them who were chanting DO-GALON- DOBAMA. ( F/N No: 131 ) On 17th December held the meeting by all the students from all schools in Rangoon at North West corner ( YARHU DAUNK )of the ShweDagon Pagoda middle platform and seconded the resolutions passed on 13th December by RUSU . In the mean time Magwe District Magistrate passed sentence on strike leaders who were four sanhgas ( phongyi ) and five thakins . The cases were sent before District Magistrate Mr.Mulla Watt Court, who was a
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complainant of the case . Deputy Commissioner Mr Mulla Watt issued Section 144 Cr. P.C. order . He ordered District Suprintendent of Police Mr. B. Stout for cognizance against the strikers leaders . And Mr. B. Stout gave his statement at the court presided by Mr. Mulla Watt . All the accused were sentenced for imprisonment with hard labour . The whole process was illegally and irregular proceeding , because the person who issued Section 144 order , the person who made a complainant of the case , the person who entertained the case in his court , and the person who passed the sentence were only the same person . The column of oilfield workers started their march to Rangoon on 18 December at 7.00am . They left Allanmyo and arrived to Prome on next day . The flags of Dobama Asiayone and Communist were carried by the flag carriers and maintained strict discipline on the way without shouting . At PALO village with was half way to Prome they were given lunch . The moral support was given by the peoples . In the newspapers issued dated 19th December following notice to students was printed. TO ALL STUDENTS IN RANGOON.

WE, had put up our demands to the Coalition Government. WE received no reply from government giving promise that they will comply with our demands. If we do not receive any reply from government by 4.00 pm to- day ( 19th December 1938 ) we will protest with upgraded civil disobedience . What you want to do ? , what are you going to do ?. On 20th December at 8.00 am ; you all must hold meeting at your schools and send us your resolution to us. Sg. Hla Shwe , Vice-Chairman . ( F/N no: 132 )

Actuall , their aim was to block all the entrance of Secretariat and sit in strike . The time mentioned in the notice to the students was the coded message that strike will start at 8.00am on that day . On 20 th December morning meeting was held at 8.15 am Rangoon University Student Union building . In the meeting Vice Chairman Ko Hla Shwe chaired meeting as Chairman. Then students went to down town in buses along Kokine Road, Kandawgalay Road , U Mg Mg Ohn Kaing Road , Stockade Road, Mongomarie Street, Sparks Street , and when they arrived in front of St. Paul Church there were about 8000 high school students had already arrived except
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students column from Myoma High School , all were waiting for students column from Myoma High School for a reasonable time . But after waiting for few minutes students started marching in column of four students in row , and they encircled the SECRETARIAT compound . Students took position on SPARK ST: , DALHOUSIE ST: ,BIGANDET ST: , AND JUDAH EZEKIEL ST: . The students divided into small groups of 1000, 500 , 300 of students and made sit in strike which blocked the four gates of SECRETARAT . This made officers and staff were not able to go inside or getting out of the compound . The students positioned ladies university students at the front and all were sitting on the tar road under hot bright sun . About 9.30 am or 10.00 am Commissioner of Police Mr. Reynolds went to the scene and after his assessment of the situation he went to Premiers house and asked the PREMIER concerning with the intention of the Government with this crisis . The Premier told the Commissioner that it was absolutely necessary to keep one gate open so that officers could go in and out of their offices and if the students picketers would not listen they were to be picked up and removed . On receipt of the order from Premier, Mr Reynolds went to the Mogul Guard and in consultation with his Deputy Commissioner and Assistant Commissioner of Police and decided upon a certain course of action . Police decided to block Sparks Street at the corner of Dalhousie Street with barriers and to keep the crowd of spectators out . Then , to clear all the spectators out of Sparks Street and up to Fraser Street and put up the barriers there. After that , to arrest the leaders if they refused to remove and to carry away the picketers and if it was necessary to pick up the picketers from the gate . Commissioner and a force of four hundred policemen accompanied with few mounted police . On the first assault Assistant Commissioner of Police Mr. Tydd with 100 policemen and few mounted police was to take action according to the plan . During that time students column from Myoma High School arrived and they joined with the sit in student four gates of Secretariat. Before the police arrived to Sparks Street . Ko Hla Shwe, leader of the students demonstrators , gave order to Ko Thein Aung to withdraw. Ko Thein Aung did so by forming a procession . The procession started from the northern gate in Sparks Street with girls students in front and went down south
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and then turned into Dalhousie Street and then into Judah Ezekiel Street and then into Bigandet Street . As procession went along the picketers from each gate joined and swelled the ranks . When the head of the procession turned into Sparks Street again , they came into contact with the police and a clash occurred. ( F/N No: 133 ) At 11.oo am , food donations from the public arrived in truck and the food were distributed to the students. Food were of assorted nature and coffee was also included . Burma National Tobacco Company proprietor donated cigarettes and umbrellas for the students and the bystanders . After foods were consumed starting from Sparks Street students , prepared to withdraw from four sides of the Secretariat . Their route of withdrawal of students was from Sparks Street to Dalhousie Street then from Judah Ezekiel Street to Bigandet Street . When the students arrived to the corner of Bigandet Street and Sparks Street just in front of THURIYA newspaper office the mounted policemen tried to stop the column . The boys and girls students at the front of the column refused the order and they tried to rush in with determination . Then the commotion started with the police striking the students with batons. Students did not replied the police with force , because they were using non-violence method . Many students fell due to the striking with baton by the police . Grils students were hit and they were dragged into the Thuriya newspaper building and were given first aid by volunteer Red Cross members . Some were sent immediately to Civil Hospital . Students could not resisted the beating anymore and they had to withdraw from Bigandet Street toward east . Then they made total withdrawal in uniform column returned toward Myoma High School . Those who were injured after receiving the treatment they returned to their respective schools with the good office of Thuriyas newspaper staffs . While policemen were beating the students, Rangoon City Mayor U Ba Galay , U Tun Aung Member of Representatives or Lower Chamber , U Ainn , Mandalay Thuriya U Tun Yin , Mandalay U San Hla Baw, and U Ba Ohn Member of House of Representatives ( Bassein ) were inside the Thuriya newspaper office building . When the beating by the police was at the height of maximum level, students went down under the severe blows of the police. The abovementioned gentlemen were deeply moved with the brutalities of the authorities they went out to veranda and started shouting
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 Stop beating , have mercy . Within a few minutes injured students filled the newspaper building . The staff gave medic assistance and they put the students into the buses and sent them to hospital . ( F/N No: 134 ) According to Amyotha Thakin Thein Maung , the number of casualties were 63 received simple injuries ,19 received grievanious injuries . Some injuried students were sent to University hospital. Among those who recieved injuries were students, Red Cross members , Member of House of Respresentatives U Tun Pe , and editor Ko Kyaw Sein . List of students who received injuries . ( 1 ) Mg Ba Than, aged 22, Ywathit, ( 2 ) Mg Bo Oo , aged 18, Myoma , ( 3 ) Mg Han, aged 22 , Sagaing Hall Rangoon University , ( 4 ) Mg Than , aged 18, Government High School , ( 5 ) Mg Kyaw Sein ,aged 20 , 14 th street , ( 6 ) Mg Kyi, aged 18, Myoma , ( 7 ) Mg Ba , aged 20, 94 Street , Kandawgalay , ( 8 ) Mg Tin Than , aged 17 , St John Colleage, ( 9 ) Mg Hla Mg , aged 18 , Yegyaw , ( 10 ) Maumg Maung Gyi , aged 18 , 42 street , ( 11 ) Mg Thein Hlaing ,aged 19 , 93 Shwe daung dan , ( 12 ) Mg Aung Sein , aged 25 , Lancatser Road , ( 13 ) Mg Kywe , aged 14 , St John , ( 14 ) Mg Aung Ko ,aged 19 , Sagaing Hall ,

( 15 ) Mg Tun Kyi ,aged 20 , Special Norman High School Kemmidine , ( 16 ) Mg Sein Aung Lin , aged 14, Methodist High School , ( 17 ) Mg Aung Bwint, age 22 , Momgomarie , ( 18 ) Mg Hla Maung, aged 21 , Myoma,
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 ( 19 ) Mg San Hla, aged 20 , Methodist , ( 20 ) Mg Than , aged 20 Hteedan , ( 21 ) Mg Soe Maung , aged 24 , Pagan Hall , ( 22 ) Mg Tin Maung , aged 18 , St John , ( 23 ) Mg Thein Hlaing , aged 18 , Pinya Hall , (24 ) Mg Shein , aged 18 , St John , ( 25 ) Mg Sein , aged 25 , National Red Cross , ( 26 ) Mg Tun Sein , aged 18, Myoma High School , ( 27 ) Mg Kyin , aged 25 , Mortin , ( 28 ) Mg Khin Kyi , aged 18 , St John , ( 29 ) Thakin Ba Than , aged 28 , 277 Pansodan , ( 30 ) Mg Soe Lwin , aged 10 , Myoma School , ( 31 ) Mg Tun Pe , aged 38 , Sanchaung , ( 32 ) Mg Myint Than , aged 17 , Myoma High School , ( 33 ) Mg Mg , aged 17 , Myoma High School , ( 35 ) Mg Ko Lay , aged 21 , Pagan Hall , ( 36 ) Mg Tin Maung , aged 21 , Pagan Hall , ( 37 ) Mg Ba Hlaing , aged 20 , Judson Hall , ( 38 ) Mya Mya , aged 17 , Pazundaing Municipal School , ( 39 ) Ma Saw Yee , aged 18 , Pazundaing Municipal School , Bombay Burma Timber Saw Mill , ( 40 ) Ma Sein Sein , aged 16 , Pazundaung Municipal School , ( 41 ) Mg Than Myint , aged 23 , Myoma High School , ( 42 ) Mg Kyaw Ohn , aged 17 , Pazundaung High School ,
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 ( 43 ) Mg San Tike , aged 20 , Lanmadaw Municilpe High School , ( 44 ) Mg Kyaw , aged 20 , Pazundaung Municiple , ( 45 ) Mg Ohn Pe , aged 20 , do. ( 46 ) Mg Ba Nyunt , aged 19 , Government High School , ( 47 ) Mg Chit , aged 25 , school teacher ,Pazundaung , ( 48 ) Mg Chit Ko Hla , aged 18 , Methodist , ( 49 ) Mg Kan , aged 22 , in door patient , University , ( 50 ) Mg Kyaw Khin , aged 20 , indoor patient , Myoma High School , ( 51 ) Mg Ba Htay , aged 16 , indoor patient , Pazundaung Municipal High School , ( 52 ) Mg Tin Maung , aged 20 , indoor patient St John College , ( 53 ) Mg Kyaw , aged 30 , indoor patient , Sattsan , ( 54 ) Mg Saw Hla , aged 19 , indoor patient , Methodist , ( 55 ) Mg Kyaw Sein , aged 20 , indoor patient , Editor , Thuriya Newspaper , ( 56 ) Mg Tun Tin , aged 26 , indoor patient , Special Norman School , ( 57 ) Mg Ba Hlaing , aged 20 , indoor patient , Judson College , ( 58 ) Mg Kyaw , aged 20 , indoor patient , Mortin Street , ( 59 ) Mg Thein Shwe , aged 16 , indoor patient , Myoma High School , ( 60 ) Thakin Aung Tin , aged 23 , 7 st , ( 61 ) Mg Thein Aung , aged 24 , Thathon Hall , ( 62 ) Mg Tun Shan , aged 20 , Thathon Hall , ( 63 ) Mg Tin Maung , aged 19 , Methodist , ( 64 ) Mg Hla Pe , aged 17 , Myoma , ( 65 ) Thakin Than , aged 17 , Dobama Asiayone , Botataung .( F/N no: 135 )
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 List of University Students who received injuries . Mg Aung Gyaw , I .A. Senior , Judson College , Mg Shwe Tin , I.A. Senior , Judson College, Mg Thein Hlaing , I.A. Senior , Mg Tin Mg , University , Mg Tun Shein , I .A . Senior , University , Mg Tin Mg , B.A. Senior , University , Mg Ba Than , University , Ma Khin Than , I.A. Senior , University, Inya Hall, indoor patient,

Ma Tin Nyunt , I.A. senior , University , Inya Hall ,indoor patient . ( F/N No: 136 ). U Lay Maung in his book mentioned the number of casualties as three hundred . In the evening 20th December , Rangoon University Student Union Executive Committee Member Ko Thein Aung , Ko Tun Shan , Ko Tin Maung, Thakin Than , and Thakin Hla Pe were arrested . At 9.30 pm Superintendent of Police , Central Division, Rangoon Town , Police Station Officer Mr . Khan and police raided the THURIYA newspaper office and confiscated printed newspapers for next day distribution and photo plates which recorded the urgly scenes of mid day clash between the police and students which happened before the newspaper office . The 20th December students striker at Secretariat about 200 students both girls and boys were injured. According to the eyes witnesses the caused of these injuries were due to the charged made by the mounted police . The police not only charged the column of student but they strike down the students with batons without discrimination or without mercy . On account of that actions by police Ko Aung Gyaw received head injury . The girl student in front of him was beaten with baton from mounted police while she felled down on the road Ko Aung Gyaw tried to cover her from further beating and at the same time police baton hit his head . His friends took
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him to Civil Hospital and received first aid . Then his friend took him back to University. Unfortunately , his head injury was very severe and he lost conscious . His friends took him back to hospital again . He passed away just before the head operation. ( F/N No: 137 ). The size of baton used by the foot policemen was nearly three feet and diameter was about five inches. Ko Aung Gyaw was named BO AUNG GYAW , and the funeral was attended by nearly three hundred thousands public . AFTER THE STUDENTS STRIKE at Secretariat and the death of Bo Aung Gyaw , the strikes spread through out the whole country and resulted another seventeen deaths at Mandalay . The situation and progress of the oilfield workers strike column had arrived to Prome on 2Oth December .

Concerning with the above incident Government formed Enquiry Committee dated 20th March 1939 to enquire into and report upon :- ( 1 ) the composition of the assembly which came into with the police on 20th December near Secretariat , Rangoon , and the reasons for its presence there ; ( 2 ) the circumstances in which it came to be dispersed by force ; ( 3 ) the action of the police when so dispersing it ; ( 4 ) the casualties that were caused . The Committee examined 63 witnesses , made up of 35 students, 3 teachers , 4 members of the House of Representatives , 5 men of the Burma National Ambulance Crops , and the Myoma Volunteer Crops , the Managing Director of the Sun Press , 1 Thakin , 2 editors , 3 photographers , the Police Sergeant and 8 Police Officers including the Commissioner of Police . Committee framed main four issues , out of the issues no: ( 2 ) and no: ( 3 ) should be considered on how the committee had discussed in the report . With issues no: 3 Committee member U Sein Tun Aung discussed in the Minority Report and Note of Dissent signed by him :--

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 The extracts from the students statements as to what happened in Sparks Street are reproduced; The statement made by witness no: 11 Ma Khin San, They did not bar our passage, but when we went into Sparks Street and when we got just in front of Bryan Smyths office , the mounted police began pushing up towards the pavement on the side of the Sun Press. Just at that moment the foot policemen, who came along Sparks Street from Dalhousie Street side about 100 strong , surrounded and struck us . We did nothing in retaliation. In fact, we never intended to do anything in retaliation to the police . Ma Saw Yee received a bleeding wound on head . When I saw her receiving a bleeding wound I went to help her . As I did so I myself received two blows on the head . Then a confusion arose . We sat down, but as the heat of the sun became unbearable we went to the pavement on the side of the Secretariat compound carrying Ma Saw Yee with us . There were altogether about 20 of us both boys and girls . Some first-aiders were also there and when they rendering first aid to the wounded some policemen came and drove us away . We refused to go . Just at that juncture . I saw Ko Thein Aung and a standard bearer being beaten by the police and arrested and taken away . When the standard bearer was taken away under arrest, he left the flag behind . Whereupon Ma Khin Mya went and caught hold of that flag . A policeman came forward and attempted to snach it away from Ma Khin Mya , but she would not let it go . We also joined in and helped Ma Khin Mya . Subsequently ,in the course of the struggle Ma Khin Mya fell on the ground . While she was lying on the ground some policemen kicked and beat her about . Some of us went in and raised her up . When we were able to help her up one Burmese police officer came and said it was no use standing there and asked us to go away from Sparks Street . Taking his advice we went towards Bigandet Street . When we got to Bigandet Street we saw one girl student staggering about and I went and helped her . Just at that moment I heard a cry Run!, Run! ,The police are attacking the students Then I saw policemen are at chasing the students both into Bigandet Street and Fraser Street and assaulting them . As I could not run anywhere I lay under a tree in Bigandet Street .

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 While I was lying down under the tree in Bigandet I saw several policemen assaulting the students who were lying wounded on the street . As I was afraid , I kept my eyes shut and refused to look any more . ( F/N no: 138 ) Ma Aye Kyin ( Witness no: 12 ) --- I was struck on the right side of my crown and I fell down . The person who struct me was a European sergeant . I tried to get up and as I was in a sitting position I was struck again on my right shoulder. I did not know whether he was an European or Indian . As soon as I was struck for second time Ko Thein Aung asked us to sit down . Some of us sat down , some did not . Then I saw an Indian policeman squeezing the neck of the boy student and pushing him away . That boy fell down and as he was in lying position an Indian policeman delivered a blow with a stick which landed on his head . I saw him lying in a pool of blood . Mg Tin Maung ( Witness no : 26 ):-- As a result of a charge the students fell back . O ne of the European sergeants came right up to me and gave me a blow on my chin ; but I avoided the blow which fell on my chest . Almost immediately after , I was given a blow on the head with a stick . I fell senseless . When I recovered consciousness, I found myself in a private car --- taken to the General Hospital where I remained as a indoor--patient for about 15 days .

Ma Kyi Kyi ( Witness no: 21 ):-- As I was looking east a European sergeant pulled me by the hair and delivered a blow on my abdomen and I fell down and lost consciousness . When I regained consciousness, I was called to come to the side of the pavement on the Secretariat and I went there. Maung Kyaw Sein ( Witness no: 28 ) :-- One of them gave me a blow on the back and then one European sergeant raised me by the armpit and gave two or three blows on the buttock and they pushed me on the pavement . I saw some policemen assaulting some girl students just in front of the Hindu Temple and Bryan Smyth and Company . When I saw the girl students being assaulted in that manner I went over to protect them . Those who assaulted the girl students at that place were Indian policemen . I told them in Hindustani , Dont strike , dont strike. They took no notice of me but went on assaulting the girls . They also struck me on both my arms . They then pushed me and I staggered forward . As I staggered
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forward I turned round to look and as I did so I received a blow on the left temple . Ma Mya Mya ( Witness no: 38 ) :-- They charged us . One Indian policeman dealt out a blow to me . I ward off the blow with my right arm. As a result of the blow I fell ; as I fell I received another blow on my back delivered by a European sergeant. Just at that moment two students covered me with their bodies so as to protection to me . As they covered me with their bodies one of the students received a blow on the head . Whereupon another student raised me up by the armpit and carried me to a corner near the Sun Press . As I was being carried along , that student also received a blow ; I saw blood spurting out of the wound on his head . Ma Sein Thin ( Witness no: 39 ) I received a blow dealt out by an Indian police on the head . As a result of the blow I fell down unconscious . There is a definite evidence that Maung Aung Gyaw who met his death was first beaten in Sparks Street , and again on the pavement of the Sun Press side , while he was staggering with a bleeding head injury as is fully described in the majority report . The presence of these students does not admit of any doubt as many of them have identified their portraits in the photographs exhibited in the proceedings . The students version received strong corroboration from four members the House of Representatives U Mya , U Ain , U Ba Ohn and U Tun Aung ( Witness Nos. 4, 5 , 6 , and 34 ) and the Manaing Director of the Sun Press, U Ba Galay ( Witness no: 53 ) and some first-aiders one of whom, Maung Than Myint ( Witness no: 36 ) received a bleeding head injury in spite of his uniform which displayed a red-cross emblem . ( F/N no: 139 ) Actually , according to U Shwe Ba, Superintendent, Eastern Division , and Commissioner of Police himself and others admitted that the students that composed the assembly were of both sexes and that the ages of the girls students ranged from 14 to just over 20 .

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 Further more, U Shwe Ba admitted that the students, when they went in procession round the Secretariat , were a peaceful and orderly crowd and that they carried no weapons of any kind . Therefore , what is clear to our mind is that no danger either to property or to person could be apprehended from such a crowd . That they were in fact a happy crowd and almost in holiday mood is proved by the photograpoh Exibit A. In that photograph some girls are shown as laughing even when some of them were pushed sideways by the mounted policemen. Such being the nature of the composition of the crowd and such being the mood in which the crowd were , the police would in our opinion be justified to used only such force as would be necessary to disperse them . To the majority of the member of the police forces that they used moderate force in charging the crowd in Bigandet Street and Fraser Street. They were armed not with ordinary batons but with riot batons . A riot baton is a formidable weapon . It measures about two feet in lengh and about two inches in diameter . If such formidable weapon were used even with ordinary force, considerable damage could have caused . According the Police Surgeon U Ba Than , eighty cases were brought to the hospital for treatment and out of that three received grievous injuries . One of them was Maung Aung Gyaw , who received head injury . ( F/N no: 140 ) Maung Khin Maung ( Witness no: 43 ):-- I saw a European sergeant giving a blow to Maung Aung Gyaw . The blow fell on the temple of the head . When he received the blow he reeled forward . As he reeled forward the same European sergeant gave him another blow . As far as I remember, fell more or less on the same place . As a result of the blow the stick snapped into two . One of the broken pieces of the stick flew some where near were I was . I picked it up and gave that stick to Ko Thein Mg in the evening .(F/N no: 141 ) Police Surgeon U Ba Than , made a post- mortem examination of Maung Aung Gyaw he found --- ( 1 ) an old abrasion over the right temple ; ( 2 ) one braded contusion half inch in diameter over the top of the head about the middle ;
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 ( 3 ) one big contusion over the whole of the right temple . He added that when he made an internal examination he found an extensive farcture of the skull and that from the injuries found on Maung Aung Gyaw three separate blows must have been given . In his opinion 90 percent of the men receiving such injuries as received by Maung Aung Gyaw will not servive .( F/N no: 142 ) Concerning with the issues no: 2 the following episode gave the police an excuse in using force at their will against the student strikers . During the confusion there was one incident which police claimed that one policeman was landed into trouble . It happened as follows :-- According to Mr. Tydd there were some leaders who egged on their followers to press forward were hit by the police , one of the students caught hold of and struggled with a European sergeant and then fell into a drain near the pillar-box at the junction of Biganet Street and Sparks Street . When they fell, misssles came pouring on the police force from the crowd in Fraser Street and Bigandet and the Sun Press . In these circumstances the police not only under section 128 of the Code of Crimal Procedure but also under section 97 of the Penal Code were justified in charging the crowd in Bigandet Street and Fraser Street .That they were justified in law is even admitted U E Maung, counsel for the students. But the police would not be justified, if they did it at all , in charging the students in Sparks Street . T he students strikers were allowed to pass into Sparks Street by the police themselves . After they had passed into Sparks Street , the police formed a cordon between them and the main body of students in Bigandet Street . They, therefore, became a distinct and separate body. If police wanted to charge these students , they must first ask them to disperse under section 128 of the Criminal Procedure Code : but the police according to the evidence placed before us did not do so .( F/N no: 143) The true fact was that Maung Kyi Maung and even the counsel U E Maung frankly admits that the students constituted themselves an unlawful assembly when they the picketed gates of the Secretariat ; but what he submits that the students shed the character of an unlawful assembly when they
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withdrew from the gates and walked around the Secretariat in procession . ( F/N no: 144 )

U E Maung Barr- at-Law , who was the consul of the students also drew the conclusion that students had shed the character of unlawfully assembly by withdrawing from the gates of Secretariat but police still had the right to command them to disperse by the police officer or Commissioner of Police who said to be at the scene . But no police officer did not gave command the students to disperse. Instead, police made a charge by mounted police . Another important main fact was the Premier GAVE ORDER to Commissioner of Police Mr . Reynolds that one gate of the Secretariat must absolutely be opened for the officers to go in and go out of their office and if the picketers would not listen they were to be picked up and removed. In this case at the time police charged the students in front of the news paper THURI head office , the gates of the Secretariat were started to abandon by the students and without any picketers, it was a high-handed decision for the police to charge the students . Due to these facts police on that day police acted contrary with the provisions of the law concerning with issue no ( 2 ) and ( 3 ) .

Finally the Committee in their report concerning with the conclusion was not unanimous , and the report was divided into two conclutions. The Committee consisted of three gentlemen they were Honble Mr. Justice Ba U , Senator U Thwin and U Sein Tun Aung . U Sein Tun Aung wrote the note of dissent. In remarks made by the Chairman stated that Further , in view of the evidence given by all the student witness that they went into Sparks Street to hear the address to be given by U Hla Shwe from the corner of Sparks and Fraser Street , we would add that if the police had not taken precipitate action but waited for a few minutes to see what the students would do , this unfortunate clash would not have happened. ( F/N no: 145 ) On 14 December 20,000 farmers from Pegu District and Thathon District started their march to Rangoon, while Senate was in sessions in Rangoon . In the book written by U Chan Tha , title name I , the I.C.S. , he mentioned as follows :- He, as a Sub- divisional Officer of Pegu district had to solve the problem of the farmers . Approximatly about 1,500 farmers of both sex were marching to Rangoon from Waw , Thanatpin , Kawa. Their leader was Thakin Ba Than . Their
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route of marching to Rangoon was , first they crossed the Sittaing River and they came from Thathon District . They arrived to Waw township, then to Rangoon via Pegu . Before farmers column started from Thathon, the authorities in Pegu met and discussed about security and danger of troubles while they were inside Pegu district . The meeting was chaired by Deputy Commissioner . The members were District Superintendent of Police , Sub-Division Officer , and other police officer. During the meeting Deputy Commissioner gave the task to handle the situation to Sub- Division Officer U Chan Tha , because he was direct in charged of that district . U Chan Tha put up his line of action to Deputy Commissioner that he wont use the provisions under Section 144 of Criminal Procedure Code. He told that he could take full responsibility with the situation from Waw to the end of Pegu district boundary . Before the farmers arrived to Waw , Thakin Su came and talk with U Chan Tha and promised that the column had made decision not to break law . U Chan Tha and Township Officer U Tun Shein gave necessary assistance to the column of farmers on the gentleman promise of Thakin Ba Than , who after U Su paid a visit to U Chan Tha and not only talked about the column of farmers before they arrived to Waw but also gave promised about the conduct of the column when they were inside Pegu district . Sub-divisional Officer U Chan Tha and Township Officer U Tun Shein gave the column a free ride to the end of Pegu district and also made arrangements for food ,and provided clean sanitation during their stay inside Pegu district . It was a success because the whole column passed Pegu district without any incident . The column arrived to Shwedagon Pagoda on the 19th December . Another farmers column from Tharawaddy district arrived to Rangoon and settled at Shwedagon Pagoda . On 8th January 1939 the oilfield worker column arrived Rangoon and also made their base at Shwedagon Pagoda . At South west corner of Shwedagon Pagodas middle platform all strikers columns ,they were oilfields workers , farmers, students , clerks , ordinary peoples gathered and decided to hold mass meeting .
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On 9 January mass meeting was held and in that meeting they made ratifications concerning with the demands of the oilfield workers ,of the students strikers, and of the farmers . In the mass meeting they passed resolution to bring down the government immediately . The mass meeting was chaired by Thakin Mya . Workers strikes were happened four times in 1935, four times in 1936 and four times in 1937. While oilfield workers strike and Rangoon University students strike were happening in Rangoon, also in Mandalay the students were on strike . On the 1st Feburary 1939 the following schools and universities were on strike .

( 1 ) Mandalay Intermediate College , ( 2 ) Teachers Training College ,

( 3 ) National High School , ( 4 ) B T N School ,

( 5 ) Wesily School , ( 6 ) Pauk Myaing, ( 7 ) Kasely School . Students from abovementioned schools started their picketing at the gate of Central High School to prevent other students from attending the school from very early in the morning . Students stubbornly carried on with the picketing under hot sun .

Government took action against the students strikers by arresting the following students on 8th Febuary 1939 . ( 1 ) Ko Tha Myat, ( 2 ) Ko Saw Hla , ( 3 ) Ko Hla Pe , ( 4 ) Ko Kyi , ( 5 ) Ko Chan Tun , ( Cabinet Minister AFPFL government , after 1962 army coup he joined General Ne Wins camp and took Ambassador post under Revolutionary Government ). ( 6 ) Ko Ko Lay ( 7 ) Ko Kyaw Win , ( 8 ) Ko Aung .
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The leader was Ko Khin Mg Galay ,later known as Bho Khin Mg Galay , ( who became Home Minister , Government of Union of Burma , in 1965 he was detained by the military government spent nearly four years at Insein Central jail for his anti- militarist campaign . ) Students held emergency meeting, they went to Commissioners residence at the Mandalay Civil line and made a peaceful demonstration . On 10th Febuary 1939 , at 12 noon , they held the meeting inside Aindawya Pagoda compound and was by students , monks ,public , altogether about 200,000. In that meeting , they passed a resolution that they will marched to downtown as defiance gesture .

According to that resolution monks , students , civilains ,carried tri- color flags , Peacock flags , and started marching from their headquarter Aindawya Pagoda . It was a gaint demonstration staged by the students and the sangha through the streets of Mandalay . The procession was over a mile long. In fact when its head reached south- west corner of the moat which surrounds the laplace of King Thibaw , the tail-end was still wagging impatiently in the Pagoda , itching to leave . The procession was marching along 84th street towards Clock Tower and when they reached 26 B street , the corner of telegram office they met Burma Rifle led by Deputy Commissioner Mr. Lak , and Police Inspector Mr .David on the bank of the moat, putting their back toward the Mandalay palace . The authorities in Mandalay were given instructions by the Government in Rangoon to stop the procession .The clash was expected and the hand of fate seemed to lay heavy on the assembly .The district official stopped the procession and warned that if there was no dispersal the police would be ordered to open fire .

The strikers refused to do so then , police started shooting at the crowd for the first time . Six monks were shot. In front of Imperil Bank on the 26 B street another volley of shots run out and four were shot . Then, for the third time police shot at the crowd near Row & Co: , many were shot . The list of causalities were seven phongyis , three students , and seven ordinary peoples, total seventeen deaths . They were Sangha U PANDITA , Sangha U PYINYA ZAW TA , Sangha U WAIPYONLA , Sangha U ZARNITA , Sangha U ARLAWKA , Sangha U KAYLATHA , Sangha U KYATU.
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 Student Bho Ba Thay from Wesilay , student Bho Tun Aung of U Naikbaindas school , student Bho Tin Aung , aged 12 , of Central National School . Civilain Bho Mhu , Bho Tun Aung , Bho Aung Htoo , Bho Khin Maung , Bho Tun E , Bho Ba Lunn, Bho Khin Maung . They were posthumously awarded NAYMYO MAHAR THIHA THUYA and the funeral was attended by 200,00 peoples. This was recorded as TAUNG THON YAR PYIT AYAYDAWPHON. On account of that , Dr. Ba Maw lost his government in regular non confidence motion , and U Pu formed a new government in accordance with the instruction of the Governor . In September 1939 World War in Europe had started with the invasion of Germen troops into Poland . On 9th September 1939 Dobama Asiayone ( Thakin ) held Executive Committee meeting and passed the following resolution that :- Unified strategy in resitance against the British Government for freedom from the Britishs yoke was important . Then in Mandalay , Executives Committee meeting was held and passed nine declaration concerning with the Second World War and future of Burma . Out of that the following two were important . ( A ) That they decided Burma must free from British shackle at all cost . For that purpose they must try and bring down and substitute with the new Burmanization system of government in the place of the present 91 Subject Reform system of government introduced by the British under the provisions of 1935 Government of Burma Act . ( FIRST CONSTITUTION FOR BURMA .) ( B ) We decided to cooperate with any one, any groups , who harbuored same attidute with us in the matter of freedom for Burma . Dobama Asiayone Young thakin leaders from Dobama Asiayone formed FREEDOM BLOCK or B. F.B. in October 1939 , with Dr. Ba Maw as ARNARSHIN or dictator and Ko Aung San as Seceretary . Thakin Mya , Thakin Nu , Thakin Than Tun from Dobama Asiayone, Dr. Thein Maung , U Tun Aung , Saw Pe Tha , Mandalay U Ba Shwe , U Ba U , Thakin Ba Hein and some other politicians were members. The Declaration was issused by Burma Freedom Block . It stated that :- British Government declared that they are fighting in Europe for
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democracy freedom . The ideology of Burma Freedom Block is freedom and democracy for Burma . If British Government promise to give freedom to Burma then Burma will make contributions to British War efforts . If not, Burma should not contribute any kind of contribution whatever so for the British War efforts . If the British government decided to give freedom then it must make arrangements to call Constituency Assembly for drawing Constitution concerning with Burma . Further , BRP rejected to support all kinds of War of Colonization. This declaration was mentioned in speeches made by the leaders of Burma Freedom Block at various meetings through out the country . On account of that police arrested Dr. Thein Maung on 26th July 1940, and charged with provision of section 124 , Sedition . On 6th August 1940 Dr. Ba Maw was also arrested under the provision of Burma Defence Act for making anti-war speech and sentenced one year imprisonment under the section 124 Sedition . Authority sent him to Mogok jail . Again Thakin Nu at Jubilee Hall made a speech concerning with anti- war efforts and if British Government refused to declare that they will give freedom to Burma, Burma will not contribute any war efforts . Thakin Nu was arrested and charged with section 124 ( A ) Sedition . Burma Freedom Block secretary Thakin Aung San also made speeches at Zalun and at Daunk Gyi on the same subject . Police issued warrant under section 124 for Thakin Aung San . Fortunately , one nationalist Burmese police officer called Hla Taw gave his good office to Aung San, and Aung San was able to dodge the authorities and got back to Rangoon . District Supretendent of police of Hanzada issued public notice for the arrest of Aung San or leading information where about of Aung San with reward of Rs. 5.00 . In Rangoon Aung San , Ko Nu , Kyaw Nyein discussed about the situation and Aung San decided to evade the police in order he could searched foreign contacts for the revolution . Thakin Nu was arrested and sentenced two years imprisonment in jail . Other politicians such as Thakin Soe , Thakin Mya , Thakin Mya Thiwn , Thakin Lay Mg , Thakin Thein Pe, were arrested and sentenced and sent to jail . Aung San became Thakin was now Secretary of the Dobama Asiayone , after having ousted Thakin Ba Sein and Thakin Tun Ok. First they formed BURMA REVOLUTIONARY PARTY and had felt the need of getting arms and assistance from some friendly foreign powers , the best part of the idea was
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they didnt sure about who that power would be . Actually , it was a vague and formless bodies of young thakins who met at secret places and dreamed their dream aloud . Among them was Thakin Mya , who was not only the oldest but also elected to House of Representatives on Ko Min Ko Chin Party ticket . Thakin Chit or Saya Chit looked upon them as their guide and teacher ,Thakin Kyaw Nyein was the brain, and was a provider to the comrades because he was employed in the custom department . He was intellectual as well as energetic . Ba Shwe was a student leader from Tavoy high school , and he was specially brought over to Rangoon , by the R.U.S.U, to organize the student body and the BRP. Ba Shwe , who was in charge of military operations had a revolver which could not fire . With that revolver he and his gang committed robbery for money and jewels with the hope that they could raised party funds . Unfortunately the victim had nothing to surrender and the crime ended without success , and they tendered their apology to the victim for the troubles . He tried this venture because the B.R.P, had no money. Hla Maung, the law student, and president of the All Burma Students Union acted as a diplomat who searched in the high and low places for contacts. He and Thakin Hla Pe went to Thailand on search-mission . Police come to know about this venture , but on advice of U Myint, lecture of faculty of law , the owner of New Light of Burma published false report stating that Hla Maung was busy with activities in Rangoon . It made a good alibi for both of them . Among the group two young men were keen enthusiasts in the conspiracy. One was a medical student Maung Maung who got hold of British army training manuals , and after reading them , he appointed himself Chief of Military Training . He did gave training to the cadres on handing guns . The other was Aung Gyi from Paungde , who worked in the government and collected vital information and worked for BRP at night. { Later Maung Maung became Col: Director of Military Training in the Burma Army cum , Professor of Military Science at the Rangoon University . Aung Gyi , on the other hand became Colonel General Staff , then Vice Chief of Staff in Burma Army. Both of them founded Defense Service Academy , D.S.A. , and introduced Defense Services Institute (D.S.I. ), and Burma Economics Development Corporation ( B.E.D.C. ) . Both Aung Gyi and Maung Maung were the
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culprits, who dragged Defense Services into economy and financial ventures competing with other private enterprises of the country around 1955 . }

B.R.P. was on the War Path against British Government without funds, and firearms . But they had unlimited supply of fury and fancy ideas ,and keenness . They were the ones who made revolution in modern Burmese history . In Rangoon , Japanese Consulate contacted BRP through Dr. Ba Maw and Dr. Thein Maung that Japanese would like to help with Burmas future , and they wanted discussed about the help with BRP . BRP took the offer but Japan counter part discovered that Aung San and majority members were Bolsheviks . And the same time some members of BRP thought that Japan had suspicious ambitions of her own in South- East Asia . Aung San had the idea that they should look for help from China, and to contact with Communist Eight Route Army . On account of that Aung San and Thakin Hla Myaing were smuggled out of the country to Amoy which is on the China coast . The second option was that if they could not make contact with China they decided to look for Japan as an second alternative. While Aung San and Thakin Hla Myaing were on the way to Amoy, Japanese counter part tried to look for them in Rangoon because of the earlier contacts Japan had made with Dobamar Asaiyone ( Thakin Ko Daw Maing). Japanese Col: Suzuki of Japanese Imperial Army and Mr. Su Gee of Minamigan were the ones looking for Aung San . They received photographs of Aung San and Thakin Hla Myaing from Dobama Asiayone and went back to Thailand . Then from Thailand they sent the photos Major Kanda at KOW LOON and asked him to look for Aung San and Hla Myaing . Col: Suzuki went back to Tokyo . Later Japanese Army Major and military police found them at the international settlement of Kulangsu in Amoy. On 12 November, 1940 Aung and Hla Myaing flew to Tokyo . When they arrived Col: Suzuki was waiting at the airport and made introduction addressing himself as Mr. Minami, Chief Secretary , Japan-Burma Society . They were put at the country side hotel and asked whether Aung San and his collegue wanted any women for the night . The offer was refused by both of them .

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 Keji Suzuki was graduate from Japanese Military Academy . He was posted to Phillipines and there he acquired interest and information about island warfare in Soth-East Asia . He later served as Chief of the Vessel Department at General Headquarters . His ambition was to make present to the Emperor a special kind of gift . He wanted a country for a special fruit for the Emperor that which should not to be eaten or used up but prized , preserved and protected . Aung Sans patriotism and honesty commanded hundred percent respect from the Japanese counter part . Than, Aung San and Keji Suzuki worked for a plan together . For the former was to liberate Burma from foreign yoke , and the latter was to engineer Expansion of Japan into the further shores . Both of them thought that the destiny of the country was in their hands . Sine Japan was not at war with the West or U.S Suzuki could not get full official support for this plan . Aung San Japanese name was OMODA MONJI and for Hla Myaing was TODA SAI DAI CHI By a month or two Japanese Imperial Army and Navy decided to join hands with them and established Minam Kikan for implementing the project . Both Aung San disgused as an officer on the Shun Tein Maru and Mr. Mitsuru Sugii, as purser of the shipo went back to Rangoon in February, 1941 . Their ship anchored at Bassein. Aung San with other two shipmates went out of the harbor and Aung San changed into Burmese cloths and put false teeth as disguised. He went to Rangoon by Henzada and arrived in Rangoon. He met with BRP and made arrangements for sending recruits to Japan . While Aung San was in Tokyo Thakin Ba Seins Dobama fraction already made arrangement independently with Japan with their own plan for war against the British . Due to shortage of time and urgency of the situation the question of differences among the fractions were forgotten . They used Varsity- Co-operative Stores managed by a student of 1936 strike Tun On which was inside the Scott Market ,now Bogyok Market as convenient hiding place and assembly point . It was an exodus for them and they successfully smuggled out Young Thakins in batches by sea . Between February to June almost all the thirty thakins were smuggled out of Burma in eight voyages . They were hidden inside the engine room until they reached safe distance from Rangoon port . Only when they were inside the engine room then to their surprised they found out the
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members of two fractions , Aung Sans fraction and Ba Seins fraction who were on the same mission . The THIRTY COMRADES were trained very hard for the war . Aung San was marked for the commander of the BURMA INDEPENDENCE ARMY and Thakin Tun Ok was marked for administration duties . Their training centre was at Hianan. The Members of the Thirty Comrades were as follows :- ( 1 ) Bo Taza @ Thakin Aung San ,( from Thakin Kodaw Maings fraction ), ( 2 ) Bo Latya @ Thakin Hla Pe , ( 3 ) Bo Ne Win @ Thakin Shu Maung , ( from Thakin Ba Seins fraction ), ( 4 ) Bo Zeya @ Thakin Hla Maung , ( 5 ) Thakin Tun Ok , @ Thakin Tun Ok , ( 6 ) Bo Set Kya @ Thakin Aung Than . ( 7 ) Bo Aung @ Thakin San Hlaing , ( 8 ) Bo Yan Naing @ Thakin Tun Shein , ( 9 ) Bo Kyaw Zaw @ Ko Shew , ( 10 ) Bo Yan Aung @ Thakin Hla Myaing , ( 11 ) Bo La Yaung @ Thakin Ba Gyan , (12 ) Bo Phon Myint @ Thakin Tin Aye ,

( 13 ) Bo Myint Swe @ Thakin Thakin Tun Khin , ( 14 ) Bo Ta Ya @ Thakin Khin Maung U , ( 15 ) Bo Ba La @ Thakin Tun Lwin , ( 16 ) Bo Ye Htut @ Thakin Aung Thein , ( 17 ) Bo Mo Nyo @ Thakin Kyaw Sein , ( 18 ) Bo Min Gyaung @ Thakin Saw Lwin ,

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 ( 19 ) Bo Tauk Htain @ Thakin San Mya , ( 20 ) Bo Zin Yaw @ Thakin Than Nyunt , ( 21 ) Bo Saw Naung @ Thakin Thit , ( 22 ) Bo Min Yaung @ Ko Hla , ( 23 ) Bo Lin Yon @ Thakin Tun Shwe , ( 24 ) Bo Myint Aung @ Thakin Soe , ( 25 ) Bo Htein Win @ Ko Saung , ( 26 ) Bo Saw Aung @ Thakin Ngwe , ( 27 ) Bo Moe @ Thakin Moe , ( 28 ) Bo Nyana @ Thakin Maung Maung , ( 29 ) Bo Mya Din @ Thakin Than Tin , ( 30 ) Thakin Than Tin , died during training on Formosa island. Bo Ba La in his Memoir of the revolutionalist, Vol: no: one, page 36/37/38/39 , mentioned that the departure of thirty comrades was divided into five groups . The first group consisted of Thakin Aung San( Bo Te Za ) , Thakin Hla Pe ( Bo Let Ya ), Thakin Aye Maung ( Bo Moe ) , Thakin Ba Gyan ( Bo La Yaung ), Ko Tun Shein( Bo Yan Naing ) . They left Rangoon on 10th March 1941 by sea . The second group consisted of Ko Shwe ( Bo Kyaw Zaw ) , Thakin Aung Thein ( Bo Ye Htut ), Thakin Tun Shwe ( Bo Lin Yone ) , Thakin Tin Aye ( Bo Phone Myint ) , Thakin Than Tin ( Bo Mya Din ), Thakin Saw Lwin ( Bo Min Gaung ) , Thakin Soe ( Bo Myint Aung ) . Thet also left by sea on 13th April 1941. The third group consisted of Ko Hla Maung ( Bo Ze Ya )), Thakin San Mya ( Bo Tauk Htain ) , Thakin Khin Maung U ( Bo Ta Ya ) , left during second week of May by sea . The fourth group consisted of Thakin Shu Maung ( Bo Ne Win ), Thakin Than Nyunt ( Bo Zin Yaw ), Ko Maung Hla ( Bo Min Yaung ), Thakin Kyaw Sein ( Bo Moe Nyo ), Thakin Ngwe ( Bo Min Yaung ) , Thakin Thit ( Bo Saw Naung ) , Thakin San Hlaing ( Bo Aung ) , Thakin Maung Maung ( Bo Nyana ) , Thakin Tun Ok,
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Thakin Tun Khin (, Thakin Tun Khin ( Bo Myint Swe ) , Thakin Tun Lwin ( Bo Tun Lwin ) , and Thakin Tun Lwin ( Bo Ba La ). They left on 8th July 1941 by sea . Thakin Aung Than ( Bo Sett Kyar ) , and Thakin Than Tin went by land , but Thakin Than Tin died during the trip at Formosa . Lastly , Ko Saung ( Bo Htein Win ) who was in Japan , met with Thakin Aung San and after discussion he decided and joined the group . The episodes about their experience at Hinan about the training were almost same . It was hard ,harsh , terrible , very severed but the member of thirty comrades survived the training because they dreamt the same dream that one day they could be the liberators of the Burma for complete freedom free from British yoke. Thakin Tun Ok in his book My Adventure page 67/68 , 1943 edition , wrote about his experience inside the engine room . When he arrived to the ship the officers took him inside the room and he changed into the cloths which were very dirty without delay for security reason . Then he went down from one floor to another until he reached inside the engine room where he heard the voices speaking in Burmese . He could not see them because it was very dark and there was no light . Next morning , he met other Thakins , those he was not able to see them last night . They talked about their individual experiences they had before they arrived to the ship . They were altogether eleven consisted of Thakin Tun Ok , Thakin Shu Maung ( Bo Ne Win ), Thakin San Hlaing( Bo Aung ), Thakin Tun Khin ( Bo Min Swe ) , Thakin Tun Lwin ( Bo Ba La ) , Thakin Kyaw Sein ( Bo Nyo), Thakin Hla ( Bo Min Yaung ) , Thakin Ngwe ( Bo Saw Aung ) , Thakin Thein Nyunt ( Bo Zin Yaw ) , Thakin Thit ( Bo Saw Naung ) , and Thakin Maung Maung ( Bo Nya Na ) . While they were talking a sailor came running and shouted that police were embarking the ship . They jumped into the trap door which was right under the engine . The sailor closed the trap door and tightened with the bolt . They were inside the trap door and it was very dark and it had a foul smell and it was very dirty . They did not sure about their safety . After waited for a long time the ship engine started running and heat had risen inside the trap door and became very hot .They stayed inside the
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trap door for a long hours and only after the ship was at sea then the sailor came and opened the trap door . During the ordeal a thought came into his head while he was inside the trap door. Thakin Tun Ok remembered that he had talked too much for long time , now the situation did not called for talking any more . It was the time for action , and sacrificed . Japanese instructor taught him with the subject of Civil Administration . He was earmarked for the duties of administration when the conquered Burma, and at the same time Aung San was for commanding the Burmese contingent of armed forces named BURMA INDEPENDENCE ARMY . All the thirty comrades were trained for several months in selected groups, in sabotage , fifth column work , in administration , in general staff duties , and general warfare . After that they had new names , well trained , plans were made , and ready for the march into Burma . In Rangoon , the leaders of BRP waited for the news of the invasion from Thirty Comrades but the signal was not received even when Japan attacked and bombed Pearl Habour , the headquarter of American Naval Fleet in Pacific , the Japanese declaration of War , and bombing by Japanese air force on 23rd December and later repeatedly bombed again .

With the bombing by Japanese air force materialized how enfeebled structure of British rule in Burma was quickly smashed beyond repair . THE ROOTS, JAPANESE INVASION INTO BURMA , FROM 24 TH DECEMBER 1941 TO THE FALL OF RANGOON . Before the Japanese invasion to Burma , the Burma Government had no proper line of defense concerning with the country . In the under- mentioned facts proved that Burma was considered minor importance by British Government and also by the Burma Government . In 1938 question about Burma Army was asked in the House of Representatives . Government in the reply to the above-stated question concerning about the strength of Burma Army , it stated that there were only 159 Burmans , 3040 other indigenous races , 1423 Indians and 1587 British soldiers
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in Burma Army . And of officers there were 4 Burmans , 75 indigenous races , 36 Indians , and 163 British . This reply was made in 1938 by the Government. (F/N no: 146 ) . In another way, actually , there were scant forces in Burma : only two regular British battalions that by December 1941 had been drained of officers and men so that muster about four companies ; four mixed battalions of the Burma Rifle ; nine battalions of Military Police ; one squadron of fighter (Buffalo) aircraft and other assorted various units . Again , in the official British Inter-Service HISTORY of the WAR AGAINST JAPAN stated :- The possibility of an attack on Burma across her eastern frontier had for long been regarded as remote , and in 1939 the General Officer Commanding Burma did not consider there was any real danger of invasion from that quarter . In August the Chief of Staff reviewed the situation in the Far East and concluded that though a Japanese occupation of Siam would bring the threat of air attack on Burma closer , the invasion of Burmese territory would still be a comparatively remote threat . Reinforcements were needed , but since the defense of Malaya had to have precedence , the provision of these could only be a long term project .( F/N no: 147 ). In October a Defence Conference held at Singapore slightly revised the previous judgment and made recommendation that additional air and ground forces be supplied to Burma . But Chief of Staff considered that the conference had overestimated the scale of possible Japanese attack . They vetoed the recommendations of the Singapore conference except to have British Indian Command earmark a brigade group to dispatch to Burma in an emergency . After United States had successfully broken the Japanese code in early July 1941 , U.S. intercepted the message sent to London from Tokyo, and American alerted the British about the Japanese intentions driving south-ward and across main-land of Southeast Asia . Unfortunately , British were unable to step up their commitments for the defense of Burma . British commander in Burma Sir John Smyth pointed out the status of Burma was : from point of view of defense , Burma was nobodys baby . Even after the war started in Europe, Burma command was in constant change between London, New Delhi , Singapore , and Java . ( headquarters for General Wavells South- West Pacific Command ).
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 Japan on their part , even before Pearl Harbour , had entrenched in French Indo- China . Their strategy was to use 15th Army for takeover in Thailand and the conquest of Burma , and 25th Army was for Malaya and Singapore . The pre- 1939 appreciations and plans of Defence was from the very beginning wrong in their accessment made by the High Command . The real of a land attack on Burma by an external enemy was long regarded as remote. In 1927 there was an appreciation from the meeting concerning with possible invasion of Chinese from province of Yunnam. It was emphasized that such a danger would be preceded by sufficient indications . General Staff in India , until 1939 the Committee of Imperial Defence took the view that a land attack in force on Burma was only a distant possibility . After the action of Japanese in Thailand the Chief of Staff changed with the question on Defence of Burma . The danger of air attack was , however , the only main concern of the army in Burma . The Commanding officer of Burma Army Maj: General D.K. Mc Leod , wrote a letter in 1939 which mentioned that : On the Siamese ( Thai ) border there is not much scope for a larger force ( than raiding parties ) to attack Burma by land via Manadalay . This is the only practical route for a force of any size-say a Brigade . The objective would be Moulmein . But I do not regard the land threat very seriously- air attack by Japan from Siamese aerodromes is the big danger. ( F/N no: 148 ). In June, Anglo-French Naval , Military , and Air Force Conference met in Singapore to co-ordinate plans for meeting the Japanese aggression in the Far East . It was thought that the Japanese forces in Thailand would threatening Malaya and Indo- China by land operations . As for Burma , they considered air attack by Japanese only on oil-refineries in Burma . But after the collapsed of French in the western front , French collaboration with the British to defend Malaya and Burma from Indo- China vanished . In October 1940 , the Singapore Defence Conference met to co- ordinate plans for the employment of British , American , and Dutch forces in the event of war with Japan . Although the conference gave greater attention to Burma , it still focused on the old theory of the foundation of British strategy in the Far East which based on Singapore . A fleet based at Singapore was not only strong enough to provide cover for communication in the Indian Ocean and
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South- West Pacific but also to frustrate any large expeditions against Australia and New Zealand any British Far Eastern possessions . On account of that the first option and priority was defence of Malaya. It was considered more important than BURMA . At the same time Burma whose imperial importance was because of her oil and mineral resources and also of the fact that sea and air communications with Singapore . Burma was the channel for supplies to the Chunking Government. Burma was an outpost of India and if any threat to Burma occurred by Japanese of any kind including the occupation would resulted the menace to Eastern India and the installations of imperial importance situated there . They appreciated that after occupying Thailand Japan could attack Burma and Eastern India through Malaya . Malaya should be Japan primary objective . ( 1 ) Air attack on oil refineries and docks at Rangoon , and possibly on the vulnerable points in Eastern India , ( 2 ) Land , seaborne , air attacks , air borne troops on Tenasserim to capture or destroy aerodromes on the Singapore air route , ( 3 ) Attacks on the reminder of Burmas eastern frontier would probably be limited and Japan might be assisted by Thai troops , ( 4 ) An attack from Chiengrai into southern Shan States was a feasible proposition for large force , against which measures must be taken by the High command in near future . British still thought that Japanese would attack from Yunnan by land and air . The conference considered about the strength necessary for holding and delaying any land attack on Burma until reinforcement arrived for keeping open the air route to Singapore . They admitted the fact that with present strength neither Victoria point nor Mergui could be defended . The defence of the rest of Tenasserim required four battalions , a Field Company . The defence for Shan States required two Brigades with two Fields Batteries, a Mountain Battery , an Anti- Tank Battery, a Light Anti- Aircraft Battery , a Light Tank Company and two Fields Companies . As for defence of Rangoon area required a Brigade support by a Field Battery and a Field Company . In the report concluded that with the
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present force the most they can be done is to hold the northen part of Tenasserim and Rangoon . The vital installations in the Rangoon area, the oil- fields, etc area entirely unprotected from air attack . Further , the defence of Burma were estimated as follows : Five Infantry Brigades and two additional Battalions . One field Regiment and one Battery , two Mountain Batteries , one Anti- Tank Battery , one Heavy Anti-Aircraft Regiment of 24 guns , one Light Anti- Aircraft Battery ( non-mobile ) , one Light Anti- Aircraft Battery ( mobile ) , and one Company of Light Tanks . The Chief of Staff did not agree to this conclusion , and on January 1941 they stated that the Conference proposal for Burma was over estimated . Even about February 1941 , War Office assured the Governor of Burma it would be a waste to send additional more troops to Burma because it was highly improbable that Burma would be involved in the war . After the war broke out with Japan , the War Office and the Far East Command informed General Sir A. Wavell that an attack in force against Burma was unlikely until the Japanese had completed their campaings in Malaya and the Philippines . When the War happened , Commander- in -Chief Far East issued instructions to GOC, Burma Army , that the first duty was to maintain the Imperial air route to Singapore by providing local protection for the various landing grounds in the southern Burma . The British afraid that Japan might made an attack on the northern Shan States through Indo- China . The General Staff, India assumed that there were two options for Japanese open to them . One was to concentrate on Malaya and sever connection between Burma and Malaya by cutting the air route down the west coast by capturing Tavoy , Mergui , and Victoria Point . The second would be to use two divisions in Thailand for capturing Tavoy, Mergui , and Victoria Point , than advance by land on Keng-Tung and Taunggyi at an early date . In the mean time British went further with their appreciations based on inadequate estimate of the Japanese strength and erred on the side of optimism . They made five fatal mistakes .
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 ( 1 ) That the traditional step-by-step policy of Japan would preclude her attacking many countries at the same time . ( 2 ) That they drew conclusions an invasion through southern Shan States based on the fact that line of communications was very good. ( 3 ) That the conditions of the country on the frontier were natural difficult , the few and indifferent tracks , the hills and the thick jungle would restrict the numbers the Japanese could employ and use them . ( 4 ) Also everyone believed that British air forces would be able to prevent the Japanese from using even the limited approaches to the frontier . ( 5 ) The worst theory was that Singapore would not fall and that the Allies would enjoy the monopoly of Bay of Bengal and the Indian Ocean . With these abovementioned facts British prepared for the war against Japanese in South-East Asia . As for Burma , Gen. Sir A. Wavell after discussion with Governor of Burma , Commander-in- Chief , Far East , GOC, Burma Army cabled to Chief of Imperial General Staff on November 11th recommended transfer of Burma to the India Command . His arguments were : ( a ) that the defence of Burma was vital to the defence of India and not to Malaya , ( b ) Bomber squadrons for the defence of India were best located in Burma , ( c ) reinforcement of land forces for Burma must come from India , ( d ) administration of Burma Defence Forces could be more effectively done from India than from Burma or The War Office . Unfortunately no reply was received to this request . ( F/N no: 149 ). Reinforcements for Burma arrived in 1941 December to Burma only when the hostilities started . They were sent to Burma but they could not arrived on time for effective service . The first reinforcement was 23rd Garrison Company . This went to Akyab in December 1941 for the defence of the airfield and port . Later , in January 1942 , it was relieved by the 14th Battalion 7th Rajput Regiment .
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 In Rangoon the first reinforcements to arrive were 8 Indian Heavy Anti-Aircraft Battery ( less two sections ) , and 3rd Indian Light Anti- Aircraft Battery . These disembarked on the last day of 1941 and at once took up duties at airfields and other vital points around Rangoon and Moulmein . In mid-December the 17th Indian Division had been selected for service in Burma and it was commanded by Maj. Gen. J.G. Smyth , V.C. From 17 Indian Division two Brigades groups were sent to Malaya and only Divisional Headquarters and the 46th Indian Infantry Brigade Group were sent to Burma . It was made up of young troops and was destined for Iraq and had no experience in jungle welfare and was not fit for immediate active service . 48th Indian Infantry Brigade of the 19th Indian Division arrived in Rangoon on 31th January and was transferred to the area of the 17th Indian Division . 1st Battalion the West Yorkshire Regiment landed in Burma at the end of January. The 1st Battalion the Cameronians and the 2nd Battalion the Duke of Wellingtons Regiment arrived in February . In early March the I st Battalion the Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers was flown into Burma to the Magwe. Rangoon had fallen . The convoy bringing in the 63 Indian Infantry Brigade Group reached Rangoon on 3rd March and was just in time to participate in the final stages of the battle for the Rangoon port . Just before the evacuation of Rangoon the reinforcement of artillery were landed in Rangoon . After, Sir A. Wavell visited on 6th February the Salween front he diverted 7th Armoured Brigade Group which was intended for Java to Rangoon . With the evacuation of Rangoon all entry of reinforcements come to cease. From the beginning Burma Command made mistakes on the defence of Burma . British Government would not cave in to Japanese pressure to close the Burma Road again . That meant war , since the Japanese were unlikely to be able to mount a naval blockade of Burma . There were two jungle roads into Burma from Thailand , but like almost everyone else the Commander of Burma Army Major General D.K. Mc Leod had the same theory that these roads were impassable . The intelligence report had described how difficult was the Three Pagpdas Route from Thailand into Burma , but after all, it had been used by Burmese royal troops invading Thailand in the old days . The report concluded that the odds would definitely be in favour of Burma in the present well
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prepared state of defences . The author of this report went on to record one unfavourable feature , apparently without the slightest trace of irony: It cannot be denied that the Burmans are one of those peoples who do not fully appreciate the benefits of British rule . In 1938 Mr. John Clague , an intelligent civil servant , took a different view . He had minuted that it would be easy to invade Burma through those passes . Burmese elephant thieves drove stolen animals into hailand this way on a regular basis . ( Note on the Karens , Clague Papers , Mss Eur E 52/22, p.4, OIOC . ) JAPANESE FORCES IN THE CAMPAING FOR BURMA.. Japanese side put in Fifteenth Army which was ultimately consisted of four divisions .In 1942 January 33rd Division and 213 Infantry Regiment ( less 33rd Infantry Group and 213 Infantry Regiment ) and the Mountain Artillery Regiment arrived in February. The third group consisting of the 2nd Battalion ,213 Infantry Regiment , and 6 Company of the Mountain Artillery Regiment came in March . The two divisions had a total strength of 40,000 against the 1st Burma Division and 17th Indian Division and two Chinese armies equal to one Indian Division . In the matter concerning with Air Force Japanese , it was numerically superior to the Allied Air Force of R.A.F. ,I.A.F. ,A.V.G. put together . When the war broke out with Japan, British had one squadron; No: 67 Squadron which consisted sixteen Buffalo aircrafts in Burma . Another air force was American Volunteer Group with P. 40 ( Tomahawk ) aircrafts which were meant for Chinese theatre and their based was at Taungoo and Magwe aerodrome was at their disposal . Japanese had one air division ( 5 Air Division ) which consisted 200 front line aircrafts . Each light bombers regiments was equipped with 27-37 light bombers ( type 99 ) and heavy bombers regiments were equipped with 27-37 heavy bombers ( type 99 or type 100 ). On the night of 7-8 December, Japan invaded THAILAND . After some resistance raised by the Thai arm forces , Thai and Japan signed the ten- year treaty of alliance on the 14th December . Toward the end of the month Thailand announced the policy of fullest co-operation with Japan . Thai troops were soon fighting by the side of the invader. Later in January Thailand , made a formal declaration of war on the United States and Britain .
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 Now Japanese had occupied Thailand and they were at the gates of Burma . THE SITUATION WERE A GOOD GAMBIT FOR ATTACKING BURMA . Japan declared war on the allies on 7th December 1941 . Japan made first air attack inside Burma . Rangoon was bombed on 23rd December, 10.00 am in the morning by Japanese air force consisted of 60 ( type 99 ) bombers and 30 fighters . The casualties were high between 2000- 2500 peoples. The second raid was at 10.30 am in the morning of 25th December, by the Japanese air force consisted of 80 ( type 99 ) bombers and 20 fighters . The casualties were between 750- 1700 . Most of the town wards were burnt down because of the bombing . British were able to shoot down eleven Japanese air crafts . Rangoon port dock- labours and other Indians started their exodus to India via Taungup . They went through Rangoon- Prone highway . Rangoon was deserted and became a ghost town . The most serious effect of the bombing was the exodus of 75 percent of the population . The city was denuded of all servants , menials , employees and coolies . All essential services , air raid services, municipal services , transport services , Post and Telegraph clerks , the Ordnance and Military Works , and Telephone Exchange personnel and above all dock labour , left Rangoon . In Bangkok the Thirty Comrades and few Burmans formed Burma Independence Army, B.I.A. on 26th December 1941 at the residence of U Lun Pe. Out of the thirty comrades Bo Ne Win ,Bo Taya , Bo Moe Nyo , Bo Lin Yone , Bo Zeya , Bo Myint Shwe were sent to Burma for espionage activities . When thery reached beyond Theinsaik they divided into three groups , the first group consisted Bo Ne Win as leader , second group Bo Moe Nyo and Bo Lin Yone as leaders , third group Bo Taya as leader . Bo Taya group was arrested by British . B.I.A. started recruiting volunteers and the strength of B.I.A. was total 3776 troops . B.I.A. advanced into Burma in four columns , namely, Tavoy column , Victoria column , Moulmein column , and Papun column . For the Thirty Comrades , IT WAS TIME OF COURAGE , IT WAS THE TIME FOR GREATNESS , and IT WAS THE TIME FOR HEROES . THE OPENING OF THE CAMPAING

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 The Papun column was commanded by Lt. General Kawa Shima and Col: Latya , they entered Papun through Chiengmai and occupied Myittha village on 15th January . British sent reserved platoon at Kyaukmedaung to attack the Japanese at Myitta but the British troops fell back on Kyaukmedaung under the order of Battalion Headquarter with the intention to attack on the next morning . On 11 January at 1630 hours Japanese aircrafts raided Tavoy . The first raid was by 9 planes and dropped 12 bombs and the second was by 23 air crafts which bombed and machine-gunned the aerodrome . The communications were not interrupted and there was seven casualities . On 16th January British received news that Myitta was in the hands of Japanese and on 17th January British received the news that great strength of Japanese troops were in the south of Kyaukmedaung British retreated to Wagon village . Then ,on 18th January Japanese made advance towards Tavoy and entered Tavoy on the night of 18TH January . By 19th January Japanese appeared near the Tavoy aerodrome in the north-eastern part of the city . The detachment of Kokine Battalion, the Burma Frontier Force put up a spirited defence , but eventually forced to withdraw and the aerodrome was lost . By 12.30 hours the commanding officer issued the withdrawal from Tavoy and evacuated the town . B.I.A. troops commanded by Col: Toku Naga started their march to Burma from Bangkok on 31st December mid-night . They arrived inside Mergui district on 2nd January 1942. Bo Yan Naing , Bo Min Gyaung , and Bo Tauk Htein were with the column . This column was divided into two groups ,one went to Victoria Point and Bokpyin the other group commanded by Bo Min Gyaung captured Kaya Thuri village inside the Bokpyin township which was 150 miles from Mergui district . From Kaya Thuri village the column advanced towards Mergui and captured part of Mergui on 17th January 1942 at 6.00 am in the morning . On the same day two companies of the 3 Battalion Burma Rifles were transferred by road and sea to Tavoy . Later in the day ( 18th January ) Army headquarter directed the Mergui garrison to withdraw by sea to Rangoon . Half of the total forces in Mergui district and civilian whose service were no longer required sailed by S.S. Harvey Adamson to Rangoon in the late evening of the 20 January . The remainder of the troops left to Tenasserim Island by several launches except a small
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demolation squad . On the same day ( 18 January )with the good office of Dobama Assayone additional 2000 new recruits joined the army . They left Bo Tun Sein with 300 troops at Mergui and advanced towards Amherst . Mean while 143rd Infantry Regiment crossed the frontier from Taplee and occupied the village of Marang which was 35 miles south-west of Victoria . From Marang Japanese moved down to Pakchan and entered Maliwun village only 20miles north of Victoria Point . On 12 th December, Victoria Point registered air raid . British thought that Japanese combine attack was expected at the dawn of 13th December . On 13th December, Victoria Point and aerodrome were bombed and machinegun heavily . This resulted desertion of the civil police . On the same day the town was evacuated . Advance guard of Japanese forces entered the town on the morning of 15th December . The attack on Tavoy was considered by the Burma Command as an isolated attempt and not as a beginning of a general offensive . But for the Japanese Moulmein was their objective . Their aim was to annihilate the British forces along the river south of Bilin . Japanese started building a motor road from Rahaeng to Mae Saut early in January and they finished the road in the middle of February . From Myawaddy to Kyondo the unmeltalled road was 5 miles On this road stood Kawkareik town situated near the foot of Dawna Range . Kyondo was connected with Moulmein by launch services . From Kyondo there also ran a maze tracks and one of the track was a motorable in the dry season and crossed the Haungtharaw river by ferry at Kyain . There was another route through Three Pagodas Pass . The forward defence positions of Moulmein were therefore Myawaddy , Kawkareik , and the Three Pagodas Pass . Col: Ketajima , commander of B.I.A. , Moulmein Column advanced toward Moulmein . At the same time Fifteen Army advanced its head-quarters to Rahaeng in order to command the operations of 55th Division near Moulmein and directed the penetration of the 33rd Division to the banks of the Salween . This was the master plan to attack Kawkareik and Moulmein thus drawing the Burmese forces to the vincinty of Moulmein, while the 33rd Division moved north , made a surprise crossing of the Salween at Pa-an in order to cut off and
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annihilate the forces along the river south of Bilin and thus made clear the way for a crossing of the Sittang at Mokpalin. It would sealed the fate of Rangoon . Before that move , air raid on Moulmein and Kawkareik were started . Air raid was executed on 18th January by a force of 14 bombers and escorted by five fighters on Moulmein . They bombed aerodrome and the supply deports. Although damages were not much but it made Burmese population to move toward the country side . On the same day 1st Battalion 7th Gurkha Rifles detected the Japanese movement on the east banks of the Thaungyin river at Myawaddy . On 19th January another air raid and bombs set of fire in Moulmein. The position along the road were heavily bombed daily . On 7th January , the landing stage at Kyondo had been attacked . It was the evidence that big scale attack on Moulmein and Kawkareik were imminent . THE REATREAT OF BRITISH TROOPS TO MOULMEIN The Japanese 55 th Division made an advance in the small hours of 20th January and crossed Thaungyin at Myawaddy and at Palu . The first blow by the Japanese went to the forward company at milestone 51 . Japanese forces surrounded the British troops at various points . Those were from 1st Battalion 7th Gurkha Rifles and held out for for nearly five hours inspite of the telephone communication was cut off and the ammunition ran short . About 100 troops made a gallant to breakout the Japanese ring . On receipt of the information that about 1000 strong of mixed Japanese and Thai were advancing the plain . The troops guarding the Nabu Pass had also been force to retire to Thingannyinaung. The attack of Myawaddy was supported by attacks on the right and left flanks at Kwingalay sector . The Brigadier issused D company of the 1st Royal Battalion 9th Jat Regiment to take positions in Myohaung ,Kawnwe and Tadanku to cover three tracks , one from Kwingala to Myohaung along the Myohaung and Koko Chaungs , another from Myohaung area via Kwanmo and the via Tadanku to Kawkareik . Till 23rd January D Company commander tried to dominate the Tichara-Mepale area did not received an order to withdraw which was sent to him since 21st January from Battalion Headquarter never reached him because he had no wireless communication . From the start of the operations the main
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positions at Sukli and Misty Hallow and the entire line of communication to Kawkareik was bombed and machinegunned at intervals . At the same time there were strong indications that a large-scale attack was imminent . Reports that received by Brigade and Divisional Headquarters were extremely varying and on account of that Divisional Commander issused orders for immediate withdrawal . The news made the spirit of the rest of the Battalion run low .The Brigade Commander was in a difficult position He could not allow the Japanese to get on behind his demolitions . The junior officers were quite panicky and the panic spread to the lower ranks also . They were all new to jungle fighting and the first days experience had shattered their nerves . As regards the withdrawal of the 1st Royal Battalion 9th Jat Regiment the War Diary stated , No clear picture can be painted as it was nothing short of a panic . The War Diary stated , Each officer of the Bridge Headquarters, from the Commander downwards was completely lost on his own . They had no idea of each others where about and it was obvious that no clear orders had been given or any proper recomnaissance made..Companies of the Brigades were scattered , isolated , divided , and each were surrounded by the Japanese troops of 55th DIVISION . On 21st January Brigade Headquarters moved to Kawkareik only to move out at dawn . Brig. J. K. Johnes gave orders to Sub Divisional Officer , Kawkareik for ecacute the civilian population at once at Kawkareik and Kyondo and Home Guard and Raid Wardens warned the public to leave the town at once . The Slappers were ordered to blow the Treasury and addition to the three mills, the Electric Power Plant and reserves of paddy . Criminals were released on bail and political prisoners were sent to Moulmein . By dawn the town was empty . Brigade Headquarter moved to mile stone 12 which was west of Kawkareik and at 11.00 hours Kawkareik was bombed by 22 Japanese aircrafts . On the same day 6 R A F Blenheims bombed Mae Saut . Due to the conditions of the entire front which were deteriorating very fast Brigader issued for withdrawal at night to Kyondo . xxxx Accordining to the Diary of the Sub- Divisional Officer when reached Kyondo xxxpg 196xxxxx ???? 0n 21 January he found river crafts and requisted and sent them to the junction of the Haungtharaw and Gyaing rivers from where the evacuation was to take place . He crossed the river and made enquires for the arrangement for the evacuation of the troops . Some of the river crafts were assemble at the
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opposite of the Gyaing village and some were sent to the Thaton side of the river opposite Kyauton village about two miles south of Gyaing . All the troops had to march southwards from Gyaing and when they reached the second ferry half of the troops was to continue marching south wards to Martaban and the other half crossed the river and marched southwards to Moulmein . The last body was to use the boats and float down to Moulmein. In the meanwhile at the Brigade Headquarter which was at the milestone 7, at about 20.00 hours due to the noise caused by the crackers or bamboos was taked for gunfire . In spite of the efforts of the Brigadier and Brigade Major to stop the disintegration the greater part of the Brigade Headquarter made their way to Kyondo . The Staff Captain and those of the Headquarters who had fled to Kyondo told Sub-Division Officer that the 16th Infantry Brigade Headquarter had been attacked and Brigadier had been killed . Sub-Division Officer was led to presume that main body of the troops were cut . pg 196. The Staff Captain also phone up Divisional Headquarter and made report about the fate of 16th Infantry Brigade and received confirmation from Divisional Headquarter and he with the troops who fled from Kwingala were marched southwards to Moulmein at the dawn . Before that he instructed Sub- Divisional Officer to evacuate the civilian from the village . 1st Battalion 7th Gurka Rifles , the 4th Battalion Burma Rifles , and Headquarters plus two companies of 1st Battalion reached the river found no guide , no craft , Sub-Divisional Officer and no transport . They struggled all the hardships and without food for three days and finally reached to Tarana village which was a steamer station on 24th January . After waited for long period they were able to embark on the steamer and reached Martaban at 4.00 hours. The scattered and tattered 16th Indian Infantry Brigade , Kya-in-Seikkyi company of the 1st Battalion 7th Gurka Rifles was contacted on 29th January near Maradan , the Myawaddy company arrived at Kywegyan on 26th January . Stragglers were kept coming in . Administrative Headquarters and the part of the 1st Royal Battalion 9th Jat Regiment later joined at Kywegyan . On 24th January Ist Battalion 7th Gurka Rifles left for Thaton and 4th Battalion 12th Frontier Force Regiment left to defend Moulmein . Burma Rifles company in Tichara-Mepallle area fell back to Kyawko , and arrived to Nabu village on 25 January and foud
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the village was burnt out by B.I.A. The withdrawal from Kawkareik over distance 53miles and for others 80miles with the net result was l;oss of of all transport and equipments including complete Signal Section . Orders were passed to destroy all arms and equipment , even rifles were thrown away .The mistake were committed by officers and their units . Some mortors and M.M.Gs were saved . According to General Sir . A. Wavell comment It is quite clear that the enemy were allowed to gain cheap initial successes through bad handling of local commanders , lack of training and in some instances lack of fighting spirit on the part of our troops . It was an unfortunate beginning to the campaing and had serious results in raising the morale of the enemy and depressing that of our own troops . Even after the Kawkareik action both ABDA and Burma Army Command failed to appreciate that a large scale Japanese had begun .

In his telegram of 21st January General Sir. A .Wavell mentioned that Large scale effort against Burma seems improbable at present . Japanese land efforts also dispersed . In his telegram to General Sir. A.Wavell , Lt. General T.J. Houtton wrote Attack on Tavoy and Kawkareik may have been isolated operation and not first stage of general offensive . Acceleration minor reinforcements remain therefore first importance but urgency is no longer so great as indicated in my telegram of 21st . On 26 January Gen. Sir. A. Wavell telegraphed to Mr. Churchill as follows : Returned this morning from Rangoon . Do not consider situation immediately serious provided certain steps outlined below are taken as early as possible . Japanese advance in Tenasserim probably made by comparatively small force ( It was in fact 2/3 of a Division ). Our main force south has been withdrawn across Salween , and Japanese occupation of Moulmein is probable but have instructed Hutton to take offensive action as soon as he has organized sufficient force . DEFENCE OF MOULMEIN The crumbling of the forward positions at Kawkareik left the road open to MOULMEIN , which was the headquarters of the Amherst Division . This port town which was a fishing village with a maze of tortuous streets and mat houses but because of long chain of fire in 1843 ,1846 , in 1856 , in 1865 gradually assumed the present form . It was a one of the six great ports of Burma which lay at the mouth of Salween on the left bank of the river below its junction
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with the Gyaing and the Ataran and which was about 28 miles from the sea . Moulmein was the first great defended locality in Lower Burma . The geography point of view was as follows : To the east and north-east of the town stretched vast paddy fields . North of the town lay the promontory of Martaban with low hills stretching away north and west till they merged in the mass of Thaton hills . To the south-east stretched long ribbon of jungle and rubber plantations and the low chain of Taungnyo Hills . The eastern side of the district was occupied by lofty chian thickly wooded Dawna Range. From point of view of defence Moulmein had very little to recommend it . It was surrounded three side by tidal estuaries and on the fourth side by jungle . The town runs south-east between Thaung yin and Haungtharaw . All these warter ways could be easily crossed by boat . Allied forces on 1st December were as follows : Headquarters Tenassrim Area and 2nd Burma Brigade , Tenassrim Battalion B.A.F., 12th Mountain Battery I.A., 8th Battalion Burma Rifles , one section of Field Company Burma Sappers , a detachment of Kokine B.F.F. On 17th January 1941 , 17th Indian Division Headquarters also moved forward to Moulmein and took over command from the 16th Indian Infantry Brigade . Divisional Commander felt that the defence of Moulmein was a hopeless proposition . Nevertheless he ordered to defend it . On 22th January, a telegram was sent by General Sir. A. Wavell stressed the necessaity for holding Moulmein, and added that the nature of the country and resources must limit Japanese effort . On 24/25th January General Sir A. Wavell visited Burma and drew conclusion that he did not considered the situation serious . He instructed Lt. General T. J. Hutton to forestall the occupation of Moulmein by taking vigorous offensive action as soon as he had organized sufficient force . 17th Indian Division was informed that Moulmein must be held at all cost . Lt: General T. J. Hutton realized that Muolmein does not necessarily defend Rangoon , because there were other routes to Rangoon . He seem to agree with the Divisional Commander that the line of River Salween River should be held as it provided better defence than the isolated position at Moulmein . Hence , his plan was to build up forces as they arrive in area between River Salween and River Bilin with the object of taking the offensive as soon as reinforcements were avaible .

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 On 24th January he ordered to the 17th Indian Division to plan arrangements for withdrawal . He was to keep with and delay the Japanese advance while stores , animals and motor transport were evacuated from Moulmein and forces were organized west of the Salween river . The presence of considerable quantity of stores which had very unwisely been dumped in Moulmein were sent back across to Matarban . On 24 January at a Brigade Conference decided for the evacuation of civilian was discussed and withdrawal had begun . The defence of Moulmein was entrusted to the 2nd Burma Brigade cinsisted of the 3rd Battalion Burma Rifle , 12th Mountain Battery C Troops , 3rd Indian Light Anti-Aircraft Battery and medical units . The Divisional Headerquarters had moved back on 24th January to Kyaikto. Great confussion was caused by the Divisional Headquarters moving out , stragglers from Tavoy and Kawkareik moving in , and the civil population evacuating . On 18th January, a force of 14 Japanese bombers and 5 fighters raided the town and it lasted for an hour . The main target was aerodrome and it was heavily bombed . Another attacked was on 19th , and on 23th January by 30 bombers and fighters . British had nothing to oppose the hostile aircrafts except 4 Bofors and 2 fighters . Later on , bombimg by the Japanese air crafts had become daily affair in the Moulmein and its near by areas . From 17th January onwards the Japanese would soon close in on Moulmein. On 26th January a large packed of artillery was located at Kya-in-Seikkyi . They seem to have entered Burma through the Thre Pagodas Pass and followed the company of the 1st Battalion 7th Gurkha Rifles which were retreating from Kya-in-Seikkyi . The first contact with Japanese was between 26th-29th January in the Moulmein area . In Moulmein the perimeter was about eleven and a half miles and was held by three Battalions of Burma Rifles, the 4th Battalion 12th Frontier Force Regiment . The 7th Battalion Burma Rifles held the south end of the town , 3rd Battalion Burma Rifles held the whole sector from Kyaikpane Jetty up to a point midway between Ngante village and Zegyo . The gap between 3rd Battalion and the left flank of the 7th Battalion Burma Rifles at the south of the town was filled by 8th Battalion Burma Rifles . The Army Commander directed Brig. R.G. Ekin to take control of operations in Moulmein, who had no knowledge of the town , so he crossed the Salween and arrived Moulmein about midday on 30th January when the Japanese attacked the town had already begun .
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 The attack on Moulmein began on 30th January at about 7.20 am in the morning with the typical Japanese attempt at a surprised . Four Burma lorries which were driven by the civilians approaching Zegyo packed with Japanese troops were intercepted by the D company and A company from 8th Battalion Burma Rifles and fighting was furious and at same time the area of B , C companies of the same Battalion were being heavily attacked by the Japanese . On the flank of 7th Battalion Burma Rifles the Japanese attack had developed. Japanese made simultaneous attacked and Burmese FIFTH COLUMNISTS were giving help that made British unable to control the situation and communications were became unserviceable that rendered Headquarter to issues wrong orders hoping to save troops from annihilation . Unfortunately , for the British the battle of Moulmein was already lost even before actual fighting were started on the entire front . The odds were against them . The overall situation were very bad and Japanese army were attacking entirely the whole front . Japanese used Burma Army lorries as a transport and broke into the aerodrome area. The detachment of the Kokine Battalion on the aerodrome was fighting isolated action . On the east , Japanese crossed the Ataran during the morning and penetrated the positions of the 3rd Battalion Burma Rifles to occupy both Hnmyawlin and Ngante . At 1300 hours Brig. R. G. Ekin ordered the 3rd Battalion Burma Rifles to withdrawal to a shortened line east of and covering , the Ridge and Zegyo . Although heavy resistance was put up by the British at 1630 hours Japanese captured the hill dominating the aerodrome . As the darkness fell the Japanese began to close in round the aerodrome . The defending troops found their situation was hopeless withdrew from aerodrome at 2030 hours and made their way to Martaban . They put up a splendid resistance but they failed to destroy the Blenheim bomber and R.A.F. stores completely before withdrawal . About 1730 hours the post along the Ridge were heavily engaged by the Japanese at close quarters .The situation appeared to the Bridgader to be very critical but the 4th Battalion 12th Frontier Force Regiment repulsed all attempts by the Japanese . At the same time Brigade Headquarter was informed that hostile crafts were coming down the Salween . Headquarter of the 8th Battalion Burma Rifles had been located that day in the south end of the Ridge . It was in a proment position and the
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house must have been watched by the fifth columnist . As a result the bungalow was shelled with extreme accuracy at about 1830 hours . Battalion Headquarter was moved to a less conspicuous place . Through out the night there was a fighting on the Ridge . During the afternoon of 30th January Headquarter had moved from the Ridge to the Public Works Department bungalow in Salween Park . This was given special attention by the Janpanese who direct fire on it . Headquarter therefore moved to the telephone exchange near the Mission Street Jetty . No sooner had it been established the fire broke out in the buildings along the river front close by . Fifth columnists appeared to have good knowledge about their movement . In the early hours of 31th January Anti-Aircraft Battery stationed in the northen part of the twon was over-run by the Japanese . The Japanese were challenged by the British but Japanese gave the correct password and after the hand to hand battle the survivors of the gunners were compelled to withdraw abandoning their guns . The gunners were taken by surprised and some were bayoneted . It had been reported that large numbers of soilders were streaming down to the jetty . They were order back to their posts but the incident pointed to a break in the morale of certain units . On the 31th January the situation did not improve and Brigadier was satisfied that the town could not be held much longer . He decided to withdraw his troops across the river and orders for withdrawal to begin at 0800 hours were then issused . ( F/N no: 149 ). The plan for withdrawal was simple . The BOX ( see map showing MOULMEIN town and ENVIRONS , Operation of 2 Burma Brigade Jan: 30th-31st 1942. ) of the diminishing premeter was to kept closed , units maintaining touch as they fell back on the jetties . The 12th Mountain Battery and the 4th Battalion 12th Frontier Force Regiment were to form a bridge-head covering the Post Office , Maingay Street, and Mission Street . Each units was detailed to withdraw on a particular jetty or jetties , and embarkation was controlled by specially appointed officers . At 8.00 hours 31 January , the troops holding the premeter bagan to withdraw. Rear parties were followed up by the Japane4se. Street fighting took place both in the north and south quarters of the town . Major J. G. L. Hume set out with a small and forced his way through the Japanese on the gun position
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and brought both guns back . He made eveavour to load the Bofor guns on the steamer but was unable to do so . Then , he under fire went ashore from the last steamer to disable the guns and assist the survivors . Later, he was reported as prisoner of war . The Japanese were now in position on the Ridge and their artillery and gun fire were accurate on the steaners going up the river and one small steamer was sunk by the gun fire . Large formations of hostile bombing aircraft overhead while evacuating period but they persisted in bombing Martaban and not Moulmein . No R.A.F. cover had been provoided . Before action was over British found out that the whole Japanese 55th Division had been engaged . The question had been asked whether it was necessary to evacuate Moulmein . For a long time General Sir. A. Wavell had a opinion that Moulmein should be held for a counter-offensive into Thailand . But later he approved the evacuation of Moulmein as the only course open. But Lt; General Hutton opines that the problem of Moulmein had not been easy . Once Japanese reached the outskirts in force it was really indefensivable with the troops under him. For the Japanese captured of Moulmein was to be considered that the first phase of their operations in Burma had come to an end . SALWEEN LINE-- MARTABAN AND PA-AN . After the fall of Moulmein Burma Army was thrown behind the line of the Salween river . The vital areas in this sector were considered to be Martaban-Bilin , Ywethit Bawlake , Mongpan and Takaw-the main road and track junctions leading to Rangoon . The idea of Divisional Commander was still anxious to withdraw to the Bilin river and give up Martaban . But General Officer Commanding , Burma Army issused orders that the Division must fight hard to hold the line of the river Salween and that it should not give ground to Japanese . The general plan was as follows : The road and railhead at Martaban was to be held securely . All attempts to cross the Salween River or any landing from Gulf of Martaban were to be dealt with immeadiate counter- attacks . Martaban , Thaton ,Bilin , Kyaikto , Papun , and Pa-an were to be strongly held . The main road and railway from Martaban to Sittang bridge . On 1st February the Britishs position was as follows : The 16th Indian Infantry Bridgade composed of 3rd Battalion 7th Gurkha Rifles was to
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remain under the commad of the 16th Brigade and also 2nd Battalion , Kings Own Yorkshire Light Infantry , 1st Battalion 7th Gurkha Rifles Regiment , the 1st Royal Battalion 9th Jat Regiment , the 4th Battalion Burma Rifles ,the 8th Battalion Burma Rifles and the 5th Mountain Battery . The Brigade Headquarter was at Thaton and it responsiblilty was the defence of Kamamaung , Pa-an , Martaban , Thaton and Duyihzeik . The main task was to hold Marataban strongly , watch and guard the ferries at Shwegun and Kamamaung and patrol the Thaton-Marataban road . The 46th Indian Infantry Brigade was disposed behind or north of the 16th Indian Infantry Brigade . The 7th Battalion 10th Baluch Regiment , the 5th Battalion 17th Dogra Regiment arrived on 31th January and on the next day they joined Headquarter 46th Indian Infantry Brigade in the Hninpale area . 7th Battalion Burma Rifles was temporarily placed under the Brigade for patrol the road Bilin- Thaton and watch the approaches from the sea in that area . The 2th Burma Brigade was ordered to guard the Sittang Bridge consisted of 4th Battalion 12th Frontier Force Regiment and the 3rd Battalion Burma Rifles . 2th Battalion Burma Rifles was for protection around Kyaikto . On 6 th February General Sir .A. Wavell were : We must allow the enemy no further advance . Offence is the best means of defence . We must eventually get back the part of the Tennassrim we have lost . The instructions from the Divisional Commander was mobility on which holding the line of defence and also counter-attacking if lost . Marataban and Pa-an become most important for watching line of the Salween and for patrolling the main Marataban Thaton , Kyaiko- Sittang road . Strong road-blocks were to be established at suitable places . As regards the offensive , information of the Japanese , troops numbers and concentrations was to be obtained but the correct information was not avaible . On 9th February re-organization of troops was made . The 46th Indian Infantry Brigade took over the forward ares from 16th Indian Infantry Brigade , the troops were disposed as follows : ( a ) MARATABAN : 3/7 Gurkha Rifles and one company Koykli .

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( b ) THATON : HQ 46th Brigade and Signals , 12th Moutain Battery , 60th Field Company Sappers and Miners , 2 companies 1/9 Jat , the 4th Battalion Burma Rifles . ( c ) DUYNZEIK : 5/7 Dora Detachment, 60 Field Company . ( d ) PA-AN : 7/10th BALUCH , one section 12th Moulmein Battery . ( e ) Two launches patrolled the Donthami river from Duyinzeik south , and up the river Salween to Pa-an . In spite of all these reinforcements , re-organisations , and ambitious plans , the situation was serious and the difficulties for the defence was not in the favour for British . Information about Jpanese plan , strength and dispositions was scanty and at the same time Japanese could cross and attack at his own choosing across the Salween , or the coast to Martaban Bay . For the British enjoyed no air support for the troops . There were a total eight fighters and six Blenheims ; and A.V.G., but A.V.G was threatening to leave Burma any time . Above the Burma Army had to face the second Japanese Division : the 33rd Division . The 17th Division was required to cover a most instensive and difficult tract of country extending from the Salweem north-east of Papun to the Sittang river in the west and the coastline in the south . Matarban in a direct lne is more than fifty-five miles distance from Kamamaung . The country, very broken and jungle clad as it was , increased the problem of defence . Apart from the coastal belt and the riverine tracts , the country was rugged and jungle- clad and become increasingly broken and mountainous towards the north . Up to 7th February 1st Royal Battalion 9th Jat Regiment , the 7th Battalion 10th Baluch Regiment , the 3rd Battalion 7th Gurkha Rifles , 5th Mountain Battery , a company of the 2nd Battalion Kings Own Yorkshire Light Infantry and a contingent of the Burma Auxiliary Force responsible for defence of Matarban . Since 31th January Lt. -Col. H. R. Stevenson took over the command of the Martaban defence with instruction from Brigade Commander to hang on to Marataban at all cost . Even with all the efforts put in by the Burma Army the defence of Martaban was not easy .

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 The space of the front was a big one , eight miles along the north bank of the Salween , to about eight miles up the coast from the estuary and the jungle-covered range or hill behind them in the north , to the west of which ran the main road and railway . The water front was not wired . This was the scope of the front that had to be defended by contingents of the Burma Army . At the same time Japanese ruthlessly signaled their intentions , initiating hostilities by blitzing Rangoon over the Christmas holiday of 1941 . They attacked the dock area where thousands of Indian labourers gathered to watch the aerial dog fight above them . Then , sticks of anti-personnel bombs rained down on them and killed 2,000 lives in one attack . Japan first established themselves on the sourthernmost tip of Burma long southern appendage at Victoria Point . Then moved up rapidly up the peninsula supported by up to 600 fighter planes . Japanese air command switched aircrafts from Malaya and the Philippines to Burma front . Dorman Smith made comment that enemy troops simply walked around the defending British and were in Tavoy , half way of the Tennasrim by 19th January . He was bitterly disappointed by the scale of reinforcements . Accordining to him Tavoy might have been another Tobruk . But with no air or no naval defence Tavoy never would become another Tobruk . By early February the retreat had begun to look like a rout . On 1st February , R A F bombed Kado opposite Martaban across the Salween . From the first day the defence the troops received casualties from air action and there was regular and heavy shelling from Moulmein , and mortar fire from an island in the middle of the Salween river .Japanese troops probed intended to test the strength of Martaban . On the night of 6th/7th February, the Jats had carried out demolitions in Martaban prior to the move to Bilin . The Battalion then withdrew to Bilin on the 7th . The Advance Battalion Headquarter was just behind Maratanan Point . There were no other troops between Martaban . The distance between Martaban and Thaton was 36 miles away . Martaban was as good as abandoned . Up to 7th/8th February Japanese had been nibbling at the Burma Army defences . Some boats were seen moving up the river , a landing from the river side was anticipated . On 8th February, Martaban was bombed . R A F Blenheims retaliating bombed Moulmein and Mutpun . Reports received stated that Japanese were trying to infiltrate around the east flank of Martaban .
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Telephone lines connected to the Brigade Headquarters at Thaton and the troops at the front was cut and no wireless communication could be established . British received report from the two officers and orderlies who come back from reconnaissance stated that Japanese were prepared the road block about five miles north of the flank . And a party of signalers who moved up the main road to the west range to investigate , bumped on a strong Japanese road-block at milestone 8 . Also from observation post sighted barges and boats crossing from Bilungyun and landing on the seaward side . The Commanding Officer believed that they the defenders were being surrounded . He observed that considersble number of Japanese landing consisted about two thousand troops from the coast westward and moving north-west . To him it looked as though they were moving to the road-block at milestone 8 on the Thaton road north of Martaban from where they could attack the city next day . It was clear that the Japanese had by passed Martaban and were in a position to attack it from the north-west . No good purpose could served by holding the twon any longer . Therefore , he decided to withdraw his force at night . As soon as darkness fell he detached D company to cover the Thaton Road and pass through the hill , and destorying all M. T. and commenced withdrawal along the road to Thabyegon . He was determined to fight the way through . Fortunately they met no opposition and slipping through the Japanese line and after a march over fifty miles through marshes , muddy fields and waterless hilly jungles they hit the Pa-an-Thaton road on 10th February and arrived at Thaton on 11th February D company had been ordered to rejoin the main body by way of the pass. But D company misinterpreted the orders and made direct for Thaton . On the very day Martaban was evacuated , and Divisional Headquarters had decided to withdraw the forces and had sent a Liasion Officer to communicate the message , but he was shot on the way and the message was never delivered . During 8th and 11th February the telephone lines were often cut by either Burmese or Japanese in Burmese dress ( B.I.A. ). On 9 th and 10th February , Thaton was bombed . On 10th February , it was reported that Japanese had struck out from Minzi , ten miles from north of Pa-an, crossed the Salween at Mikayin and were heading for the Pa-an-Duyinzeik road to the south-west . On the night of 10th -11th February platoons of A and B companies patrolling south of Kzeik were attacked nd overrun . In the morning of 11th February both
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Duyinzeik and Pa-an were continuously dive- bombed but only one causualty occurred owing to excellent protection afforded by slit trenches . During the night of 11th-12th February a major action developed . The Japanese threw in a whole 215 th Infantry Regiment . Two Battalions attacked while the third in reserve formed an outer cordon and also protected Japanese from counter-attack in the west . The attack on the Kuzeik position with series of attacks by Japanese and counter-attack by the defenders through out the night . Some did it with valour but the situations was serious , the Battalion positions could not be held if the Dogras if failed to arrive. Repaeted attempts to establish communication with Brigade Headquarters and Dogras failed . Brigade Commander heard the situation of Kuzeik by the wireless ordered Dogras to counter-attack from the Dutiyzeik direction . Unfortunately communication between the Baluch Battalion and Brigade Headquarters broke down. On 11th February at 09.30 and 12.30 hours large number of hostile air crafts dive- bombed heavily at Duyinseik . The Battalion consequently returned to Duyinseik and the counter attack was never taken place . The failure of the Dogras to counter-attack was a serious and costly mistake . For British organized resistance was no longer possible and the Baluch Battalion position was completely overrun . Five officers , three V.O.C. , sixty-five I. O. Rs withdrew to Thaton through Duyinzeik . Dogras Battalion was full of young officers with few old soilders , but , it fought like a veterans. Even when Commandering Officer was killed the rest fought on under their own officers , as long as any organized resistance possible . There should be no doubt that the Battalion fought most gallantly even when surrounded by superior numbers . On account of the ammunition run-out only that a small numbers of remanant was forced to surrender . British made reorganization of the defence because they lost quite a large number of troops at Kuzeil and the Japanese forces in strength had crossed Salween during the night . During this period Thaton and Duyinzeik were subject to frequent air bombing attacks . The former had been heavilky bombed on 7 ,8 ,9, and 10 th. Heavy bombs were dropped and fifth columnist guise of Buddhist priest were most active . Damage were done to telephone lines , roads , and a greater part of the town was destroyed by fire .

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 The Buddhist priests signalled from the wooded heights above Thaton to Japanese. This tactics were employed by the fifth columnists in several other places later in the campaign . The situation at Duyinzeik every body nerves were in a bad state as they did not know from where and when the next attack would come . On 13 February Japanese opened sudden and heavy bombardment on Duyinzeik and the ferry. It lasted about fourty-five minutes but no infantry followed . This recent bombardment and the previous aerial bombings made 5th Battalion and Dogra Regiment disorganized . At the same time the detached company at Yinnyein was attacked by Japanese , British blew up the road and railway bridges across the river and withdrew to Thaton . Lt. General. T .J. Hutton , General Officer Commanding sent his appreciation on 13th February to the Commander-in- Chief , India :-- Though they had every intention of fighting it out east of the river Sittang it was possible that exhaustion of troops available and continued infilation might eventually drive them back to the river Sittang . Even there withdrawal of transport across the river would be difficult as , except for the vulnerable rail-road bridge , communications consisted of ferries of which one only had road connection , which also was under construction ; but the large area westv of the river Sittang consisted , before the moonson , of open paddy fields , ideal for tanks and A.F.Vs . For this type of fighting however , more infantry was necessary . So the situation , until more infantry arrived and the Chinese Vth Army began to be available in Lower Burma, , was bound to be critical . The General Officer-Commanding also prepared the world for the loss of Rangoon . We shall excert every effort to defend Rangoon but if Pegu were lost , its fate would be more or less certain .In this event remnants of our forces would withdraw northwards towards Prome , covering the bases now stocked in Central Burma and the road to Indioa , with a view to subsequent counter-offensive . Toungoo and the upper reaches of the river Sittang would be covered by 1st Burma Division and the Chinese Vth Army . ( F/N no: 150 ). On 13th February Divisional Commander reported that in view of the extent of the front and the condition of his troops he wished to withdraw to a better defensive position with less extended front . The General Officer Commanding , Burma Army gave him permission to withdraw if and when he considered such a course essential .
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 On the 14th February at the Divisional Headquarters Army Commander Maj. General L . G. Smyth reviewed the situation . Brig. General R.G. Ekin replied his opinion that Japanese had by passed Thaton position and moving around his left flank . Subsequent events proved his opinion as the Japanese 33 Division had crossed the Salween at Pa-an and was advancing north-west on tracks east of the line Martaban-Thaton-Kyaito . At the same day it was decided to concentrate the 17th Indian Division behind the Bilin . At 17.00 hours 46th Brigade was ordered to withdraw to Kyaiko at once . 16th Indian Infantry Brigade was ordered to hold a strong defensive position behind the Bilin River from approximately Leikkon to Payaseik. Thaton was completely evacuated by the first light on 15th Febraury . The 48th Indian Infantry Brigade was to act as divisional reserve and was to hold a defensive line from Taungzun behind the Thebyu river. Thanks to the works of fifth columnists heavy firing broke out around Thaton on the west ,east ,and north . The soilders thought that their line of retreat was cutoff . In War Diary of the 3rd Battalion 7th Gukha Rifles stated as follows everyone appeared to be firing in different directions with no idea of where the enemy was . Many drivers of motor transport deserted their vehicles . Nevertheless , the withdrawal was made in accordance with plan within breif time . The troops were scattered over ten miles of jungle country and had to be assembled and the movement of four hundred vehicles along the single road detailed in time to ensure the evacuation of Thaton before first light . The withdrawal behind the Bilin River pushed back the line of defence further west and the untenable line of Salween was given up . There was controversal point of view or difference of opinion concerning with this withdrawal by the British . The Japanese had committed themselves to the conquest of the whole of Burma and were thrusting north up the three great rivers valleys , the Salween . the Sittang , the Irrawaddy , infitrating through the jungle and surrounding British troops wherever encountered resist- ance . Some British and Indian troops fought very well but others were so poor , that General Archibald Wavell become disturbed about their quality . Some British troops gave up easily like they did in Malaya. The small Burmese units had the language problem because it was generally Hindustani which neither officers nor the soilders could not understood well with the orders .

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 The Govenor complained that it was unnecessary withdrawals as the Japanese quickly seized Moulmein , which was less than hundred miles across the Gulf of Martaban from Rangoon . His complaints against the military were undermined because they knew that several key officers had also deserted their posts without being ordered to leave . The District Commissioner of Mergui , whose officers had fled , doubted that whether we will ever able to hold our heads very high there again . ( F/N no: 151 ). General Sitwell complained that the British officers were still playing golf while Japanese advanced, Dorman-Smith pointed out , he should really have begun to worry when the British left off playing games . The authority concerned with the morale of the soliders . Some soldiers had decided that there was little pont in facing a ferocious enemy to defend a pointless backwater of the British Empire . American war correspondent Jack Belden put this down to a Kipling like belief in the ability of a British square to lick any fuzzy-wuzzies who might come along . ( F/N no:152 ). { British Square was famous technique of Infantry defending against the enemy offensive at close quarters used by the Imperial British Army during 18th ,19th and early 20th Century . Iron Tortoise was for the Roman Legions . } The situation were such that the real problem was training and tactics as the base of morale of the soldiers . Gurkhas troops who were famous with their splendid offensive they had done in the Middle East did not proved true in the Burma theater , because they were not properly trained in jungle warfare . Since they were transferred straight out of the Western Desert , they remained basically desert minded. At the Tenasserim front Japanese forces simply surrounded the British and pounded them with their light trench mortars . Again and again the British forces withdrew in order to regroup further north . The loss of the Salween line of defence was a severe blow which raised the morale of the Japanese divisions considerably and placed the invader in a favour position to race for the Sittang bridge and pound the British- Indian defences in that area . The undermentioed factors were responsible for one more set-back and the withdrawal westwards .
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 ( 1 ) Lack of appreciation of Japanese strategy by the British , ( 2 ) the rawness of some units and the hostile attitude of the Burmese population along the thickly wooded terrain affording facilities for infiltration , ( 3 ) the quality of highly trained Japanese forces . Maj- Gen. J. G . Smyth was confident that he could hold this line and check a further advance by the Japanese. He was also aware that any withdrawal west of the Bilin would inevitably endanger the communications between Rangoon and the north of Burma since the Sittang river , the next defensible line of importance , was at no great distance from the road and rail links between Rangoon and Mandalay . He reported to the Army Headquarters about his withdrawal to the Bilin river . The Bilin river ran through the Salween and Thaton districts . It represented no formidable obstacle because it depth was not more than knee deep . But the real facts of the withdrawal to the west of the Sittang river was that most units of the Burma Rifles and certain Indian Army Battalions were no longer fit for further fighting without rest and reorgaanisation . If the invader could be halted , it was hoped , as soon as reinforcements were available or otherwise it would not served any puroposes . The duty of 16th Indian Infantry Brigade was trusted with the defence of the Bilin line , and was ordered to take up a strong defensive position behind the Bilin river from approximately Leikkon on the river estuary to Payaseik in the north with a detached company further north at Yinon . For that purpose Brigade had under its command the following units :-- 5th Mountain Battery , 12th Mountain Battery , One section 5 Field Brigade , B . A .F . ( 18 pounders in the anti-tank role ) , One section Armoured Cars , Rangoon Battalion , B.A.F. The 2nd Battalion the Kings Own Yorkshire Light Infantry , The 1st Royal Battalion 9th Jat Regiment , The 1st Battalion 7th Gurkha Rifles , The 5th Battalion 17th Dogra Regiment , The 8th Battalion Burma Rifles .
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 The main Bilin position was being manned , certain moves were carried out to protect the area to the north of the 17th Indian Division . The 2nd Battalion Burma Rifles still covered Papun , and was under the controlled directly by Divisional Headquarters . It was to be prepared to withdraw if necessary either on to Shwegyin or to Toungoo . The company of the 4th Battalion Burma Rifles at Shwegyin was to remain in its old position and if forced to withdraw was to join the company of the 8th Battalion Burma Rifles . The 2nd Burma Brigade which consist of units that had become disorganized and required time to refit , was ordered on 16th February to Nyaunglebin for defence of Sittang line . The defence of the Jats were only weapon pits there being no wire or communication trenches with alternative positions dig out . There was no signalling equipment whatever . Biln villages was held by the 8th Battalion Burma Rifles with one company forward on the high ground east of the river astride the main road where a block was established . North of Bilin , the line was to be continued by the 2th Battalion Kings Own Yorkshire Light Infahtry covering the villages of Danyington and Paya . A detached company of the Battalion was to be further north of Yinon . On the right the 1st Royal Battalion 9th Jat Regiment held three mile front from Shwele up to and including the road bridge across the river just south of the Bilin village . The whole front from Shwele to Yinon was eleven miles . 17th Indian Divisions Headquarters was in the vicinity of Kyaikto aqnd its defence was manned by 46th Indian Infantry Brigade . Japanese were following withdrawal of the Allied from Thaton very closely . They advanced in two columns ,one was 55th Division and the other was 33rd Division .Their intention was the 55th Division was to make frontal attack against 17 th Indian Division and at the same time 33rd Division by- passed the 17th Indian Division position and moved directly to the vital Sittang bridge . 46th Indian Infantry Brigade march from Thaton to Bilin river and elements of the Japanese 33 Division must have been in close proximity to the columns . Both the Japanese and the Allied simultaneously arrived to the Bilin river . On the 16th February 2nd Battalion came contact with Japanese troops in Danyingon village and at noon of the same day a party of 100 Japanese troops in Burmese white longyis in the area four miles from Bilin . Japanese used grenades. JAPANESE OPERATION IN SOUTH EAST ASIA , 1941- 1945- - Operation of 18th Division, Hukaung and Mugaung Area 601/10111 mentioned :- The Japanes say that except in rare cases and that too for want of uniform ,
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they did not disguise themselves in cilvilian clothes . Properganda leaflets signed by B.I.A. had been dropped in tha area by Japanese planes . 1st Battalion 7th Gurkha Rifles marched thirty six hours from Duyinzeik to Dayingon and started their assault with great determination at Dayingon . They fought hand to hand fight and both side rushed forth with terrific war cries . But as the Japanese were established greater strenght than had been estimated the attack on the village was in the end unsuccessful . There was fairly heavy casualities on the Allied side . In the end the heavy fighting in the Danyingon sector had left without reserves and at 1300 hours (17th February ) 16th Indian Infantry Brigade Headquarters ordered 5th Battalion 17th Dogra Regiment to cross west bank of the river as soon as possible behind the 1st Royal Battalion . The approaching of Japanese from north got astride the road between Battalion position and the bridge . They captured five trucks . At 1415 hours Dogra Battalion started the withdrawal to the west bank of the river . The Battalion line of withdrawal was altered to the railway bridge, which at 1700 hours bridge . The withdrawal of the Allied was followed by Japanese very closely and opened with acute mortar fire .Through very few casualities were sobstained owing to the Japanese mortar fire but the Battalion is reported to have withdrawan in complete disorder , without rifles , automatic weapons and in some cases boots . After the troops withdrawn the bridge was finally blown up at 1700 hrs by then all the Dogras having crossed the river . In spite of blowing of the bridge Japanese did not stopped following the retreat . Finally , after serious attacks Japanese infiltrated the west of the Billin hill . On 18 February the Japanese were reported on the south-wst of the Bilin in the area Kali- Taw-gyi Taungoy. Japanese created cracker battle between the British line . The Bilin line held by the 17 Indian Division was not sure to hold for long because the battalions of the said Division were most tired while Japanese were having fresh reinforcements . The General Commanding Officer made a appreciation with the situation if this battle should go badly enemy might penetrate line of River Sittang without much difficulty and evacuation of Rangoon would become imminent possibility . A last bid to hold the Bilin line was made on 19th February inaccordance to the definite order to fight out on the Bilin line and not to
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withdraw without the permission of Army Headquarters. Troops went to war without mortar and M.M.G. platoons , the 16th Indian Infantry Brigade was to support the attack with artillery fire . The operation had achieved some success but left the Division without any reserves and weak along the coast . To turn to the coastal region in the rear , and as far as 12th February extensive Japanese landings had anticipated there . British made arrangements to check and give early reports if they received about the landing of Japanese forces if any such thing did happened they must made an attack on their own until the reinforcement arrived . Though Japanese were well established along the line south of Bilin on 19th February , the danger developed on the coast to the south west of Bilin and in the rear of the Jat and the 2nd Battalion 5th Royal Gurhka Rifles positions. They sent troops along the road running through Taungale to Taungzun to discover the position of the Japanese and if possible to contact them . But they did not located the Japanese so the troops then moved off westwards along the railway towards Taungzun . While they were appoarching the railway station fire was opened on the leading platoon from the jungle . The Japanese were engaged with light automatic fire . These seem to be advanced elements of Japanese troops . The second- in- command received the report that Japanese were approaching from the coast and within half a mile of the post ,but on his return to the main road he did not contact any Japanese detachments . The carrier patrol on their return journey was fire by the Japanese dressed as Burmans , it was just south of Taungale . On 19th February Lt- General Hutton visited the Divisional Headquarter and according to his assement of the situation concluded that 48th and the 16th Infantry Brigade were in such a conditions that they were either thinned out or disintegrated . Although Allied put up several counter-offensive at all times they were not able to make reasonable results in their favour and without reinforcements . On the either hand Japanese were adding new strong forces . The situation was , therefore , such that there appeared to be grave risk of not being able to disengage the troops unless a further withdrawal was materialized .

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 Lt. General Hutton told the Divisional Commander to make necessary preparations for withdrawal and to judge himself with the situation either to withdraw or not . Lt. General Hutton in his REPORT , pg 25 , wrote that in view of the subsequent events there is little doubt that if the withdrawal had been further deferred , the Division would have been practically destroyed and Rangoon left open to the enemy . The situation at the front up to 19th Februry ,inspite of all the fighting put up by the Brithish forces , they could only held up the Japanese offensive ,which caused the Japanese heavy causalities , but they could not dislodged the Japanese forces . Japanese still threatened at all sectors of the entire front and there was strong indication that Japanese were enjoying reinforcements . Hence , on the evening of the 19th Februry Divisional Commander issused order to withdraw if the Japanese pressure and flanking movements increased . The 48th Inmfantry Brigades was to cover the withdrawal of the 16th Infantry Brigade to the Thebyu Chaung river . When all the troops had passed the through Thebyu Chaung position , the 48th Infantry Brigades was to withdraw into divisional reserve behind Kadat Chaung Demolition were set up for blowing up the road bridges across the Thebyu Chaung and al other bridges up to Kadat Chaung . But at night Japanese penetrated the front of the 48TH Indian Infantry Brigade south of Bilin and situation became apparent that if 48TH Indian Infantry Brigade were not withdraw within few hours it might become impossible to save them at all . Two Brigades Commanders made a co-ordination for the withdrawal by the first lght on the morning . They made a rapid withdrawal on the first light and had abandoned a consideration amount of equibments and stores behind . The withdrawal of 16TH Indian Infantry Brigade got away but for some other were not easy , they had fought series of skirmishs and finally by 20TH Februrary 48TH Indian Infantry Brigade passed the Thebyu Chaung bridge and it was blown up by reating forces and they marched to Kyaiko . On 20 ebraury at about 0400 hours a large Japanese coastal column with elephants reached Kyeinphan , three miles north-west of Taungzun . On the way at Kaukadut and Taungzun , they had been welcome by the villagers with flags and rejoicing . The Japanese coastal column consisted with Burma Independence Army contigents .
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 BATTLE OF THE SITTANG RIVER . The withdrawal from the Bilin line had been made so that the 17th Indian Division could form a strong line on the west bank of the Sittang River , where the expected reinforcements particularly the 7th Armoured Brigade would make the country west of the River Sittang ideal for stong defence . Lt-Gen. T. J. Hutton envisaged in his message to Commander in- Chief that without solid infantry reinforcements , Divisional Reconnaissance Regiment and an Armoured Car Regiment the new line of defence was not an easy proposition . The single railway bridge and the few ferries made withdrawal of transport across the river difficult . Further , it was fully appreciated that if this battle should go badly enemy might penetrate line of River Sittang line without much difficulty and evacuation of Rangoon would become imminent possibility. The prospect was gloomy because the existing forces were inadequate for the task and reinforcements were not expected immediately . Two divisions were required for holding the Sittang line permanently or undertaking offensives , but only one was available . He concluded probably the best that they can hoped for is that British shall be able to hold the line of River Sittang possibly with bridge- head on east bank . He added that fighting on the new line would interrupt or seriously interefere with use of railway to Mandalay through Pegu which is the main route of supply to China . Alternative route beyond Prome depends on the use of road and river and wll be most seriously congested if evacuation of troops , R.A.F. stores and H.Q. from Rangoon are carried out by this route . The situation was not only grave but the Danger of complete collapse was present during the the fall back on the Sittang River made by 17th Indian Division the Frontier Force and Burma Rifles were not fighting well and the said troops were very much tired for good results . Concerning with 7th Battalion , 10th Baluch Regiment ,5th Battalion , 17th Dorga Regiment were rendered non-efforts because of heavy casualities . The 1st Battalion 7th Gurkha Riflies was only 400 strong and 9th Jat Regiment was in doubtful condition. Only 4th Battalion 12th Frontier Force Regiment and 48th Indian Infantry Brigade were fit for operation .
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 The condition of British battalions were also weak and few reinforcements were available. In the absence of solid infantry support , even the 7th Armoured Brigade which was then available , could not be expected to do anything more than temporarily stabilize the situation . The area of operation was limited by the water courses and depend on the ability in keeping in tact bridges . After the withdrawal to the Sittang was render difficult by the poor communications . The road from Martarban stopped at Kyaikto. Between the latter place and the Sittang bridge was only a dusty and rough track with sides badly built . To the west of the river there was a road only as far as Waw, a town 10 miles west of Sittang bridge . The railway running to the west of the Kyaikto- Mokpalin track afforded the second means of communication . It ran alng the eatuary of the Sittang when it met the the track near Mokpalin railway station and continued north in close proximity . The bridge itself was over 500 yards long and decked over with planks to take road traffic . Although the railway bridge was only life line for retreating army , was very vulnerable to air attack . Sittang at this particular place is nearly 500 yards wide and very swift . The rapidity of the current , enormous rise and fall of the tide ( 40 feet ) and the existence of a bore , were considered to remder unsafe for navigation . It was difficult even for a young strong swimmer. The Sittang line was very important because it was the key point of the bottle-neck of Rangoon . Once the line was pierced , the fate of Rangoon was sealed and once Rangoon was lost , nothing left for the British but to extricate the forces from Burma as there was no other route for supplies and reinforce- ments . The fate of the future of Rangoon and also the First Burma Campaing therefore hung by the Sittang bridge , a slender thread of steel and stone . To the Japanese and Burma Independence Army it was the only road to Rangoon , as for the reating British army it was the only way of escape or else a more terrible and perhaps final road block . THE CAMPAING HAD NOW REACHED A CRITICAL STAGE . Any further beyond Sittang line by the Japanese advance was bound to threaten not only the security of Rangoon but also the very existence of Allied Forces (British ) in

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Burma established since 1852 The Second Anglo- Burmese War .Lt. Gen. Hutton was fully conscious of the danger even before the withdrawal from Bilin line . He telegraphed to South-West Pacfic Command that the risk of losing Rangoon within next few weeks is considerable , especially in the event of sea-borne attack . For the Imperial strategy retention of Rangoon was very important . It was a must , in other words it was a do or die situation . Further , to maintain a front in Burma with particular object of keeping open a supply route to China preferably through Rangoon but failing that through Assam . Chief of Staff advised that Rangoon should be held as long as possible and its retention can contribute to the achievement of our main objective Chief of Stff did not considered the fact that the loss of forces in Rangoon when it had been isolated and desired plans to be prepared for the defence of Northern Burma in case of withdrawal from Rangoon . Sir A. Wavell indicated his views regarding the immediately strategy . He believed that neither Rangoon nor Burma could be held by defensive methods and maintaining a front. Wavell did not agree the fact that Rangoon port could be be closed by naval and air action and held the view that combined air action by R.A.F. and the American forces could turn the tide . In his conclusion Wavell said that If Rangoon is lost we can maintain few troops in Burma and do little to help China . WE GOT TO FIGHT JAP SOMEWHERE SOME TIME . Burma is not a ideal country but it represent almost our last chance to show the world that we do mean to fight . Sir A .Wavell directed Lt .GEN. Hutton for counter offensive . For this purpose Advance Base at Pegu were undertaken somewhere in the area between river ( Sittang ) and railway Pegu- Nyaungle bin . Th area was considered the battle for Rangoon . This method of operation in this wide area was to be carried ouy by widely separated Mobile Brigade Groups or even smaller columns operating from railway as base and converging rapidly on any body of enemy between the area . They thought that they had advantage of Railway Base and better communications . [ British Eight Army fought the Rommels Army in middle east using the same technique , they formed Long Range Desert Group ; L.R.D.G. , and operated behind the German lines . ] But if the Sittang line was broken Rangoon would be exposed and the battle for Ssouth Burma would be lost . Since the danger was real Burma
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Army Command decided to make plans for evacuation because prospects of holding Rangoon are not good . Time was of the essence of the factor in the formation of the defence line because there was a race for the bridge and the crossing of the river . While the Japanese 33rd Division moved fast , the retreating British forces moved very slowly . Burma Army Headquarter ordered that all transport should be got crossed the river Sittang , and 1st Battalion Duke of Wellingtons Regiment should be sent to guard the bridge-head as early as possible . Divisional Commanders plan was 48th Indian Infantry Brigade was to withdraw first , and established bridg-head through which the rest of Division could pass . All but 1st Battalion of Wellingtons Regiment was attached to 46th Indian Infantry Brigade from 21st February and no action was taken to carry out the special instructions issued as to its early withdrawal , to hold the bridge-head . No action was taken to move back all M.T. behind the river Brigade commanders suggested that and all unwanted transport hundreds of vehicles should be sent across the river and maintained small necessary minimum of transport for first line requirements . Army Headquarter ignored the suggestions . Gen. Sir . A. Wavell made remarks that From reports of this operation which I have studied , I have no doubt that the withdrawal from the Bilin River to west of Sittang was badly mismanaged by the Headquarter of the 17th Indian Division , and that the disaster which resulted in the loss of almost two complete Brigades ought never to have occurred . Unfortunately , the General Officer Commanding , Burma Army was away, he was at Lashio with the intention to meet Generalissimo Chiang Kai Shek , during the most fateful peiod of the Burma Campaing . Lt- Gen . T .J. Hutton returned to Rangoon on 22th Febraury only to find himself with the serious situation . Most of the units of 48 Indian Infantry Brigade arrived after dark on 20 Febraury and since no areas to be occupied were given by the Divisional Staff ,had took up position at Kyaikto at mid- night 20/21 . The column was bombed and machined-gunned by four Japanese aircrafts The bombing and machine gun dtrafing were very accurate and many craters were created . All transport mules were stampeded into the jungle all the W/T sets were lost . The morale of the troops was most serious . They were very tired after the endless days at Bilin and on the hot ,dusty and confused line of march there to Kyaikto . Nearly 200 troops were deserted. The R.A.F and American AVG Tomahawk appeared and bombed the Boyagyi Estate and the column moving to Mokpalin .
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It seem that both Japanese and British planes coming alternative and done bombing and strafing . Heavy causalities resulted . The cause of the tragedy was not clear . But after deduction of the facts and the conclusion as follows : on 21st February reconnaissance reported that long line of Japanese transport estimated 300 vechiles moving through Kyaito- Kinmun Sakan . Total available strength of the R.A.F. and AVG was employed and the error was given as Kyaikto-Mokpalin instead of Kyaikto-Kinmun Sakan road to the air- crews . Another unfortunate event was the 3rd Battalion Burma Rifles was now less than 200 strong and most of the men from Battalion Headquarter had lost because they were on the wrong side of the Salween due to lack of transport on their way from Kyaikto . The 1st Battalion 4th P.W.O. Gruhka Rifles reached Mokpalin Quarries in the evening of 21st February and while approaching it was repeadly maching-gonned from low altitude by 3 S.S. fighters with A.V.G. marking . C company which had been escort to transport was heavily bombed on the out-skrit of Kyaikto and lost contact with Battalion . Contacts between the units at the various camps were not in operation because of the lost of all W/T sets . Overall situations caused great confusion between the British forces . THE DEFEAT OF THE BRITISH AT THE BATTLE OF SITTANG RIVER . During 21st February and 22nd February , F.F.2 was ordered to take up a position along the line Kyaito- Kinmun Sakan ,which was about five miles north-east of Kyaito . It was to act as tactical left flank guard for the reating 17th Indian Division and protect it from Japanese infiltration from the north . But it failed to do both by not giving information of , and by not resisting , the trust . The Battalion reached the line on 20th February , There they were ordered to stay until 1430 hrs on 22th February and to withdraw on Mokpalin . About 1430 21st February the southern column of F.F.2 became heavily engaged with the Japanese forces . The northen column was also engaged with superior Japanese force . These two columns had no contact until they reached Pegu . The failure of F.F. 2 caused disastrous consequences .

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 The Commanders of the two Brigades , the16th and the 46th agreed for the further withdrawal from the Boyagyi Estate area towards Sittang as speedily as the situation permitted . It was arranged that save for essential vehicles , the motor transport of both Brigades should be sent on ahead of the column , escorted by carriers . Machine-guns ,mortors , and reserve small arm ammunitions would be put in these trucks . Motor transport was first to start at 5.00am on 22nd February , the 16th was to march at 5.15am, and finally the 46th was to follow . At 1.00 pm same day two rear columns received immediate cipher message stating that heavy Japanese forces was probably moving round northen flank, suggesting that they should move towards the river as soon as possible . The warning arrived too late for making alternation of timing concerning the original setting made for the withdrawal . At 0300 hrs misfortune incident occured in the middle of the bridge which caused a roadblock . A three tons lorry crashed through temporary decking on the bridge which blocked the movement of either way . There was no recovery apparatus and the lorry could not be thrown over the side because it was a grider type bridge . The sappe s toiled hard and they took three and half hours before the traffic was started again . On account of that incident the approach to the bridge through Mokpalin and beyond were packed with a long line of halted vehicles . At he same time two Brigades that followed from behind arrived and made the congestion a night mare for everyone . There appeared no traffic control along the road and everyone was for himself . The previous shortage of mortor transport made every vehicle with overlaiden mutions which fell out off and on very often . The craters were pitted the road made very dangerous traps for the transports driving in complete darkness . There were many vehicles ditched and had been abandoned . 7th Battalion 10th Baluch orders to cross the bridge and take up positions on the western side , moving along the railway line through Mokpalin , at about 0830 hours , it came under heavy motor fire from the direction of the bridge . The Japanese forces from concealed jungle positions to the north-east of the bridge were trying to rush the bridge and put in an attack on the bridgehead defences, just east of the bridge , both north and south of the railway line . The Allied position was very weak but allied troops put up gallant fight on all side of the bridge against the Japanese .
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 In one incident the commanding officer Capt. S .H.F.J. Manekshaw received an immediate award of the Military Cross for is leadership and gallantry for retaking Pogada Hill from Japanese . In this engagement many Japanese were killed and identifications obtained . In the view of the situation at the bridgehead the Commander of Royal Enginers , 17th Indian Division ,gave orders for destruction of about three hundred sampans ,collected on the west bank of the river . He further ordered the destruction of the power-driven ferry vessels , if they could not be manned . They were fighing Japanese since the day they started withdrew from Boyagyi Estate area on the evening of 21st February . Japanese on the other hand were putting up heavy fighting the area of retreat around Mokpalin . British tried their best to hold the bridge head desparately but invain . Japanese employed a number of light automatics and small motors . They used against many targets on the road and fighting was at closed quarters which confused both sides and suffered heavy casualties . Directions was diffcultt to maintain in the thick jungle ; companies and smaller units were separated , and men of all three Battalions became mixed up . Moreover from the intense and continuous firing from the direction from the direction of Mokpalin , coupled with non-coming of the rest of the Division , Brig. N. Hugh-Jones concluded that his two Battalion were being overwhelmed . Stragglers coming along the river bank from arrived with stories of troops ambushed ,cut up and scattered . It seem as if not one unit of the Division had remained intact . Brig. N. Hugh-Jones to whom the responsibility for blowing the bridge had been delegated was faced with a very difficult situation. With hostile pressure increasing , it seemed certain that the Japanese would attack the bridgehead in the morning in great strength . If the bridge fell, with practically no opposing troops on the other side , the Japanese would have passed the allied two divisions and straight into Rangoon .

In the dash Japanese might overwhelm the 7th Armoured Brigade , concentrating west of the Sittang , and with both banks of the Sittang in the Japanese position the chances of getting the rest of the Division across were very small . On the other hand , to destroy the bridge meant leaving the greater part of the Division on the eastern side in a very precarious position and converting its only line of retreat into a first rate road-block . xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
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APPENDIX..A. THE LIST OF FOOT NOTES OF THE ROOTS VOL: ONE.

NO1. PAGE NO2 PAGE NO3 PAGE NO4 PAGE NO5 PAGE NO6 PAGE NO7 PAGE NO8 PAGE NO9 PAGE NO10 PAGE NO11 PAGE NO12 PAGE NO13 PAGE NO14 PAGE NO15 PAGE NO16 PAGE NO17 PAGE NO18 PAGE NO19 PAGE NO20 PAGE NO21 PAGE NO22 PAGE NO23 PAGE NO24 PAGE NO25 PAGE

69 70 37 XIII XIII XV XV XVI XVIII 35 37 38

BURMA IN THE FAMILY OF NATIONS by DR. MG MG. IBID PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION IN BURMA by F.S.V. DONNISON . INDIAN CONSTITUTIONAL DOCUMENTS by A.C .BANERJEE. IBID IBID IBID IBID IBID BURMA IN THE FAMILY OF NATIONS by DR. MG MG . IBID IBID IBID IBID IBID IBID IBID IBID IBID IBID IBID IBID IBID IBID IBID

40/41 42 49 52/53 62 64 56 66 66 67 67 71 72

317

NO26 PAGE NO27 PAGE NO28 PAGE NO29 PAGE NO30 PAGE NO31 PAGE NO32 PAGE NO33 PAGE NO34 PAGE NO35 PAGE NO36 PAGE NO37 PAGE NO38 PAGE

28 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION IN BURMA by F.S.V. DONNISION 30/31 IBID 37 40/41 43 44 46/47 81 124 1 IBID IBID IBID IBID IBID BURMA IN THE FAMILY OF NATIONS by DR. MG MG . MYANMAS POLITICAL HISTORY by U LAY MAUNG INDIAN CONSTITUTIONAL DOCUMENTS by BANNERJEE VOL:3 MYANMA PHYI POLITICAL SETTLEMENT by U TUN THAN

95/96/97/98 79 173/174

BURMA IN THE FAMILY OF NATIONS by DR. MAUNG MAUNG . HISTORICAL THURIYA, MYANMAALIN & MYANMAR POLITICS ;

by CHIT KYI YAY KYI NYUNT . NO39 PAGE NO:40 PAGE NO:41 PAGE NO:42 PAGE NO:43 PAGE NO44 PAGE DITO PAGE NO:45 PAGE NO:46 PAGE NO:47 PAGE NO:48 PAGE NO:49 PAGE NO:50 PAGE 13 13 14 32/33 179 183 97 16 97 5 2 2 BURMAS CONSTITUTION by DR. MG MG IBID IBID A HISTORY OF MODERN BURMA by MICHAEL W. CHARNEY MYANMA POLITICAL HISTORY By U LAY MAUNG . THURIYA, MYANMAR A LIN & MYANMAR POLITICS, MYANMAR LUT LATTYAY KYOPAN MU RESEARCH PAPERS,BY NAT MAUK PHONE KYAW BURMAS CONSTITUTION by DR. MG MG SAYAR SAN REVOLUTION by WAIK ZAR YE HTUT HLA INTERIM REPORT OF THE CAPITATION, THATHAMEDA TAXES ENQUIRY COMMITTEE 1926--1927 IBID IBID

1 GOVERNMENT OF BURMA. FINANCE DEPARTMENT DT: 29TH JUNE 1927. EXTRACT FROM THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE

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GOVERNMENT OF BURMA IN THE FINANCE ( BUDGET)DEPT:no:N-27. NO:51 PAGE NO:52 a PAGE NO52b . PAGE NO:52 b PAGE NO:53 NO:54 NO:55 NO:56 PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE 215 MYANMA LUT LATT YAY KYO PAN MU RESEARCH PAPERS by NAT MAUK PHONE KYAW 231 THURIYA, MYANMA ALIN & MYANMAR POLITICS by CHIT KYI YAY KYI NYUNT 217 MYANMAR LUT LATT YAY KYO PAN MU RESEARCH PAPERS By NAT MAUK PHONE KYAW 213 23 5 23 7 IBID BURMAS CONSTITUTION by DR. MG MG THE REBELLION IN BURMA APRIL 1931 TO MARCH 1932 ( CONFIDENTIAL) GOVERNMENT OF BURMA . BURMAS CONSTITUTION by DR MAUNG MAUNG .

REBELLION IN BURMA APRIL 1931 TO MARCH 1932 CONFIDENTIAL. NO:57a PAGE 354 MYANMA POLITICAL HISTORY by U LAY MAUNG NO:57 b PAGE 89/90/92/93/95 SAYAR SAN REBELLION by U YE HTUT HLA NO:58 NO:59 NO:60 NO:61 NAT NO:62 NO63a NO63b NO64 NO65 NO66 NO67 NO68 NO69 PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE: PAGE 240 25 THURIYA, MYANMA ALIN & MYANMAS POLITICS BURMAS CONSTITUTION BY DR. MAUNG MAUNG

243/244 THURIYA , MYANMAR ALIN & MYANMAS POLITICS by CHIT KYI YAY KYI NYUNT 167 MYANMA LUT LATT YAY KYO PAN MU RESEACH PAPERS by

MAUK PHONE KYAW 206 MYANMA LUT LATT YAY THAMING by NAT MAUK PHONE KYAW 208 207 328 333 334 334/335 86 IBID IBID : MYANMA POLITICAL HISTORY by U LAY MAUNG IBID IBID IBID :

BURMA LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL PROCEEDINGS, VOL:XVINO.2 THIRD COUNCIL, FOURTH SESSIONSECOND MEETING 1929. IBID

140

319

NO70 NO71 NO72 NO73 NO74 NO75 NO76 NO77 NO78 NO79 NO80

PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE

57 58 59 59 25

INDIA AND BURMA by W.S. DESAI PROFESSOR, HISTORY DEPT. IBID IBID IBID IBID IBID IBID

PAGE XXXXXX PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE 46

************************** 218 376 379 380/382 33 41 386 390 THURIYA ,MYANMA ALIN by CHIT KYI YAY KYI NYUNT MYANMA POLITICAL HISTORY by U LAY MAUNG . IBID IBID PRACTICAL COMMUNISM by THAKIN SOE A HISTORY MODERN BURMA by MICHAEL W. CHARNEY MYANMA POLITICAL HISTORY by U LAY MAUNG IBID

NO:81a PAGE NO:81b NO82 NO83 NO84A NO84B NO85 NO86 NO87 NO88 NO89 NO90 NO91 NO92 PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE

PAQGE 44 PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE 392 26 9 70 174 175 178 184 2 IBID BURMAS CONSTITUTION by DR. MAUNG MAUNG PROCEEDINGS OF BURMA ROUND TABLE CONFERENCE 1933 IBID IBID IBID IBID PROCEEDINGS OF BURMA ROUND TABLE CONFERENCE 1933 SCHEME OF CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN BURMA IF FROM INDIA, S.G.P.S., BURMA, 1933.

NO93 PAGE SEPARATED NO94 NO95 PAGE PAGE

IBID

3/4 SCHEME OF CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN BURMA IF SEPARATED FROM INDIA. PRESENTED BY THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR

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INDIA TO THE JOINT COMMITTEE OF PARLIAMENT ON INDIAN CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM, S.G.P.S., 1933. NO96 PAGE************************ 167 MYANMAR LUT LATT YAY KYO PAN MU RESEARCH PAPERS NAT MAUK PHONE KYAW 169 30 278 43 25 459 IBID BURMAS CONSTITUTION by DR. MAUNG MAUNG . THURIYA,MYANMA ALIN & MYANMA POLITICS by CHIT KYI NYUNT BURMAS CONSTITUTION by DR. MAUNG MAUNG AUNG SAN OF BURMA by MAUNG MAUNG MYANMA POLITICAL HISTORY by U LAY MAUNG

NO97a PAGE NO97b NO98 NO99 NO100 NO101 NO102 NO103 NO104 NO105 NO106 NO107 NO108 NO109 NO110 PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE

48 BURMAS PARLIAMENTARY COMPANION by GANGA SINGH MEMBER , HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES 173 174 39 145 39 130 17 17 17 46 46 45 IBID IBID IBID IBID IBID SECOND SCHEDULE IBID RETREAT FROM BURMA 1941-42 by DR, BISHESHWAR PRASAD IBID IBID BURMAS CONSTITUTION by DR. MAUNG MAUNG IBID IBID

NO111a PAGE NO111b PAGE NO112 NO113 NO114 NO115 NO116 NO117 NO118 PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE

36 INTERIM REPORT of the RIOT INQUIRY COMMITTEE 1939, RANGOON., SUPDT, GOVT , PRINTING AND STATIONARY,BURMA. 36 40 348 IBID IBID THURIYA ,MYANMAALIN & MYANMA POLITICS by CHIT KYIYAY

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NO119 NO120 NO121 NO122 NO123 NO124 NO125 NO126 NO127 NO128

PAGE PAGE

KYI NYUNT . 479/480 MYANMA POLITICAL HISTORY by U LAY MAUNG . 58 1300 AYAYDAW PHONE by MG THIT LWIN ( LUDU )

PAGE 121/122/123 1300 AYAYDAW PHONE RECORDS by THAKIN BA TIN PAGE 3 THAUNG THON YAR PYIT AYAYDAW PHONE by AMYO THA THAKIN THEIN MAUNG PAGE 9 IBID PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE PAGE 13 94/95 IBID 1300 AYADAW PHONE by MG THIT LWIN ( LUDU )

25/26 THAUNG THONYAR PYIT AYAYDAW PHONE by AMYO THA YAY THAKIN THEIN MAUNG 97 1300 AYAYDAW PHONE by MG THIT LWIN . 98 487 IBID MYANMA POLITICAL HISTORY by THAKIN LAY MG

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150 THAUNG THONYA PYIT AYAY DAW PHON by AMYOTHAYAY THAKIN LAY MAUNG 161 138 117 492 IBID IBID IBID MYANMA POLITICAL HISTORY by THAKIN LAY MG

126 THAUNG THONYAR PYIT ATYAY DAW PHON by AMYOTHAYAY THAKIN THEIN MG NO136 PAGE 493 MYANMA POLITICAL HISTORY by THAKIN LAY MG NO137 PAGE COMMITTEE NO138 PAGE NO139 PAGE 24 26 REPORT OF THE SECERETARIAT INCIDENT ENQUIRY IBID IBID IBID IBID IBID IBID IBID IBID

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NO146 PAGE NO147 PAGE NO148 PAGE NO149 PAGE 2 DEFENCE AND EVACUATION OF MOULMEIN by BRIG..R.C EKIN THE RETREAT FROM BURMA 1941-1942 by BISHEHWAR PRASAD

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NO151 PAGE 158 FORGETTEN ARMIES by CHRISTOPHER BAYLY and TIM HAPPER NO152 PAGE 7 RETREAT WITH SITWELL ( LONDON , 1947 ) by JACK BELDEN

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Preface This book is dedicated to the followings-Firstly, to My father Mahatharayshithu U Chan Tha I.C.S. ( Retd.), Secondly, to my God father, The late Honble Prime Minister U Nu , Thirdly, to my brother , my Comarade in- Struggle , U Ye Kyaw Thu CRDB. This Book is written for all the Great-Great- Grandchildren of Shithu Chattin U Ba Din , Member of Legislative Council , Shwebo North (General Rural) 1936. and Great-Grand Children of Mahartharayshithu U Chan Tha I.C.S Retd , Member of Parliament ,Minbu South, Lower House , 1960, in general, and to TAING NANDI AUNG , and TAING ENDRIA AUNG in particular. .My thanks to Ko Than Oo, U Saw Win ,ex G.S.C., ex C.E.C. of League for Democacy and Peace, and to my grand son AUNG PHON MYINT, for their encouragements.. If there are any falses or mistakes in this book , I will take all the blame. .. YE AUNG MIN ex C.R.D.B. , ex C.E.C.LEAGUE FOR DEMOCRACY AND PEACE .2012.
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APPENDIX. B. REFERNECE BOOKS FOR VOLUME ONE. No: 1.. A HISTORY OF MODERN BURMA by MICHAEL W. CHARNEY No: 2.. BURMAs CONSTITUTION by Dr. MAUNG MAUNG No: 3.. REPORT of the SECRETARIAT INCIDENT ENQUIRY COMMITTEE SUPDT, GOVT, PRINTING AND STATIONERY, BURMA 1939. No: 4 A STUDY OF INDIA AND BURMA, by W.S. DESAI( RETIRED PROFESSOR of HISTORY,R.U.) No: 5. REPORT of the Capitaton and Thathameda Taxes Enquiry Committee, 1926- 1927 SUPDT , GOVT, PRINTING AND STATIONARY , BURMA, 1949. No: 6. A HISTORY OF MODERN BURMA by MICHAEL W . CHARNEY . No: 7... INTERIM REPORT of the RIOT INQUIRY COMMITTEE, SUDPT, GOVT, PRINTING AND STATIONARY, 1939, RANGOON. No: 8 BURMA IN THE FAMILY OF NATIONS by Dr. MAUNG MAUNG No: 9. BURMA: JAPANESE MILITARY ADMINISTRATION DOCUMENTS by No:10 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION IN BURMA , A Study of Development During The British Connexion by F.S.V. DONNISON. No: 11. BURMA RURAL SELF- GOVERNMENT ACT 1921, SUDPT, GOVT, PRINTING AND STATY., UNION OF BURMA 1957, RANGOON. No: 12 INDIAN CONSTITUTIONAL DOCUMENTS VOL: ONE, VOL: TWO, VOL: THREE. By A.C. BANERJEE. No:13. SCHEME OF CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN BURMA IF SEPERATED FROM INDIA

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 Presented by THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA TO THE JOINT COMMITTEE OF PARLIAMENT ON INDIAN CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM , SUDPT, GOVT, PRINTING AND STATY , BURMA, RANGOON, 1933. No:14 OFFICIAL HISTORY OF THE INDIAN ARMED FORCES IN THE SECOND WORLD WAR 1939 TO 1945. THE RETREAT FROM BURMA 194142., by BISHESWAR PRASAD, D. LITT. No:15.. BURMA PARLIMENTARY COMPANION by Mr. GANGA SINGH, Member, House of Representatives, 1940 edition, No:16 FORGOTTEN WARS by CHRISTOPHER BAYLY and TIM HARPER. No:17.. GOVERNMENT OF BURMA ACT 1935 ,.SUDPT ,GOVT, PRINTING AND STATY, RANGOON . No:18 PROCEEDINGS OF BURMA REFORMS COMMITTEE, BOOK OF EVIDENCE,VOLUME: ONE VOLUME: TWO, VOLUME: THREE , SUDPT, GOVT,,PRINTING AND STATY, 1922, RANGOON. No:19 BURMA ROUND TABLE CONFERENCE PROCEEDING ,27TH NOVEMBER, 1931---12TH JANUARY1932 . PRESENTED by THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA TO PARLIAMENT , by COMMAND of HIS MAJESTY .JANUARY , 1932 , PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY HIS MAJESTYS STATIONARY OFFICE, LONDON, 1932. No:20 VOICE OF THE PEACOCK 1937 OFFICIAL ORGAN RANGOON UNIVERSITY STUDENT UNION, PUBLISHED BY RUSU. No: 21 THE REBELLION IN BURMA , APRIL 1931----MARCH 1932, CONFIDENTIAL REPORT No:23. No:22 BURMA LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL PROCEEDINGS FOURTH COUNCIL1ST May 1933 , VOLUME XXVN0: 6 , REPORT . RANGOON, SUPDT, GOVT, PRINTING AND STATIONARY, BURMA. 1933. No: 23 FORGOTTEN ARMIES by CHRISTOPHER BAYLY & TINNM HARPER THE FALL OF BRITISH ASIA 1941-1942 . 326

No: 24 NINETY- ONE SUBJECT REFORM VOLUMN ONE by ARMAN TUN , No: 25 PROCEEDINGS OF THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL OF THE GOVERNOR OF BURMA . VOL: XVI FOURTH SESSION ( THIRD COUNCIL ) 1929 . No: 26. No: 27. DEFENCE AND EVACUTION OF MOULMEIN WAR DIARY by BRIG. R.C. EKIN .

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