AFRICAN ETHICS

GIKUYU TRADITIONAL MORALITY

Studies in Intercultural Philosophy
Studien zur Interkulturellen Philosophie
Etudes de philosophie interculturelle 19
Amsterdam - New York, NY 2010
Series Founded by
Heinz Kimmerle & Ram Adhar Mall
Edited by
Henk Oosterling & Hermann-Josef Scheidgen
AFRICAN ETHICS
GIKUYU TRADITIONAL MORALITY
Hannah Wangeci Kinoti
Edited by G. Wakuraya Wanjohi
with the assistance of Gerald J. Wanjohi

Cover design: Pier Post
The paper on which this book is printed meets the requirements
of ISO 9706: 1994, Information and documentation - Paper for
documents - Requirements for permanence.
ISBN: 978-90-420-3088-6
E-Book ISBN: 978-90-420-3089-3
Editions Rodopi B.V., Amsterdam - New York, NY 2010
Printed in The Netherlands
5
TABLE CF CCNTENT5
PPEFACE 9
FCPEWCPD 11
ACKNCWLEDCEMENT5 13
!NTR0DUCT!0N 15
Rationale for the study 15
Description of the literature 16
Te various groups interviewed 19
CHAPTER 1: THE CULTURAL SETT!NC 21
Gky society in the pre-colonial period 21
Social organization 21
Religious beliefs 27
Te concepts of ir and irri 34
Changes that have occurred in Gky society since the 1880s 37
Political changes 39
Economic and social changes 43
Religious and cultural changes 53
CHAPTER 2: H0NESTY (WI
~
HOKEKU) 57
Views of early writers 57
What is honesty? 60
Honesty as uprightness (thingu) 61
Honesty as truthfulness (ma) 71
Honesty as generosity (uuma-and) 76
Honesty as fulflment of expectation (hingia) 77
Honesty as diligence (kyo) 86
6
Tabl e oI contents
Honesty in modern times 91
Gky attitude to Christian vows and promises 91
Te efect of the money economy on peoples honesty 94
Conclusion 98
CHAPTER 3: CENER0S!TY (U
~
TAANA) 99
Views of early writers 99
What is generosity? (tuuna) 102
Generosity as hospitality (tugi) 103
Generosity as help (teithio) 106
Generosity as uprightness (thingu) 110
Generosity as charity (uuma-and) 111
Te ideal practice of generosity 111
Why generosity is valued 112
Traditional ways of enforcing generosity 114
Generosity in modern times 121
Conclusion 123
CHAPTER 4: JUST!CE (KI
~
HOOTO) 125
Views of early writers 125
What is justice? 128
Justice described in terms of truth (ma) 133
Justice described in terms of defeat (hoota) 137
Defeat in connection with open dispute 137
Defeat in relation to a state of tension between people 141
Justice described in terms of uprightness (thingu) 144
Contentment as an aspect of justice 145
Reward and punishment 152
Reward 152
Reward through human agency 153
Reward through superhuman agency 154
Punishment 155
Forgiveness, atonement and restoration 161
Younger generations understanding of justice 164
Justice in modern times 168
Conclusion 170
CHAPTER 5: C0URACE (U
~
CAMBA) 171
Views of early writers 171
Who is a courageous person? 175
Courage as bravery (rme) 176
Bravery in physical fghting 177
7
Tabl e oI contents
Bravery in litigation 179
Courage as diligence (kyo) 182
Courage as endurance (kirrria) 191
Courage as gentleness (hooreri) 196
Incentives to courage 198
Material gain 198
Good reputation 200
Confdence 202
Justice 203
Conclusion 203
CHAPTER 6: TEMPERANCE (WI
~
KINDI
~
RIA) 205
Views of early writers 205
Temperance as abstention (kwhinga) 207
Abstention from sexual intercourse 208
Abstention from beer drinking 211
Temperance as self-control (gwthima) 212
Self-control in beer drinking 212
Self-control in eating 213
Temperance as caution (wmenyereri) 214
Temperance as steadfastness (kirrria) 217
Temperance in modern times 220
Factors infuencing ideas about temperance 224
Changing attitude to authority 224
Lack of moral teaching and of good example 227
Compromising moral standards 229
Conclusion 230
CENERAL C0NCLUS!0N 231
NCTE5 AND PEFEPENCE5 235
BIBLICCPAPHY 255
APCHIVAL MATEPIAL 261
INDEX 263
ABCUT THE AUTHCP 285
9
PPEFACE
Hannah Kinotis book African ethics: Gky traditional morality forms an
important contribution to the question of what African philosophy is.
Te debate about African philosophy arose in connection with the struggle
of the African peoples for independence and the regained self-conscious-
ness during the frst years of their independence. Tis debate took place
on the African continent and outside it. It was combined with the question
what the place of African philosophy is or has to be in the intercultural
philosophical discourse of world-philosophy. It was part and parcel of the
colonial way of thinking, as it was expressed by the Western philosophers
of the Enlightenment, and in a very clear and radical manner by Hegel, that
in Sub-Saharan Africa there did not exist any form of philosophy.
However, hard facts are the theories developed by the leaders in the struggle
for independence, and the ideas worked out to prove that there is and has been
through the past centuries a body of thought that had an immediate philo-
sophical impact. Nevertheless, the work in the various Departments of Phi-
losophy at African universities has been and still is strongly oriented towards
Western philosophy. In this connection the African style of thinking takes its
shape through the specifc ways in which it deals with Western ideas.
For the actual philosophical work, the question of what traditional African
philosophy is as well as its meaning, has extensively been discussed by both
African and non-African scholars. Traditional African philosophy is coher-
ent in the chorus constituted by the many voices of African peoples ways
of thought. In other words, there is a common thread running through the
song of this choir as to what is African in African philosophies.
Fortunately, we now know more clearly about the specifc philosophical
traditions of some of the many African peoples. Claude Sumner, who styles
himself as a Canadian by birth and an Ethiopian by choice, has published
a fve-volume work which is the result of his compilation, translation, and
10
PreIace
commentary on Ethiopian philosophy (mainly worked out by members of the
Amharic people), dating back to the fourth century. In addition, Sumner has
collected and published Proverbs, Songs and Folktales as sources of the phi-
losophy of the Oromo, another large and important ethnic group of Ethiopia.
Kwame Gyekye from Ghana has presented in detail the philosophical
thought of the Akan. His presentation is mainly based on proverbs and on
conversations with Akan sages. Using the concepts of belief and knowledge
in the Yoruba language as well as the interpretation of the Yoruba oral tra-
dition, B. Hallen and J.O. Sodipo have brought out the philosophy of the
people who fnd their home in Nigeria, Niger, and Benin. An important
contribution has also been accomplished through the interpretation of
Yoruba literature by Sophie B. Oluwole.
Innocent I. Asouzu has explained at great length the thought of what he
calls the anonymous philosophers of the Igbo of Nigeria. What is worked
out in an Igbo context has, according to Asouzu, a universal meaning.
Te presentation of the teachings of Tierno Bokar, the sage of Bandiagara, a
city in the present state of Mali, by Amadou Hampat Ba contains informa-
tion about the philosophical ideas of this people. Henry Odera Oruka has
interviewed several sages of the Luo, Gky, Luhyia, and other Kenyan
peoples, as the basis for his work on Sage Philosophy.
Tese are some well known examples of philosophies of diferent African
communities. As for the philosophy of the Gky in Kenya, it has already
been presented by Gerald J. Wanjohi who gives a systematic interpretation
of the proverbs in the language of this people.
In addition to this, the book of Hannah Kinoti ofers a more detailed and
more concrete explanation of the ethics of the Gky. Tus she contributes
in an essential way to the knowledge of a crucial aspect of the philosophy
of this people. Te literature on Gky culture is used comprehensively.
Traditional moral opinions which have been taken mainly from interviews
with older people are contrasted with those of middle and younger gen-
erations who were also subjects of interviews. Te philosophical value
of Kinotis book stems from the fact that she focuses on key concepts of
Gky morality. Tese are honesty, generosity, justice, courage, and tem-
perance. Tese concepts are described and analyzed with both precision
and sensitivity. In this way a philosophical panorama of Gky ethics is
presented. In their mutual relationships, these concepts show clearly how
morality is the binding force of the traditional African Gky culture.
Zoetermeer/Netherlands, June 1, 2010
Heinz Kimmerle
11
FCPEWCPD
Te invitation to write a foreword for this book came as a pleasant surprise.
It brought back all kinds of fond memories of those long-ago days dis-
cussing with Hannah Kinoti her research into Gky traditional morality.
She was my research student, and later on colleague, at the Department of
Philosophy and Religious Studies, University of Nairobi.
In the study that is now being published as a book, the author set out to
discover what had happened to Gky moral and social thought and
practice under an oppressive colonial system and the infuence of Chris-
tianity, which had been introduced by foreign missionaries. Te study, by
an insider, seeks to understand the conceptual basis of traditional Gky
morality and its rationality. It also seeks to discover whether or not moral-
ity had a religious foundation. It then examines changes to key constants
or virtues (honesty, generosity, justice, courage and temperance) in the
colonial period and in the rapidly changing post-colonial context.
Kinotis remarkable study succeeds in integrating these aspects of morality
in a convincing way. It goes to the core of the issue by establishing the
impact of colonialism which was a system characterized by exploitation,
oppression, and denigration of everything African - as well as of Christian
missionaries who frequently disregarded or misinterpreted the moral and
religious values of the Gky and of other people. In this way, the study is
also the story of an historic process. In order to take this historic process
into account the author based her research on the interviews of three age
groups. Te frst was a group of old people who had had frsthand experi-
ence of the traditional life before it had been diluted by foreign infuences;
the second group consisted of younger people who had experienced the
12
Foreword
transition from the traditional way of life to the new life under colonialism
and Christianity; the third group comprised young people who had little
experience of traditional life.
Te outcome of Kinotis unique approach is a valuable book that is well
documented and illustrated with Gky pithy sayings, songs and striking
proverbs. Te study intrigued me from its beginning as she and I discussed
her research ideas; at the time, though, I did not fully appreciate its impor-
tance. It intrigues me even more now as I see its fnal outcome and conclu-
sions. I cannot but be amazed by its value and importance. Kinoti herself
stresses the importance of this work when she concludes that her study
of traditional Gky society shows that morality and religious belief are
inseparable.
In conclusion, I do not hesitate to afrm that Hannah Kinotis study is a
confrmation that God was already at work in the world before Christs
coming. His moral law is to be found in all societies.
Professor emeritus J.G. Donders
(Washington Teological Union)
13
ACKNCWLEDCEMENT5
On behalf of my late wife Hannah I want to say a warm thank you to all
the colleagues, friends and relatives who have contributed either to the
publication of this book or to the research on which it is based. Harold
Miller initiated and managed the process that culminated in the publica-
tion of the book. He also obtained a grant to meet the costs and identifed
someone with the editorial skills to turn a Ph.D. thesis into a readable book.
G. Wakuraya Wanjohi, with the valuable assistance of her husband
Dr. Gerald J. Wanjohi, did an excellent job of editing. Professor Heinz
Kimmerle not only introduced the work to the publisher, Editions Rodopi,
but also contributed the preface. We are grateful as well to the Series Editor,
Dr. Henk Oosterling, who prepared the draf for its pre-press version.
Professor J.G. Donders has made important contributions to this book.
When he was on the staf of the University of Nairobi he served as Han-
nahs principal advisor in her doctoral work. He and the late Professor S.G.
Kibicho gave invaluable advice and encouragement. In addition, Professor
Donders has kindly written the foreword to the book. Many other members
of the staf of the University of Nairobi made important contributions to
Hannahs study of Gikuyu traditional morality. Among them were the
late Professor Oruka Odera, Professor Godfrey Muriuki, and Father S.N.
Clements. Te late Professor Joseph Mungai gave enthusiastic support to
Hannahs research. Mr. E.N. Gichuhi, the University Registrar, and his col-
leagues facilitated the work in various ways. John Nottingham, Professor
Kihumbu Tairu and Dr. Wanja Tairu encouraged frst Hannah, and later
me, to get the thesis published in book form.
14
Acknowl edgements
Crucial to this study was a group of thirty-one informants. It comprised
men and women, ranging in age from 20 to 90 years and drawn from the
then Nyeri and Kiambu districts of central Kenya. Tey generously gave of
their time and many of them ofered Hannah hospitality when she visited
their homes.
Financial support for the research came from the University of Nairobi. A
grant by the Mennonite Central Committee made the publication of the
book possible.
I would also like to acknowledge the various contributions made to the
publication of the book by our children: Karimi (who helped to initiate the
publication process), Kathambi, Wangari, Wanjiru and Kimathi.
Hannah largely owed her education, from primary school to university,
to Mama Ruth, Ruth Wanjiru Gathii. Mama Ruth laboured hard to raise
school fees and other expenses through the sale of produce from her farm.
Hannah and I were overjoyed when in her old age she was able to witness
the award of a PhD degree to Hannah. On Hannahs behalf and with deep
gratitude I dedicate this book to the memory of Mama Ruth.
Nairobi, January 2009
George Kinoti
A ncte cn C
~
ku
~
yu
~
crthcraphy
When the Gky language was frst put into writing, there was no
agreement on how to express certain sounds and diphthongs, nor how
to translate these into English. Because of this disagreement the word
for the Gky people Agky and for the language Gky were,
with rare exceptions, both translated as Kikuyu. In this work the proper
Gky spelling has been employed; it is used both for the people as well
as for the language.
Editor
15
INTPCDUCTICN
RaticnaIe fcr the study
Tis study of Gky traditional moral values was prompted by my concern
about what many people see as a rapid decline in moral standards in Kenya.
Kenyan society is becoming more complex and sophisticated due to the
introduction of modern education, the infuence of mass media and the
easier means of travel. But at the same time outcries are being heard against
widespread social evils: corruption, robbery, prostitution, broken homes
and sexual promiscuity. Te large numbers of teenage pregnancies are a
matter of great concern as well. While this is happening, African culture is
ofen referred to in the past tense as if it is no longer relevant.
Many Kenyan parents desire moral guidance for their children since the
misuse of leisure, sexual irresponsibility and immoral conduct among
them are on the rise. A study I did on church discipline for the Presbyte-
rian Church of East Africa in 1966 revealed two issues. First, that church
discipline had failed to create moral values that the people respected and
followed. Second, that loss of respect for traditional values had created a
moral vacuum that Christianity had failed to fll.
In the course of that study, I interviewed some older church members who
were pioneer converts to Christianity. Tey revealed that they had aban-
doned the teaching of their children and had entrusted it to schoolteachers.
Tis was because the only knowledge of morals they had was the tradi-
tional one and Christian missionaries called these morals pagan and evil.
So their restraint of children was very much limited to dos and donts as
well as simple explanations that the Bible says so or that it is necessary to
behave in a certain way in order to be a good Christian.
Te elders interviewed complained that they did not always understand the
Christian ethics they were supposed to teach. Tey were resentful that the
16
I ntroducti on
missionaries had insisted on their absolute loyalty to missionary teaching.
In efect, they had been rendered inadequate as elders and leaders of their
people. At the time of the interviews these church and community elders
regretted that they had not taught the Gky ways that were good, along
with their attempts at evangelising the people.
I was curious to fnd out what these elders might have included in their
teaching if their culture had not been condemned so strongly.
Terefore, the study had four objectives:
To discover the conceptual basis of traditional Gky morality;
To discover how moral values were sanctioned, that is, how society
maintained the moral system;
To determine whether there was any connection between religious
beliefs and morality;
To examine the extent to which the younger generation understood and
subscribed to the traditional moral values.
A detailed study was made of fve virtues, namely, honesty (whokeku),
generosity (taana), justice (khooto), courage (camba) and temperance
(wkindria). Between them these virtues touch on all the important areas
of the traditional life. Te study was conducted primarily by means of a
questionnaire. Tree groups of people were interviewed. Te frst group
consisted of old people who had had frst-hand experience of traditional
life, the second group of middle-aged people and the third group of young
people.
Descripticn cf the Iiterature
Te literature, which formed the secondary source of information for the
study, can be divided into fve categories.
Te frst category consists of books and archival material written by
Gky authors who had personal experience of traditional Gky life.
Tese authors were probably all born during the last decade of the 19
th
century. Terefore, they were able to participate more or less fully in
the traditional way of life in their early youth. Afer their traditional
upbringing they received western education in Christian mission schools
and consequently had some missionary infuence. However, there is
ample evidence that their writings were at least partly a reaction against
that infuence. Tese authors are: Stanley Kiama Gathigira, Justin Itotia,
Mathew N. Kabetu, Jomo Kenyatta and Leonard wa Kariithi Githui.
Gathigira believed that no nation could advance without knowledge of
the ways of its forefathers. He was concerned about the divided opinion
17
I ntroducti on
among the Gky regarding the value of their traditional customs and
in his writings urges his readers to adapt a more balanced attitude to
both the traditional and the new way of life.
Kabetu published two invaluable records of Gky traditions. He wrote
them to encourage his readers to adopt what is good from both their
Gky heritage and the heritage of the advanced races, as well as to
provide ready material for future researchers into Gky traditions.
Kabetu believed that the Gky were bound to sufer moral and social
delinquency unless the innovations which were displacing Gky
traditions and customs had an equivalent moral and social worth.
Itotia was probably among the frst ffeen teachers to qualify from Jeanes
School, Kabete in 1927. Te role of a Jeanes teacher was to supervise
village schools and to help them relate to the local community.
1
Te main
source of inspiration for his writings was the virtuous life of the mature
and old people in his community and he expresses his indebtedness to
them.
Kenyattas well-known book, Facing Mount Kenya is based on seminar
papers he delivered when he was an anthropology student at the London
School of Economics. Because of Kenyattas political career, spanning ten
years before the publication of the book in 1938, it was branded a mas-
terly propaganda document.
2
However, Kenyatta says that he restrained
his sense of political grievances in order to record facts as he knows
them and to let the truth speak for itself. Kenyatta shares the conviction
that the Gky had a worthy cultural heritage. Kenyattas thesis was that
Gky economic, social, religious and political systems had a cohesion
and integrity better than anything that the colonial system could ofer.
3
An unpublished manuscript written in the early 1930s by Leonard
Githui concentrates on how children were taught the ideals of courtesy
and diligence in traditional society.
Te second category of literature consists of two ethnographical studies
on the Gky, one by William S. and Katherine P. Routledge, entitled
With a prehistoric people and the other by Louis S.B. Leakey, Te South-
ern Kikuyu before 1903. Tese two books were published in 1910 and
1937 respectively. Tey are complementary in that the frst one describes
mainly the Northern Gky and the second one the Southern Gky.
William and Katherine Routledge tend to use superlative descriptions
about the Gky (among whom they spent fve and a half years) and
one is lef with the impression that they may have idealized a people
whose way of life reminded them of their Saxon forefathers.
Leakey had the advantage of being born and bred among the Gky
tribe so that he spoke their language fuently.
4
In thoroughness, Leakeys
1B
I ntroducti on
work, in three volumes, is unsurpassed. Leakey worked with several
committees of Gky elders who knew traditional life before the intro-
duction of the colonial administration. He also used information he had
collected since childhood.
5
Te third category is the writings of missionaries and colonial admin-
istrators who worked among the Gky. Tese were people with a
mission: the administrator to govern and the missionary to civilize and
evangelise. Generally, the missionaries and administrators were not
interested in studying the Gky customs for what they were but rather
so that they could carry out their missions more efciently. However,
some individual administrators, like K.R. Dundas, C.W. Hobley, Harold
E. Lambert and H.R. Tate seem to have had a genuine interest in native
customs but they had to ft their studies in between busy schedules. Te
question of what values lay behind the customary ways was not imme-
diately relevant to most of these writers. In spite of the obvious limita-
tions of their studies, the work of these administrators enabled them to
record information that would otherwise have got lost with the passage
of time.
Christian missionaries have produced much literature on the Gky.
Major works and other records include those by C. Cagnolo, Edmondo
Cavicchi, E. May Crawford and A.R. Barlow. Some of this literature
is strongly biased, given the general attitude of the missionaries that
Gky life was morally degraded. Given their dual mission of civilizing
and evangelising, they were more apt to decry than to appreciate what
they observed. Cagnolos contribution has been found to be particularly
problematic in this respect.
Te fourth category consists of Gky proverbs, folk stories and folk
songs that exist in written form. In the pre-literate Gky society prov-
erbs and stories were a reservoir of the peoples traditions and wisdom.
Te number of proverbs available in written form is enormous: Gathi-
gira, Itotia, Barlow and Barra have all compiled lists of them.
Te ffh category comprises the writings of early European travellers.
Teir views can be regarded as hasty and inaccurate. However, these
early writers describe some actual incidents, which touch on moral
ideals, and so some of these writings provide information relevant to the
present study. Tey include works by L. von Hhnel, Joseph Tomson, F.
Jackson, J.W. Gregory, J.R.L. MacDonald and F.D. Lugard.
Te literature presents several difculties. In addition to some of it being
strongly biased, there is the problem of contradiction between authors.
19
I ntroducti on
The varicus rcups interviewed
Te interviews that formed the primary data for the research on which the
thesis is based were carried out between June 1975 and December 1976.
Each person in the various age groups was visited an average of fve times.
Te Old Age Group. Te following people, three women and fve men,
were part of this group: Ruth Wanjiru Gathii, Wanjiku Gicinga, Priscilla
Njeri Makumi, Samueli Gitau, Antony Kahindi Mbiiru, Meshak Murage,
Gathii Mwathi and Arthur Waciira. Tey were aged between approximately
70 and 90, keeping in mind that traditionally no records of births were
kept. Terefore most of them only knew their approximate age. Two of the
women were married with children, grandchildren and great grandchil-
dren. One woman had been a widow for many years. Of the men, four had
been traditional elders (one of whom served as a soldier in German East
Africa during the First World War) and one had been a teacher, as well as a
minister in the Presbyterian Church.
Te Middle Age Group. Four women and four men were part of this
group. Teir names are: Beth Gathoni Guandaru, Rahab Waiyigo, Madalina
Wambui, Lucy Wanjiku, Jackson Githaiga, Patrick Migui, Duncan Munyiri
and Simon Muteru. Teir ages ranged between 33 and 60. Of the women,
three were married and one was a widow. Of the men, two were teachers,
one was the principal of a Teacher Training College and one was a chief.
Te Young Age Group. Te young people, three women and fve men,
were aged between 20 and 24. Five were university students, one was a
college student, one a Form Six leaver and one a shop steward. Teir names
are: Katherine Kaigi, Leah Maranga, Janet Wambui Muchiri, Gathimbu
Mbugua, Karanja Kagecha, Patrick Kagwanja, Joseph Maingi Kubai and
Evanson Ndirangu.
21
270?C4A
THE CULTUPAL 5ETTINC
Ci
~
ku
~
yu
~
society in the precolonial period
ScciaI cranizaticn
In the traditional Gky society, the kinship system was composed of the
family group (mci), the extended family group (nymba), the sub-clan,
(mbar) and the clan (mhrga). Te kinship system was organized in such
a way that individuals were constantly reminded that they belonged to the
clan as much as to the family.
Te family group or homestead (mci) was the smallest unit of the kinship
system. As Leakey says, the family group was the most fundamental basis
of Kikuyu social organization,
1
and the most important social group for
the individual. It consisted of a man, his wife or wives and his children. Te
most important religious and social ceremonies, especially family worship
and rites of passage, were centred in the homestead.
2
Most of the ceremo-
nies required the presence of all the family members. Trough the tradi-
tional system of division of labour, each person had some job or other to
do for the family. Individuals learnt to value family welfare and to become
aware of their frst responsibility. It was within the family circle that chil-
dren obtained most of their education.
Afer the immediate family, the extended or the greater family (nymba)
was only slightly less important.
3
Nymba comprised several homesteads
that were connected patrilineally and were close enough for the founder
males to be classifed as very close relatives, being brothers and stepbroth-
Chapter !
22
ers. Upon marriage, a man had responsibility frst to his own homestead
and that of his father, and secondly to the homesteads of his brothers and
stepbrothers. Trough natural increase, a nymba eventually became a
sub-clan (mbar). Numerous social occasions brought members of a sub-
clan together and helped strengthen their bond as a social unit. Members
of a mbar were expected to help each other. For instance, a man who had
surplus land was obliged to put it at the disposal of a fellow member of the
sub-clan giving him cultivation rights until such a time as he needed it
himself.
4
Everybody was automatically a member of one Gky clan (mhrga) or
another. Tough responsibility towards clansmen was relatively less than
towards the family and the sub-clan, there were defnite obligations and
these helped to keep the clan united. Social occasions such as marriage
ceremonies brought together members of the same clan. Clansmen were
obliged to help each other in matters of defence, hospitality and paying
compensation in cases of murder or manslaughter (if a member of the clan
killed a member of another clan).
5
For the adult members of the society, belonging to an age group (riika)
was as important as belonging to a family. At the rite of circumcision,
which was a group rite of passage, all those who were thus initiated into
adulthood were given a special age-group name. Te importance of the
group rite of passage was twofold. First, being initiated together meant that
all members of the age group thus formed belonged to each other as age
mates. Tey were bound together by virtue of initiation, were responsible
for each others welfare and were collectively responsible for upholding the
good name of their age group. Age mates met most of the social needs of
an individual as they were frequently in each others company, both at work
and during leisure. Each age group was keen to maintain its honour and
good reputation. Terefore it encouraged its members to conduct them-
selves with integrity for the sake of their own personal reputation, that of
their family and, equally important, that of their riika. Age mates applied
corrective measures to any of their members of whose conduct they did
not approve.
Secondly, for men, group initiation into adulthood marked the beginning
of the groups public responsibilities. In addition to his family responsibili-
ties, each individual male was now expected to play his part in maintain-
ing law and order and in defending the country. As new age groups were
initiated, they joined the junior warrior regiment that was in the process
23
The Cul tural 5etti ng
of formation. A regiment was complete when it had nine initiation age
groups. At that time it took over power and public responsibility from
the senior regiment. Te responsibilities of a regiment in power included
national security, punishment of thef and witchcraf, organization of social
activities, such as kbaata dances (where important notices were given) and
the maintenance of discipline. All general police duties for maintenance
of order in market places and elsewhere belonged to the regiment. Tese
duties were carried out through small committees known as warriors
councils (njaama cia aanake).
6
By the time a regiment retired formally, diferent individuals within it
would have long retired from active warrior duties due to their marriage
and the raising of children. Te younger warriors of the retiring regiment
moved down to join the regiment assuming power as senior warriors. Some
of the newly married men continued with regimental duties as occasion
demanded but eventually they too retired from military duties.
Eldership was a social status with defnite responsibilities and privileges.
Eldership gave a man the important responsibility of managing his own
family or homestead (mci). His ability to manage his family determined
how highly he was regarded by the local community. Most elders became
members of the Council of Elders (kama) and therefore assumed judicial
duties in the community.
7
Eldership was not automatic: moral integrity and
wisdom were important qualifcations.
In the absence of a central government, one important unifying factor for
the entire Gky people was the ruling generation. Te whole of the initi-
ated male population was divided into two generations (mariika). In any
one period, there was a generation in power (the ruling generation) while
another generation was in the process of formation. Te ruling generation
was made up of elders and it exercised authority throughout the country
for a period of between thirty and thirty-fve years. Tis was the period
it took the next ruling generation to be completely formed. Tat means
that not all elders were rulers at any one period because those who attained
the elder status afer a generation had formally assumed power, automati-
cally became members of the generation in the process of formation. Tese
assumed national power at the next ituka (handing over) ceremony. Te
elders of the ruling generation were highly respected. Tey were ritual
leaders, held prayers to God and performed religious ceremonies on behalf
of the entire population.
8
Tey were the countrys legislators; it was their
duty to preserve and interpret the tradition, make new rules where neces-
Chapter !
24
sary, administer justice and authorize military operations. In all this, they
worked in close consultation with the warrior regiment in power.
Te territorial unit, rgongo (ridge, plural ngongo), was the other impor-
tant unit of the Gky society. Ridges are characteristic of Gky country
and each ridge had its own territorial unit. Socially, politically and eco-
nomically, territorial integrity was a matter of great importance. Territorial
integrity was maintained by a system of units starting from the smallest
unit, namely the village. Each homestead related to other homesteads in
the same locality and together they made up a village (itra) or a forti-
fed village (khingo). People from diferent clans could live together as a
village. All members of a village, regardless of their clan origin, shared in
the common life of the village. Each member participated in all measures
connected with the safety or defence of the village, such as the building of
fortifcations and responding to fre alarms. Tey were also obliged to help
each other in bush clearing, cultivation and hut building.
9
Te inhabitants
of the various villages in a rgongo were united for various practical pur-
poses. As far as defence was concerned, they acted as a single unit. Villages
along the frontier with the Maasai fortifed themselves in an attempt to
prevent the penetration of Maasai into the rgongo. Te rest of the villages
came to their aid if the Maasai attacked. It was at the rgongo level that the
warriors of the regiment in power exercised their executive power. Tey
did this through committees (njaama) drawn from the diferent villages of
a rgongo. Similarly, there was a rgongo Council of Elders (kama), which
performed legislative, judicial, and religious functions for the rgongo as a
whole. Besides conducting ceremonies in times of famine and pestilence,
elders from every village in the territorial unit were required to join together
from time to time for acts of worship and sacrifce to God.
10
Territorial units made up the country (brri) and there were three such
countries: Kabete (Kambu), Metumi (Mranga) and Gaaki (Nyeri). Te
country was united in matters of law, custom and religion. Two national
committees were responsible for this unity. One committee consisted of
elders selected from the ruling generation to represent the ngongo. Te two
committees always worked in consultation but they only came together
when matters afecting the whole Gky country demanded attention.
Such included the making of new laws, the repealing of old laws and the
making of peace treaties with the Maasai. Generally, the function of the
warriors of the regimental committee was to communicate the decisions
of the Council of Elders to the people, and to enforce such decisions. Te
warriors were the executive arm of the government.
25
The Cul tural 5etti ng
Besides the kinship, age groups and territorial systems, there were three
other aspects of the Gky social system that helped the individual, what-
ever his status, to remember the conduct beftting him. Te frst aspect was
the division of every section of the society into senior and junior camps.
Te second was the use of the idea of thoni. Te third was the function of
ad hoc disciplinary committees of councils known as njaama.
Regarding the division of the various sections of the society into senior
and junior camps, no social group was exempt. Girls, boys, circumcised
girls, warriors, married women and elders were all divided into senior and
junior camps whenever each group had occasion to meet.
11
Te Gky
have a saying, Mregi gwathuo ndanghota gwathana (He who refuses to be
commanded cannot command.)
12
With that understanding, the senior or
older members of each group had authority over the junior members. Te
younger members were required to obey and respect the senior members.
Tere were certain jobs senior people would do if they were alone but did
not do if junior members were present. For instance, when elders were
together away from their homes, it was the junior elders who collected
frewood and made the fre. Te same was true of the warriors. If the junior
camp of any group disobeyed or showed disrespect to their seniors, the
latter could punish them. Te juniors had to pay fees before they could
be promoted to the senior status.
13
Te idea of authority was vital and it
was learnt from the peer group immediately senior to ones own. Tis was
extended to individuals. Similarly, in the home, the older children could
give orders to the younger children.
Te second important aspect of the social system was the principle of thoni.
Te word thoni has a wide meaning. According to the KikuyuEnglish dic-
tionary it means: Shyness, shame; bashfulness, modesty, deference; (of
women, children, etc.) respectful, courteous conduct, decorum and reserve
towards husband, seniors, etc., also to relatives-in-law.
Essentially, when a person was said to have thoni, this meant that he behaved
in a modest and respectful manner towards other people. Te society had
an elaborate system of courteous behaviour (mtugo ya nganyti) gov-
erning all the relationships that existed between people and groups. For
instance, the in-law relationship (thoni) required the strictest observance
of the rules of courtesy by all parties concerned. Some courteous behaviour
was simple etiquette but a great deal of it served to emphasize the moral
ideals of the society. For instance, when criticizing a person face to face for
giving false statements, it was preferable to call him garrulous (wa cau) or
Chapter !
26
a gossiper (wa mhuuhu) rather than to call him a liar (mheenania).
14
To
give another example, when girls wished to encourage cowardly warriors to
go on a raiding or trading expedition, they did not speak to them directly.
Instead, they sang words such as: Taka r guoya goocagwo n? (Who
ever praises handsome but cowardly men?)
15
Parents schooled their children in courteous behaviour because public
opinion against people who lacked good breeding was strong. Children
were taught to cultivate behaviour that earned them peoples gratitude and
respect.
16
Te third aspect of the Gky social system that helped people to be
morally alert was the use of ad hoc committees or councils (njaama) for
enforcing proper moral conduct. Te homestead unit (mci) did not need
the services of njaama since the responsibility of managing a homestead
fell on its owner. Beyond the homestead unit, these disciplinary councils
were appointed by the groups concerned to deal with the afairs of the par-
ticular groups. Tese councils or deputations were convened from time to
time in order to kwaragania brri (pacify the country).
17
Every important
group was catered for. Te extended family group had a council (njaama ya
nymba) that scrutinized the land matters of the extended family, includ-
ing inheritance, debts and the rights of orphans in the family. For instance,
this council rebuked avaricious people (ahahami), those who tended to
encroach on the property of others, or elders who married of their daugh-
ters privately without involving relatives.
18
Beyond this was the clan council
(njaama ya mhrga). Since clansmen might be scattered all over the
country, this njaama had the task of maintaining contact with clansmen
wherever they resided. It also looked afer clan lands and resolved land
disputes between its clan and other clans. Tis council disciplined anybody
who had killed a fellow clansman. Te clan council also made decisions
about the execution of clansmen who were habitual criminals.
19
Since a
habitual criminal was a public nuisance, there was also a public council
(njaama yakngore), made up of representatives from diferent clans, which
was responsible for the execution of perpetrators of witchcraf, habitual
thieves and traitors.
20
Ten there was the generation council (njaama ya
mbere) which imposed special fees on all the males of the incoming genera-
tion to teach them humility and respect before the rule of the country
was handed over to them.
21
Te warriors council (njaama ya ita) was
convened periodically; among other things, to ban drinking of beer for
purposes of defense, to punish fearful young men who did not respond
to war alarms and also to punish stingy elders.
22
Te age-grade Council
27
The Cul tural 5etti ng
of Elders (njaama ya riika) scrutinized the homes of age mates and went
around demanding hospitality and punishing lazy and stingy age mates.
Te womens council (njaama ya atumia) demanded fnes (ngoima) from
elders who harassed or neglected their wives. Tis council also punished
women who had illicit love afairs.
23
A council of initiated girls (njaama ya
airtu) was called when the girls in any territorial area had cause to believe
that some of their members were earning them a bad name by being inde-
cent, slanderous or marrying too young. Te ad hoc council arranged an
all-girls dance, known as nduumo, and used the occasion to forbid such
conduct. Any girl who did not mend her conduct was ostracized.
24
Te various Gky social organizations, therefore, were utilized as a
means to put pressure on individuals to conduct themselves in a morally
responsible manner.
ReIiicus beIiefs
Leakey rightly emphasized the importance of religion in the traditional
Gky society when he said,
Belief in God (Ngai) and in the ancestral and departed spirits was the
fundamental basis of life as a Kikuyu Law and order depended more
upon religious beliefs than upon the police activities of the njaama
(warrior council) or the judicial authority of the kama (Council of
Elders).
25
Both Leakey and Kenyatta stress the unifying role of religion. In Leakeys
words:
Religion held each family together, united the inhabitants of every
village, bound together the inhabitants of the various villages of a ter-
ritorial unit and gave the cohesion that was essential to their mutual
security.
26
Regarding God, there are two main beliefs that can be identifed.
27
One
stresses Gods role as creator and ruler of creation. Te other is the belief
that God is a God of justice.
Te traditional Gky recognized God as the sole creator of all things
and as personal ruler of creation. God was conceived of as an immanent,
benevolent and awesome presence among the people. Te evidence of
his presence was the permanence and the majesty of the sky, the sun, the
Chapter !
2B
mountains surrounding Gky country and the prominent evergreen
sacred trees, which had milk-like or blood-like sap.
28
In the Gky conception, God the Creator was also Ngai, the great distrib-
utor of things.
29
In his creation, the greatest gif he gave was life. He gave
other gifs by which life was sustained and safeguarded. Tus he appor-
tioned to the Gky a domain and a means of livelihood based on agricul-
tural pursuits. He approved certain institutions and customs, which made
it possible for a society to function. Te Gky believed that the God who
gave them life also gave them their agricultural way of life that was handed
down from generation to generation. One of the Gky myths of origin
says that God gave their frst ancestors (an old man and his wife) sheep
and goats from which Gky focks and herds were descended. Another
myth relates how a man apportioned diferent articles to his four sons. One
son, who became an ancestor of the Gky, was given a digging stick. Tis
myth explains why the Gky referred to themselves as nymba ya mro
(the house of the digging stick).
30
Together with life and an agricultural
way of life, God gave the Gky certain laws. Routledge made enquiries
from Gky people who, he says, had not had any missionary infuence.
According to those informants, Gods laws included prohibitions against
murder and stealing. God also commanded that people should respect
parents.
31
Itotias elderly informants also told him:
God is angered by people when they behave wickedly (rria maganite)
and are self-loving (eyendi) and swindlers (atuunyani). He is also angered
by people who contradict his laws, which he used to communicate
through prophets and seers, through diviners and also through parents.
32
God was supposed to actually carry out an inspection of the Gky society
from time to time. Kenyatta states that the Gky believed God to make
visits to their domain with a view to his carrying out a kind of general
inspection and to bring blessing and punishments to the people.
33
Itotia has also stated that when people disobey God, there must come
chastisements in the form of diseases, famine and carnage, for the ofending
people must be defeated (in battle).
34
Epidemic diseases, adverse weather
conditions (which caused crop failure and famine) and battles lost deci-
sively to the Maasai, were considered as evidence of some moral failure.
Another of Gods rules was that the Gky must be united. According to
Leakey:
29
The Cul tural 5etti ng
If the inhabitants of different villages lost touch with each other and
became too independent of one another, the wrath of God visited them
and persisted in punishing them until they became united once more by
joint acts of public worship and sacrifices.
35
It is not without signifcance that the Gky believed God to punish them
by striking at the very life he had given them. In periods of severe drought,
all the ruling elders of a territorial unit gathered to plead with God for rain.
Teir prayer was that as it was he who had created the people and given
them their land and their children, may he have mercy and give them rain,
children, cattle, sheep and goats, as well as produce from the felds.
36
Traditionally, organized prayers were not a daily routine. As Kenyatta has
pointed out, when all was well and everything prospered, it was taken for
granted that God was pleased with the general behaviour of the people
and the state of the country.
37
However, people were constantly aware that
they might easily violate Gods rules. Every morning an elder prayed on
behalf of his household that his home might be granted peace and well
being (horo).
38
Other adults also prayed regularly to God.
39
Individuals
were aware that they were somehow accountable to God for their conduct.
In public assemblies, prayers were directed to God that he might endow the
ruling elders with wisdom in order to maintain peace and harmony in their
deliberations. Tey prayed to God also that the population might enjoy
prosperity and tranquillity and that the focks and herds might bring forth
plenty of ofspring.
40
Many of these were matters that required human efort.
But the fact that people asked God to participate is evidence of their belief
that it is ultimately he who maintained the creation. Tey also believed that
he could help people to please him by their good management of the life
he had given them.
In the traditional Gky conception then, God was the creator and the
lord of creation. He had given people rules of conduct aimed at ensuring
the well being of society. He himself ensured that these rules were adhered
to in the conduct of people. Failure to do so provoked his anger. People
experienced Gods anger by way of disease, plague, failure of seasonal rains,
persistent Maasai raids and general lack of vitality in man, beast and plant.
When people repented and mended their ways, they enjoyed prosperity
and well being once more.
41
Another important belief about God concerned his justice. Tis belief
afected the peoples moral outlook in three main ways.
Chapter !
30
First, God did not condone wickedness: he surely punished ofences. Gods
punishments were corrective and deterrent; they never arose out of malice
and were in fact chastisements (mahra) or supernatural sanctions of
morality. As indicated earlier, the ultimate object of Gods punishments
was peace and harmony in the society. In fact, God was interested in the
equilibrium of mans total environment, physical and non-physical. God
communicated his concern for peace and harmony by punishing the
ofending community or the wicked individual (and sometimes his kin as
well). Tis belief acted as a restraint in private and public conduct. Lambert
refers to it as an ingrained belief that there is an automatic supernatural
readjustment when the laws of natural justice have been disregarded.
42
Natural justice required, for instance, that a man acquired property by
lawful means. God did not bless any property that was acquired illegally and
therefore the owner of such property did not prosper.
43
A popular proverb
states, Mgath wa kuoya teeaga wa mwene (A stolen necklace causes the
loss of ones own), meaning that good fortune does not accompany any form
of thef.
44
Natural justice also required that one should deliberately restrain
feelings of malice or envy towards those better endowed with property or
personality than oneself. Malice can lead to calculated anti-social activities
such as thef, destruction of property or murder. Besides disrupting peace,
such activities are a criticism of God for rewarding people who have initia-
tive and diligence.
45
Gods justice was seen in terms of uprightness, fairness and equity. God
disapproved conduct that disrupted peace and harmony and he encour-
aged personal efort and initiative. Signifcantly, God was conceived as the
Great Elder (Gthuuri). As such, he was the example of every genuine
elder (mthuuri). Elders were the custodians of morality by means of the
various roles they played as heads of their families, councillors, adjudica-
tors, arbitrators and legislators. Tey had to be people of integrity. Te term
mthuuri denotes one able to pick and choose (thuura).
46
In a moral sense,
the ability to choose refers specifcally to a keen sense of justice in terms of
honesty, equity and impartiality.
47
As adjudicators and arbitrators, Gky
elders sought Gods help so that they might uphold justice and at the same
time maintain peace and harmony.
48
Traditionally, lawsuits were conducted
with great thoroughness, including careful investigation and patient con-
sideration of the evidence. Settlement was according to the merits of the
suit in question. Te elders insisted on the litigants honesty and any sus-
picion of perjury was submitted to the judgment of God. Gods judgment
was sought through trial by ordeal. Gods justice was also appealed to if the
31
The Cul tural 5etti ng
elders could not come to a defnite decision due to lack of conclusive evi-
dence. A litigant who was trying to establish his sincerity without success
also appealed to Gods judgment by requesting trial by ordeal.
49
Secondly, the conception of God as a God of justice meant that God was
always on the side of right. Tat being the case, justice was bound to win
out, no matter what obstacles were in its way. Tis belief gave people the
determination to see that justice triumphed.
50
Tis was the reason behind
the wronged party ofen absolutely insisting on redress.
51
But perhaps the
clearest illustration of this belief is the relatively recent struggle for self-
determination during the colonial rule. Evidence from political speeches,
prayers and songs composed during the Mau Mau revolution indicates
that the Gky believed that God was bound to restore freedom precisely
because he was just. In his justice, he could not fail to see that the peoples
grievances were genuine.
52
In this connection, F.D. Corfeld cites a Gky
writer (identifed only as Mathu) who says that land is the only social
security the African has and that therefore the land stolen [through
alienation by Europeans] must be restored, because without land the future
of the African people is doomed. God will hear us because that is the thing
he gave us.
53
In the same vein, Kenyatta says,
God said this is our land in which we are to flourish as a people We
want cattle to get fat on our land so that our children grow up in pros-
perity; we do not want that fat to be removed to feed others
54
Te people were convinced that God had not set the Gky or any other
people in their land to sufer injustices at the hand of foreigners. Tey there-
fore pleaded with God to put things right. A popular song had this refrain:
Hoyai ma
Thaithai ma
N amu Ngai no ra wa tene.
Pray in earnest,
Beseech in earnest
For God is the same as of old.
55
Tirdly, people believed that God rewarded honest efort to acquire wealth.
A popular Gky proverb states, Ngai ateithagia wteithitie (God helps
Chapter !
32
him who helps himself).
56
In his justice, God had given people certain bless-
ings in fairly equal proportions. Te most common gifs people possessed
were the soil and time. If an individual was more blessed than another,
this was usually the result of how well he managed his time and his plot of
land. Diligence in tilling the land and discipline in observing the regularity
of time in terms of daily and seasonal activities were vital. For success in
agricultural pursuits, there was no alternative to discipline and diligence.
57
Another common belief was that God ratifed the blessings or curses pro-
nounced by others, especially parents, the aged, the poor and the disabled.
58
People who obeyed their parents or who showed kindness to the aged, poor
and disabled were continually being blessed. Peoples good will and bless-
ings were supposed to be vehicles for Gods blessings.
59
Terefore, the Gky belief in Gods justice infuenced the peoples moral-
ity. In his righteousness God punished evil. God was always on the side
of justice and so the wronged or the aggrieved could have the courage to
pursue justice. Gods justice was also such that he did not fail to reward a
life devoted to diligence and integrity.
Traditional beliefs about the spirits of the deceased had a remarkable infu-
ence on peoples morality. Several things can be noted. It was believed that
the deceased continued to live as spirits and their existence could not be
ignored.
60
As spirits, they had certain powers and certain limitations. Teir
infuence was supernatural and their approval was necessary for prosperity.
Tey could punish wrongdoers. To give an illustration, people believed that
clan ancestral spirits required that boundaries of clan and family land were
not to be moved. Terefore, a person who wilfully destroyed trees marking
boundaries would die more or less immediately as a result of supernatural
intervention.
61
Being spirits, the deceased did not beget children. Tey were not self-suf-
fcient in their social needs. Tey were believed to be particularly keen to
continue association with the living; so keen in fact, as to cause the living to
suspect them of selfsh motives. An individual spirit was believed to possess
the character that the individual had when he lived on earth.
62
A good man
continued as a good spirit. Besides his interest in the living for his own well
being as a spirit, he was concerned that the living did not contravene the
rules of good conduct, which guaranteed their own well being. His wisdom
and counsel continued to be tapped from beyond the grave, as it had been
on this side of the grave. Te way to accord the spirits of good people the
33
The Cul tural 5etti ng
respect they deserved was to avoid behaviour that would annoy them. A
bad man continued as a bad spirit.
63
A bad spirit could harass his living
relatives. Whereas the living were happy to continue associating with the
spirits of good people, they were anxious to make outcasts of the bad spirits
and apparently they were able to do this.
64
It was therefore in the interest of
every individual to die as a good person so that at ones death, contact was
not severed by the living. Some people were foolish enough to ruin their
life on earth and consequently their life as spirits.
65
Another belief was that the spirits of the deceased continued to belong
to the various groups that they had belonged to in life; there were spirits
attached to families, clans, age groups, professional groups, etc. Te sig-
nifcance of this is that there was no aspect of life that did not come under
the infuence and the sanction of the spirits of the departed. Tere does not
seem to have been any context in which an individual might misbehave
without arousing the displeasure of the spirits in some capacity or other.
66
Terefore, human sanctions in the various spheres of life had the backing
of the spirits of the deceased.
As far as the individual was concerned, the family unit, consisting of the
living and the deceased, was most important from a moral point of view.
Children accorded the greatest respect to the spirits of their deceased
parents. In life, parents were honoured on account of their sacred role as
parents and because of their seniority. Further, they were the immediate
human agents that maintained the vital link between the family and the
supernatural realities, that is, God and the ancestors. It was believed that
behaviour that angered parents when they were still alive was bound to
bring serious harm (kngki) to the person responsible for that anger.
67
Te
concerns of the spirits were the concern of the living. Te collective exis-
tence of the departed, representing diferent generations and age groups,
was concerned that the ideals that promoted the peace, harmony and pros-
perity of the living body politic should be upheld.
68
Te family ancestral
spirits were concerned about the proper care of widows and orphans.
69
Spirits of departed professional diviners were concerned about the con-
tinued integrity and wisdom of the living members of the profession, and
these ofen sought their aid.
70
Whereas spirits supported the ideals that
were held dear by the living, they could also be expected to punish any
tendencies that hindered the promotion of these ideals.
Belief in the active participation of the spirits of the departed in life on
earth infuenced the conduct of the Gky, not only towards each other
Chapter !
34
but also towards foreigners. Leakey says that the Gky bought land from
the Ndorobo instead of acquiring it by right of conquest because they
believed that the spirits of any Ndorobo killed while defending their land
would make such land useless to the invaders. Te invaders herds and
focks would die, their crops would fail and the land would be destroyed by
drought. Terefore, the Gky bought the land and adopted the Ndorobo
into their families.
71
Another example is that when a Gky man took
a Maasai wife he changed his manner of performing certain ceremonies
(magongoona) to the Maasai way in order to ensure harmony with the
Maasai spirits.
72
The ccncepts cf ir
~
and ir
~

~
ri
Te traditional Gky concepts of ir and irri can roughly be translated to
mean wealth and honour respectively, although the terms mean more
than this. Te main goals in Gky society were ir and irri. Tese goals
formed a strong motive for cultivating the moral ideals that the society
recommended.
In terms of moral ideals, the traditional Gky recognized two types of
people. Tere was a type which was able to attract wealth and reputation.
A person who had the qualities which the Gky believed were neces-
sary for attracting these two blessings was referred to as Mwendo n ir na
irri (One favoured by wealth and honour). In normal circumstances each
individual had the potential to attract ir and irri. However, some people
failed to cultivate the qualities that attracted these blessings. Te person
who had proved a failure in this respect was referred to as Mimwo n ir
na irri (One rejected by wealth and honour).
Te KikuyuEnglish dictionary defnes ir as Sustenance, substance,
fortune; the good things of life; property, including wives, children, live-
stock, gardens; progeny. When the terms sustenance, substance and
fortune are analysed it is found that substance includes all that can be said
to support an individual life, both materially and non-materially. Tus, for
instance, food is ir because it maintains a persons body physically. A wife
is a mans ir because she gives him companionship and she helps him to be
respected. Ir means all things and all relationships that provide the indi-
vidual with physical and moral support. Substance means matter and also
strength (hinya). Strength means physical strength, stamina, the power
to procreate, and also wealth (tonga). Fortune means both wealth and
prosperity (gaaciru). It is possible to amass wealth and yet not lead a satis-
fed or settled life.
73
35
The Cul tural 5etti ng
From these explanations, it is apparent that what the Gky meant by ir
carried the idea of the total welfare of an individual. Itotia explains that ir
means: Children, estates and all things which beneft peoples lives, giving
them strength to work day by day.
74
Iriri is derived from the word garra, which means, to fourish, do well,
prosper. Garra also means to come to a satisfactory conclusion. rri
is an associated word, which means prosperity through inheritance of
possessions. Te KikuyuEnglish dictionary defnes irri as those who
participate in a mans estate, benefciaries, heirs. In other words, irri are
the people who are entitled to beneft from the possessions, material, as
well as non-material of a person. According to Itotia, irri is the reputation
given to a person by the people who have seen his works, which he does for
himself and for the country.
75
In connection with irri, it is apparent that for the traditional Gky to
think of a benefciary, heir, or progeny is automatically to think of the
honour of the benefactor, who usually was a parent.
Ir and irri were two greatly desired blessings in traditional Gky society.
Tey were really a double blessing, for irri usually followed on ir. One of
the blessings pronounced by an old person on a young person by way of
gratitude for some service was: May ir and irri love you, may you beget
obedient children.
76
But the blessing of ir and irri was not something that came to the individ-
ual automatically. It was something the individual had to earn by leading a
virtuous life. For instance, a man who was not diligent found it difcult to
acquire a wife and, therefore children who could honour him by naming
their children afer him. Such a man might have inherited land from his
father but if he lacked the moral qualities necessary for prosperity, his
inheritance was not of much use to him.
Some of the expressions, which the Gky used to describe the person who
was denied the blessings of ir and irri illustrate how much this twin bless-
ing was valued.
77
One of the expressions was a mra huuhu (gone-with-
the-wind). He was like a huuhu (light breeze) whose direction or destina-
tion could not be determined. Worse still, he was likened to thuri (fart),
which ofended the air momentarily but soon disappeared. A person whose
character did him no good existed in society for a short time, making his
name foul as long as he lived. When he died, foulness disappeared with him
Chapter !
36
and people were glad to be rid of him. Another expression used was mku
mtg (one fallen down prostrate and dead). Te expression was used
ordinarily to refer to somebody who dropped dead from hunger or exhaus-
tion. A man without ir and irri was called mku mtg although he
was still alive because, like a dead body, he could not point to his posses-
sions and say, Tese belong to me. If a sudden need arose it found him
destitute and desperate.
78
Tere was also the expression mwendia rhi
(seller of sword) referring to a man who contracted a matrilocal and matri-
lineal marriage. Tat is, although he lived and had children with a woman,
she was not properly his wife because he lacked the means to marry her.
79
In such circumstances, his name would not survive him because none of
the children he had fathered would name their children afer him. In other
words, he had no descendants of his own, however many children he might
have fathered.
80
All such people were said to be already destitute, because
they lived like the destitute, unable to beneft themselves or other people.
It was said of them:
They will die prostrate like the destitute because they will not find
anyone to wait on them and nurse them at their deathbed. Neither will
they leave anyone anything to inherit. Their death being hardly noticed
beyond their village, they are truly gone-with-the-wind.
81
Tese were the people whose spirits were given a terminal burial so that
they might never return to their families to trouble the living.
82
In contrast, a man who had lived a good life and had estates, wives, chil-
dren, focks, herds and a good record of service to his community and clan
died a contented person. He lef a legacy of ir and irri. Afer death, he
was referred to as mtiga ir na irri (one who has lef behind wealth and
honour).
83
Te living continued to bless him, saying:
Aromaama kuuraga n gttigra ngamba cia marimthio. (May he
sleep where the rain continues to fall for leaving an inheritance of fallow
lands for us to graze our animals.)
84
Tis was a fgurative way of saying that those people whom the living held
in fond memory had lef behind estates, gardens, crafs, skills and good
works, as a result of which the living continued to prosper.
85
In summary, it can be said that the concept of ir and irri was a major
incentive for people to lead morally upright lives and to work diligently for
themselves and for society.
37
The Cul tural 5etti ng
Changes that have occurred in Ci
~
ku
~
yu
~
society
since the !SS0s
Over the last hundred years or so, the Gky have experienced tremen-
dous changes in their political, social and cultural life. Te majority of the
Gky still live in the traditional homeland, which comprises the Nyeri,
Muranga and Kiambu administrative districts. However, since the coming
of the Europeans at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the
20th century, large numbers of people have made their homes in other parts
of Kenya. At the beginning of the colonial period, the Gky were in great
demand as porters for the construction and maintenance of railway lines
and roads, as cheap labour on European farms and as unskilled labourers
in the burgeoning urban centres. Soon, numbers of Gky people were to
become squatters on the settlers farms in the so-called white highlands.
Following the outbreak of the Mau Mau confict in 1952, many Gky who
had made the white highlands their only or second home were repatriated to
the reserve. Again, since Kenyas independence, quite a few Gky people
have found permanent homes outside their homeland in Central Province.
Some Gky people are also to be found beyond the national boundaries
in search of a livelihood. Leakey remarks that mobility is probably one of
the most obvious characteristics of the Gky. Mobility implies change
and the need to adjust to a new environment and new conditions.
In their pre-colonial history of migration and settlement into what fnally
became Gky land, the Gky experienced important changes.
86
Te
period between the beginning of the 17
th
century and the end of the 19
th
century saw them consolidate themselves as an ethnic group, distinct from
the Ndia and the Gichugu. Te ecology of the area made it necessary for
those who were hitherto hunters and pastoralists to become mainly agri-
culturalists. Tis was also a period of upheavals in which the Gky expe-
rienced opposition from the Gumba, the Athi and the Maasai. Te Gky
assimilated the Gumba and the Athi who had preceded them into the area
and absorbed elements of their languages and ceremonial dances into their
culture.
87
With their pastoral Maasai neighbours they established a curiously bal-
anced relationship of war and peace. Te Maasai were evidently instrumen-
tal in the development of the defensive tactics, which the northern Gky
adopted during this period. Te tactics included special huts (gaaru) where
warriors lived in readiness for war and a special kind of alarm (mbu) given
as warning against the approach of an enemy.
88
By the time the Gky
were settling into present-day southern Kiambu they had adopted elabo-
rate diplomatic methods of acquiring land from the Athi (Ndorobo) that
Chapter !
3B
were very similar to their marriage process.
89
Tere is also evidence that the
traditional Gky government made provision for the making of new laws
and the repealing of old laws as need arose. However, in all these innova-
tions the Gky seem to have remained a fairly strong ethnic group whose
culture and morality was not unduly upset. On the whole, they seem to
have been masters of their situation.
Te Gky encounter with the British colonial power was a diferent
matter. Change then became rapid, drastic and, in some respects, disrup-
tive. Afer the initial encounter in the mid-1890s change seems to have
been so swif that by 1909 Katherine Routledge was calling for an urgent
full record of native habit and custom because the Gky way of life
was changing fast.
90
By the mid 1930s some literature was being written
in the vernacular by indigenous authors who had received some western
education. Te main reason for writing was to inform the youth about the
traditions of the Gky because many things have changed.
91
By 1938
Kenyatta was expressing the Gky peoples outcry that they were no
more where they used to be and that all is confusion.
92
Such an outcry may sound surprising, especially since the Gky were
known to have been near rebellion in their demand for more western edu-
cation since the early 1920s. However, it is clear from what Kenyatta goes
on to say, that whatever aspects of change the Gky were experiencing, it
was in the area of morals where there were regrettable efects:
Religious rites and hallowed traditions are no longer observed by the
whole community. Moral rules are broken with impunity, for in place of
unified tribal morality there is now a welter of disturbing influences,
rules and sanctions, whose net result is only that a Gky does not know
what he may or may not, ought or ought not, to do or believe, but which
leaves him in no doubt at all about having broken the original morality
of his people.
93
In these sentiments, Kenyatta has support from a number of authors who
themselves were active instruments of change among the Gky. Writing
in 1923, A. R. Barlow concluded an account on the Gky by saying:
Civilization has come upon them with a rush since the first white men
came amongst them. Many infuences are now extended upon them, which
are changing their ideas and their manner of life for good and for evil
94
39
The Cul tural 5etti ng
Cagnolo also looks at the Gky afer some thirty years of civilizing and
he too recognizes some good and some evil in their new state. He writes:
In three short decades the Kikuyu tribe has progressed so far ahead that
an observer today could not imagine their primitive condition of thirty
years ago.
95
Cagnolo is somehow taken aback by this headlong progress, for he goes
on to say that it is with startling suddenness that the Gky fnds
himself confronted by the precious patrimony of civilization, which Europe
has only collected afer 2,000 years of slow, laborious progress.
96
One of the consequences of this sudden change was that the Gky was
stripped of the beliefs that ruled his actions, and he lacked a new frm moral
foundation.
97
As a District Commissioner based in Kiambu, H. E. Lambert
stated in his 1942 Annual report:
Individualism is the most obvious political trend of the modern Kikuyu,
and it has developed with such rapidity that it constitutes the most
serious threat to the structure of a society based not long ago on its very
anti-thesis
98
Lambert went on to suggest that the European had a duty to help the
Gky to return to some sort of social stability since it was our own
infringement of his social system, which removed him from the position of
equilibrium he had achieved for himself before our advent.
99
Te early writers quoted above demonstrate that the very rapid change the
Gky experienced was felt in every sphere of life and had serious reper-
cussions on the peoples moral standards.
Here we describe briefy the main areas of change. Tese include the politi-
cal, economic and social spheres of life. Tey also include religion, educa-
tion, culture and morals.
PcIiticaI chanes
Political changes were among the frst sudden changes the Gky expe-
rienced during the colonial period. Suddenly, and for the frst time in
their history they had a master, with the result that they began to sufer
insecurity due to the greatly diminished power of the indigenous political
machinery.
Chapter !
40
In 1890, the Imperial British East Africa (IBEA) Company set up a perma-
nent station at Dagoretti. During the following decade or so of pacifcation
the Gky were to experience much loss of life and property in a series
of campaigns (called punitive expeditions by the British) which were
designed not only to punish dissident African groups but also to elevate
friendly, collaborating African leaders to power.
100
Tese punitive expedi-
tions were characterized by killings, burning of villages and confscation of
livestock and other property. By 1895, when the British government took
over the Mt. Kenya region from the IBEA Company, the southern Gky
had been virtually subdued. A series of natural calamities between 1894
and 1899 (locusts, drought, rinderpest, severe famine and smallpox) helped
to reduce them numerically, physically, and in morale. As a result, they
were not only resigned to the presence of the white man but the one-time
warriors became porters and servants of the white man. Soon afer, white
settlers began to arrive and to alienate land. Tus the Gky landowners
were quickly and dramatically turned into an agricultural proletariat for
European farmers.
101
Meanwhile, all over Gky country dubious char-
acters were roaming, raiding, trading, and corrupting the Gky. Tey
included European, Goan and Arab traders and raiders who were setting
the Gky up against each other and corrupting them with guns, loose
sex life, robbery and murder. One such character was John Boyes, who
gave himself the title King of the Wakikuyu. He elevated an opportunist,
Karuri, to great chief in Muranga, conducted six punitive raids in Nyeri
and Muranga, married three Gky wives, and impersonated the govern-
ment, besides other mischief.
102
In order to control the activities of traders
and adventurers who were giving the government a bad name, the admin-
istration decided to establish efective jurisdiction, but not before Muranga
and Nyeri had been subdued. Using Gky collaborators, Maasai levies
and the gun, any resistance was met decisively. Te loss of livestock, homes
and human life was so great that the correct fgures were withheld from the
Colonial Ofce. By 1902, the Gky had been completely subdued, desir-
ing nothing but peace and co-operation with their masters.
103
Te transformation of the Gky into a subject people brought with it
numerous problems, the total efect of which was to rob the people of
their self-determination and render them emasculated. At the outset there
was need to establish efective administration as the British were short of
personnel and there was no visible traditional authority with which to
work. Terefore the administrative ofcers turned to the motley crowd
of mercenaries who had served them as porters, guides or askari [soldiers,
guards] and created them chiefs.
104
41
The Cul tural 5etti ng
Any other people who seemed prominent such as the traditional athamaki
(spokesmen) and the bold spirits who exaggerated their importance
were also made chiefs.
105
Traditionally, the Gky were egalitarian. Te creation of chiefs caused
a major political and social disruption to Gky society. Observing that
their government found no pattern in the western world, Cagnolo sug-
gested that the Gky traditional government is best described as gov-
ernment by agreement.
106
Leakey also emphasized this:
The Kikuyu did not believe in vesting power and authority in any one
man; the policy was always to have a number of men vested jointly
with the same authority, none of whom was junior or senior to his
colleagues .The Kikuyu organization was a true example of the com-
mittee principle.
107
As agents of the colonial government, chiefs became a new and striking
feature in Gky society. Partly to maintain the favour bestowed on them
by the colonial masters and partly due to the unprecedented and unchecked
power they enjoyed, they over-reached themselves in many ways in their
unconventional behaviour. Tey violated custom and tradition. Tey
undermined pre-colonial political institutions, engaged in widespread cor-
ruption and produced intense factional struggles for control of ofce.
108
With the help of their unsalaried retainers (njaama) they exploited their
positions in the maintenance of law and order, tax-collection, coercive
recruitment of labour forces and as infuential members of the native tri-
bunals. Tey used their positions to acquire land, livestock, money and
wives through unlawful means. Some became men of great wealth and
high social status, much feared because of the foreign power behind them.
But they were not respected.
109
Perhaps the section of the Gky society to have sufered the sense of
redundancy and impotence more that any other during the colonial period
were the former guardians of Gky tradition and customary law: the
elders. Besides the chiefs, two other organs of local administration set up by
the colonial administration were the Native Tribunals and the Local Native
Councils. Tese were established in an efort to retain traditional African
councils through which African peoples had been governed before the
British advent.
110
A Courts Ordinance of 1897 acknowledges tribal judicial
authorities as courts of law with powers, inter alia, to punish breaches of
Chapter !
42
native custom.
111
However, the government was to supervise their judicial
activities and to ensure particularly that punishments were not inhumane
and convictions were not obtained through witchcraf, torture, or barba-
rous practices.
112
In efect, this meant that criminals did not need to fear
for their lives since punishment became light. Dishonest litigants also did
not need to fear that the tribunals might appeal to supernatural judgment
through the ordeal of the oath, as used to be the case. Te native tribunals
were not allowed to deal with cases of murder. Tese cases went direct to
the District Commissioner and he, in turn, might refer them to the High
Court. Te High Court might impose capital punishment. Capital punish-
ment was contrary to Gky traditional justice for traditionally a murder
was compensated and the killer allowed to live. Under the new system,
the elders constantly witnessed the miscarriage of justice and they were
helpless in the face of it. Te administration would have liked to believe
that the native tribunals were the greatest bulwark of native social life.
113
In actual fact, they were not. In spite of their considerable authority over
civil disputes and their jurisdiction over land cases, they were unable to
safeguard social integrity as Lambert observes:
The tribunal system, unlike the clan system, is impersonal enough to put
expedition before equilibrium and is apt to frame its judgments on what
it deems the law rather than a consideration of the social implications its
judgments may entail.
114
Moreover, the tribunals were serving the interests of the colonial adminis-
tration, not tribal integrity. Te elders therefore enjoyed little morale and were
driven into an attitude of apathy, of sulky acquiescence, or even hostility.
115
Gky elders did not fare any better as members of the local native coun-
cils. Te Local Native Council was supposedly developed from the tradi-
tional kiama (Council of Elders). Initially, councils of elders were convened
from time to time to advise chiefs and local British ofcials on matters
of administration. In 1925, they were formally adopted as instruments of
local government. Te District Commissioner was chairman of the council
because guidance from outside [was] essential.
116
Membership was con-
fned to elders. Besides the dominating presence of chiefs, tribesmen of
character and who have benefted by literary education were included to
lead native opinion.
117
Te councils were empowered to collect revenue
locally and to initiate development in teaching natives civic sense and
cooperative action in a bid to improve the weakness of the tribal machine
in former times for collective action other than war.
118
43
The Cul tural 5etti ng
One very important efect of the changes that occurred during the colo-
nial period is that the leadership and infuence of elders were curtailed.
In traditional society, the elders were the guardians of custom and tradi-
tion. Tey ensured that proper morality was respected and they had ways
of sanctioning it through the traditional legal and political system. But
suddenly their power was reduced and in many instances they were made
superfuous. Teir sense of inadequacy has continued to this day since
public and community afairs tend to be placed in the hands of younger
and more educated people.
In traditional society, the warriors shouldered the responsibilities of the
countrys defence and the maintenance of law and order. Warriors, in their
work as agents of law and order, played an essential role in maintaining
the moral fabric of the society. With the coming of colonial rule they lost
this role. When they began to be recruited as porters and servants they
suddenly found that their scope for initiative and responsibility in the
community was reduced. Since the establishment of colonial rule, Gky
young men have had little to do with their traditional role of police duties.
Eccncmic and scciaI chanes
During the early colonial period, the British Government implemented land
and labour policies that caused far reaching economic and social changes
among the people of Kenya. Tese policies concerned the alienation of
African land for European settlement and African labour to work on the
European farms. Te Gky were afected to a very large degree because
both their land and labour were in high demand. Te moral consequences
of what happened in those early days may be difcult to assess, but they are
part of the reason behind the outcries of several authors mentioned above.
Tese moral consequences are still a reality today.
Te policy of land alienation was adopted in 1900. In 1901 it was legalized
by an Order in Council. Te Order defned crown lands as all public lands
which are subject to the control of His Majesty. Te Order authorized the
Commission to sell, grant, lease or otherwise dispose of crown lands.
Apparently, land under native occupation was not to be included in the
scheme. However, under the provisions of the Crown Lands Ordinance
of 1902 nearly 6,000 square miles were alienated during the succeeding
thirteen years.
119
Much of this land alienated was actually occupied by the
Gky. Certain contingencies in the course of land alienation had inevita-
bly broadened the meaning of crown lands. Te Crown Lands Ordinance
of 1915 took into account what had happened and redefned crown lands
Chapter !
44
to include all lands occupied by the native tribes of the Protectorate and
lands reserved for the use of the members of any tribe.
120
Te practical meaning of that Ordinance was that no native tribe in the
country was given any legal and defnite right to any land.
121
Tis law was
relaxed in 1926 afer considerable damage had already been done to the
local inhabitants.
As a result of an attractive advertisement by the railway authorities inviting
Europeans to the Protectorate, from the year 1902 there was an infux of
intending farmers and land prospectors, in addition to other visitors. Most
of them preferred to acquire farms on the land to the north and west of
Nairobi. Tis was the Gky land of which F.D. Lugard had written not so
long before: Te cultivation in Kikuyu is prodigiously extensive, indeed
the whole country may be said to be under tillage.
122
And W.D.A. Ross quotes an early writer who observed: With the exception
of small patches of excellent grass and a few small swamps, every avail-
able piece of ground is under cultivation, and the district may be described
as one vast garden.
123
Due to the persistent pressure from clamorous applicants
124
the process
of land alienation in Gky land was carried out with great speed between
1903 and 1906. Tis exercise lef the Gky population dispirited. Some
landowners were compensated while others received nothing. According
to Rosberg and Nottingham, some 8,000 people received 8,000 shillings
in compensation for land and 3,000 remained uncompensated.
125
(An
informant related that one Gky landowner was presented with a blanket
and a bottle of whiskey. When he was told that the land belonged to the
European, he realized at that point that the presents were payments for
the land.) Some regulation existed which stipulated that land under native
occupation should not be alienated. Te Commissioner, Sir Charles Eliot,
disregarded this. Ofcially, he defended his action by reporting in his
annual report: In the last famine (of 1898 and 1899) large plantations were
abandoned, and subsequently the owners, instead of attempting to repair
the damage done to their land, went to other districts.
126
Unofcially, however, Eliot was known to be giving land away without
qualms because he was openly contemptuous of the local Africans who
shocked him by their barbarity and their nudity.
127
When he resigned his
post, he wrote: No one can doubt that the rich and exceptionally fertile
45
The Cul tural 5etti ng
district of Kikuyu is destined to be one of the chief centres of European
cultivation.
128
In order to ensure that Gky labour was readily available, Eliots policy was
to interpenetrate European farms into Gky country so that the Gky
and the Europeans would occupy alternate ridges. Te Gky who already
occupied the areas granted to Europeans were simply included within the
land given away. Pressure was then put on them either to stay and become
wage-earning labourers or to depart. In other areas, the Gky residents
were evicted. Tis process continued until well afer the First World War; so
it became possible for existing settlers to expand their estates by encroach-
ing on any land along their boundaries that they could interpret as being
occupied.
129
As a result, a broad wedge of European occupation was driven
across the lands of the Kikuyu.
130
Te sudden poverty of those who had lost land can be appreciated. Other
Gky people who still held land sufered from insecurity as their land
might be taken any time. But it is also quite likely that some of the land-
holders in the reserve were not aware that they had ceased to have legal
right to land. In 1920, the British government annexed the country and
named it Kenya Colony. It was then impressed on the Gky that the
question of land rights even under their recognized gthaka (land) system
was no longer relevant. A case of disputed land ownership came before the
High Court in 1921 and was discussed. In dismissing the case, the Chief
Justice said:
In my view the effect of the Crown Lands Ordinance 1815 and the Kenya
(Annexation) Order in Council 1920 by which no native rights are
reserved, and the Kenya Colony Order in Council 1921 is clearly inter
alia to vest land reserved for the use of the native tribe in the Crown. If
that be so, then all native rights in such reserved land, whatever they be
under the gthaka system, disappeared, and the natives in occupation of
such Crown Lands became tenants at will of the Crown on the land actu-
ally occupied.
131
In 1926, African legal rights to land were recognized. Gky grievances
over land could also not continue to be entirely ignored by the colonial
government. A Kenya Land Commission of 1934
concluded that all grievances of the Kikuyu with regard to land could
be removed, and the past wiped out, by the addition of 21,042 acres to
Chapter !
46
the existing reserves, while provision for the expansion of the popula-
tion required a further 383 square miles.
132
Members of the Commission regarded this provision for land as generous,
because they observed:
In the early days of European immigration, at any rate, the theory
appears to have been followed that, provided adequate arrangements
were made for any natives who happened to be on the land Govern-
ment was fully entitled to regard the land concerned as available for
alienation.
133
Apart from the fact that no adequate arrangements had been made to
compensate those who had lost land, in view of the cultural and ethical
value attached to land by the Gky, no adequate arrangement could ever
have been made for the displaced persons.
By 1934, the Gky had become quite restless and vocal regarding their
lost land. Some colonial administrators were beginning to understand that
loss of land meant much more to the Gky than material poverty. Te
issue of the alienated land could never be settled so long as it was treated in
terms of European legal conceptions. In his comments on the report of the
Kenya Land Commission (1934) the Chief Native Commissioner said:
The whole fallacy of such a theory appears to be contained in the word
adequate. There can be no adequate arrangement for a man evicted
from the only spot on earth where he had the right to live.
134
Te chief Native Commissioner observed further that, under Gky
custom and customary law, land tenure meant much more than occupa-
tional rights. Under their own customary law, Kikuyu had rights to live
on and to cultivate their family estates, but had no rights to live or cultivate
anywhere else (except as duly accepted tenants).
135
Terefore, the Chief Native Commissioner concluded that in the European
misunderstanding of Gky customary law:
A number of families and sub-clans have been evicted from land on
which under their own law they had an inalienable right to live, and
those same clans and families now have no right to live anywhere else
under their own law, and under English law can only live on farms if the
47
The Cul tural 5etti ng
farmers are willing to accept them as squatters and they themselves are
willing to sign agreements to work for the farmer.
136
Terefore, in the alienation of much of their land, the Gky were hit at
the very core of their cultural life. European settlement disrupted tradi-
tional life, necessarily including the moral system.
Perhaps equally serious was the example set by the Europeans that might
makes right. Te policy whereby a foreign Government acquired the abso-
lute ownership of the whole of the land by merely behaving as its owner
137
was implemented at the level where Gky individuals actually lost land
to European individuals. Tis was a terrible moral shock to the Gky.
Tere seems to have been a belief that some philanthropic goal was being
achieved, namely the civilizing efect of the European presence among the
Gky. However, European conduct over land had a negative infuence on
the people. Te frst Gky agents of colonial administration, the chiefs,
were acknowledged opportunists who seized the opportunity of the pre-
vailing land policy to deprive people of their plots by telling them it had
become government property. Tey then sold it and retained the proceeds
from it or simply appropriated it to themselves.
138
Tis conduct contrary to
tradition has found parallels in the subsequent history of the Gky.
In contrast to this arbitrary appropriation of land, the Gky custom and
customary law had defnite guidelines on land tenure. Tese guidelines
were determined by the sacredness with which land was regarded and the
high value attached to human relationships. In this connection, Kenyatta
says that: Land tenure was carefully and ceremonially laid down so as to
ensure to an individual or a family group a peaceful settlement on the land
they possessed.
139
Te Gky recognized several types of land holding rights, which ensured
the security of every family, including those who were not landowners.
Hence, the customary institutions of cultivation rights through inheritance
or purchase. A landowner did not dispose of his land without the approval
of his family and of enough notice to other people to whom he had given
cultivation and building rights. As has been mentioned, the selling and
buying of land was a solemn process very similar to the marriage process.
Rites of transfer of land to the new owner and mutual agreements were
always performed in the presence of witnesses. Supernatural powers were
supposed to ratify what people agreed on so long as the transactions were
done conscientiously according to customary law. Te transactions were
Chapter !
4B
concluded with a sacrifcial communal meal, which sealed the good will
between the seller and the buyer, the meal being shared with witnesses. In
all this it was understood that land sold was redeemable at a future date
should a pressing need to do so arise.
140
Kenyatta quotes an early Report on
Gky Land Tenure as saying:
There are several places in the Nyeri and Fort Hall districts where one
may stand and see more than a thousand acres at a stretch with scarcely
an acre uncultivated, and the disputes, which occur, though complicated
and troublesome, are surprisingly few.
141
Tere are three main explanations for the remarkably few land disputes
in Gky traditional society. First, every piece of land had acknowledged
owners according to the customary law of land holding. People respected
the rights of ownership and boundaries were properly fxed. It was a futile
efort for anybody to try and move a boundary mark or to claim a piece
of land that was acknowledged to belong to someone else. Public opinion
against that kind of greed and the painstaking courts of clan elders did
not allow such a person to get very far. Secondly, people had a high regard
for each other so that few would deliberately contravene their neighbours
rights. Tirdly, the religious element in the various aspects of traditional
Gky land tenure and land utility was a strong controlling factor. Te
various religious rituals connected with land transactions between people
and agricultural activities such as planting, crop protection and harvesting,
all suggest that the Gky did not lose sight of the supernatural sanction
of morality. Tus, for instance, Kenyatta and Leakey say that the Gky
had bought land from the Ndorobo. Leakey points out that by the sheer
might of numbers the Gky could have conquered the Ndorobo and
taken the land. However, they did not use force because they believed that
the angered spirits of any Ndorobo killed in the course of defending the
land would make it impossible for the Gky to prosper on the alienated
land. Quite ofen, it was a Ndorobo individual who took the initiative and
sought a buyer for his estate among the Gky. When such an estate was
bought, the Ndorobos security and that of his family, was ensured through
mutual adoption. In that way, the Ndorobo continued to hunt on the land
he no longer owned and for which he had received payment. Te present
and former owners did not molest each other because they had become
blood brothers. Te Gky had formally acquired the right to cultivate.
As more and more land was brought under cultivation and hunting ground
diminished the Ndorobo were assimilated into the Gky society through
inter-marriage.
142
49
The Cul tural 5etti ng
Terefore, this was the kind of conduct the Gky had been used to prior
to European occupation. Te Europeans were evidently free from such
restraints for theirs was a diferent civilization.
143
Te Gky were bound to
learn from such conduct since part of the European mission was to uplif
the Africans. Apparently, one of the lessons they learned through their
experience of European land alienation was that ones conscience need not
be unduly troubled by injustices done to others. Te subsequent years, in
which the settlers prospered, rapidly proved to the Gky that misfortune
does not necessarily follow misconduct or miscarriage of justice. It was
not very long before Lambert, a European colonial administrator based
in Kiambu, was complaining that the Gky who had purchased land in
Kiambu were no longer respecting the Gky tradition of regarding pur-
chased land as redeemable by its previous owners.
The idea of permanent rights obtained by purchase came into existence
and was subsequently strengthened and formalized into custom the
Kikuyu custom of irredeemable sale by observation of the European
system of freehold in the settled area next door.
144
Lambert observed also that the Native Tribunals, a colonial creation, did
not come close to the old clan court in dealing with land disputes.
The Tribunals system, unlike the clan system, is impersonal enough to
put expedition before equilibrium and is apt to frame its judgments on
what it deems the law rather than on a consideration of the social impli-
cations its judgments may entail. A tribunal stops a squabble once and
for all with luck by dividing up the land between the litigants; the old
clan court would have divided only the cultivation rights and would have
regarded finality as anti-social
145
Te colonial labour policy caused even more drastic economic and social
changes, with severe moral repercussions among the Gky. It afected the
whole population, whereas the land policy afected mostly the families in
the Kiambu area. In the words of Norman Leys, the colonial labour policy
. allotted to Africans the duty of working on land alienated to Europe-
ans and to Europeans the right to own the land and to reap the profts of
its exploitation.
146
Te sole aim of the early colonial labour policy was industrial and fnancial
prosperity in the quickest possible time. Te newly constructed Uganda
Railway from Mombasa to Kisumu had cost the British over 5 million and
Chapter !
50
was running at a loss. Te Protectorate badly needed revenue to maintain
the government departments. Te settlers had come to make money. Te
Africans were the greatest asset.
147
Voluntary labour, by a good number
of young men who availed themselves for short periods and then disap-
peared into the reserves was not sufcient. Te European estates needed
labour throughout the year. Te quickest way to develop the estates and
the country was to direct and retain as many able-bodied Africans into
the labour market as possible. Te countrys prosperity was to be achieved
within ten years. Within twenty years the Kenya peasantry in central Kenya
had, to a very large extent, been turned into an industrial proletariat.
148
Tere was one major problem to be solved in this whole exercise. In their
traditional situation, the Africans were on the whole self-sufcient so that
they had no need for money. Tey also had work to do in the reserves since
they were agriculturalists. It was therefore necessary to introduce conditions
that would force them to work for wages. Tis policy is well documented as
the following quotations by Leys and Ross show. According to Leys,
One of the most striking features of the official attitude as shown in
public reports is the evident resentment at tribal self-sufficiency. For a
tribe to be content with its own produce is referred to almost as if it was
wicked. To increase the wants of Africans was the universally approved
object to be pursued. It is hard to see why a self-sufficient empire should
be admirable and a self-sufficient tribe reprehensible; but one has to
admit that Africans cannot reach the best things in our civilization until
they learn to spend money on things many of which are valueless, and
some even injurious. But the real reason the authorities tried to persuade
Africans to want money and what money can buy was not that these
trade goods would do them any appreciable good. The object aimed at
was to induce Africans to become wage earners.
149
Ross had this to say,
For at least a generation there was a steady demand, often outspoken but
always operative, that the native should be impoverished under heavy
taxation by Government coupled with depressed wages for workers. This
at times took ingenious forms, as when the Colonists Association
urged that the government should only buy European-grown maize, and
not native-grown Whether the native could or could not earn more
money than a low standard rate of wages, it was regarded as an anti-
social act for any employer to pay him more.
150
51
The Cul tural 5etti ng
For this reason, constant pressure was brought to bear upon African young
men to leave their homes and become farm labourers. Others became
unskilled labour in the burgeoning urban areas. Pressure was put upon
them by way of forced recruitment, taxation, registration of labourers
under particular employers and vagrancy regulations.
Te Gky were particularly afected by the labour policy. An initial labour
survey had established that the prolifc agricultural tribes were to be pre-
ferred and the Gky met that preference. A number of them were already
living in or near some of the alienated land and they just had to adjust
themselves to the new conditions of life. Large numbers made regular
migrations to the Rif Valley, where there were large European estates, for
a compulsory period of eight months a year. In due course, a good number
settled more or less permanently in the estates. Others did the same in
the urban centres. In other words, more and more wage earners failed to
return home. But it was not long before young women and children began
to be required to work in the estates also, and they too sometimes failed to
return home.
151
Te adverse results of these male and youth absences on the Gky home-
life cannot be exaggerated. Te absence of men in particular had a serious
efect on the economic, social, and moral life of the people. Te majority
of the able bodied men were recruited into the labour market and some
were married men. Married or not married, the mens share of work in
their homes and local community was abandoned. Loss of their share of
agricultural activities meant that less food was grown and the situation
worsened as time went on. If they were husbands and fathers, their place in
the homes and their traditional authority was a missing factor in home life.
Numbers of these men took temporary wives during their long absences.
Others returned home sick and weakened by poor working conditions and
diseases associated with European civilization.
152
By way of evidence, A. R.
Barlows criticism of the colonial labour policy as it afected the Gky can
be quoted. Writing in 1913 in the Church of Scotland Mission publication
Kikuyu news, Barlow said:
As regards the Kenya district,
153
one doubts whether the number of
natives leaving it to go to work could very well be increased. The
maximum supply of labour has been obtained for some time back by
means of press-gang system The usual argument one meets when
urging that the native needs time to attend to his own affairs is that
the male native while at home does no work, but lolls about watching
Chapter !
52
his woman slave for him. This is an erroneous idea. We believe that the
home life of the native should be preserved and allowed to develop its
best characteristics which is impossible when the father and sons of the
family are at home only at odd times, separated by months of absence.
We believe, again, that the moral and spiritual development of the chil-
dren of the soil is of as much importance as the financial prosperity of
their conquerors.
154
Tere were serious moral efects resulting from compulsory labour recruit-
ment and heavy taxation. Some of the attitudes that the Gky acquired at
that time have continued with them to this day. Tus, many wage earners
do not work hard because they believe their labour benefts somebody
else. Regarding recruitment of labour in the Gky reserves, this task fell
to chiefs or headmen who were the agents of the government at the local
level. Teir own position or favour with the government depended on how
well they succeeded in this assignment, as well as in collecting the hut tax.
Inevitably, the chiefs were oppressive. Te people grew to resent them and
to associate them with the injustices of the colonial regime. People were
compelled to obey them out of fear and not out of respect. Te govern-
ment itself came to be regarded as something remote and impersonal, to
be obeyed mostly out of fear as well. Tis was a great change of attitude for
a people who had for centuries known a system of government by agree-
ment in which every elder and warrior had been an active participant.
Since people were rendered helpless to run their own afairs and make their
own decisions, they became suspicious of authority.
155
In traditional society, the Gky were used to practices of mutual help and
communal labour. In mutual help, a man or woman called upon friends
and neighbours to help him or her to do a job. Customarily, such a person
initiated the job before calling upon other people; this was to demonstrate
to them that he or she was not calling upon them out of laziness but that
he or she required their help in order to complete the work faster. In other
words, people sought aid from others, not labour. With such an arrange-
ment, people worked diligently even when work belonged to somebody
else because they knew they all stood to gain. Tey were all free to call upon
each other as need arose. In communal labour people carried out tasks that
were deemed necessary for the convenience and welfare of the community.
For that reason nobody was paid and nobody supervised, the workers did
not need prompting.
But when the Gky were rounded up and taken to the European estates
53
The Cul tural 5etti ng
as labourers, they neither worked hard nor willingly. Teir obvious resent-
ment and unwillingness to work only served to confrm the European
prejudiced belief that the African was apathetic and indolent. Tis belief
was held to justify forced labour on the moral ground that the African
would gain by learning to work.
156
But slackness was simply their means
of protest against forced labour and low wages. Unfortunately, this attitude
has continued and today it remains true that wage earners do not work to
the best of their ability. Nor are people willing to work without the induce-
ment of money.
ReIiicus and cuIturaI chanes
Te preceding sections have shown that the infuences of colonial admin-
istration and European settlement in Kenya had far-reaching moral conse-
quences for the Gky. Te Christian missions, on their part, undermined
the whole cultural basis of Gky morality, frst through direct teaching
against certain aspects of Gky culture, and secondly because their teach-
ing and infuence changed the peoples attitude to some of their traditional
beliefs and behaviour patterns. For instance, this is true of the Gky
beliefs regarding taboos (mgiro) which had an important role in morality.
Te Christian missions which worked among the Gky held the general
outlook of the 19
th
century missionaries to Africa. Tis outlook denied
any culture of value in Africa.
157
It held that everything in non-Christian
religions and cultures was evil.
158
It also believed in the utter superiority
of western culture. In their double mission of evangelising and civilizing
the Gky, the missionaries believed that part of their function was to
overhaul the existing Gky culture. Individual missions and missionaries
may have difered in the degree to which they condemned Gky culture,
but this general attitude dominated their activities.
159
A few examples from
reports of missionaries can be cited by way of illustration. Writing in 1917,
Filippo Perlo, a pioneer missionary with the Consolata Mission, described
Gky life as he judged it in 1902 as essentially deplorable, barbarous,
inhuman.
160
According to Perlo, Every moral principle in which our civili-
zation glories and which our religion commands is simply reversed
161
Perlo explains that the crude reality of the conditions, which the mission-
aries found, became the basis and impulse of all the extensive civilizing
missionary work, which has been carried out in subsequent years.
162
Virginia Blakeslee, was a missionary with the African Inland Mission
(AIM) from 1911 to 1954. In her description of Gky country she says:
Chapter !
54
Kikuyu land has been dominated by the prince of darkness for past
ages. The flooding of the district with the light of the gospel has revealed
the hidden things of darkness, the character and source of every evil
tribal custom.
163
To Blakeslee, conversion to Christianity was simply a decision to leave the
paths of the Agky to take the path of God.
164
Writing in 1923, Barlow
concludes a description of Gky life by saying, Such are the character-
istics of the people whom the Church of Scotland Mission, with missions
from other churches, is working to win for the Kingdom of Christ and to
assist to advance in the scale of humanity.
165
To give one more example, Knapp, another AIM missionary among the
Gky reported to the United Missionary Conference held in Nairobi in
1901 that only the enemy of righteousness could have been responsible
for the customs and superstitions of these natives.
166
Knapp cited a few
Gky customs to be actively deprecated by the missionaries. His opinion
was that there are many social and domestic customs, which could never
be associated with decent living, to say nothing of Christian living.
167
With this attitude to Gky culture and the belief that their mission
was to evangelise and civilize, the missionaries set to work, commend-
ing the gospel and western civilization. Tey also taught actively against
such Gky customs as polygamy, nguko,
168
drinking of native beer and
dancing. By 1933, Cagnolo wrote: A good number of families, Christian or
merely emancipated from barbarous customs, have adopted a standard of
living with lodgings, diet, and manner which border on the civilized.
169
As a result of Christian missionary efort, signifcant changes occurred in
the area of religion and education.
First, in traditional society, religion was centred in the home. Religion was
a family afair and every member of the family participated in important
religious ceremonies. Religious activities in the home ensured family unity
and the authority of the parents. Family religious activities were concerned
with the welfare of family members. Persistent maladies in the family, for
instance, drove the whole family to sacrifce to God and to undergo a thor-
ough cleansing of conduct, including the minute details of courtesy. Family
religious activities helped to maintain a morality based on the belief that
conduct had direct results on family welfare. For the individual member of
the family, the most important critical moments of his life, including ini-
55
The Cul tural 5etti ng
tiation into adulthood and marriage, occurred in the home. When under
missionary infuence, religious activities were moved away from the home
to the mission centre or to the church building, religion became a matter
of individual, personal choice. Even when a whole family was converted to
Christianity, family worship did not become a signifcant element of the
civilized families. In some cases, members of the same family belonged
to diferent Christian denominations, which emphasized diferent beliefs
and modes of conduct. Te traditional connection between religion and
morality thus tended to disappear.
Secondly, in the traditional setting religion was the concern of the whole
society. Te Gky interpreted national calamities, such as drought, as
Ngais punishment for moral misconduct. Under missionary teaching and
other modernizing infuences, religion ceased to be a national concern.
Also, as individuals and as a people the Gkys attitude to God changed.
God has come to be seen as one who defers punishment for misconduct
to some distant future. Te missionary teaching about a Day of judgment
seems to have had the efect of making people feel that they need not
concern themselves continually with moral uprightness. Gods judgment is
so remote, if not uncertain, that it is difcult for people to remember it in
the pressing business of daily living.
57
270?C4A !
HCNE5TY (WI
~
HOKEKU)
Views oI early writers
Te literature is sharply divided regarding honesty or reliability. Routledge
seems to have understood the factors that explain the divided opinion.
He himself assesses the Gky individual as by nature extraordinarily
honest.
1
Routledge also observes that the Gky were apt to retaliate by
attitude and action the treatment they received from Europeans when their
country was being occupied. ... bright and intelligent, trustful and truthful
in contact with one European, he becomes stupid and unreliable, tricky,
and treacherous to a degree, in the hands of another.
2
Routledges view is echoed by Hobley who at frst described the Gky as
a turbulent and treacherous tribe.
3
Hobley said that the Gky character
was complex, secretive, conservative and difcult to understand. He
recounted his experience of their treachery. In the early days of European
occupation the Gky would come into the camp one afernoon but the
next morning they would fre arrows at us for no apparent reason.
4
Some years later the Gky had apparently become adjusted to the new
order and Hobley was on close terms with the elders, being himself
instrumental in reviving and obtaining ofcial recognition of the Kama.
It is then he noticed that the Kikuyu character had apparently changed.
5
Routledge says that the Gky had a very defnitive code of morals incul-
cated by authority.
6
Routledge arrived at this conclusion afer interviews
with some Gky who denied learning it from the missionaries. Te
Gky claimed that the ultimate authority behind their code was God.
God gave the code through the mouthpiece of generations of parents. Tis
5B
Chapter 2
code included prohibitions against stealing, murder, disrespect for and dis-
obedience of parents. Apparently, one of Routledges informants qualifed
the injunction against murder as not binding where a stranger was con-
cerned, unless shelter had already been ofered. Regarding stealing, Rout-
ledge observes that the injunction not to steal is obeyed, and the Akikuyu
are as a nation particularly honest. Regarding telling the truth, Routledge
says that it is not necessarily looked upon as an obligation.
7
Cagnolo has a diferent view on these matters. He believes that Gky
children did not receive any education from their parents, so they grew up
to be good or bad according to their disposition and the familys examples.
According to him, a child was neither instructed nor restrained unless it
was clear that his behaviour would bring trouble on the parents. Only then
would the child hear a few rules of ordinary honesty. Obedience was
something insisted on but a persistently naughty child was lef to itself; the
parents would simply say: horo n waku (Its your own concern).
8
Regarding stealing, Cagnolo says the action was not held to be very blame-
worthy. A child might only get into trouble if his thieving caused parents
the inconvenience of being held responsible. However, Von Hhnel who
observed some warriors fogging two thieves at a marketplace, compelling
them to restore the property stolen contradicts this view.
9
Cagnolo seemed to believe that the Gky regarded dishonesty as a
positive value. Children were not only allowed to indulge in it, they were
expected to cultivate it: Telling lies is a matter of course and it is a mark
of superior intelligence and smartness if you can deceive your supposedly
clever neighbours.
10
Crawford goes further and suggests that, in fact, dishonesty was part of the
communitys inherent nature: Falsehood, treachery and sensuality seem
to be bred in their very bones .
11
He regards the medicine man as the
epitome of deception and greed: He is a most shocking old fraud, but that
does not prevent persons of all sorts and conditions focking to him for
advice. Indeed he thrives on their credulity, and in his worldly-wise way
he fnds his occupation most proftable.
12
For his services, the medicine
man insisted on cash down, and he was distinctively averse to the credit
system.
13
Other writers posit that honesty was a Gky ideal. Leakey, as well as
the Gky authors allude to honesty within the context of what Kenyatta
59
Honesty (w
~
hokeku)
calls the fundamental nature of personal relationships and social obli-
gations.
14
Every status in the traditional society had certain responsibili-
ties and obligations attached to it. Children were taught to be obedient,
to be honest members of their family and to play their part in the tasks,
together with other members of the family. If, for instance, a girl brought
her mother some garden produce, such as green vegetables or young beans,
the mother usually demanded to know where she got them from, to make
sure that the girl had not stolen them from other peoples gardens.
15
Adults
were all required to show a sense of duty. Tey were expected to be people
of integrity who fulflled the expectations of their families and the society
in general. As will be shown in chapter four, there were social and religious
sanctions against those who did not live up to societys expectations.
In connection with honesty, particular value was attached to friendships.
16
Te strength of kinship relationships lay in the element of friendship and
the individual was wise to nurture it. Kinship was a relationship of mutual
respect and honour that could not be maintained without regard to the
principles of honesty. Tere were many mutually benefcial arrangements
made between people that could not have succeeded without a high degree
of honesty. For instance, there was the practice of placing domestic animals
under the custody of other people. Tis practice ensured that the individual
had some property elsewhere if he should by any chance lose what he had
in his home. Te success of this custom depended on the bonds of friend-
ship.
17
It was also a recognised custom among the less well-to-do to purchase an
animal jointly with a friend, give it to him to look afer and eventually to
divide up the ofspring.
18
Itotia says that some poor people became rich
through this practice. Another arrangement between friends involved
putting animals together and taking turns at herding them (gtuuanra
rru.) Tis allowed every person concerned a sufcient period in which
to attend to other duties. According to Leakey, if anyone discovered that his
animal was missing he would not suspect that his companion had stolen
it.
19
Tis sense of honesty was also evident in joint ventures involving tillage
of land (ngwatio), house building and other jobs that required cooperative
efort. In this connection Itotia says that those loved by ir value joint
possession, partnership, joint efort (ngwatanro). Tis is because, in the
fnal analysis, nobody can be completely self-sufcient: no lone efort can
produce sufcient resources.
20
60
Chapter 2
It is clear from the literature that some people were honest, while others
were not. Tose who were known to be honest were entrusted with impor-
tant roles in society. Such were the women who became midwives and
others who became keepers of the war insignia.
21
Whereas not everybody
was known for integrity, those who were enjoyed high regard. For instance,
Kenyatta points out that a sacrifcial lamb, slaughtered in connection with
prayers for rain, was given only by somebody who was beyond reproach.
Te owner must have acquired it through lawful means and must himself
be known to be honest and trustworthy.
22
From what Leakey and Kenyatta
say it would seem that the medicine man depended on his sincerity rather
than his wits for success. Tese two authors contradict everything Craw-
ford says about the medicine man. Stressing that the medicine man was
in close contact with God, they emphasize that peoples confdence in
medicine men depended on the accuracy of their diagnosis of ailments, the
efectiveness of their prescriptions, their ability to keep confdences, and
their willingness to accept payment only afer they had seen the results of
their cures.
23
Signifcantly, Routledge attributes the relatively few cases of
suicide to the presence and services of the medicine man.
24
In conclusion, we can point to Itotia. He emphasizes that the real motive for
honesty was personal welfare. Consideration of personal welfare restrained
the individual from stealing, lying, covetousness, malice, extortion, slander
and anger.
25
What is honesty?
Te word whokeku normally describes the quality of being reliable or trust-
worthy. From a moral point of view, however, this word has a wider meaning
and includes other qualities, such as modesty, generosity and diligence.
Te informants associated other words with the Gky idea of honesty:
they used various key words. One such word was thingu (uprightness).
Tis is described most clearly by the Old Age Group. Te other informants
include ma (truthfulness), taana (generosity), hingia (fulflment of
expectations) and kyo (diligence).
Traditionally, uprightness (thingu) was the most essential quality pos-
sessed by an honest person. An upright person could be trusted to be
modest, responsible, generous and diligent. Another word used frequently
by informants in connection with whokeku is gima (maturity). Honesty
and the qualities treated in subsequent chapters describe a person whom
the Gky would call mature (mgima). Te Gky valued maturity and
traditional education was designed to help the individual become mature.
61
Honesty (w
~
hokeku)
Te methods used to help the growing child to develop moral maturity are
described by the Old and Middle Age groups by the key word thingu.
Te wide range of qualities traditionally included in the virtue of honesty
well illustrates the Gky conception of morality as an integrated whole,
as well as the fact that among them there was no distinction between public
and private morality. Tis can be shown by looking at how a young man
was expected to advance to the highest position of honour, that of a council
elder. As an initiated young man he was supposed to be sociable, amiable
and courteous to the elders, the women and especially the girls, with whom
he danced and practised nguko. In conformity with traditional law, mili-
tary requirement and public opinion, he abstained from beer. At this stage,
his conduct, both public and private, afected his prospects for marriage.
Te young mans main ambition was to establish a homestead of his own
in order that he might be judged capable of holding a responsible position
in society since, to qualify for this, he had frst to prove responsibility in
his own home. But a man had to acquire property before he could establish
a homestead. For this he had to be brave and industrious. Even afer mar-
riage and raising a family, a man had to prove that he was mature enough
for public responsibility by the manner he conducted the afairs of his own
home. Only the man who had demonstrated complete moral integrity and
a high degree of wisdom could rise to the highest grade of a council elder.
Hcnesty as uprihtness (u
~
thingu)
Results of interviews with the Old and Middle Age groups indicate that
the basic quality of the honest person is uprightness (thingu).
26
Te word
thingu was mentioned more frequently by the informants in the Old Age
Group; they gave it a wide application. Te Middle Age Group mentioned
the word mostly in reference to sexual fdelity within the marriage bond.
Te informants in the Young Age Group did not mention the word although
there was reason to believe that they were familiar with its meaning to
some extent. In spite of this discrepancy between the three age groups it
is clear that the qualities and conduct which are summarised by the Old
Age Group as thingu are in fact described by other words by the other
two groups. Terefore, it seems correct to say that uprightness is the basic
quality of the honest person.
To the Old Age Group uprightness was the quality that distinguishes the
true and honourable person from the good for nothing rascal. From a
moral point of view, the Gky have two expressions that can be said
to distinguish the upright from the deceitful. Te former, n mnd (is
62
Chapter 2
a person) while the latter, ti mnd (is a non-person).
27
Te informants
in the Middle Age Group distinguish between people who possess gima
wa ngoro (maturity of heart) and those who lack it. To both age groups
maturity (gima) is quite distinct from an individuals stage of physical
development. Tere are adults who lack it and young people who possess
it. Both age groups agree that the essential quality present in honest people
is maturity. It would seem therefore that thingu and gima mean the same
thing and are ofen used interchangeably.
Informants in the Old and Middle Age groups regard the process of bring-
ing up children as the process of inculcating maturity. An informant in the
Old Age Group explains that traditionally a child was brought up in such
a way that the emergent adult would be mnd mgima wa kwhokwo (a
mature, reliable person). Similarly, an informant in the Middle Age Group
says that when a child was born, it was hoped that he would develop physi-
cally, in intelligence and in maturity (anenehe, oohge na agimare).
28
In an endeavour to instil maturity in the growing child, traditional society
employed two complementary methods. Te more formal method involved
subjecting the child to stages of cutting (marua or matna ma ndemo).
In a sense this was a way of punctuating the natural spontaneous physi-
cal development of the individual with some experience of pain. Te frst
experience of pain involved extraction of the two lower front permanent
teeth (kwehwo). Tey were extracted with a knife soon afer the child
had a number of permanent teeth at the age of six or seven. Te second
experience was the piercing of the upper ears (gtoonywo ndgra). An
awl was used for this and thin sticks or reeds were inserted into the holes.
Boys would be roughly between ten and ffeen years when the upper ears
were pierced. Te third experience involved the piercing of the ear lobes
(gtoonywo mat). Tis was done with a barberry thorn and a thin stick
was inserted into the hole. Te hole was progressively enlarged by inserting
bigger cylindrical pieces of wood. Eventually the big ear loop was ftted
into the groove of a fat circular piece of wood, known as ndebe. A short
ear loop was an indication of lack of endurance of the pain and discomfort
attendant upon this rite. Soon afer the piercing of the ear lobes boys and
girls could anticipate the fourth and the most important experience of pain.
Tis was the rite of circumcision (irua) through which the young people
were fnally initiated into adulthood. By the time boys were initiated they
had stopped growing upwards, that is, they were approximately 18 years
of age. Girls were much younger as they were initiated before experiencing
the frst menses, approximately at the age of 12.
29
63
Honesty (w
~
hokeku)
In preparation for their circumcision, boys entered a nine-year period of
mhingo (ban). Shortly before circumcision they passed through a period of
general lawlessness and mischief. Dressed roughly, they roamed about the
countryside, dancing to the amusement of onlookers (gtathaiya), begging,
grabbing and stealing food from people.
30
During this short period, when
the boys were known as ngur, they were supposed to be nostalgic about
the immature, childish behaviour (wana) that they were about to forsake.
On undergoing circumcision and during convalescence, the initiates were
regarded as passing from childhood to adulthood. When their wounds
were healed their heads were ritually shaved. Upon the shaving of heads
the initiates became ciumri (emerging adults). Te ritual shaving was the
defnite point at which the initiate was formally regarded as an adult. Prior
to the shaving he was referred to as mwana (a child); afer the shaving
he became mnd mgima (adult). In one sense mnd mgima meant
that he had become fully developed. More importantly, it meant that he
had become a morally responsible person. Henceforth he was to conduct
himself as beftted his new status of mature adulthood.
At each of the painful stages the individual realized that he was steadily
progressing towards maturity. As it were, he was stepping out of one state
into another.
31
By the time he had stepped into the state of adulthood it was
hoped that he had also become a mature, reliable person. Tis is clearly
borne out in the ritual known as gtiritha. Girls would undergo this ritual
on the day afer circumcision while they were still in pain from the opera-
tion. All the girls who had shared the same initiation facilities underwent
the ritual together. As each girl was anointed with oil the matron anointing
her intoned the following words:
Mwana ra mwega
Mthingu
Weheragra athuuri na atumia njra
ria mthingu
taraagia ndeto cia maheeni.
The good child
Who is upright
Who makes way for elders.
The upright one
Who does not tell lies.
32
64
Chapter 2
According to an informant in the Old Age Group, this ritual sought to
impress upon the initiates a sense of modesty and respect (thoni) as well as
truthfulness (ma).
33
Tese ideals are aspects of what the Old Age Group
describes as uprightness (thingu).
It was hoped and expected that an initiated young man or woman would
be morally mature and therefore upright. However, experiences of pain in
themselves did not impart maturity. Te rites of passage had their value in
impressing on the growing child the qualities that should accompany natural
growth. Traditionally, however, people believed that constant teaching was
the only really efective way of instilling maturity in the child. To stress this,
informants in the Old Age Group repeated the proverb, Njgma njega
yumaga ikrro (A good club is obtained from its source). Accordingly,
it was the primary duty of parents to nurture their children to maturity.
Trough example and admonition, responsible parents helped their chil-
dren to acquire attitudes and habits of maturity. Tis kind of teaching was
informal, spontaneous and constant. As children took their places in the
family and local community, they were supposed to imitate adult ways in
as much as it was reasonable to expect children to do so. Mature adult ways
made the growing child to be regarded as mature long before he or she
was formally declared mature afer undergoing circumcision. To say that a
child was mature was meant to say that he or she had qualities of reliability
or trustworthiness (whokeku). Tese qualities included respect (gto),
modesty (thoni), obedience (wathki) (especially to parents) generosity
(taana) and diligence (ko).
In spite of parental eforts, some did not attain maturity. For some reason or
other, they did not acquire a sense of responsibility and such behaviour as
would earn them the respect of others. Instead they were immoral (imara-
mari) and untrustworthy. Such was the boy who stole other peoples sugar-
cane, or who allowed animals to feed on other peoples crops, and who was
generally disobedient to his parents. Such also was the disobedient girl, one
who was overly playful, at variance with her brothers, spoke disrespectfully
to her mother (kwaria ngara) and showed no respect to other people. A
child of whom people were apt to say y ndakaagra (this one will never
grow aright) grew to be an immature adult.
34
Tey became adults who were
unreasonable, stingy, spiteful, disrespectful or aggressive. In short, they
generally sufered from a sense of self-importance. Tey had no upright-
ness (thingu) and were therefore unreliable and untrustworthy.
To demonstrate that mature conduct was highly valued, several informants
65
Honesty (w
~
hokeku)
in the Old Age Group refer to the oaths that newly initiated warriors and
maidens used to take. Warriors used to take a he-goat to a secluded place
where no elder, woman or child was likely to intrude. Tere they performed
the ceremony of kringa thenge (striking the he-goat). As they beat the
he-goat to death they pledged to observe a code of behaviour that would
earn them respect and trust. Simultaneously, they invoked a curse on any
of their members who might depart from the approved conduct. Hence the
following form of the curse:
Mnd kaanywa njoohi, thenge no romra.
Mnd tagaconokera athuuri na atumia, thenge no romra.
Mnd gatnga mtumia na gthri, thenge no romra.
Mnd karingra mirtu, thenge no romra.
35
Anyone who will drink beer, may this curse fall on him.
Anyone who will not show respect to married women and elders (causing
us to be despised) may this curse fall on him.
Anyone who will not get out of the way for a married woman, may this
curse fall on him.
Anyone who will dissuade a girl from marrying her suitor, may this curse
fall on him.
Initiated maidens held a corresponding ceremony, also in seclusion.
However, instead of beating a he-goat, they tugged a leather strap until it
snapped. Tey invoked a curse on any who might disregard their code of
behaviour that they might snap like this leather strap.
36
Since the three age groups have diferent understanding of uprightness, the
ideas of each group are described separately.
Information obtained from the Old Age Group provides several practi-
cal illustrations of conduct that made a person to be regarded as honest
(mwhokeku). Respectful behaviour rated high. In connection with respect,
modesty (thoni) was an essential quality. From what the informants say,
modesty seems to be a blend of humility and refnement. It is the ingredi-
ent in peoples behaviour that promotes mutual respect. For instance, on
meeting married women along a path, a young man would step aside to let
them pass. If he met a woman of his mothers age they would both leave the
path and each would walk in the bush. Girls were usually full of fun and
laughter. If a young man intended to enter a hut where girls were chatting,
he did not surprise them. Rather he cleared his throat loudly (gthamara)
66
Chapter 2
as a way of announcing his presence. Te girls would stop chattering imme-
diately and leave their seats, thus showing him respect.
37
When eventually a respectful young man needed a wife, he hardly needed
to court his chosen girl. Te women recommended him to her as good,
modest, respectful and therefore honest. Such a man found a wife easily.
To the Old Age Group marriage was traditionally a relationship of respect.
For instance, a man who intended to marry a girl gave her an ornament
(ithaga) as a token of love. On account of that token she stopped dancing
with him. By the same token, other men with whom she continued to dance
would not court her. If a suitor took a friend with him on a visit to his pro-
spective in-laws and the friend used bad language (kiugo kru) or insults
(irumi), that was regarded as great disrespect. Te young man would have to
give a ram of propitiation (ngoima) for his friends behaviour. From then
on the suitor would no longer trust his friend (ndangmwhoka rng).
38
Honesty in a married woman is evidenced by her respect for the sanctity of
marriage. She does not commit adultery. Her fdelity (gkindria) ensures
that her home is established and will be remembered by future genera-
tions. In Gky idiom she will leave a legacy of iganjo (a home that was).
39
Similarly, a married man safeguarded his honesty by resisting the desire
for other women and in not neglecting or chasing away his wife from the
home. People who lacked honesty in these matters were regarded as dis-
reputable.
A girl demonstrated her honesty by her chastity as she waited for marriage.
In the meantime, her work at home would be commendable. Similarly, a
young man would spend his time as mwanake kna (a true young man)
without degrading himself but waiting to take a wife at the right time.
To be trustworthy was to gthondeka rtwa (to make a name). A trust-
worthy man therefore need not spend a night in the bush if darkness over-
took him because people would readily open their homes to him. On the
other hand, if a man wished to be known as mhni or mroba (carefree)
because of the way he talked and acted, the name stuck. If in later life he
should try to repent, his eforts would be futile because such a stain did
not erase. No man can rectify a bad name such as maraya (prostitute) or
mwaganu (rogue). Terefore, to be honest is to guard ones name through-
out life. It is to avoid roguishness because a rogue cannot hope to be ofered
respect and hospitality in peoples homes.
40
67
Honesty (w
~
hokeku)
It takes a long time for people to stop trusting a person who has a repu-
tation for honesty. However, it is possible for such a person to lose his
reputation because of some dishonest action, even if he tries to conceal it:
nothing remains hidden forever. Any deed, which is not right and proper,
somehow emits a fash of warning that the person is departing from integ-
rity. People may even rationalize that these are small misdeeds of a man
who is otherwise good. However, it remains true that ones trustworthiness
has departed.
In this connection, the Gky have a saying: Kganwo n kra (To be
praised is to become lost). When a person is given much praise he tends
to overdo things. In overdoing he stumbles and spoils his trustworthiness.
Tis is especially true in the realm of speech, when a person is giving testi-
mony of what he knows. A trustworthy person tries very hard therefore not
to destroy his honesty through too much self-confdence (kwgerera).
41
Tere is another aspect of uprightness that is considered of vital impor-
tance to honesty. Tis is respect for other peoples right to property. Tere-
fore, someone demonstrates his honesty by avoiding khuutia (to touch)
another persons property. Te traditional Gky believe that something
stolen will somehow cause misfortune to the thief. For this reason, tradi-
tionally, most Gky people would not steal a straying domestic animal.
If such an animal was found, it was restored to the owner. If the owner was
not known, the person who found it announced it in the market place. If a
lost animal died it was hung on a tree along a public path (rtumo) so that
the owner might take possession of it.
42
Yet another quality interpreted as uprightness by the Old Age Group is
generosity (taana). In the context of honesty, generosity means good
actions and gracious words. Informants in this group would therefore
say, Whokeku n gwka wega na kwaria wega. (Honesty is to do good and
to speak graciously). Te generous or afable person tends to attract the
respect and goodwill of other people. People reciprocate his generosity in
friendship and in various deeds of kindness.
Te Gky say, taana n kanua (Generosity is in the mouth). However,
a good mouth is not necessarily a reliable indication of uprightness.
Informants in the Old Age Group recognize that there are many people
who feign grace and geniality in their talk but they are really motivated
by greed. Tey talk nicely to other people with the intention of extorting
things and obtaining favours from their victims. Such people are described
6B
Chapter 2
as ndra kanua, meaning those who earn their living through deceitful
talk, or and a nda (people of the stomach). Some of them are so driven by
envy (ritho) and spite (rmena) that they have no scruples about stealing
from their benefactors. Te Old Age Group believes that greed (koroku)
and covetousness (gcuumkra) are the traits in the human character that
undermine honesty the most. Te greedy and the covetous have a burning
desire to grab and possess (gthara).
43
As stated above, the Middle Age Group makes reference to the word thingu
mostly in connection with sexual fdelity. Te informants are quick to add,
however, that fdelity in matters of sex is only part of a persons total integ-
rity. Tey argue that a man or woman of integrity will avoid adultery or for-
nication as a consequence of the same moral maturity that will restrain him
or her from stealing or committing murder. To informants in this group
then, the not-yet-married men and women demonstrate thingu (upright-
ness) by abstaining from sexual intercourse. A girl, who is able to conduct
herself with maturity and to abstain from sex earns a good reputation and
is regarded as unspoiled (gathirange). Some of the informants explain that
in former days sexual fdelity did not necessarily mean that unmarried
men and women avoided bodily contact altogether. Tey used to practise
nguko, alternately referred to as krerana (to nurture each other). Nguko
was a practice that was supposed to help circumcised young men and girls
to learn about each other in an intimate way. Te rules governing nguko
ensured that young men and girls provided each other with the nurture
of bodily contact without engaging in sexual intercourse. A mature man or
girl could be trusted to exercise self-control and prove his or her reliability.
A girl demonstrated her maturity by securing her garments between her
legs and round her waist in such a way as to render sexual intercourse
impossible. On his part, a man demonstrated his maturity by complying
fully with the rules of nguko that confned the practice to fondling and
rubbing breasts (thigana). A mature man proved his reliability by avoiding
to touch a girls garments, that is, he neither attempted to loosen the gar-
ments she had secured to herself, nor did he persuade her to do so.
44
Among married people, fdelity was expected of both partners. Tey were
expected to be faithful to each other and not to commit adultery. A wife
was to avoid careless talk with men or jokes which alluded to sex (ither
ihuunyku). If her husband should die, she was able to live alone.
To the Middle Age Group informants, the basis of sexual fdelity is the
respect and the fear that exist between people. Sexual fdelity results in
69
Honesty (w
~
hokeku)
mutual trust between husbands and wives, men and women.
Te Middle Age Group recognize other areas of human conduct that illus-
trate maturity, and therefore honesty. For instance, a grown-up girl dem-
onstrates her maturity by behaving responsibly to her brothers and sisters.
She relieves her mother of much of the work in the home. When she visits
friends she returns home before nightfall. Te mature girl is considered
good because her conduct and her work commend her. An immature girl,
however, takes on few responsibilities at home and is in the habit of insult-
ing those who attempt to correct her.
On his part, a mature young man demonstrates his maturity by living sen-
sibly. He is disciplined and does not let nightfall overtake him sitting in
a bar. During the day he does not join ndundu (private sessions) of other
young men who form ad hoc groups to gossip. If he is employed, he helps
his parents fnancially.
An immature man does not remember the needs of his parents. A man
like that will spend years away from home earning a salary before visiting
his parents or if he does visit them he takes them no provisions or money.
Instead, he comes with friends and expects his mother to ofer them hospi-
tality without ascertaining whether she has the means to do so. Yet another
is a loiterer who is ofen to be found leaning against posts in the market
place.
When a mature girl marries into a home she gives sincere service and
co-operation to her husbands parents. Her father-in-law can call on her
to do small jobs for him, such as feeding the calves. Her mother-in-law
can leave her in charge of things if she has to go away. She in turn can
leave her baby with her mother-in-law when she goes to do something like
fetching frewood. She adapts so well to her new home that her husband
is rendered mremwo n kmwatha (unable to command her). Tat is, he
will not be able to complain about her because his parents will defend her.
Other people will also commend her goodness, saying that she has brought
harmony into the home.
Maturity in a married couple is seen in the quality of the life in their home.
Te aim is that their family should prosper (gkria mci). To this end
they go about their concerns with mutual respect and a high degree of
mutual confdence. People do not hear of quarrels between them. Tey do
not make their problems and needs public. In fact, they work in such unity
70
Chapter 2
that people do not know how they go about their afairs. When people make
reference to them they commend them on account of mand moogima na
maharrku (their mature and orderly afairs).
Te immature couple, on the other hand, does not seem to have a clear plan
of what they want for their home. Te wife is to be heard complaining that
her husband does not help her, that he roams about and returns home late
in the evenings. Te husband is apt to complain that his wife is a bully
(mnyamarania), meaning that she tends to command him rather than to
obey him. Such a couple cannot develop their home because they lack the
necessary respect and harmony.
In other words, the Middle Age Group describes honesty as a sense of
responsibility. Tis is not so much an ideal in the mind as a practical dem-
onstration that one is able to manage ones own afairs successfully, as well
as to meet the expectations of those who have a right to expect services.
Te informants in this group make repeated references to whokeku as
gwthondekera mand (the ability to manage ones own afairs), mnd
kmenyerera wra wake (the duty of the individual to ensure that his par-
ticular work is properly done) and kramata mci (the ability to manage
ones home). A person who has this sense of responsibility and duty is
himself further described as being disciplined (kgaacra, gkindrka).
Tis group maintains further that it is other people who judge whether
a person possesses the qualities that make him trustworthy. Tus, when
people are electing leaders they investigate whether a prospective leader
has maturity in terms of being a good manager of his own afairs and also
whether he is temperate (gkindrka) and self-respecting. Such a person
is ndar cuuke (is not open to scandal), ndangiunwo mt (has no demerit
and mci r ririi (his home has some glory about it). For instance, such
a person will not give cheques to harambee (self-help) projects that will
bounce when presented to the bank.
45
Lack of maturity, and therefore of honesty, is seen in people whose speech
lacks grace; they are people who talk carelessly and do not keep conf-
dences. When the informants in the Young Age Group associate respect
with honesty, they regard respect as both the result and the essence of
honesty.
Essentially, a person who carries out a responsibility entrusted to him by
another does so because he has respect for him or her. Tis group believes
71
Honesty (w
~
hokeku)
it is easier to conduct oneself with honesty towards those one respects. But
respect is also a consequence of honesty; a trustworthy person is gener-
ally respected. Children will trust and respect their parents mostly because
parents have proved to be worthy of respect.
A person who is trustworthy or reliable is acceptable to other people. He
is readily listened to if he has suggestions to make. Tis shows that people
respect his words. An untrustworthy person fnds it hard to get an audience
because people tend to suspect his motives. Reliable people are not only
respected, they are also elevated to positions of leadership.
Hcnesty as truthfuIness (u
~
u
~
ma)
All the informants in the three age groups describe honesty as truthfulness,
an honest person is essentially mnd wa ma (a truthful person). To all the
informants, truthfulness is discerned in the person who does not tell lies
and whose actions are right and sincere.
To the Old and Middle Age groups, truthfulness in word normally means
that a person speaks what he knows to be simply so (nguo). Tis is nor-
mally the plain truth of a matter (ma bi). In many cases, facts of a matter
can be proved through investigation so that the person who gives them is
vindicated. However, it is possible to distort facts, even unintentionally.
For this reason a truthful person normally gives considerable thought to
what he says in order to minimize error as much as possible. Te Young
Age Group agrees that there are people who become reputable on account
of their truthfulness. People can be heard to say of such, if you hear so and
so saying that, it is indeed so. Informants in the Young Age Group further
agree that every individual is expected to be truthful in this way.
Te Old and Middle Age groups emphasize that personal reputation is a
strong incentive to verbal accuracy. A person always guards his words so
that occasion does not arise when he is accused of telling lies since that
would cause him embarrassment. To the Old Age Group, even if a person
does not utter deliberate lies he is still regarded as untruthful if he gives
horo tari wa ho (inaccurate information). Gky society traditionally
marked such untrustworthy people. In traditional society, people were
wary of a person who behaved as if he was the only knowledgeable one
(mmenyi) or the only wise one (mg). If an occasion arose when such
a person said something that was found to be untrue he was publicly
denounced as untrustworthy. Since public ridicule was harmful to a per-
sons self-esteem, it was advisable to avoid putting oneself into a position of
72
Chapter 2
embarrassment. For this reason the traditional Gky advised moderation
in speech: hence the proverb, g mnene kirithagio ihiga (Too much
sharpness is rubbed against a stone). In other words, a person who handles
a very sharp knife will blunt it a little so that it does not cut him while he is
using it. Similarly, a person must control his talking in order to avoid the
danger of being embarrassed. Truthful people are considered benefcial to
the community. Such people are believed when they give testimony in a
dispute or lawsuit.
When honest elders sat in a tribunal that tried a suspect, it did not matter
whether the suspect was tried in his own home area or away from home.
Tey employed justice so that if they found him guilty it meant that any
other tribunal would have come to the same conclusion. An honest tribu-
nal was not expected to practice favouritism. In most cases the judgement
of a case satisfed the litigating parties, regardless of whether they won or
lost the case. However, in some cases one litigating party might have hoped
to win the case although he had no reasonable ground for winning. If he
lost, he went away grumbling that the adjudicators had been bribed or that
they had favoured his opponent. He might even rationalize his defeat by
quoting the proverb, Mrura kwene ndoomaga (One circumcised in an
alien land does not show courage).
As already stated, all the informants believe that honesty must be demon-
strated both in word and deed. An individual who does not tell lies should
also be expected to act honestly. According to the Middle Age Group, a
person avoids telling lies when he endeavours to fulfl what he has prom-
ised. If, for instance, he promises to give iron sheets to a harambee (self-
help) project, he will honour his promise. Likewise, if a man tells his father-
in-law that he will deliver some goats to him on a certain day, he will duly
deliver them on that day. Informants in the Young Age Group also say that
when honest children are sent to the shops to buy things, they do not cheat
their parents about the change: they return the correct change. According
to this group, there are school children who cannot be trusted to take fees
to school. Tese are the children who are apt to quote a higher fgure with
the idea of retaining the balance. Most of the informants in the Young Age
Group say that people expect elders in responsible positions to be honest
in word and deed. Tey especially refer to the committees that look afer
cattle dips and other co-operative ventures.
Regarding honest action, the Young Age Group makes several other obser-
vations. Financial matters take up most of its attention. A few examples
73
Honesty (w
~
hokeku)
will sufce. Tey observe, for instance, that people who handle money that
does not belong to them and avoid stealing gain a reputation for honesty
and people trust them. Individuals may then request such people to handle
fnancial matters on their behalf.
An honest shopkeeper will deal honestly with all customers regardless of
whether they are able to check the weights and measures of the commodi-
ties he sells them. He is also careful not to short change customers who
have difculty in counting money due to age or illiteracy. It is possible for
a shopkeeper to short change a customer by mistake. If he denies the fact,
the customer will regard him as a cheat. Shopkeepers who agree to count
the change again are regarded as honest.
An honest person who comes across money will not keep it but will do his
best to discover its owner. Some informants say that the fnder would be
unwise to take the money to the headman as he might pocket it himself.
Sometimes it happens that when people take their cofee berries to the
factory, someone weighs another persons cofee by mistake. An honest
person will disclose the mistake he has made and will rectify the records.
However, some people, do not disclose their mistake and take the attitude
that cofee is cofee anyway; it does not matter who owns it.
46
Some women
demonstrate their honesty by refraining from spending cofee money
when they receive it on behalf of their husbands. Informants in the Young
Age Group believe that such women respect their husbands.
Children show their honesty at school by carrying on working even in the
teachers absence. Honest children will also avoid copying each others work
when doing assignments. Tose people who learn and do examinations by
correspondence act dishonestly if they look up answers or ask other people
do to the examinations for them. At home, children show their honesty if
they perform their duties well, even in the absence of their parents. Te
honest children will also not touch money unless they are given it, even if
they know where to fnd it in the house.
According to the informants in this group, people tend to act honestly
toward those they fear or respect (gwtigra). For instance, a matatu (small
public transport vehicle) driver will return all the money he earns to the
owner of the matatu. Te driver may be a man who drinks yet he will not
touch the money that belongs to his employer. Another matatu driver
keeps lying to the matatu owner that there is no work (gtir wra) while
in fact he is diverting the earnings to himself. Such people set up their
74
Chapter 2
own matatu business as soon as they are dismissed. Tis is because they
will have dishonestly accumulated enough capital to enable them to start
matatu operations.
Te informants in the Young Age Group are of the opinion that people
who avoid stealing will have been brought up from childhood to regard
stealing as bad. Te informants believe that honesty must start at home
with parents, then relatives and then other people. In other words, if a child
does not learn to act honestly from an early age while under the care of his
parents, he might be expected to deal dishonestly with other people without
a prick of conscience when he grows up. A child learns to act honestly at
home by being taught to help himself to things openly or to get parental
permission. Trough constant counsel a child will grow up knowing what
is expected of him.
Although the informants in the Young Age Group agree that in principle
people should speak the truth, they are of the opinion that people should
be free to use their discretion. For instance, if a person is confronted by
thugs it would be unwise to tell them the truth regarding the place where he
has kept his money. To give another example, people could chase someone
who, in desperation, rushes into someones house for refuge. If the pursu-
ers should ask the owner of the house if he has seen the feeing person, he
should answer yes or no depending on the circumstances. Te pursuers
could be intending to assault the fugitive. On the other hand, they could be
trying to arrest him for some crime he has committed. If that is so, then he
should reveal where the culprit is hiding. Some of the informants also feel
that when a person fails someone he respects it may be better to exoner-
ate himself with a lie than to tell the simple truth. Tus, for instance, if
someone fails to keep an appointment because he forgot about it, he should
fnd a better reason to give for his failure to keep the appointment.
All the informants in the three age groups agree that although truthful-
ness is valued highly, deceit is common. Tey give various reasons why
people tell lies and act dishonestly. Some people tell lies in order to avoid
embarrassment or ridicule. Tey commit ofences but deny responsibility.
Tese are the people who like to save face or those who are anxious to
continue enjoying peoples respect in spite of their untrustworthiness. Tey
will therefore deny, swear and even take an oath in the hope of convincing
their accusers that they are honest. Other people tell lies because they are
afraid of facing the consequences of their actions.
75
Honesty (w
~
hokeku)
According to some informants in the Middle Age Group, fear of punishment
makes some people lie to the authorities that they have paid taxes when
they have not. Some men will lie that they are not responsible for pregnan-
cies because they are afraid of paying compensation. Greed or desire for
gain drives other people to act dishonestly and tell lies. Some civil servants
will lie to the government that they intend to occupy the house they have
applied for whereas they intend to let it out. Others embezzle funds, while
still others practise other forms of corruption. Tere are also people who,
out of jealousy or malice, will steal the property of others, especially from
the rich or from foreigners.
Te Old and Middle Age Groups believe that greedy people, that is, those
who obtain property by unlawful means, sooner or later will meet with
misfortune. In this connection, several informants in both groups quote
the proverb, Mgath wa koya teeaga wa mwene (A stolen string of beads
causes the loss of ones own). Agreeing with this view, the informants in the
Young Age Group are of the opinion that the honest person is a contented
person: he has peace and joy and God blesses what he has acquired hon-
estly. God also helps him to manage properly what he has. In his industri-
ous life he has no desire for other peoples property. On the other hand,
the person who thinks it is not necessary to practice honesty in every area
of life fnds that in the long run, he does not enjoy peace of mind. Besides
being troubled by his conscience, he might get into serious trouble because
some dishonest acts are also criminal. Even a respectable person who gets
into the habit of embezzling funds may eventually be found out and pun-
ished.
All the informants further agree that dishonest people are the cause of
disputes. In the course of a dispute they force honest people to resort to
swearing because their statements are doubted or contradicted. Te Old
and Middle Age groups maintain that since society has always had dis-
honest people, false accusations, litigations and various levels of swearing
are part of life. Traditionally, an oath (muuma) was the fnal resort in a
bid to resolve disputes or to establish the innocence of people accused of
various ofences; it was an appeal to the judgement of supernatural powers.
Its efect was believed to be baneful to the liar and his family. Although
the oath was generally feared and was only occasionally resorted to, some
dishonest people still requested the use of the oath in the hope of exonera-
tion. Some of them sought out a medicine man soon afer taking the oath
to cleanse them of the efect of the oath. Others were hardened criminals
who had escaped being apprehended many times. Hardened criminals
76
Chapter 2
grew sceptical about the fatal efect of swearing falsely under oath. Such
was a habitual thief who had stolen numerous times and, in spite of the
curses (krumwo), death had not caught up with him. Being undeterred by
the bewitching charms placed on property to ward of thieves, his motto
was: Kaba ngore rogi, ndikoone mwene (Better to fnd bewitching charms
than to fnd the owner).
47
Hcnesty as enercsity (uuma-andu
~
)
Te three age groups also describe honesty in terms of generosity.
48
However,
the word generosity (taana) is actually only mentioned by the informants
in the Old Age Group. Sometimes this group substitutes the word wega
(goodness) for generosity. Te Middle Age Group talks of uuma-and
(benevolence) and the Young Age Group uses the word wendani (charity).
All the three groups are evidently talking about the same quality, best
defned as generosity.
As noted in a preceding section, the Old Age Group regards generosity as
one of the essential components of the quality of uprightness (thingu). Te
generous person is afable, benevolent, and gracious in word and deed.
For the Middle Age Group, benevolence (uuma and) is closely associated
with honesty because the benevolent person (muuma and) has several
qualities that make him trustworthy (mwhokeku).
Intrinsically, the muuma and possesses the quality of being good
(kwagra). Tis is goodness without selfshness so that it is benevolent. He
also possesses wisdom (g) and the ability to counsel (taarani). To his
community he is the bringer of harmony and good will between people
(miguithania). Te way he talks and handles people is such that he is gen-
erally a source of joy (gkeno). Muuma and is also seen to employ justice
(khooto) in all he does. In other words, he possesses maturity, reasonable-
ness and a sense of fair play.
For these reasons, muuma and is loved, respected and trusted. His ser-
vices are sought in various ways. For instance, since he is known to counsel
people without self-interest people will go to him for advice. He does
not talk publicly or indiscriminately about matters that have come to his
knowledge confdentially. In Gky idiom, he does not engage in ndeto cia
bara ndar (roadside gossip). For this reason, married couples who need
counsel will go to a muuma and. In the community, people might have a
concern about the conduct of a particular individual. Rather than counsel
77
Honesty (w
~
hokeku)
the person as a group, they might send him to a muuma and. For example,
a woman whose conduct is not in keeping with her status might be sent to
a female muuma and for counsel.
A muuma and is ofen asked to oversee (krgamrra) a project or a
matter on behalf of a family or the public. He may be given leadership
because people know he will not mislead them. People will entrust their
money to him or their domestic animals for his safe custody. He may be
asked to divide (kgaya) meat for a big gathering. He will also be asked to
share out property on certain occasions. His selfessness is an asset to the
community. Above all, a muuma and is a genuine friend. People seek out
the afable person for the deep heart-to-heart bond that is not dependent
on the ability to exchange material gifs. Several informants observed that
muuma and is an ideal personality. But not many people combine all the
qualities of generosity to a high degree.
Te Young Age Group closely associate wendani (love or charity) with
honesty. By wendani the informants mean good will towards other people.
Tey describe such a person as mwenda and (one who loves people, a
charitable person). Somehow his demeanour makes him stand out above
others; he is humane and reliable. If such a person is in a position of infu-
ence, he will fnd a job for someone who is unemployed without asking for a
bribe. Humane or benevolent people bring harmony and peace (iguuano)
to their community; they are ofen involved in establishing peace and
understanding between contending parties.
Hcnesty as fuIfiIment cf expectaticn (u
~
hingia)
Honesty is also described as fulflment (hingia). Fulflment is specifcally
explained by all the informants in the Old Age Group and the majority
of informants in the Young Age Group. In answer to the question What
is honesty? these informants actually mentioned the word khingia (to
fulfl) among other key words. Informants in the Middle Age Group do not
mention the word specifcally. However, they allude to the characteristics
associated with it, using such words as maturity and truthfulness. Some
of the examples provided by the Young Age Group to explain fulflment
of expectation are similar to those provided by the Middle Age Group to
explain maturity. On the other hand, informants in the Young Age Group
do not mention the word maturity. But the quality they describe would be
regarded as maturity by the Middle Age Group and as uprightness by the
Old Age Group. It can be said, therefore, that the Middle Age Group is
not ignorant of the moral quality involved in the key word hingia. Of the
7B
Chapter 2
two groups that describe fulflment, the Old Age Group has much to say
on things the Young Age Group is ignorant of. Terefore, it seems best to
record their descriptions separately.
In their description, the informants in the Old Age Group mentioned the
verb khingia (to fulfl) together with that which is fulflled. Tat which is
fulflled includes an agreement, a promise (kriko), an appointment (gathi)
and an expectation (whoko).
Te essential moral quality in fulflling a promise, keeping an appointment
or meeting the just expectation of another is a sense of right or justice
(khooto). A just person has no ill will or malice (knhu) and will readily
fulfl the just expectation of another. In the context of fulflment, therefore,
honesty is defned as doing that which is just (khooto). Tat is, to be trust-
worthy or reliable is to habitually fulfl the just or reasonable expectations
of other people.
A person who habitually fulfls his promises is regarded as honest. Some of
the promises he makes involve things he intends to give to friends or things
he intends to do for them. He is therefore also regarded as generous. But a
generous person may also be called a liar because he is not able to fulfl all
he promises. Nevertheless, people do not doubt his generosity or honesty
because he is known to endeavour to fulfl what he promises. What he fails
to honour in practice he makes good with his mouth. Tat is, he is always
able to give acceptable reasons for his failure to fulfl some promises.
Similarly, a person who keeps appointments is regarded as honest. If he
promises to be at a place at some appointed time, he will endeavour to fulfl
his promise. Dishonest people, on the contrary, do not keep their promises
or appointments. Such is the stingy woman who is ofered hospitality by
another woman. She promises to reciprocate at a future date. When her
visit is returned, however, she hides what food there is, pretends to be
happy at seeing her friend and apologises for having been visited at a time
of scarcity. She makes another appointment but on the material day she
absents herself from home so that her friend does not fnd her.
In traditional society, some friendships grew stronger than others, depend-
ing on the degree to which people fulflled each others expectations. When
a person placed his animals under the custody of another (khithia), he
expected the custodian to accord them good care. An honest custodian
ensured that indeed he looked well afer his friends property. He did
79
Honesty (w
~
hokeku)
not steal any of the animals placed under his custody nor the ofspring
born while the animals were under his care. Some of the animals under
his custody might be better specimens than his own. Nevertheless, he did
not exchange them with his own animals when eventually he handed the
fock to its owner. In due time, the custodian invited the owner to inspect
his animals and take them home. Accordingly, the owner performed the
ceremony of khithuria (fetching animals from custody). When he took his
animals away he presented the custodian with some of the ofspring. Te
two friends thus not only obeyed the customary law governing khithia,
but they became even greater friends as a result of the custodians honesty.
49
Fulflling the just expectation of another is also illustrated by the way the
poor and the rich placed themselves under each others obligation. If a rela-
tively poor man had a good crop of sweet potato vines, a rich man might
ask him to fatten two or three rams for him on the sweet potato vines.
When the poor man had fattened the rams to the owners satisfaction, the
rich man customarily gave the poor man a goat in return for his services.
According to an informant, the results of such mutual trust were threefold.
First, there was blessing (kraathimo); God blessed the poor man because of
his sweat. Te goat given him might produce a herd that eventually might
fetch him a wife. Secondly, the two parted in a good way, each experiencing
the warmth of gratitude. Tirdly, the rich man earned a name for justice
because he did not exploit his poor neighbour.
50
Conversely, a dishonest person had no sense of justice. In spite of the good
done to him he would disdain the doer. For instance, if in the above example,
the rich man was not trustworthy, he would take his fattened rams and
would not give anything in recognition of the poor mans work and fatigue
(mnoga). People would regard him as wicked (mwaganu), bad (mru),
a swindler (mtuunyani) and extortioner (mra ngr). Further, his
conduct resulted in disputes (maciira). Te poor man would normally call
upon adjudicators and elders to demand his due from the rich man on his
behalf. If the rich man had in fact promised to give something in return, he
would be seen to have refused to fulfl a promise. Promise or no promise,
however, his would be a case of failure to reciprocate a good deed. Te poor
mans case against him is summarized in the proverb, Ngkhaka maguta,
kahaka mhu! (I anoint you with oil and you cover me with ashes!).
51
Within the context of fulflment, three aspects of honesty are illustrated in
the case of a woman who might beg for a baby sitter (mreri wa mwana)
from another woman. She would beg for one because she had no little girl
B0
Chapter 2
of her own to mind her baby. Usually such a request would be granted.
One aspect of honesty (whokeku) would be the generosity shown by the
little girls mother in loaning her to the other woman. Te other would be
the faithful service given by the girl in minding another womans baby. Te
third would be the gratitude shown by the woman at the end of the girls
temporary service. She would show it by taking her back to her mother with
much joy and many gifs. She would of course have cared for the little girl
as if she were her own daughter. At the end of her service the woman would
give her a token of thanks in the form of a bracelet known as gcomoyo. She
might also provide the girl with a garment, in anticipation of her initia-
tion soon afer she would return home. Te woman would then escort her
home, carrying a large quantity of millet and other food gifs (itega) that
women friends helped to carry.
52
Honesty is proved by repaying a good deed regardless of time lapse. Te
opportune time to return good is when someone learns that the person who
once helped him is experiencing some trouble, such as illness or famine.
On hearing such news he will determine to reciprocate in some way the
help he was once given. In this context, honesty is described by the Old Age
Group as an attitude of good will that does not depend on yesterdays good
deed. Rather it is sustained for a long time since the person does not forget
the good done to him.
To the Old Age Group, every status carries with it some obligations. Indi-
viduals who are true to their status and role in the family and in the com-
munity can be said to fulfl peoples expectations of them; that is, they are
reliable and honest. It is in this sense that an informant in this group said,
Whokeku manifests itself from an early age by such traits as diligence
(kyo) and generosity (taana). By the time a boy or girl is initiated he or
she is seen to have fulfilled expectations and to have become trustworthy
(akoonwo nahingtie na agatuika mwhokeku).
53
Ordinary men and women, young people and children would demonstrate
their honesty in faithfully carrying out their duties and responsibilities
to family and society. In traditional society, individuals who had special
responsibilities were particularly careful to fulfl peoples expectations of
them. For instance, afer childbirth a woman was expected to observe a
period of seclusion for four or fve days during which period another
woman (mhihria) nursed her. During this period the mhihria was
expected to abstain from sexual intercourse.
54
Only a malicious woman
B1
Honesty (w
~
hokeku)
would break this rule. To give another example, the diviner (mragri) was
recognised both for his honesty and wisdom. His wisdom lay in his ability
to discern malice and to avoid it. Since he did not use his intelligence for
evil he was able to fulfl peoples need for counsel. He was described as
mheeani krra (the giver of counsel). He advised people when to plant
food crops, when to impose the ban (mhingo) on boys in preparation for
their initiation and when to hold certain ceremonies.
55
Traditionally, initiated young men or warriors served society in military
and police duties. As is to be expected, not every warrior was honest in
terms of being disciplined and courageous. But warriors who had won the
respect of parents for their fdelity and bravery were ofen entrusted with
the care of the neighbourhood girls. Tey escorted the girls to dances and
ensured none were molested. During trade expeditions to distant places
such trusted men accompanied the women. Under no circumstances would
they abandon those entrusted to them.
56
When raiding or fghting the Maasai, the warriors expected not only bravery
but also moral encouragement and sympathy from each other. A warriors
frst concern was his own security as well as victory. He was careful to go
with brave and willing warriors, as this warriors song indicates:
Ngathi na kenda wrutire utakoiga gathuk n mnd.
I will go with nine committed companions who will not take a stump for
a man.
57
Cowards were easily frightened by shapes and shadows. At twilight, a
tree stump may seem to imitate the movements of a person and would
seem to cower or raise itself as the person makes the same movements.
A brave warrior who undertook exploits with cowards would never bring
anything home. Terefore, if he was to bring back booty, a warrior must
go on raiding expeditions with warriors (njamba) who were not afraid of
stumps at twilight. Tese were individuals who were reliable (eehokeku) by
their very mettle. To go about it alone would be futile because one would
be overpowered by the enemy. Te select, faithful warriors were not only
good at fghting but also at defending each other. Each warrior expected
and implored his fellow warriors to defend him during the encounter with
the enemy:
Riika mngitre na moota ndikaae gitrro th ta nymba.
Age mates, defend me with bows so that I am not brought down like a
B2
Chapter 2
hut.
58
Similarly, close relatives and friends had special obligations to ensure each
others survival. In circumstances when food and water were scarce people
were apt to be selfsh over the little available. Nevertheless, the individual
sought to obtain them for himself and for his special friend or kin. Tis was
true, for instance, when a trading expedition had to go for days without
water. When a little was found people scrambled for it and passed the con-
tainer of water to their favourites:
Maa ma njango
Mwendanrrio
tar wao akaraara atakunda
Search after water
is a matter of favouritism.
He who has no relative will sleep thirsty.
59
In a battle with the Maasai, a high degree of honesty is seen in the Gky
warrior whose compassion for an injured fellow warrior overrides all con-
siderations of personal safety and convenience. He sees a fellow warrior
with a spear lodged in his thigh and tells him, Pull it out! Ten he fnds
some leaves and closes the spear wound. Afer that frst aid the two proceed
towards home slowly, sleeping under trees at night. Eventually, they reach
the home of the injured man and the compassionate warrior hands his
fellow warrior over to his own people. Subsequently, the rescued man will
fnd occasion to express publicly his gratitude to the man who did not
allow the Maasai to come afer me and kill me.
60
Te idea of respect was discussed in an earlier section in the context of
uprightness. Within the context of fulflment (hingia), respect is shown
in the form of gratitude by one person to another. Te person shown
gratitude will most probably have met the other persons need in one way
or another. However, respect does not always follow a fulflled need: it is
sometimes anticipatory. When it is anticipatory it includes esteem and hope
(mwhoko). Te expression kwhoka ngania can be interpreted to mean to
trust so and so. It can also be interpreted to mean to hope that so and so
will oblige. Te element of respect may be concealed but it is neverthe-
less present. Kwhoka is to have a high regard for another and to be at the
same time solicitous of his special favour or service. Tese might be the
sentiments behind a boys eforts to win the special favour of a particular
initiated young man (in view of the boys own imminent initiation). Te
B3
Honesty (w
~
hokeku)
boy may favour the young man with gifs. Tese gifs are an indication that
he wishes the young man to be his sponsor (mtiiri) during his circumci-
sion. Eventually he will explicitly ask the young man to sponsor him. By so
doing, he is in fact seeking to establish a relationship of respect and mutual
obligation between him and the young man. If the young man sponsors
him he will, for all practical purposes, from then on regard the young man
as his father. In most cases the young man will agree to sponsor the boy.
However, if the boy is known to have immoral habits (maramari), such as
stealing sugarcane from peoples gardens, letting animals eat peoples crops
when he is grazing them or being disobedient to his parents, the young
man will not oblige him. He will be apprehensive about establishing a deep
relationship with a mmaramari (one who wantonly disregards law and
custom). Yet, since the boy had shown him respect, his problem becomes
how to refuse without snubbing him. He may therefore give excuses, such
as that he had planned a journey and will be absent at the time of circumci-
sion. In giving excuses he will be trying to reciprocate respect by avoiding
to put the boy to shame (kmmenithia).
61
Te above example alludes to an important principle of conduct among
adults in traditional society. A man or woman did his best to safeguard his
self-esteem. He or she tried to avoid embarrassment as much as possible.
Not everyone was accorded the same degree of respect. For this reason, an
elder who wanted young men in his neighbourhood to do a job for him
(gutma wra) did not approach just any young man. He singled out one
young man whom he knew to be respectful and asked him for assistance as
an individual. It was then the responsibility of the young man to approach
as many of his age mates as he chose to help him. In the same way, a woman
who needed the help of initiated girls approached one of them; this one, in
turn, asked for assistance.
If a respected elder had only daughters he would build a mans hut (thin-
gira) in his homestead and invite young men to be sleeping there, in this
way protecting his cattle against thieves and wild animals. Since they
respected him they did not fail to come. If the homestead should be raided
and one of the young men was killed in the process, the elder did not pay
compensation since the deceased young man was like a son to him. Also,
the young men did not expect to be fed when they came to spend the night
in the elders homestead. However, whenever the elder slaughtered a bull
he would give them the portion prescribed by custom.
62
In connection with the idea of fulflment, emphasis was laid on the impor-
B4
Chapter 2
tance of doing a job well, or looking afer other peoples things without
appropriating or spoiling them. In Gky idiom this was expressed as
kwaga khuutia (to avoid touching). When a person undertook a task for
another without touching he was deemed honest. Such was the wife who
did not touch the honey which her husband hid (hitha) beside her bed in
her hut. A dishonest wife served the honey to her friends when they called
on her. Te children might then discover that there was honey in the hut
and take it secretly. When the husband found out that the honey had been
used he lost trust in his wife.
From time to time people were put to the test in order to determine their
degree of honesty in regard to touching. Tis was because stealing a little
thing or a small amount was an indication that the person had tenden-
cies to greed (koroku). Elders might ask a few men to slaughter and roast
animals for them. Each person was given an animal to manage on his own.
When the meat was ready and the elders sat down to eat, they might ask to
be served the little pieces of meat frst, that is, the kidneys, lungs, etc. Te
individuals who did not produce them because they had eaten them were
rebuked and might be ordered to pay a ram as compensation for what they
had taken. Moreover, they lost the trust of the public. Normally, people
avoided touching any meat while doing such an assignment.
An informant summarizes this aspect of honesty by saying that honesty
is like a process. First, a person determines that another person is worth
trusting, he then exercises that trust by placing his property under his
custody. Finally, if no harm comes to his property, he establishes that the
person is indeed trustworthy. Respect (gto) follows naturally. Moreover,
the trust and respect accorded him is based on justice (khooto): he has
earned it because of his conduct. On the other hand, greed in all its forms
shows one as dishonest: a greedy person cannot command peoples respect
and trust.
63
Turning to the Young Age Group, the informants in this group explain that
to fulfl (khingia) is to carry out a duty or a responsibility (gwka). Tis
could be a particular task a person has been given by another or a task that
a person assumes automatically by virtue of his status.
Honesty in terms of fulflling duties and performing tasks basically requires
two things: that someone knows what his job is supposed to be and that he
has a sense of responsibility. It is expected that every individual realises
what is expected of him in performing his duties. Tus teachers should
B5
Honesty (w
~
hokeku)
demonstrate their honesty or reliability to their pupils by performing the
teaching job with zeal. Pupils on their part should do their work properly
without needing to be constantly urged to work. At home, children should
perform their assigned tasks to the best of their ability whether the parents
are present or absent. A husband expects his wife to look afer the children.
A woman who is married to a widower is expected to take good care of her
stepchildren.
Clear knowledge of what is expected helps a person to be honest. It is
especially helpful if there are conditions attached. Tus an employee in a
commercial frm knows that he can lose his job if he fails the frm in certain
ways. Terefore, he works responsibly in order to keep his job. In a way
his honesty is made easy for him because he is in no doubt about what is
expected.
People who look afer the afairs of the public need to have a high degree
of integrity to ensure the success of those afairs. For instance, a person
who is given the responsibility to oversee a harambee (self-help) project is
expected to discharge his duties conscientiously and not to steal the money
people have contributed for the project. Essentially, honesty is to do for
others what one would do for oneself. A person who is entrusted with a
responsibility by another does his best to fulfl the matter entrusted to him.
He will try not to wrong or cheat the one who has trusted him in that way.
Tus, for instance, a person who looks afer anothers domestic animals
feeds them well and ensures they come to no harm.
Te Young Age Group believes that the aspect of honesty is of great beneft
to the community. An individual who fulfls the expectations of others
will normally fnd that people have conferred on him a high status and
given him great responsibilities so as to beneft the community. However,
a persons life is normally scrutinized carefully before he is elevated. For
instance, during local elections people scrutinize an aspiring leaders
conduct at home. If he is found not to manage his family afairs well, they
will conclude he cannot manage public afairs.
Te informants in the Young Age Group recognize that there are conficts
within an individual that can prevent him from fulflling what is expected
of him. When a boy has been entrusted with the job of grazing his fathers
cattle he wants to please his father by ensuring that the cattle are under
constant watch. While grazing the cattle he will be in the company of other
boys with whom he will be inclined to play. While he is busy playing, the
B6
Chapter 2
cattle under his care might eat a neighbours crop. It is also not usual for
the children of Christian parents to sneak out of the house when they are
expected to have retired to bed. Since their parents do not allow them to
attend dances and initiation ceremonies, when there are such functions in
the neighbourhood they attend stealthily. When the parents discover such
behaviour they regard the children as dishonest. Some of the informants
also cite the confict people sufered during the State of Emergency in the
1950s. Some people felt duty bound to be loyal to the colonial government
and at the same time they felt obliged to support the Mau Mau cause. Such
people could not be regarded as honest either by the Government or the
Mau Mau.
Tis group also believes that there are people who just have no integrity for
particular responsibilities. Certain people will not be asked to look afer
beer because their desire to drink will overcome them. A young man might
not entrust his sister to some of his friends.
64
In a family there may be
a child who is trustworthy in many respects but if he is short tempered,
aggressive and quarrelsome he cannot be entrusted with the care of younger
children.
Hcnesty as diIience (k
~
yo)
Only the Old Age Group specifcally described honesty in terms of dili-
gence or industry.
Diligence is closely associated with honesty by the Old Age Group because
it is the diligent who can be relied upon to maintain themselves and their
families. Since personal and family welfare requires a high degree of self-
sufciency, the industrious man or woman can be trusted to fulfl the need
for self-sufciency. Te lazy, on the other hand, are destined to poverty.
In that sense they disappoint those who depend on them for sustenance.
Lazy young men disappoint their parents. Lazy parents disappoint their
children. Some of the lazy live by their wits instead of working with their
hands. Tey will readily tell lies and they will easily steal other peoples
property.
In traditional society, the diligent proved their reliability in various ways.
In a polygamous family, for instance, there might be one wife who becomes
a favourite (ngatha) with the husband. She may have earned that position
by a combination of diligence in her work and an ability to anticipate the
needs of her husband. For instance, afer a busy day in the felds she might
return home in good time to make a fre in her hut. Ten when the husband
returns from grazing animals or attending a lawsuit she will be able to
B7
Honesty (w
~
hokeku)
welcome him into a warm and comfortable hut. Te other wives might
pride themselves in their ability to work long hours, saying, Ni ndingonwo
nyaarr nginka (I cant show my heels when returning home) but the
favourite wife takes the attitude that the care of her husband is as much her
duty as tilling her garden. In the words of an informant, She attracts him
with fre. Tat is, he can rely on her to provide him with warmth and food
and to engage him in pleasant conversation when he returns home in the
evening.
65
Te preference given to the favourite wife does not necessarily mean that
the other wives are not reliable. Another wife may demonstrate her trust-
worthiness by diligently tilling the land. By trading with the produce of her
garden, her husband may be able to buy a goat or even a cow.
Earlier, it was mentioned that an elder or a woman could request a young
man or girl to do a specifc job. Only the diligent were chosen in this way.
So the trusted and respected young men and girls were also those who were
diligent.
Trustworthiness in terms of diligence and generosity is seen in some chil-
dren at an early age. Such children are encouraged to become more diligent
and generous so that by the time they are adults they will have proved to be
reliable (eehokeku). Hence the proverb, Njgma njega yumaga ikrro (A
good club is got from its source).
Sometimes a person who was homeless or poor because of circumstances
beyond his control would attach himself to an established home. If he
proved to be diligent and good-natured, the family accepted him as one
of their own. In other words, the person who is capable of maintaining
himself (kwhota) because he has initiative and diligence is appreciated
and rewarded by other people. Hence another proverb, Mwana r kyo
ndaagaga mthambia (A diligent child does not fail to fnd someone to
wash him).
Traditionally, the individual was expected to show initiative and to be
diligent. Tis is emphasized repeatedly in songs that groups of people sang
while working together. For instance, when a young man asked his age
mates to help him cultivate a feld, he expected them to work hard in order
to complete the job. It was quite possible for people to pretend to work and
achieve little. In the following song a young man encourages his friends to
till as much ground as possible:
BB
Chapter 2
We r rteere ra ithro,
N we ndmte wra, arme aya-
Ndkandutre wra na mag
You at the far end on the west,
You men, you are the ones I have invited to work.
Do not work for me deceitfully.
66
A young man thus challenged would be keen to show that he was working
earnestly:
Nkuona ria ndretungumania?
Na nykwa ar mci
Akuuga tmte kgta!
Do you see how enthusiastically I work?
And your mother at home probably
supposes you have invited a lazy man!
Te young man for whom his age mates are working would be planning to
reciprocate. But while working for diferent people, the young men would
also be discovering how compassionate diferent mothers were:
Tkrma gk na tkarme kwanyu
Tkarore kana nykwa
Ar gtha ta mait.
We shall cultivate here,
Then we shall go and cultivate your place
So we can find out whether your mother
Is as compassionate as my mother.
67
One way of expressing compassion was through hospitality. For this reason
every son would expect his mother to provide plenty of food for the labour-
ers. Te diligent mother could be relied upon not to let her son down.
Te lazy young man was out of place in the midst of such a working party.
He therefore excused himself and went visiting and loitering with others of
his type. Since he did not cooperate with the industrious his share of work
at home was not accomplished. Te result was that his mother was driven
to exchange her bangles for food when she might have harvested like other
women:
B9
Honesty (w
~
hokeku)
Nyina wa kgta, tambararia njara
Warruo mringa
Tond ti ni ndeerire mrguo
Atindage mbrr.
The mother of the indolent, stretch your arm
So your bangle can be removed
Since I was not the one who told your son
To spend his days wandering.
68
In fact, indolence caused a person to indulge in other more serious forms
of dishonesty. Since the lazy had to subsist, they did so by their wits. Tey
employed lies, pleasant talk or even feigned wisdom so that they might be
provided for by those they managed to deceive. For instance, when men
of enterprise went away for days on end into Maasailand to trade, their
mothers and wives were naturally anxious about them. In anticipation of
their return the women folk kept some food ready. When the return of such
an expedition was imminent, loiterers hung around the homes of those
who had gone. Under the pretext of welcoming the weary travellers they
would share the food, which the mothers had kept ready:
u wai, gacr kara
Ngigiro ni iya ngnyura k?
N matinda thoome
Metereire rgendo no rgooka.
The porridge
Mother has prepared, where shall I drink it?
There are those loiterers outside the gate
Who await the return of the expedition.
69
The unscrupulous loiterers might even manage to convince the anxious
mothers that their sons were not likely to return soon or even that they
were dead. They pretended to sympathize with the mothers in the hope of
being fed. The song below gives an indication of the contempt in which
such lazy men were held by those who returned from the expedition safe
and sound:
u wai, gtaria th
Kronja na magr!
Kierire iya, Ni tre matirooka.
90
Chapter 2
The loafer
May he be crippled from the feet up!
He told the mother, Let us eat, they will never come.
70
Indolence was regarded as a sure way to invite famine. Whereas the diligent
did their best to fght famine, their eforts were futile if their neighbours
were lazy and could not be relied upon to do their part for the common
good. Also, the more poor people there were in the community, the quicker
the resources were drained because those who had were obliged to share
with those who did not have. As a result, the level of material welfare in
such a community remained low. Terefore, the more diligent people in the
community took it upon themselves to rebuke the lazy.
Such people could not expect to enjoy the goodwill of their neighbours. So
they would sing:
Aria mar mrimo ra,
No tgaikania ngongo, arme aya-
N inyu mwatemeire ngaragu rteere!
You on the other side of the river,
We shall surely manhandle you,.
For you have cut a path for famine!
71
Te diligent men and women demonstrated their reliability by taking ini-
tiative. Tey were able to satisfy those who had a right to expect service or
duty from them. Tey did not wait to be urged to serve because they were
honest and dependable. For instance, a diligent girl watched her mothers
supplies of frewood and took the initiative to fetch some more when it was
required.
Wakarir, ndiuma mthii ng, h ai h
N tara ra iya rndorire na tha, h ai h.
Wakarir, I was not planning to fetch firewood,
But mothers firewood rack looked at me pleadingly.
72
Tese then are some of the ways the diligent demonstrate the moral value
of honesty. To the Old Age Group, Kyo n ko whokeku (Diligence is
honesty). Tat is, a diligent person is trustworthy and dependable.
91
Honesty (w
~
hokeku)
Honesty in modern times
Among the changes experienced by the Gky since the coming of western
civilization are the introduction of Christianity and of the cash economy.
Most Gky people have been infuenced by Christianity, particularly
through the education system pioneered by Christian missionaries. Chris-
tian infuence continues through the continuing work of the churches. Te
majority of the informants were infuenced to some extent or other and
some were practising Christians. It was therefore found useful to fnd out
how seriously Christians take the vows and promises they make in church.
With respect to money, the informants in the Old Age Group and some
in the Middle Age Group knew the Gky tradition before money was
accepted and handled to the extent it is today. It was found appropriate
also to enquire whether working with money has afected peoples ideas
and practices in regard to honesty. Te informants in the Young Age Group
were also believed to have some opinion on the matter in view of their own
experience and observations of Gky society.
C
~
ku
~
yu
~
attitude tc Christian vcws and prcmises
To the Old Age Group there is basically no diference between the tradi-
tional and the Christian demands for honesty. Te prohibitions (mgiro),
which need to be observed in both cases, serve similar purposes. Any
person who disregards either the traditional or the Christian prohibitions
is deemed to be untrustworthy. On the other hand, the person who makes
a genuine efort to observe them proves his trustworthiness.
However, the informants in the Old Age Group believe that vows, pledges,
promises (mhtwa) afect people diferently, depending on whether they
make them in the Christian or the traditional context. In this connection,
the informants distinguish between Gky vows (mhtwa ya Gky )
and church vows (mhtwa ya kanitha). Gky vows belong to a morality,
which is sanctioned in defnite ways within a persons lifetime. Tradition-
ally, people were believed to meet misfortune for violating rules of conduct
that they had vowed to observe. Tere are also many instances when people
punished others for violating rules of conduct. On the other hand, church
vows are not believed to afect people in defnite ways during their present
life. People generally believe that the efects of violating church vows will
not be felt until the second coming of Jesus Christ when judgement will
be delivered on individuals. In spite of this general belief, however, some
people do attribute the misfortunes of others to their failure to honour one
or another church vow.
73
92
Chapter 2
According to the Old Age Group, Christians take their church vows less
seriously than the traditional Gky took theirs. Te informants give
several reasons for this. First, the people who make vows in church do not
have any traumatic experience involving actual pain to help impress the
vows on them. To merely sit down and have some words read from a book,
whereupon candidates declare their promises verbally is hardly impres-
sive. Such promises do not penetrate the heart and are soon forgotten.
Serious Gky vows on the other hand were accompanied by pain, shed-
ding of blood and threats of death. An example is the experience of initia-
tion under which important pledges to observe certain moral principles
were made. Secondly, Christian and other kinds of solemn vows are made
within the modern context (kru). To the Old Age Group modernity is a
very bewildering phenomenon, which has arrived subtly and yet forcefully.
However, the important thing about modernity is that it renders things
lukewarm (kraria). It makes people insensitive to the morality which tra-
ditional Gky society considered proper. Consequently, people do not
honour promises, they do not frown at casual sex, and they do not respect
their parents. Indeed, they do not seem to realize that to do evil is wrong.
Tirdly, Christian vows are inefective because the goal for which they are
made is far away and remote. Somehow, the idea of a judgement at a remote
time in future when people will be punished or rewarded, postpones the
urgency of strict adherence today. What is not urgent loses its seriousness
and importance.
74
In addition to these reasons, the informants in the Old Age Group agree
that people today make little efort to restrain themselves from greed and
covetousness. Unrestrained desire has been a major cause of failure to keep
vows. An informant illustrates graphically how such desire hinders people
from honouring their vows.
Christians do not keep vows because of the eye, the tongue, the hand and
the leg. The eye sees money; you vowed not to steal; you take it. Thus a
government servant who draws a big salary will put his money aside and
stretch his hand to steal from the government. The eye sees someones
admirable wife, you vowed not to commit adultery; the tongue speaks to
her
75
Tis informant notes that most people who hold ofces are Pauls, Peters
and Johns, people who have received Christian baptism and who have sol-
emnized their marriage in church. In their association with Christianity
they have at one time or other made a promise to observe Christian moral-
93
Honesty (w
~
hokeku)
ity. Yet a job seeker will go to a Paul and will be given repeated appoint-
ments until he or she yields and ofers a bribe. A man may ofer food and
beer, but a woman is normally required to ofer her body.
Te informants in the Middle Age Group are generally of the opinion that
the vows that people make in church are difcult to keep. Tey suggest
three main reasons. One reason is that the vows are too demanding. For
instance, at baptism a person vows, I denounce the devil. Tat means
that he vows to adopt a whole way of life because to denounce the devil is
to denounce sin. Again at marriage a man vows to love his wife as his own
body. Such pledges are very difcult to keep. Te informants observe that
Gky vows, on the other hand, were initiated by the people themselves
and demanded nothing beyond what a person could fulfl.
Another reason why Christian vows are not kept is that the church does not
provide enough teaching on Christian living. Where teaching and guidance
is lacking the relevance of the vows becomes lost. Consequently people
do not feel the obligation to observe them strictly. Te vows are regarded
rather as a matter of formality and people neither respect nor value them.
According to the Middle Age Group, the reason that Christians do not keep
their vows is due to the lack of role models or examples to emulate. Tis
group suggests that church leaders are not the models they should be, pos-
sibly because they are themselves not persuaded about the vows they make.
Tus a man may swear that he will take only one wife but in his heart he is
not convinced about the rationale for monogamy. A good number of con-
verts to Christianity who made solemn promises to fght female circumci-
sion are known to have made secret arrangements for their own daughters
to be circumcised. Some informants attribute this anomalous situation to
tension between the Gky culture and the apparently legalistic demands
of the church.
Te informants in the Young Age Group all agree that the majority of Chris-
tians do not honour their Christian vows. Tey suggest several reasons for
this. One reason is that some people do not consider the implications of
the vows at the time of making them. Such people will honour their vows
when life is easy but fail to do so when difculties arise, such as lack of
peace and unity at home or in the church community. Other people simply
forget the vows they made and behave as if they had never made them.
Tere are also those who are merely interested in a Christian name or in
a church wedding because such practices are fashionable. Te vows such
94
Chapter 2
people make are a mere formality and are of no consequence to them.
According to the Young Age Group, people will also exploit the idea of for-
giveness taught in Christianity. Doing wrong, repenting and assuming God
has forgiven is an attractive order of things. People will therefore not only
break their vows, but they will also commit sins such as adultery because
they can always be forgiven. And some people are in the habit of searching
for parts of the Bible that seem to justify their actions.
However, the three age groups agree that there is a minority of Christians
who are genuine and who seek to live by the injunction: work out your
own salvation.
76
The effect cf the mcney eccncmy cn pecpIe's hcnesty
Te common opinion of all the informants is that money has afected
peoples idea of honesty for the worse and that, in this respect, matters are
in fact deteriorating. Te views of the Old Age Group are summarized by
a proverb quoted by one of the informants, which says, Gcinga n khi
ngwatro (Te handle of the wooden torch is burning). When the holding
end of a torch burns, the torch is thrown back into the fre and people are
lef without light. Tis simply means that the state of afairs is bad.
77
Te informants in all three age groups agree that, generally, the Gky
attach too much value to money. Many people are preoccupied with
money to the extent that human relationships are being destroyed. All the
informants in the Old Age Group agree that the Gky as a people have
become unsteady (kwagaga) because of money. According to this group,
people have been known to commit crimes in order to obtain money. Te
informants in the Middle Age Group regard money as a curse because it
is destroying society. Several informants in this group say that a person
may be trustworthy in other areas of life but where money is concerned
he cannot be relied upon. Many people yield easily to the temptation to
acquire money dishonestly. With respect to money people behave in ways
that are contrary to recognised rules of maturity and decorum. Several
informants recalled a song that was popular in the early 1950s.
Mbeeca nciokire kwhia
Kreehe th na rmena,
Mnd arandrage nyina,
Kr karandra mka
Rira me toro!
95
Honesty (w
~
hokeku)
Money came to bring harm
To bring enmity and rancour,
A man claiming a debt from his mother,
Another will claim a debt from his wife
While they sleep!
78
According to the informants in the Young Age Group, money has been
given a value way above all other things and people want to keep much more
money than they really need. Te problem is that money does not satisfy,
so that the more one has the more one wants. People therefore always plot
ways to obtain more money. Some people who cannot get money legally
will most certainly fnd illegal ways of obtaining it. Te problem is made
worse by the fact that money is much easier to handle than other com-
modities and that, therefore, it is easy to cheat about it.
Te informants in the Old Age Group state that it took some time for the
Gky to be adversely afected by money. When it was frst introduced, the
Gky did not value it to the extent of wanting to acquire it dishonestly.
If a person found a rupee coin, he took it to the market place and tried to
trace its owner by announcing he had found the coin. If nobody claimed
it he repeated the announcement on the following market day. Nobody
would claim the coin unless he was sure it belonged to him. Te person
who found it would only keep the coin if nobody claimed it. Today, even
the old people, who knew life before the rupee was introduced, have come
to value money highly. According to informants in this group, the present
young generation is going to be destroyed by money. Tis is because people
are murdering others because of money; even husbands and wives kill each
other on account of money. Te most abominable thing is that a son will
kill his own mother because of a disagreement over money.
Formerly, when people began to work in salaried employment, a man
would be able to take his money to a friend for safe custody. When he
needed the money it was all there. It also used to be possible for two people
to buy a cow jointly. One of them would take the responsibility of looking
afer it. When the cow had ofspring the two would call elders to divide the
herd between them. However, today people have become so dishonest that
projects involving pooling money belonging to several people ofen fail.
One or more of those involved will steal some of the money. When that
happens the other partners will withdraw from the project. Tus, not only
will the project fail, but also the trust which was initially there will be lost.
Several informants in the Middle Age Group say that it is a fact that some
96
Chapter 2
people will already have planned how to steal the money even before a joint
project has been embarked upon. Both groups of informants maintain that
church elders or people who claim to be Christians have also been known
to steal public money.
Te informants in the Middle Age Group observe that some years back,
when there was not much money around, people were more reliable in
their jobs. For instance, a person could spend the whole day cultivating
for another and earn only two shillings. Today, while casual labourers are
paid relatively more, they work less. People have become more interested
in money than in good human relationships. Te casual employee does not
work hard because he does not wish to complete the work and then fnd
that the following day he has nowhere to earn his bread. Some public build-
ings, such as churches, have stood for years uncompleted partly because
people cheat about their giving. When contributions are asked for a person
will clasp something in his hand and put it in the bag. However, the some-
thing he places in the bag is a very meagre sum.
Te informants in the Young Age Group have also observed that people are
not ready to trust each other in the matter of money. Although people will
readily believe a man who says he has lost a bunch of keys or even a goat,
they will not believe him if he says he has lost public money entrusted to
him. People are more ready to assume that he has eaten it (n kra arte).
Te informants in this group argue that this assumption is justifed by the
fact that people have been known to steal public money.
Te informants agree that many people do not have a rational attitude to
money. People seem to be little concerned about impoverishing others in
their bid to acquire money and some have exploited the ignorance and
good will of others. For instance, some young men have been known to
beg land title deeds from old men promising to return soon with money.
Instead of the promised money, the old men have witnessed their plots
being auctioned. Other people have pushed their way into co-operative
societies, claiming high qualifcations, practical experience overseas and
commitment to high ethical standards. Before long they are found to have
misappropriated public funds.
Several reasons have been given to explain the lack of honesty where
money is concerned. Some informants in the Old and Middle Age Groups
mention greed. According to an informant in the Old Age Group, many
people are led by their stomachs and yet stomachs have no shame and will
97
Honesty (w
~
hokeku)
keep on asking for more.
79
An informant in the Middle Age Group says that
people are apt to forget the proverb, Mt ya gthanka ndigananaga (Trees
of a feld do not all grow to the same height). In their desire to rise to the
level of government ministers some people will even rob banks. Another
proverb says, Mtongi ndatheethkaga (He who wishes to become wealthy
must not become impatient), meaning that a person accumulates wealth
patiently. But those who are greedy have no patience.
80
According to some informants in the Young Age Group, money is power
and the way to good social standing. It is also a means of satisfying the
new needs associated with technological advances, such as cars and
modern clothes. Since people like to have the high standards of living and
the power money gives, they will do anything to get money. Some people
will engage in illegal practices such as smuggling of goods for high fnan-
cial gain.
Most of the informants in the Middle Age Group say that money gives a
sense of independence, but that this has caused many married people to
become alienated from each other. In former times a couple that was having
marital problems had to be reconciled sooner or later out of necessity. An
ofended wife could retaliate by denying her husband food and sexual
relations but this could not go on for long. Today, however, if a husband
ofends his wife she may have to swallow her anger since denying him these
things does not necessarily make him be deprived of them. A man with
money and who does not particularly wish to be reconciled with his wife
can live comfortably for years. Tere are women to whom he can go, eating
places where food can be bought and laundry services are available as well.
Similarly, a woman who wants to leave her husband and has money of her
own has nothing to stop her. Te Middle Age Group generally feels that
money has destroyed and continues to destroy the good and proper living
which has beauty (mtrre mwega r riiri).
81
Some of the informants in the Middle Age Group maintain that the State
of Emergency, which the Gky experienced in the mid 1950s, brought
their customs and traditions to a rather sudden end. Since then people
have largely lived like town people. What seems to have sufered most is the
family bond. Terefore, the prevalent attitude towards money must be seen
within the context of many other things that have gone wrong. Te fact that
a son will beat his father over money, a wife will steal her husbands money
and a child will defraud his parents of money is explained, at least partly,
by the loss of a meaningful home life and close family ties. However, one
9B
Chapter 2
informant believes that the older generations, that is, people initiated in
1914 or earlier, still frmly hold on to honesty.
82
Conclusion
From the foregoing it can be concluded that the three age groups under-
stand honesty in basically similar terms. It was reasonable to be honest.
Tat is, it paid to be reliable, to fulfl ones duties and to keep appointments
and promises. When a person was scrupulous in this way people trusted
and liked him, and assisted him in his eforts to get wealth and to gain the
esteem of the community. He thus had much to gain for being honest. At
the community level, moral values such as honesty, uprightness, diligence
and generosity were reasonable because they promoted the trust, peace,
harmony and good will that were necessary for the well being of society.
However, the Old Age Group has the most comprehensive idea about
honesty. Te idea of diligence (kyo) discussed by the Old Age Group is
hardly referred to by the other two groups. Also, the Old Age Groups broad
understanding of uprightness (thingu) is narrowed down by the Middle
Age Group to mean little more beyond sexual fdelity. However, the three
age groups demonstrate that their understanding of the conduct referred
to as whokeku is broad.
From the contributions of the Old and Middle Age Groups it is clear that
maturity is regarded as being a most important quality. In this connection,
it would seem that the rites of passage had a vital function in inculcating
the idea of mature, responsible adulthood. Te section on maturity dem-
onstrates also how society taught its members. Parents were the primary
teachers. Peers, who had been similarly taught, helped each other to main-
tain the moral standards that the community required.
Te three age groups have further shown that in Gky traditional society
there is no individual who is exempt from duties and responsibilities to
other people. Children and adults alike have a status in society. A person
is regarded as reliable or trustworthy when he or she is true to his or her
status with respect to the circles of relatives and associates.
Te three age groups seem to be equally concerned about the growing
failure on the part of many people to see money in the right perspective.
Te groups are generally agreed that many people have valued money so
highly that they will use any means, honest or dishonest, to acquire it,
including cheating close relatives or friends. Tey would like to see the
traditional attitude to property and to human relationships restored.
99
270?C4A "
CENEPC5ITY (U
~
TAANA)
Views oI early writers
Routledge observes that hospitality was practised as a duty and that, where
relatives and clansmen were concerned, it had the force of custom.
1
He com-
ments on the great pains taken by the wealthy to entertain other wealthy
people and the relatively little regard shown to the poor and the stranger.
Te Agky, however, acknowledge no moral or customary obligation to
befriend the poor or the stranger.
2
Fisher explains the considerations that determined the kind of hospital-
ity to be given. According to him, customary rules required that visitors
and travellers, male and female alike, should be provided with food and, if
necessary, sleeping quarters. However, the status of the guest determined
the kind of hospitality he received. Relatives were treated with great respect
and given the choicest food. Friends were entertained informally although
they were given something to eat.
3
Regarding strangers, Fisher observes
that, in theory, any traveller could request food and shelter from anyone. In
practice, however, the request was made to relatives and friends.
Even people of other tribes who are travelling through Kikuyu country
on legitimate business are given hospitality. Very often they have Kikuyu
friends with whom they stay.
4
It seems probable that the indiferent treatment accorded to the poor was
due to a general disapproval of poverty. Many poor were poor because they
were lazy or because of some other moral weakness. Terefore, at least
some of the poor were regarded as despicable.
5
In addition, the poor might
100
also be ill and people were afraid of them dying in their homes and becom-
ing defled by them. Te host might also fear being accused of poisoning
his guest.
6
Cagnolo observes that hospitality was so common and warm-hearted that
nobody was anxious about what he would eat while on a journey.
7
Nev-
ertheless, Cagnolo was of the opinion that Gky generosity was not a
virtue because, according to him, it was taken to ridiculous lengths. Te
Gky make a fetish of hospitality because they will give visitors food
before being asked.
8
Moreover, personal ownership of various articles was
interpreted so broadly that a relatively poor person did not need to bother
providing himself with household efects. A neighbour never refused to
lend. While this might be excusable in the old order, Cagnolo says:
Even nowadays that a certain degree of civilization has spread, one may
often meet a man wearing the trousers of one, skirt of another, hat of a
third one, and having of his own nothing but his body preening itself in
its borrowed feathers.
9
However, evidence from other sources indicates that traditional Gky
society discouraged both parasitic tendencies and prodigality. Generally,
cooked food was given liberally. Ornaments and household efects might
be borrowed and loaned. Foodstufs were also at times given to relatives,
friends or neighbours. But in spite of this apparent liberality the average
individual longed for self-sufciency. In rather subtle ways society discour-
aged its members from leaning too heavily on others. Te individual who
begged too ofen was despised. A borrowed article could be demanded
back any time. Hence such proverbs as (hooi raaragria mwana (Begging
causes ones child to sleep hungry); Ithaga rene rnogagia ngingo (Anothers
ornament tires the neck) and Mhooi ndagaathimaga (A beggar (of meat)
does not fry fat).
10
Cagnolo comments on what he considers another lavish practice: In civi-
lized countries one cannot imagine anyone building his house on another
mans land: among the Akikuyu it is an ordinary occurrence.
11
Cagnolo is referring to the well-established custom whereby relatively poor
men or families attached themselves to wealthy landowners as tenants-at-
will (ahooi) or immigrants (athaami). Also some poor men became volun-
tary servants (ndungata) of wealthy men in order to earn property.
12
Tese
customs were dependent on the generosity of the wealthy landowners.
Chapter 3
101
From what Kenyatta, Leakey and Muriuki say it would seem that these
customs were benefcial to all the parties concerned. It is evident also that
the initiative for such relationships came from the poor or needy party,
who depended on the philanthropy of the wealthy to uplif them. Accord-
ing to Leakey:
Men who were poor and who went off to become tenants on the estates
of wealthy men did so in the hope that they would be able, gradually,
to acquire sufficient wealth to buy land and become the founders of a
sub-clan themselves. To become a tenant on one of the big estates was
regarded as one of the best stepping stones to ultimate wealth, and the
chance of founding a sub-clan of ones own.
13
It was customary for a man who wished to sell his land to give the frst
option to his tenants. If none of them wished to buy it, he ofered it to his
richer friends.
14
Several authors observe that the Gky attached great importance to
mutual help and to the reciprocation of generous deeds.
15
Leakey stresses
that the village community was a defnite social unit and that the
common ties that bound the villages together included mutual help and
mutual defence. Individuals and families alike turned to other members
of the village on innumerable occasions in their daily life.
16
Moreover,
helping others and reciprocating a good deed was regarded as a duty for
every individual. Defaulters were in danger of having their needs ignored
or of being punished.
17
However, although it was reasonable to expect help
from others, people were unwilling to be exploited. Te individual requir-
ing help with manual work had to show that he was requesting others to
assist him, not wishing to exploit them. For that reason he had to initiate
the work before calling for help. Leakey explains: By starting the work
himself, a man demonstrated both his willingness and his ability to do the
necessary work on his own, and gave proof that he was not incompetent
and lazy.
18
From the evidence of the literature, it can be concluded that the idea and
practice of generosity gave no encouragement to laziness or lack of ini-
tiative. Tis was in keeping with the Gky philosophy of life discussed
throughout this study. Generosity presupposes diligence, for the individual
must have the wherewithal to be generous. Generosity also presupposes a
benevolent disposition. Te Gky say, Ta nym itir kguni (Dry sym-
pathy has no beneft). By this they mean that a person who ofers sympa-
Cenerosi ty (u
~
taana)
102
Chapter 3
thy to another following a misfortune must be ready to ofer him material
help, as well as advice on how he can improve his lot. According to Daniel
Mugia, a more recent Gky writer, this should be advice appropriate to
his level of understanding and competence. Only when advice is given sen-
sitively can it beneft the one who seeks it.
19
Tere is evidence to show that,
in traditional society, men of initiative did not lack good counsel from the
prosperous. Itotia says that the Gky distinguished two kinds of envy
(iru). One type of envy was uncharitable and the person who was envious
in this way was constantly looking for ways to harm prosperous people.
Te other, who had the more acceptable type of envy, saw the success of
another and went to him to seek advice on how he too could succeed. Such
a person was readily instructed and eventually climbed the ladder from
small beginnings.
20
What is generosity? (u
~
taana)
taana is the quality of being generous or liberal. As far as this quality is
concerned, the oral sources distinguish two main types of people in Gky
society. Tere is the generous or liberal person (mtaana) and the mean or
stingy person (mkar). In the study of generosity these two types of people
are constantly compared.
Te informants in the three age groups distinguish three characteristic
qualities of a generous person. Te frst quality is compassion (tha).
21
Compassion for people encourages the generous to be the kind of people
they are. In this connection, the Gky say, taana n tha (Generosity is
compassion). Te generous person is basically sympathetic towards other
people: it is in his nature to be kind. Te stingy person lacks sympathy for
others and his behaviour causes them to regard him as mean. Te second
quality is joy (gkeno). Te informants maintain that a generous person
is basically a cheerful person. His joy is prompted by a genuine feeling of
goodwill towards other people. He rejoices when he sees another person.
His joy and goodwill ofen express themselves in liberality. A generous
person is ofen referred to as a person who has a good heart (ngoro njega).
Te stingy person is regarded as having no genuine joy. He does not genu-
inely rejoice at seeing another person. Such a person is said to have a bad
heart (ngoro njru), that is, to be ill-natured.
Generosity will be described through the key words hospitality (tugi),
help (teithio) uprightness (thingu) and charity (uuma-and).
103
Cenerosi ty (u
~
taana)
Cenercsity as hcspitaIity (u
~
tugi)
All the informants in the three age groups readily describe generosity as
hospitality. Te word tugi means both kindness and willingness to give.
Te generous person is hospitable basically because he has compassion for
other people and rejoices in being kind to them.
Gky traditional custom required that both the casual caller and the
invited guest were accorded hospitality to one extent or another. Evidently,
this is still commonly practised for the informants in the Young Age Group
are apt to think that hospitality is taken so much for granted that a person
has to be exceptionally hospitable to qualify as generous. To the informants
in the Old and Middle Age Groups, what qualifes a person as generous is
the manner in which he ofers hospitality. For instance, a generous woman
will show joy at seeing a visitor. She will ofer the visitor a seat and ofer
food to him or her fairly quickly. All the time she will be talking cordially
to the visitor. A stingy woman, on the other hand, may ofer hospitality but
she makes it clear to the visitor that she is upset by the visit. She wears an
expression of displeasure. Another stands by the entrance of the house and
talks to the visitor from that position so that the visitor does not enter the
house.
In its description of hospitality, the Old Age Group emphasizes that there
are three main aspects involved in the practice of hospitality. Tese include
spontaneous giving (kheeana), ofering of a meal to a visitor (kgagra)
and speed (mtk).
Spontaneous giving means giving away willingly what belongs to one.
Giving is a gesture expected of anyone who receives visitors at home. Te
informants say that the visitor ought to be given food without his having to
intimate that he is hungry. A generous person will always fnd something to
give, no matter how small. Moreover, a generous person does not wait to be
visited: he will sometimes persuade a passer-by to stop and have something
to eat.
Traditionally, it was a common practice for a person to send for someone
else in order to ofer him hospitality. In former days, when an elder slaugh-
tered a bull, he sent for the young men of the neighbourhood to come and
stretch out the hide to dry. In return, the elder gave the young men their
portions of the slaughtered bull, as prescribed by custom. Tese portions
included the right rib, raw fat and blood. Te elder sent for the young men
because he was obliged by customary law to give local warriors the three
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portions of the bull. But even with respect to such a compulsory custom, it
was possible to distinguish between generous and mean elders. Te latter
slaughtered their animals secretly with the help of family members only.
Strictly, kgagra (giving breakfast to another) refers to the frst meal given
to a person on waking up in the morning. Te practice, however, is stretched
to include any frst meal that a person gives to another at any time of the
day.
22
Te same applies to the term mrooki which means one who visits
a home early in the morning. Mrooki is extended to mean anyone who
visits a home at any time which can reasonably be regarded as morning.
In the traditional practice of hospitality, every morning caller (mrooki)
was given breakfast (ngagro). As a rule, visitors at other times of the day
were also fed. Te traditional Gky woman did not allow a person who
entered her homestead to leave without eating something. If the caller said
he was in a hurry she would reply, In my home nobody goes away without
having breakfast. An elder might have brewed beer for an invited guest. If
someone else called before the invited guest had arrived, he too was given
some to drink.
According to the informants in the Old Age Group, the practice of giving
any caller to a home something to eat developed for two reasons. On the
one hand, it was improper for a visitor to beg for food in peoples homes.
On the other hand, he could well be very hungry and there was food in the
home where he visited. In the days when people travelled on foot, some
of the callers to a home could be assumed to be in need of refreshment.
By customary rule, anybody had a right to cooked food. Terefore, allow-
ing a visitor to go away unfed was wrong. Te Gky believed that if a
person who was starving was denied hospitality, he went away angry. If by
any chance he should die soon afer and should pronounce a dying curse
(kgau) on those who had been unkind to him, the curse would afect
them. It was therefore wise to have a guest leave refreshed and pleased.
23
Te third thing mentioned by the Old Age Group is speed (mtk). In
a sense, quick service was the essence of hospitality. Te Gky have a
saying, taana n mtk (Generosity is speed). What distinguishes the
generous person from the stingy person is the sense of urgency he puts into
the matter of giving hospitality. Stingy people delay their ofer of food in
the hope that the visitor will give up waiting and go on his way. Quite ofen,
the stingy betray themselves by the way they respond to callers. Compare
two women who are told that some company has arrived. Te generous one
will most likely say, Let them sit down, I am bringing food. Te stingy
105
Cenerosi ty (u
~
taana)
one will say, So we have visitors, I will cook then (Nngkruga).
24
Also
when a generous man brings a visitor home he ensures that the visitor is
given something to eat as soon as possible. But a stingy man will sit talking
with his companion for a long time before he orders food. Usually, by the
time he comes round to ordering the food the visitor is ready to go away.
According to the Old Age Group, a host or hostess should assume that
a visitor is in urgent need of refreshments. To delay hospitality is to act
ungenerously.
Te Middle Age Group has basically the same ideas as the Old Age Group.
Informants in this group emphasize the ideas of welcoming (knyiita
geni), speed (mtki) and giving (kheeana).
Knyiita geni refers to all that goes with welcoming a guest, feeding him
and generally making him comfortable. Te informants in this group
stress the value of engaging a visitor in cordial talk (mario mega) as this
makes even an unexpected visitor feel welcome and loved. If the unex-
pected visitor is somebody who has entered a home seeking accommoda-
tion because darkness has overtaken him, giving him hospitality involves
giving him enough food to eat and fnding him a place to sleep. In some
cases, accommodation might be a matter of spreading dry banana leaves
on the foor since there may not be a better accommodation available. On
his departure, the guest is advised on the best way to get to his destination.
Some informants in this group observe that, in a polygamous home, not all
wives are good at making guests feel welcome. But there is usually one wife
who is excellent at hospitality and the husband tends to take his visitors to
her.
25
In connection with speed, the Middle Age Group feels it is a good policy
to ofer food to a visitor before relaxing to talk. Tis is because the visitor
could well be longing for food. In this connection, an informant has quoted
the proverb, Ngaragu ndhooyagwo horo (Hunger is never asked to relate
its story).
26
According to the informants in this group, giving within the
context of hospitality involves providing small amounts of foodstufs for
the visitor to take away. Tis is a common practice among women.
Regarding hospitality, the Young Age Group informants observe that,
unlike former days when it was usual for people to ofer visitors a serving
of food (riga ra irio), today the usual thing to give is tea. Nevertheless,
what matters in hospitality is whether the visitor feels welcome or not. Te
attitude shown to the visitor is more important than the actual treatment.
For that reason, one visitor might sleep on the foor and go away feeling he
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has received proper hospitality while another may sleep in a comfortable
bed and yet not feel welcome.
Te informants in the Young Age Group observe that where women visi-
tors are concerned, part of the practice of hospitality involves giving them
some foodstufs, such as sweet potatoes, to take away.
Cenercsity as heIp (u
~
teithio)
Generosity has also been described as help (teithio). Following are the
ideas of the three age groups regarding help.
Te word gteithia means to help, to assist, to aid, or to put oneself at the
disposal of and assist with. Te informants make three general comments
in connection with help. First, in order for a person to help another he must
have some sympathy for him. Te generous person is essentially compas-
sionate. Secondly, what counts as help is sometimes in the form of material
things and sometimes in the form of counsel. Tirdly, the generous person
does not reserve his help only to his relatives and friends. He considers that
anybody in need deserves whatever help he can give. Terefore, some of the
recipients of his help may be strangers. As the word uteithio suggests, most
of the help the generous person is required to give is merely supportive but
help given in time of dire need is vital as it may aid in rescuing someone
from imminent death.
Te informants in the Old Age Group describe help in such terms as hatra
(extricate), gitra moyo (safeguard life) and hubra (uncover).
When the informants describe generosity as help that extricates, they are
thinking of someone who helps another to achieve an end that the latter
could not achieve without that help. Acts of that kind of help continually
take place in society. For instance, in traditional society it was an accepted
practice that an elder would give a young man a cow to help him to marry.
Tis kind of aid was more or less obligatory among clansmen. When a
non-clansman gave this type of help it was given out of sheer generosity.
Someone could lend or give a garment to someone who was visiting a place
and wished to look presentable. Sometimes a woman would give some of
her frewood to another who had fnished her own.
In traditional society it was considered a gesture of generosity when a
young man courted a girl on behalf of someone else (khira) thus enabling
him to marry her.
27
Also, sometimes a man went to an elder and told him
107
Cenerosi ty (u
~
taana)
he wished to be initiated into divination (gkunro), but he did not have
all the things he needed such as skins and honey. Te elder gave him what
he required, telling him, Do the necessary.
According to the informants in the Old Age Group, acts of generos-
ity regarded as ways of safe-guarding life are basically those that rescue
people from starvation and from imminent death. For instance, in former
days when famine struck one area, people went to seek foodstufs in distant
parts of the country and brought it back so that those in dearth were saved
from complete starvation. Tis practice was known as gthogora (procure
food from a distant place). People who had food generally shared it with
those who were experiencing famine, especially as famine did not hit the
whole country at the same time.
Similarly, a poor family could obtain vital help from the local rich men
within the locality who had focks, herds and granaries of grain. If a poor
family was much aficted by famine, an elder could approach a rich man
in the neighbourhood and enter into an arrangement known as kgwatia
mwana (to attach a child). Te poor man would promise to attach one of
his growing daughters to the home of the rich man in exchange for provi-
sions every time the family sufered hunger. Te child who had been prom-
ised grew up in her own home until she was of marriageable age. At the
appropriate time the rich man gave a token of marriage payment (rraacio)
to the poor man to complete marriage negotiations for her. Tis served to
show clansmen that the girl was married. According to an informant in this
group, this arrangement was a better alternative for the poor than resorting
to stealing. Tere was also always a fair chance that the girl might have
chosen to marry into that home anyway.
28
However, appeals by the poor to the wealthy to rescue them in time of
great dearth did not always involve marriage contracts. A widely known
song, sung during the clearing of land for cultivation, suggests that some
promises were commonplace:
Itonga cia mbri na cia ngombe
Tguneei ntwathira
Na ithu ntkaamguna
Na macungu wathima.
Rich men with goats and cattle
Succour us, we perish
10B
Chapter 3
We in turn will succour you
With vegetables during the rains.
29
It was also common for a woman who had harvested her crops to give some
to another woman simply because she knew the latter had not harvested
anything.
According to the Old Age Group, another practice that shows how a gener-
ous person helped another was itega (presents of foodstufs and other com-
modities). Itega was taken to a relative or a friend during a special occasion.
Te occasion might be the birth of a baby, an initiation ceremony or a visit
by in-laws. Traditionally, itega served to make it possible for its recipient
to entertain his guests and casual callers generously. Te person who gave
itega was therefore releasing facilities (khubra) so that his friend or rela-
tive had plenty of food with which to practice hospitality. Itega was also
a gesture by the giver that he respected the recipient. Itega carried some
measure of obligation, the degree of obligation depending on the degree of
mutual respect in the case of friends, and the closeness of blood relation-
ship in the case of relatives. Generally, a bigger itega was given to a relative
than to a friend.
To give an example of how itega was conducted: when an elder planned an
initiation ceremony, he informed his friends and relatives. Te friend or
relative informed his wife who, in turn, gathered her women friends and
asked them to bring a small load (mburungo) of foodstuf to her home on
some appointed day and time. Meantime the elder, being the one giving the
itega, rallied his friends and relatives to help him accumulate a good-sized
itega. On the appointed day the women would bring the various loads of
food to his home. Tey were counted and the convoy set out to the home
where the itega was to be taken. Te elder took the lead with a bull and
with one woman who carried the honey he had been collecting. He would
have sent word that he was taking itega on a certain day. Later, when he
himself had a need, he would inform those to whom he had given itega so
that they could reciprocate the help. Tat way people kept each other under
obligation.
30
In their description of generosity as help, the informants in the Middle Age
Group distinguish between material and non-material help. Te former
involves things given by one person to another. Te latter involves giving
counsel or advice. Help is meant to beneft the recipient in one way or
another. Material help could, for instance, get somebody out of a mere
109
Cenerosi ty (u
~
taana)
inconvenience or out of dire need. What matters is not the amount of help
but rather the fact that one person feels the obligation to help another.
Some of the informants observed that when a person dies what people
remember most about him is his generosity. Another observation is that
during times of famine the poor people remember the generous because
these are the people who sustain them.
Te generous person is essentially a person who is sensitive to the needs of
others and is in sympathy with them. In this connection, some people have
been known to give building sites to the destitute. Others have used their
vehicles to transport people whom they do not know but who are sick, to
hospital without asking for payment. A generous person may also decide to
help a boy who wants to be circumcised but has nobody to provide facilities
for him. During communal work, such as building a hut for somebody, a
generous person will not only take part in the work but will also provide
some food to the work party. Tis is because he reckons that the person
being helped to build might fnd it difcult to provide enough food for all
the people involved.
Te Young Age Group has also described generosity as help. Te infor-
mants in this group believe that sympathy for or appreciation of anothers
need is what motivates people to give help. People who have sympathy for
others do not wait to be appealed to but will help spontaneously.
According to the Young Age Group, the generous person does not give
because he has an abundance of things. Rather, he shares what he has
because other people are more needy or less fortunate than him. Tus, a
woman could have planned to prepare some foodstuf for her family when
another woman who has nothing to cook for her family calls on her. Te
generous woman will share the foodstuf and may consequently have less to
cook for her own family. Tis shows that the generous person is prepared
to sacrifce something for the sake of another. Another person might come
to learn about a boy who wants to go to school but lacks fnances. When the
person helps the boy, it is because he fully sympathizes with the boys plight.
According to the Young Age Group, generous people are the ones mainly
responsible for the success of self-help projects because they give gener-
ously. Tey are keen to see a project that is meant to help people succeed to
completion. In their deep sympathy with other people the generous people
are concerned about the most appropriate kind of help to give in time of
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need. Tus a woman who is mourning her husbands death is shown sym-
pathy and support by other women when they do certain jobs for her, such
as harvesting her potatoes.
According to the three age groups then, the various ways in which people
help each other are expressions of generosity.
Cenercsity as uprihtness (u
~
thingu)
Here only the ideas of the Old Age and Middle Age groups are described
since the Young Age Group says nothing about uprightness. Te word
thingu is mentioned in all the themes being treated in this study, and under
each theme an aspect of uprightness relevant to that theme is described.
31
Under generosity, the word means both gentleness and inofensiveness.
According to the Old Age Group, thingu means uprightness or righteous-
ness. Te quality of thingu is found in people whose frst concern in the
community is to promote peace and goodwill. Teir neighbours regard
such people as generous because their very lives are exemplary. What they
give to other people is a good example and this by itself is looked on as
help. Tey are described as being gentle (ahooreri) and as having a good
mouth (kanua keega).
32
A person who is said to have a good mouth does
not ofend people by the words he speaks. For instance, he does not insult
other people. What is even more appreciated, however, is that the upright
man or woman, the one who is said to have kanua kega is essentially a
generous person. His words can be taken at their face value because he is
a person who does not fatter people in order to obtain things or favours
from them. If anything, he is noble and his words are usually wise.
Te upright person is so regarded because in society there are people who
earn their living through deceitful talk. Tey are described as having ndra
kanua (a deceitful mouth) by some of the informants in the Old Age Group.
When such people speak they strike the listener as cordial, considerate,
wise and interesting and as people who always have something good to say
about their listeners. But in fact, what the person is doing is to fatter his
victims so that he can extract something material or a favour from them.
People who have come to know ndra kanua well, know them as crafy
people who are always getting and never giving; they are mean and of no
beneft to anyone but themselves.
To the Old Age Group then, uprightness, which is the quality of gentleness
or inofensiveness, is one aspect of generosity.
111
Cenerosi ty (u
~
taana)
Cenercsity as charity (uuma-andu
~
)
Te quality described as uuma-and is essential in all forms of generos-
ity. Uuma-and means charity, philanthropy or kindness. It is also another
word for generosity. A generous person is also described as a muuma-and,
meaning that he is a charitable or a particularly kind person. Much of what
is said in the other key words, namely hospitality, help and uprightness,
could therefore be repeated under charity. However, there are certain qual-
ities of the generous person that are better described under uuma-and
than under a quality like hospitality. Tey are not prominent but they do
mark out some people as particularly generous.
According to some informants in the Old Age Group, there are people who
enchant a neighbourhood through their acts of consideration. Tese acts
show them up as being more than usually preoccupied with the welfare of
their neighbours. In traditional society, these were the people who disre-
garded the strict requirements of traditional law in favour of the people
with whom they dealt. For instance, traditional law required that if an
animal died while under the care of a custodian, the custodian should give
the carcass to the owner of the dead animal. A muuma-and, however,
might tell the custodian that if any of his animals should die he could deal
with the carcass as he saw ft. He also told the custodian he could slaughter
a goat of his from time to time if he so desired.
33
A muuma-and also kept
a calabash of beer ready for uninvited guests who might call in his home.
Te warriors also knew that there was one elder who always allowed them
to enter his home any time and drink milk. If they needed blood, he gave
them arrows (mgu) and told them to go into the herd and draw blood to
their satisfaction. Not every elder was generous to this extent.
The ideal practice oI generosity
Although the Gky value generosity, the informants in the Old and
Middle Age groups do not consider generosity as a moral value unless it
is practised in moderation and unless it is controlled by a sense of justice.
Some of the informants in both groups make reference to bad generosity
(taana mru), prodigality (itangi) and generosity without a sense of
justice (taana tar khooto).
From the responses of the informants in both groups it is evident that what
the Gky regard as generosity is the practice that is midway between
prodigality and stinginess (kar). It is also evident from the responses of
the informants that the reason for this is that there are many people who
take advantage of people who are too liberal in giving away their material
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possessions. Ideally, a generous person is not prodigal. On the other hand,
there are people who are so careful with their possessions as to be regarded
stingy. Whereas the majority of people do not expect to subsist on the gen-
erosity of other people, those who are too mean could deny generosity to
really deserving cases and, for that reason, earn the ill will of others. People
are normally reluctant to rush to the aid of those who have a reputation for
meanness. Te wise person therefore strikes a balance between too much
and too little liberality.
Regarding prodigality (itangi), there are people who do not know the
limits of giving. Teir hospitality is extravagant and they cannot deny
anyone anything asked of them. Such are the hosts or hostesses who enter-
tain guests lavishly, quite beyond what they can comfortably aford. Such
people are regarded as unwise. In traditional society they were likened to a
Muroki character in a Gky folk story whose cattle got fnished because
he gave them away to his visitors liberally.
34
A prodigal woman does not
realize that she should store some of her garden produce (kiga kgna) in
order to sustain her until the next harvest. For instance, when she harvests
millet she is so obliging that every woman who visits her and begs for a little
is given some. In the end, she fnds that the main purpose for which she
had grown the millet is not accomplished. Such a woman ends up begging
seed to plant in spite of the fact that she had harvested like other women.
Since some people give to their own detriment, an informant in the Old
Age Group observes that a sense of justice is vital where generosity is
concerned.
35
A person who gives his material possessions in order to help
other people must not give them the impression that they can continue to
obtain things from him easily. Tey must not think that they have merely
come across things (gkora). A generous person gives out of a sense of
the justice (khooto) that teaches that in a community people are obliged to
aid each other, but it should not encourage laziness. Te lazy must not be
allowed to think that they can continue to subsist on the liberality of their
neighbours.
36
For this reason, another informant in the Old Age Group
says that the generous person should practise stinginess towards certain
people because in so doing he helps such people to value self-sufciency.
37
Why generosity is valued
Te sections that have described generosity as hospitality and as help have
shown that much of generosity involves giving away ones possessions to
other people. In practising hospitality, the generous person goes out of his
way in order to feed his guests and make them feel welcome. Since generos-
113
Cenerosi ty (u
~
taana)
ity involves a certain amount of inconvenience on the part of the generous,
why then it is valued? Te informants give a number of reasons why the
Gky value generosity.
First, it is important that anybody in need should receive the help he
requires. Especially the informants in the Old Age Group emphasize that
people have a right to expect help from others. A hungry person should
obtain food at once. Tat is why one of the features of traditional practice
of hospitality is speed (mtk). Te informants in this group point out that
traditional society enjoined every individual to regard himself as having
some responsibility for sustaining other peoples lives. Tis obligation was
symbolically emphasized every time a baby was born. As soon as a woman
gave birth, her husband went to fetch foodstufs for her from other peoples
gardens. According to some of the informants, a new mother is in sudden
need of food and her community must make this available.
38
Also, a travel-
ler who calls on a home might well be in urgent need of refreshments and
these must be available.
Secondly, generosity promotes goodwill between people. When people have
experienced the generosity of others, they respond by showing gratitude to
them. Quite ofen, gratitude is expressed in terms of other generous deeds
so that generosity is reciprocated. Informants in all three age groups main-
tain that when people keep seeing each other in the course of reciprocat-
ing generosity, they maintain their mutual sympathy. Te Old Age Group
informants also point out that where there is goodwill, life is safeguarded.
As mentioned in the section describing hospitality, the traditional Gky
believed that the curse of a dying person could cause misfortune and even
death to those afected by it. Since a person dying of hunger could easily
curse those who had denied him food, hospitality was a check against the
ill will that might cause misfortune and death.
39
Tirdly, to a large extent, generosity guarantees the welfare of the gener-
ous. God is supposed to guarantee good fortune to the generous person.
Luck (mnyaka) attends him, and when his afairs prosper, people attribute
his welfare to his generosity.
40
One of the descriptive terms for a generous
person is one who is favoured by wealth (mwendwo n ir). Te generous
persons welfare is also due to the goodwill extended to him by those who
have benefted from his giving, his counsel, his demeanour or his chari-
table ways. People do not subject generous people to the mischief that they
play on stingy ones. According to the informants in the Old Age Group
a generous man hardly ever lost his livestock from thef. Te community
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around him protected his animals even from thieves who might come from
some distance away. On the other hand, a stingy mans sheep and goats
were continually being stolen as a form of punishment, ofen by his very
neighbours.
Generosity is also regarded as an insurance against scarcity. Several infor-
mants in the Middle Age Group quote the proverb, Moni mthi ti
we moni rci (He who has today is not the one who has tomorrow).
According to them, the possibility that some day one could lack while
others have is a good reason for sharing whatever one happens to have. In
this connection, another informant in the Middle Age Group quotes the
proverb, Kheeana n kiga (To give is to deposit). Explaining this proverb,
the informant says that a generous person does not only cater for his own
future welfare but also for that of his children since people extend their
generosity to the descendents of a generous person.
41
Other informants
say that generosity is valued because nobody can possibly be completely
self-sufcient. In a community where generosity is an accepted way of life,
people feel free to beg and borrow things from each other and to share with
each other whatever they have. Some informants in the Young Age Group
observe that in fact people are ofen forced by their social environment to
be generous because the stingy lose goodwill.
Te fourth reason why generosity is valued is that generosity helps to
promote the spirit of co-operation in the community. Te informants in
the Middle and Young Age groups observe that many of the self-help proj-
ects that have succeeded have been supported by generous people. As a
consequence, people who might not naturally be generous are encouraged
to support the projects more generously than they would otherwise have
done.
Finally, generosity is valued because it induces people to be diligent. Several
informants in the Old and Middle Age groups quote the proverb, Mtaana
n r ga kheeana (Te generous is he who has something to give). Such
a person ensures that he has sufcient, not just to cater for his own needs
but in order to be generous to others. To make this possible, he needs to
be a diligent worker. Tis was especially true in traditional society where
everything depended on land tillage.
Traditional ways oI enIorcing generosity
Since generosity was highly valued, Gky society had various ways of
encouraging people to be generous. Although one would expect people to
115
Cenerosi ty (u
~
taana)
be generous in a society where the benefts of possessing this virtue were
so evident, Gky society was not content to leave things to chance. Te
society made certain that the obligation to be generous was impressed on
its members. In the words of a Middle Age Group informant: Generosity is
valued because people want to have others they can trust around them.
42
Gky society employed several measures to enforce generosity. Both pos-
itive and negative measures generally aimed at encouraging generosity and
discouraging lack of generosity. Some of the measures are still employed
today.
Te frst of the positive measures was the praise that was openly and liber-
ally given to generous people. All the informants in the Old Age Group
state that a generous person enjoyed a good reputation (ngumo njega). His
reputation would spread to distant places through travellers to whom he
had given hospitality. Also, people whom he had helped in various ways
spoke in his praise when they went back home. Many people thus came
to know a generous person by reputation (na ngumo) and those who did
extended their goodwill to him. People whom he did not know but who
knew of him by reputation, took every opportunity to show him kindness.
On account of him, his relatives and friends were given warm hospitality
when they visited places where his reputation had spread. Within his own
neighbourhood a generous person was liked. According to an informant in
the Old Age Group, People found no fault with a generous person.
43
Tat
is, since he had a benevolent nature, nobody accused him of malice, thef
or witchcraf. When somebody tried to defame a generous person, other
people defended him and so attempts to spoil his reputation were fruitless.
Many times the generous person was not aware of the victories won on his
behalf. However, if it should happen that somebody planned to harm him,
someone was bound to warn him so that he could take precautions.
According to the Old Age Group, one of the terms of praise used for a gen-
erous person was njamba (courageous person or person of prowess). Tis
term was used mostly to praise people whose bravery or diligence in tilling
the land was combined with generosity. A mean person, however rich or
brave, was not praised simply because he did not beneft people. Accord-
ing to an informant in this group, a person who had possessions but was
mean was perpetually being cursed. Whenever his name was mentioned
someone was bound to say, Aroaga! Kw mnd ku? Aroaga! N ciak?
Roughly translated, this means: What kind of a person is that? May he lack
possessions for there is no point of him having things he will not share.
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Chapter 3
In connection with praise, the Middle and the Young Age groups do not
have much to say. Several informants in the Middle Age Group, however,
say that in former days people found occasion to extol (kraha) those who
had done commendable acts such as rescuing stolen animals and restoring
them to the owners. Some of the informants believe that normally when
people are introduced to a generous person, it is partly so that they can
extend their love to him. An informant in this group also says that in tra-
ditional society people showed openly that they trusted a generous person.
For instance, a generous elder was ofen asked to take custody of peoples
animals because he was known to be considerate and to treat other peoples
animals well. People would tell him that they trusted him. Several infor-
mants in the Young Age Group simply said that a generous person was
respected.
A second measure for enforcing generosity was the way gratitude (ngaatho)
was expressed in traditional society. In a sense the frst measure described
above, ngumo njega (good reputation) and gratitude are related. People
praised those individuals to whom they felt gratitude.
According to the Old Age Group, ngaatho is the remembrance of a good
deed done. A person who had received some generosity from another
expressed gratitude verbally more or less immediately. But he also felt
indebted to his benefactor and therefore felt obliged to give him a token of
the respect in which he held him. He expressed his gratitude to the gener-
ous person in more than words.
Te informants in the Old Age Group give some examples to illustrate what
they mean by gratitude (ngaatho). Te practice of itega, described under the
key word help, was usually an expression of gratitude. A person would give
itega to reciprocate an itega given to him at a time when he was in need. An
elder might be invited for a drink and, while he is holding his horn of beer,
he sees a man passing by who once helped him out of some difculty. He
would immediately call him to come and drink from the horn.
Ideally, ngaatho is shown at a time when the generous person has all but
forgotten a good deed done to someone. Te informants in all three age
groups stress that gratitude is not payment. Sometimes the circumstances
might compel a person to show ngaatho immediately. However, this is not
considered a good thing because gratitude might then be interpreted as
payment. In fact, many generous people refuse to take what may look like
payment. Ideally, ngaatho is supposed to indicate that the action of the
117
Cenerosi ty (u
~
taana)
generous person is not taken for granted. Te person who has cause to be
grateful to another usually waits until his benefactor has some need, and
then expresses his gratitude. For instance, a woman could help another and
nothing special passes between them for two or three years. But when, for
example, the one to whom she was generous learns that she has fallen ill, or
that she is experiencing a shortage of food, she will visit her at once, taking
some foodstufs with her.
Te custom of expressing gratitude in this way produced two desirable
results. First, in the course of reciprocating relatively small acts of gener-
osity, good friendships developed between people. Te informants in the
three age groups maintain that strong bonds of friendship are established
on account of the remembrance of a generous deed. Some of the friend-
ships started as the result of mere acquaintance can become lasting. In this
connection, several informants in the Old Age Group quote the proverb,
Ndg yumaga njrain (Friendship sprouts through meetings on the
road). Second, the friendships thus established were sustained through the
perpetual indebtedness people felt towards each other. Tis was because
anybody who received some ngaatho felt obliged also to return ngaatho.
Te Gky therefore say, Ngaatho thingatagio ng (Gratitude should
follow close upon another (gratitude).
44
Tird, protection was given to the property of the generous person. Accord-
ing to the Old Age Group, a generous man hardly ever lost his cattle. If
raiders struck his home and drove away the cattle, a great number of people
responded to the alarm raised and the cattle were rescued. Te property
of a generous man was safeguarded because people argued, If we let the
property of a generous man go, how will he continue to give? On the other
hand, if the raid involved a stingy man, hardly anybody responded to the
alarm.
45
According to an informant in the Old Age Group, one reason why people
were generous to anybody in need rather than only to their friends and
relatives was the consideration, If I am not generous, who will respond to
my alarm?
46
Fourth, people showed willingness to labour in the felds of a generous
person. According to the Old Age Group, a generous person did not lack
people to work for him. Since his felds were well cultivated, he usually had
plenty of foodstufs with which to practise hospitality.
11B
Chapter 3
Gky society also had several ways of discouraging meanness. Te infor-
mants in the Old Age Group explain that in traditional society all forms
of meanness were regarded as ofences against the reasonable order of
things (khooto). Several informants stated that generosity is justice
(taana n guo khooto).
47
To be mean was to conduct oneself unjustly. For
this reason meanness was discouraged in rather strong and defnite ways.
Te following are some of the measures employed by society to discourage
meanness.
First, public opinion was strong against the mean man or woman. Te infor-
mants in the Old Age Group provide several expressions that society used
to ridicule stingy people. A stingy person was referred to as one whose arm
was contracted so that it could not perform the act of giving. He was also
referred to as njara mboko (crooked arm) because it was as if his arm was
deformed and could not stretch out to give. Another expression used to
describe the miser was, ngundi njiru mugiruo n ka (the dark fst to whom
it is taboo to say, take).
48
In other words, the stingy person was viewed as
clenching his fsts to hold on tightly to whatever he had in his hand, under
the mistaken idea that giving would bring him harm.
Second, the term that aptly described the lot of the ungenerous was mri
(one bound to be lost). It refers to a fugitive, an ill-fated person and a
solitary, unsociable person. Te necessary isolation and bad fortune of the
miserly is implied in the word. According to the informants in the Old Age
Group, people stole things belonging to a stingy person simply because
he was a mri. Teir argument was: What does mri own property
for? In this connection, another term used to refer to the ungenerous was
mimwo-n-ir (one destitute of wealth). Since people talked freely, the
ungenerous knew that they were regarded with contempt. Te degree of
contempt varied from person to person as not all of them were pronounced
misers, but all mean people felt isolated.
To illustrate this, an informant in the Middle Age Group quotes the
proverb, Mkar n mra gake (Te stingy person eats his own little thing).
Another informant in this group quotes the proverb, Mkar n mra wiki
(Te stingy person eats alone). Te Old Age Group has shown, under the
description of positive measures, that whereas people readily responded to
the alarms of a generous person, they were not enthusiastic about rushing
to the rescue of property belonging to a miser. Nor were neighbours keen
to work for a stingy person.
119
Cenerosi ty (u
~
taana)
Tird, mean people were subjected to some light-hearted mischief. Te
mischief was meant to vex them enough to realize that it paid to be gener-
ous. According to informants in the Old Age Group, young people were
particularly good at playing mischief on stingy women. It was the habit
of young people to visit homes of neighbours and spend the evenings
together. Sometimes they visited several homes in one evening. Wherever
they visited they were usually given something to eat. At times they pur-
posely visited women whom they knew to be stingy in order to spoil their
food. Sometimes they timed the visit to coincide with the time when food
cooking on the hearth would be almost ready to serve. Te woman might
delay removing the pot from the hearth in the hope they would tire of
waiting and go. If they lingered too long she would eventually serve the
food. By this time the food would be overcooked and the young people
would refuse to eat it. Other times they simply said they had already eaten
and were not hungry. Ten they would go, leaving the woman annoyed.
On other occasions, according to the informants in the Old and Middle
Age groups, the young people found opportunity to throw soot, snuf, or
the droppings of goats into the cooking pot of a stingy woman. When she
served the food it was found to be unft to eat. Tese experiences were not
only annoying but also embarrassing. Yet the woman could not complain
because she knew she had become an object of mischief due to her stingi-
ness.
49
Several informants in the Old and Middle Age groups quote the Gky
saying, Cia mka mkar iriagwo na mambura (Te stingy womans food
is only eaten during a ritual). According to the informants, a time comes
when even the stingy woman has to open her home and provide food.
Such occasions included the circumcision of her children. During the pre-
circumcision celebrations, when people went to her home in numbers,
her food was eaten extravagantly. Her granaries were raided and people
ensured they exhausted her stocks of foodstuf.
Fourth, the ungenerous were sometimes subjected to more serious mis-
chief such as thef and destruction of property. As mentioned above, people
stole from a mri. Tey took his things, not because they were destitute,
nor because they approved of stealing, but simply because they believed a
mri had no need for owning property since he did not practise generos-
ity. Neighbours were also not ready to protect the crops of a stingy woman.
An informant in the Young Age Group remembers a song he used to sing
with other children while herding animals:
120
Chapter 3
Mbri mgnda
Wa mka mkar
Maraga na ?
, Na mrme.
Goat in the pot
Of a stingy woman
Who eats with her?
Surely her husband.
50
Children were punished if they allowed animals to enter peoples gardens.
However, ungenerous women or men could expect the destruction of their
crops by animals.
Due to the seriousness of some of the mischief the people might play on
the ungenerous person, rich men were particularly careful not to annoy
the poor through meanness. Since murder was punished by compensation
with goats, a poor man had really nothing to lose if he should kill. Accord-
ing to an informant in the Old Age Group, a rich man feared that stinginess
on his part might provoke a poor man to anger. Te turn of events might
lead to the rich man being killed by a man who has nothing of his that can
be confscated (tar knd angioywo) and thus his killing would not be
compensated.
51
Fifh, direct punishment of the ofender discouraged lack of generosity.
Punishment was meted out by the ungenerous persons own family, by his
peer group or by warriors. According to the Old Age Group, the warriors,
whose responsibilities included keeping law and order, could beat up big
boys for their stinginess and other antisocial tendencies. Te warriors also
beat up stingy initiated girls when they went dancing, for giving us a bad
reputation. If a bride was discovered to be stingy and rude to her husband,
she was upbraided and beaten up by warriors who were her own relatives
because she caused them embarrassment. If an elder persistently failed
to invite warriors to obtain their portions of meat when he slaughtered
bulls, they punished him by imposing a fne of a ram or a bull (ngoima)
as they thought ft. Tey also fned an elder who put a spell on his plot of
sugarcane, thus forbidding people to use it. A stingy elder might also be
ordered by his age mates to slaughter an animal (ngoima) for them because
he had denied age mates something. According to an informant in this
group, people watched and disciplined each other over lack of generosity
and other antisocial tendencies.
121
Cenerosi ty (u
~
taana)
Tese were the common measures taken to enforce generosity. An infor-
mant in the Old Age Group observed that for a small generous deed
a person was rewarded with much gratitude. For stinginess over such a
common thing like cooked food a person was subjected to much harm.
52
Generosity was therefore regarded as reasonable conduct.
Cenerosity in modern times
Generosity was highly valued in Gky society and for that reason severe
sanctions were employed to enforce it. What about the modern period?
How has it afected the Gky attitude to generosity and to its practice?
Te views of each of the three age groups were sounded on this question.
According to the Old Age Group, the two basic types of people, the gener-
ous and the stingy are still to be found in modern Gky society. Te
people who were formerly generous with food are today generous with
money to one extent or other. Today, the generous person is the person
who meets someone he has not seen for some time and tells him to enter an
eating place and have some tea. Another meets someone, and on realizing
that his acquaintance has not got much money, gives him some bus fare, or
a little money to buy sugar. However, the Old Age Group is of the opinion
that there are more stingy people in the modern period than there were
traditionally. According to an informant in this group, when people talk of
generosity today, they should not use the traditional yardstick. Because, if
the traditional yardstick is used, then none is good.
53
Te fact that people have money and that there are public eating places
means that people can now show hospitality anywhere they meet. In former
times hospitality was centred in the home because that was where food and
goats, the means of showing generosity, were found.
Te informants in the Old Age Group, although they admit money to be a
great convenience, believe that it has caused problems with respect to the
practice of generosity. Many people think that dishing out money gener-
ously is extravagant. Terefore, people do not give money to those they do
not know. Formerly, a persons possessions came from the land he tilled.
He used the food for nourishment and as gifs. Today, a persons food as
well as what he gives away has to come from wages earned. Ofen, wages
hardly cover needs. For this reason people cannot aford to be liberal with
money. Tis state of afairs afects peoples generosity. Modern generosity
now depends to a large extent on ones degree of acquaintance (kmenyano).
Someone gives to someone else because they were in school together,
122
Chapter 3
because they were circumcised together, or because they are related to each
other. Te traditional idea of giving to anyone (o mnd) does not apply
today.
Some of the informants in the Old Age Group believe that some people
have become stingy because of contemptuousness (kira). People may look
at a poor, unkempt person and decide that he is not worth his gif. Accord-
ing to one informant in this group, this attitude of contempt for the poor
is a new development. Formerly, the rich were careful not to give the poor
any cause to retaliate by showing unreasonable contempt.
54
Te informants in the Old Age Group also believe that today people exer-
cise undue economy of food which, in efect, makes them stingy. In former
days, the attitude people held in connection with food was that cooked
food does not cost goats (irio hu itiumaga mbri). Cooked food was not
sold or bartered: it was cooked to be eaten. Today, people would rather
throw away cooked food which they cannot use than call a passer-by to
come and eat it. Te result is that some people sufer hunger while their
neighbours have food to spare.
According to an informant in the Old Age Group, modern Gky people
are characterized by individualism or the care of my own thing. People are
therefore not concerned about maintaining the bonds that made the idea
of giving meaningful. For instance, since clansmen are not involved in the
marriage ceremonies of children, the practice of itega becomes redundant.
Individualism has also rendered the idea of gratitude (ngaatho) meaning-
less. To the Old Age Group, many people seem to be self-sufcient in a way
not understood by traditional society. People do not seem to think that
they will ever need their neighbours. So they are steadily killing the idea of
mutual indebtedness in society.
Te Middle Age Group also has several things to say about the modern
period and generosity. First, this group agrees with the Old Age Group that
the introduction of the cash economy has made the expression of generos-
ity more instantaneous than was possible in the past. In former days one
had to visit someone at home to be ofered hospitality but today food can
be ofered to someone in any number of eating places. Second, this group
believes that although there are still generous people today, money has
on the whole afected peoples generosity negatively. People tend to count
money too much so that they are hesitant to give it away. For instance,
people are no longer willing to work for others unless they are paid. A
123
Cenerosi ty (u
~
taana)
woman would prefer to sell her maize and buy herself some sugar, rather
than to give the maize to a new mother. According to the informants, the
idea of itega is dying because people regard it more and more as debt (thiir)
and people want to be free of debts.
According to the Young Age Group, even today there are people who seem
to be born generous. Tese are individuals who give from a genuine desire
to help others. However, there are few such people. Today, many people
feel obliged to support only their wives, children and close relatives. Others
who would be willing to give money fnd that they do not have enough of it.
Te more people sell their assets for money, the less they are able to give.
Among the causes this group cites as decreasing generosity are infation,
overcrowding in the rural areas, growing individualism and the fact that
life is becoming too rushed, especially for the younger generations. Some
of the informants in the Young Age Group observed that education has
had an efect on peoples generosity. Many people assume that they will not
be welcome in the home of educated people. According to this group, rich
people also tend to keep the company of other rich people and in that way
forego the opportunity to show generosity to the less fortunate.
Conclusion
With respect to generosity as a moral value in traditional society, it can be
concluded that it was valued mainly because it promoted the well being of
the community and the welfare of the individuals in that community. Te
individual and the community needed each other. Te individual might
indeed have an impulse to help others in need. But he also had to consider
his personal security since society could be either a threat to or a guarantee
of that security. Terefore, those who were generous catered for their own
good as well as for the good of others. Te stingy were as much their own
enemies as they were the enemies of the community. In due course, the
generous person was rewarded for his generosity for the process of recip-
rocating kindness really had no end.
Society had no patience with fools, whether they were rich or poor. Wisdom
was more important than liberality for the fool will give and still be scorned
in spite of his giving. To give indiscriminately was tantamount to prodi-
gality. Although people did not decline gifs from the prodigal, they did
not approve of him for he ended up impoverished. Ideally, generosity was
supposed to be practised in such a way that it did not encourage people to
depend on the charity of their neighbours. People were encouraged to be
124
self-sufcient. To be stingy in giving was to lack a sense of justice. Not to
give at all was foolish; what society advocated was moderation in giving.
Wisdom in this sense was the ability to maintain a cordial relationship with
other people, whether one parted with ones substance or not.
Chapter 3
125
270?C4A #
JU5TICE (KI
~
HOOTO)

Views oI early writers
In its description of Gky justice, the literature by early European writers
generally focuses on lawsuits. However, the literature does show that there
was more to Gky ideas of justice than judicial procedure. It becomes
clear from a survey of the literature that justice was primarily concerned
with the maintenance of peace and goodwill in society.
Lambert discusses the traditional Gky principles of justice involved in
judicial procedure and suggests that the maintenance of peace depended
on the recognition of three principles.
1
Te frst principle was that the
settlement of disputes should be by deliberation rather than by the use of
force. Te second principle was that the correction of imbalance should be
by compensation rather than by retaliation. Te third principle was that
adjudication should be done impartially. Terefore, this was done by elders
because they were deemed to be beyond the practicalities and impetu-
osities of self-interested youth.
2
Tese principles are well illustrated by the
other authors who have described Gky judicial procedure.
Regarding settlement by deliberation, several writers observe that the
Gky loved debate, though to casual observers they seemed unnecessar-
ily long and tedious.
3
Lawsuits and other discussions of public importance
were usually held in an open space (khaaro) where, according to Cavic-
chi, ones voice may be heard, for freedom of speech is to the Kikuyu
perhaps the most essential of liberties.
4
When a case was taken to the
Council of Elders (kama), they were prepared to hear both sides of the suit
126
in detail. Te function of the kama was to arbitrate between the litigating
parties and for this to be possible, clear evidence was required.
5
Cagnolo
and Routledge have noted the remarkable order and calm that prevailed in
these deliberations. During the usually lengthy litigations only one person
was allowed to speak at any one time and according to Cagnolo, one man
afer another may be emphatic but not angry.
6
Anger and hot temper
were considered hindrances to justice.
Although the parties to litigation were allowed plenty of time to state their
case, there were safeguards against a delay in reaching a settlement. First,
in a case involving a plaintif and a defendant, the defendant was assumed
to be guilty and it was his task to prove his innocence. Each party would
have brought along his counsellor, relatives and friends. If the defendant
was guilty, his friends and relatives did not defend him. Teir role was in
fact to urge him to confess his guilt, bearing in mind that if he was innocent
he was at liberty to deny all the accusations. According to Lambert, the
mthamaki (counsel) chosen by a plaintif or a defendant warned his client
as follows: He will not twist the argument to suit his clients case if he
believed him in the wrong, but he will give him some assistance in meeting
the judgement debt if the judgement goes against him.
7
Routledge observes that there was a curious childlike impulse to confess
on the part of the guilty person.
8
Secondly, the facts of a case were common
knowledge in a community where people knew each other well and where
little went on undetected.
9
Tirdly, both plaintif and defendant went into a
lot of expense as they both paid equal court fees and continued to provide
meat feasts for the Council of Elders who heard the case so long as it lasted.
Only a fool would therefore want his case to take longer than was absolutely
necessary. Fourthly, if there was not enough evidence by which to judge a
case, the Council of Elders submitted the litigants to supernatural judge-
ment, that is, to trial by ordeal. Trial by ordeal was dreaded and if a person
was guilty he usually confessed before this trial would be resorted to.
Te second principle of justice, that correction of imbalance was by com-
pensation rather than retaliation, is also well illustrated by early European
writers. Te traditional Gky did not believe in retaliation, for as the
proverb says, Mwrhria n we mru (He who revenges himself is the bad
one)
10
In other words, the idea of justice was not to revenge wrongs but
rather to restore the equilibrium that a wrong or a crime had upset. In fact,
the Gky believed that retaliation only served to upset the equilibrium
further. Terefore, in a case where a man killed another and a member of
Chapter 4
127
the dead mans family killed the murderer, no compensation was payable.
Death should not be paid by another death but by compensation. Te
Gky say, Hiti ndiheeagwo keeri (A hyena should not be given (a meal)
twice).
11
When a wrong had been done, the customary procedure was for the
wronged party to seek compensation, not directly from the ofender but
through the Council of Elders.
12
In case of thef of property, compensa-
tion was heavy; this served to deter people from stealing. For instance,
the compensation for one stolen goat ranged between two and ten goats.
13
Compensation for murder was 100 goats if the deceased was a man and 30
goats in the case of a woman.
14
In order to avoid the expense of council dues, petty thefs were ofen settled
by mutual agreement in the presence of witnesses.
15
However, if mutual
agreement was not forthcoming the plaintif did not hesitate to take the
case to the Council of Elders in spite of the cost involved. Beecher com-
ments: Tere was a curious part in the Kikuyu makeup which makes a
man seek to get the smallest wrong redressed, no matter what the costs
are.
16
Regarding correction of imbalance, and the efcacy of compensation, the
literature highlights two things. First, as Lambert stresses, the administra-
tion of justice was based on equity rather than on a codifed law. Tere were
recognized principles to which every judgement must conform. But every
case was judged on its own merits.
17
Secondly, the ofender was helped to
pay compensation for his ofence by his own relatives or clansmen. He did
not feel the burden of payment as much as he felt the disapproval of his
kinsmen. Lambert observes that the acceptance of responsibility by the
kindred of the ofender did not reduce the efect of the fnes they paid. Te
reason behind this was that in general the wider the group which sufers
as a result of an ofence, the stronger the public opinion against a repetition
of it.
18
Leakey says that in traditional Gky society, thieving was to all intents
and purposes unknown. He explains that the absence of thieving was due
not so much to fear of punishment as to it being contrary to native law and
custom. Te person who went against this prohibition became an outcast
(njangiri). Such a person was ostracized by his age mates, being banned
from all social afairs and so he was made to feel that life for him was
not worth living. Moreover, his family disinherited and disowned him. If
Justi ce (k
~
hooto)
12B
Chapter 4
an ostracized, disinherited person was caught red-handed and killed, his
death did not count as death.
19
According to Routledge, a thief paid the
frst time he stole, was banished the second time he stole, and was killed if
he repeated the crime a third time.
20
He adds that the lynch law applied to
persistent thieves and murderers and was an expression of an aggrieved
populace.
21
Te third principle of justice given by Lambert was that adjudication was
done by the elders because they were able to be impartial enough to bring
about the desired peace and equilibrium. Tis principle was based on the
belief that the elder (mthuuri) had lef the hot-bloodedness of youth
behind and was able to discern, deliberate, and come to carefully con-
sidered conclusions.
22
Tis virtue (wisdom) qualifed elders to be leaders
and men of authority who were obeyed willingly.
23
Every individual was
supposed to cultivate a keen sense of justice. Not everybody excelled in
it but those who did became recognized as leaders (athamaki) from an
early age.
24
Lambert says, Te Kikuyu say a true mthamaki is ruled by
his head and not his heart; he looks before he leaps and he never loses his
temper.
25
According to Lambert, An elder could be impartial if his immortality
on earth has beenarranged satisfactorily, that is, he has several healthy,
prosperous descendants in the patrilineal line.
26
Besides the freedom of speech within the judicial system, already noted,
some of the early writers made references to the Gky respect for freedom
of choice. Both Routledge and Leakey refer to this, particularly in connec-
tion with marriage. According to Routledge, A girls betrothal is entirely
her own afair, and even when occasionally a girl child was bespoken by an
older man, she would not be obliged to marry him on coming to years of
discretion unless she so desired.
27
What is |ustice?
Te word khooto is derived from the root hoota which means to defeat or
to convince morally. It is used in everyday language, in a variety of con-
texts. However, in all contexts the word is used to appeal to peoples sense
of right and wrong, reasonableness or fairness. Khooto can be defned as
that which has the irresistible force of right. It means the reasonable order
of things.
28
Te best English equivalent of khooto is justice.
Informants described khooto in terms of three key words, namely ma
129
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(truth), hoota (defeat) and thingu (uprightness). Tese three words express
the principal ideas of Gky justice. Tere are other ideas related to justice
that are not covered by the key words and these are also discussed in this
chapter. Tese issues concern the traditional Gky ideas and practice on
reward and punishment, as well as the place of forgiveness and restoration
in the scheme of the Gky concept of justice. But frst it will be useful to
make some general statements on how the Gky have understood justice
traditionally.
Informants defned the word khooto as that which has such force of right
that nothing can upset it. Khooto is self-vindicating and indisputable.
In order to explain the morally convincing power of khooto, practically
every informant quoted the proverb: Khooto kiunaga ta mugeete (A con-
vincing answer breaks a bow set ready to shoot). Basically this proverb
means that justice prevails over the force of might. It also means that justice
overcomes all that is not just and right.
Another proverb, quoted by some informants says, Mingatwo na njgma
nacookaga no mingatwo na khooto ndacookaga (He who is driven away
by a club returns, but he who is driven away by justice does not return).
If there is a dispute between two men, about property, for instance, it can
only end when the claimant is convinced that the matter has been settled
justly. Until he is thus convinced, he and if necessary his children afer
him, will continue to press the claim. Yet another proverb says, Khooto
gtingatkaga (Justice resists all eforts to chase it away.) Tat is, justice is
not only unyielding, it also resists all eforts to conceal it. Tus justice is
conceived of as a living thing, able to heave out of any place and vindi-
cate itself against falsehood. Te idea that justice ultimately triumphs is
echoed by still another proverb, Ma ndkuuaga (Truth does not die). People
may employ various ways like falsehood or malice to cover up truth and
frustrate justice. So long as truth is concealed and justice is denied, the
matter drags on and on. But justice stands triumphant in every matter that
is eventually straightened out.
Te force of right as conceived of by the informants is afrmed by the
proverb Khooto gtingagararka (Justice cannot be disregarded). In Gky
idiom khooto is the weapon with which a person defeats a critic. Justice is
applicable to all aspects of life: there is no area of life, private or public,
which is not subject to the scrutiny of justice. Moreover, justice has numer-
ous ways of vindicating itself. For these reasons, justice must be respected if
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the afairs of the individual and of the community are to prosper. Justice is
present, for instance, in every peaceful home. It is the guiding principle of
every peacemaker who separates two disputing parties. It ensures goodwill,
peace and harmony in the community.
29
Several informants repeated that khooto does not have many words to
describe it. Khooto corresponds to truth, and truth is basically simple. A
person who has a sense of justice is a person who is trustworthy; he is an
upright person.
Tese general statements, as well as other information obtained from the
informants, indicate that the idea of khooto is best understood within the
context of some basic ideas held by traditional Gky society. Tese ideas
concern community life and the rights, privileges and responsibilities of
the individuals who constitute that community. Te ideas have also to do
with the forces believed to be at work in community life. However, besides
serving that purpose, they are themselves part of the context of khooto.
Te frst basic idea concerns the ideal community life. Tis is commu-
nity life that enjoys prosperity, harmony, goodwill and peace. Tis ideal
is ensured when members of a community have a sense of justice. People
demonstrate their sense of justice by subscribing to those attitudes and
modes of conduct that are supposed to be reasonable ways of achieving
prosperity, social harmony, goodwill and peace. One aspect of this is that
every man should endeavour to be as self-sufcient as possible. An infor-
mant in this group has expressed this as, Khooto is that a man should have
his own cow, plot of land and wife.
30
Tat this idea of personal ownership
and self-sufciency was very strong in traditional society is evidenced by the
elaborate system of identifcation for individuals, as well as for property.
Te second idea held traditionally by the Gky was that every individual
has a right to enjoy the fruits of his labour. He has a right to own what he
has acquired for himself. Terefore he is obliged to recognise not only what
belongs to him but also what belongs to other people. Tis means that he
must safeguard what belongs to him and must not interfere with that which
is not his. A man safeguarded his property by ensuring that what belonged
to him bore some evidence of identity or ownership. Where domestic
animals were concerned, an owner was obliged to take note of both the
physical appearance of his animals as well as the circumstances under
which he obtained them. Since people were constantly placing animals
under custody of friends and relatives, it was important that people care-
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fully distinguished animals belonging to them and those that were merely
under their guardianship.
Traditional Gky society respected the idea of exclusive ownership. Tus
a married woman belonged to a particular man by virtue of his having given
the gif (thuugo) of a virgin ewe and a virgin he-goat (mat na harika)
to her parents. Te husband publicly proclaimed his ownership of her by
the sacrifcial feast of a ram (ngoima) given to her clansmen. Tese steps
safeguarded the woman from the claim of other men.
31
Where land was
concerned, the individual cultivator of a piece of land might only hold it as
a trustee of the family land. Nevertheless, as long as the land was under his
name it belonged to him and nobody else could claim it. Domestic animals
were owned exclusively by those who had acquired them.
Te idea of exclusive ownership was counter-balanced by the idea of gen-
erosity. People were constantly giving and receiving certain things. Indeed,
some things were owned precisely so that the owner might be able to use
them as gifs. Such included an elders honey or a womans measure of
castor oil. So long as they were not given out they belonged to the owner.
Nevertheless, those who expected to receive these gifs had no right to take
them before they were actually given to them by the owner. In the event of
the birth of a baby, tradition allowed that tokens of certain food crops, such
as bananas and sugarcane, should be harvested from the gardens of neigh-
bours. However, the owner had a right to know what had happened and
the peelings were not thrown away for a specifed number of days. If he fol-
lowed the trail to the home where the foodstufs were taken he would fnd
the peelings heaped in a certain spot in the hut and would know at once
that his foodstufs had been taken according to the accepted custom.
32
According to informants in the Old Age Group, the most signifcant evi-
dence of the traditional respect for personal ownership rights was the fact
that stealing was a crime that was heavily punished. Punishment for thef
was always deterrent and a habitual thief was eventually eliminated from
society. Te thief received no sympathy from other people for essentially
he had no sense of justice. He deprived other people of property to which
they were morally entitled. Te majority of the people acquired property
through hard work and scrupulous management. One traditional song
summarizes the issues associated with stealing like this:
Mngigua kabu
Ruteere rwa mgnda
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Mtigetke
N nyina wa kgta, Hy-h- i
raarrwo mringa
If you hear a cry of alarm
At the border of the garden
Do not respond
It is the mother of the slothful (son)
Who is having her bangles removed.
33
Tis means that a woman caught collecting food crops from a neighbours
garden had no alternative but to pay dearly for them: her ornaments were
forcibly removed. Tere may have been a state of famine or her own garden
might have lacked the particular crop she was caught stealing, but no excuse
could override two considerations. First, she had no right to take food from
other peoples gardens. Secondly, her sons had no right to be idlers and thus
drive their mother to the shameful state of being a thief. Tef had to be
punished and idleness must be condemned.
Another example of the serious view that the Gky took of thef con-
cerns the stealing of domestic animals. If a man stole an animal in order
to eat it, it was described as nyam (an animal, simply not specifying the
kind of animal). If it was slaughtered and eaten, anybody who participated
in whatever way in the feast was fned ten goats. Tis was regardless of
whether he was aware or not that the animal was stolen. Nor did it matter
whether he had eaten to his full or had merely smeared himself with some
of the animals fat.
Tere have always been people in society whose conduct undermines
justice as is indicated by the examples of thieves and idlers. Some of those
people commit serious crimes (ngero) such as murder, arson, and witchcraf
(rogi). Other malefactors and people of ill commit crimes like perjury or
damage to other peoples domestic animals or other property. Tere are
people who are selfsh and mean. In one way or another, these and other
mischief workers (imaramari) disturb the peace, the harmony, the prosper-
ity and goodwill that ought to prevail in society.
Traditional Gky society was constantly appealing to such people to
respect khooto (the reasonable order of things). Society did this through
various sanctions. Depending on the type of ofence, these sanctions ranged
from admonition, ridicule of ofenders, compensation paid in property,
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Justi ce (k
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banning or ostracising of ofenders to killing of habitual criminals. Tere
were also positive sanctions that further encouraged people to respect
justice. Such positive sanctions included appreciation and gratitude shown
to those who behaved justly. Tese sanctions are described in greater detail
in a later section of this chapter.
Justice described in terms cf truth (ma)
Truth (ma) is one of the key words mentioned by every informant in con-
nection with justice. Te three age groups have similar ideas regarding
truth. To the old people, ma means both proof and truthfulness. To the
middle aged and the young people ma means factual evidence as well as
truthfulness. All the informants conceive of truth as the opposite of all
forms of falsehood, including lies, hypocrisy and deception.
According to informants in the Old Age Group, the word ma comes into
use when there is doubt or dispute, that is, when an action or a statement
actually is called into question. In that case, proof depends very much on
evidence (ira). Te need for evidence is called for every time diferent
parties have a dispute. To give an example, an elder calls some initiated
young men and asks them to cultivate his sugarcane plot, promising to
give them oil for their bodies when the job is completed. So the young men
complete the job. Tey go to the elders home and he gives them a piece of
raw rams fat, telling them to fry it in order to extract oil. Te fat is put into
the pot and placed on the hearth. While it is cooking the exhausted young
men fnd some shade outside and lie down to rest. However, in this home
there are some naughty boys. Tey help themselves to the entire contents of
the pot. Consequently, a disagreement arises between the young men and
the elder. Tey want the promised oil but he is unwilling to produce any
more. It becomes necessary to call other elders to arbitrate. Te arbitrators
listen to the evidence on both sides and examine the exhibits before them.
Te sugar-cane plot has been cultivated. Te pot supposedly containing
oil is empty. Te young men have not smeared any oil on themselves. Te
arbitrators will announce to the contending parties, We have seen khooto;
the elder will have to give the young men some oil.
34
Regarding respect for personal ownership, by far the most important evi-
dence had to do with proof of ownership. In order to avoid disputes over
ownership of domestic animals and land the traditional society observed
identifcation marks on animals and boundary marks on land.
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Each clan had distinguishing marks for their cattle, sheep and goats. One
of those marks entailed cutting out patterns on the ears of stock animals.
Each clan adopted a diferent pattern. Te action was known as kgrima
and the pattern thus made was known as grima. Marking also entailed
cutting away part of the tails of young sheep. Tis job was done by men in
the evening round a bonfre at the gateway (boin). Although these were
routine evening jobs, a lot more was happening here to further the course
of justice. Te younger male members of the household were taught to rec-
ognize the subtle marks and characteristics that distinguished the animals
belonging to the family. It was important to recognize animals belonging
to every household, even though they bore the distinguishing marks of the
clan. Here too, in the course of discussion and conversation the young men
were counselled by their elders to respect each boundary mark (gtoka ka
mhaka). Te clan forefathers would have planted these boundary marks.
No individual had the right to shif a boundary mark arbitrarily. Bound-
ary marks could only be moved afer careful deliberation and unanimous
agreement of the parties concerned. It was here too that the young men
were taught that the girls with whom they danced and practised nguko
35
did not belong to them. Each of those girls was to be respected as belonging
to someone else (n wene). A girl belonged to her father until by virtue of
marriage she belonged to her husband. An unmarried man did not own
a wife. In other words, he did not beget children. Children were the evi-
dence or the proof of marriage. Teir rightful place was therefore within
the married state of their parents.
Tis brings us to another kind of evidence, that is, proof of marriage. Te
traditional Gky society regarded it as of great importance that a woman
should be married strictly according to established custom. Tis was
because customary marriage included features that aimed at guaranteeing
its permanence by protecting both the man and the woman. Te features
of customary marriage that were considered to constitute and symbolize
khooto included thuugo, rraacio and ngurario.
36
Tuugo has been defned as a gif given in courting a girl. Tis gif consisted
of a virgin ewe and a virgin he-goat (mwat na harika). Te prospective
husband took these animals to the hut of the girls mother on a particular
evening. Tis gif was a testimony that a certain man intended to marry a
girl in that house. Together with thuugo the man took along a fattened ram
referred to as ngoima. Tis ram would be slaughtered at a future day during
the ceremony known as ngurario.
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Justi ce (k
~
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Tese three animals were never delivered by the suitor alone. He always
asked and got the help of at least one special friend (wakri). In this way
he did not only get the practical and moral support of a friend, or friends,
but also of a witness or witnesses. Should the question ever arise in future
as to whether he had actually married the girl the man could show that he
had given thuugo, using the men who had delivered the gif with him as
witnesses.
Rraacio consisted of the animals taken to the girls home as bride-wealth.
Again a man did not take them alone: friends accompanied him. Tey
helped him to deliver the animals and they were also witnesses that all
things pertaining to the marriage of the girl were done in order. If at a future
date the mans wife should desert him he had the right to demand from her
father the entire rraacio and possibly its natural increase as well.
Ngurario was the ceremony that fnally ratifed the marriage contract.
When the fattened ram (ngoima) was slaughtered for the girls clan, it was
a public declaration by her parents that their daughter was married to a
particular man. Te marriage was therefore sealed in the presence of many
witnesses. Henceforth, the two clans represented by the girl and her suitor
regarded each other as relations-in-law.
Tese three features of marriage went a long way to safeguard against the
break-up of marriage. It was not khooto for a woman thus married to
desert her husband. If she had grievances against him, the in-laws on both
sides would do their very best to solve the problems. Similarly, a man could
not easily throw away his wife.
Te Gky did everything possible to settle matters concerning justice
once for all. In their idiom gkindra khooto meant to leave no loop-holes
in a settlement. If, for instance, a marriage should end in divorce in spite of
all eforts, the rraacio was returned. In order to conclude the matter, the
womans father or brothers gave the man an extra ram. Tis was referred
to as ndrme ya gtharia nymba (the ram for demolishing the womans
hut). It was evidence that the womans family owed nothing more to her
former husband as far as this particular marriage was concerned.
37
Tese illustrations show the importance traditional society attached to
evidence (ira). A matter that could be proved through clear evidence
could not be contradicted. Rather, it became that which has force of right
(khooto).
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However, evidence alone was not enough to reveal the truth in every
instance. Knowledge was also important. Te individual who knew the facts
of a matter possessed the truth about it. If he could give testimony about
it without distorting the facts then he could be said to possess khooto.
Moreover, in the course of justice, it was an added advantage to be able
to discern the signifcance of what one knew. Te person who could give
interpretation to the knowledge he possessed was not only knowledgeable
but also wise. To give an illustration, it was not enough for a man to know
he had so many heads of animals in his herd. Besides being able to identify
them, he should know the facts concerning his acquisition of them. Tis
knowledge helped to guard him against any questions that might be raised
regarding his right to include them in his herd. Some of the animals may
rightfully belong to him to dispose of as he wished. However, others might
merely be under his care. If he should confuse them and dispose of the
wrong animal he would almost certainly get into dispute with the rightful
owner. Knowledge, which can be said to be wisdom, is also that which has
the force of right (khooto). A person who had knowledge as well as a sense
of equity assisted the community in minimizing disputes and in litigation
over property.
Te old people interviewed believe that trustworthiness was essential in
verifying the truth of a matter. It is possible to possess the facts of a matter
and to have clear evidence and yet to distort the facts to the extent that
truth cannot be arrived at. Te moral quality of trustworthiness is therefore
essential in enabling justice to triumph in a straightforward manner. Tis
quality was found in people who had maturity (gima).
Te middle-aged informants said that if a person had been arrested for
some alleged crime, he should not tell lies in order to be released. He must
not implicate other people in a bid to prove his innocence. When a person
speaks the truth he is punished or released according to his evidence
(khooto). If he is found guilty it is just either to punish him or to forgive
him. Conversely, justice is not done if a person is acquitted only to discover
later that he has told lies. Such a person may sometimes escape punishment
but he is the kind of person who becomes a habitual criminal.
Tis group also said that an adjudicator, magistrate or judge does justice
when he passes judgement according to the truth established. On his part
this demands the ability to dig up evidence (kwenjera ira).
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Justi ce (k
~
hooto)
According to the informants in the Young Age Group, truthfulness
becomes especially important in circumstances of dispute and litigation.
On such occasions, a person who respects justice will state the truth of
the matter in question to the best of his knowledge and regardless of the
consequences. If he does that he is said to krgamra khooto (stand frm
on justice). It is possible to have a clean case (ciira mtheru) if the litigat-
ing parties are straightforward and are genuinely interested in the solution
of the problem rather than in taking advantage of each other. A magistrate
who, in a lawsuit, is concerned to fnd out the truth of a matter upon which
to base his judgement was said to respect justice. Tis group believes that
nowadays bribes are given widely in order to infuence those in a position
to judge cases. Terefore, when a magistrate delivers a judgement that is
biased, people assume the party he favours has bribed such a magistrate.
Te young people interviewed believe that it is possible for a boundary to
shif slightly over the years. If the family responsible for the shif agrees to
correct the mistake without fuss, then they are seen to be truthful people.
Tere are families who refuse to restore the boundary to its original posi-
tion. Such people do not respect justice.
Justice described in terms cf defeat (hoota)
Hoota is another key word associated with justice. As stated earlier, hoota
means to defeat, to overcome, to convince or to convict. It implies the pres-
ence of at least two parties who are in a state of dispute or confict. When
an issue is resolved in favour of one party that party is said to have defeated
the other. Te common expressions khoota (to defeat) and khootwo (to
be defeated) are also used in a moral sense.
From the responses of the old people interviewed, it would seem that there
are two circumstances in which defeat is used in a moral sense. It is used,
frst, in an open dispute, when parties actually litigate and, secondly, when,
even though there is no open confict, there exists tension between two
parties.
Defeat in connection with open dispute
Disputes and litigations arise because some people are dishonest and
others are malicious. However, sometimes people simply misunderstand
each other with no one meaning any harm. Whatever the case, when dis-
putes arise, justice has to be done through a process of sifing evidence.
Tis process is referred to as gkinyra khooto (to pursue justice). Certain
moral qualities are essential in all parties concerned if justice is to be done.
13B
Chapter 4
Tese include wisdom or intelligence (g), honesty and patience. A good
knowledge of customary laws and traditions is also important.
Lack of wisdom could easily make a person lose a case to another. Wisdom
shows itself in the person who is able to debate or argue out a case (gciira),
as well as to listen intelligently (gthikrria).
Arguing out a case may involve only the two parties to a dispute. If both
parties are intelligent and honest they can solve the matter between them
without calling arbitrators. Tey would each give reasons until they either
reach a compromise or one is defeated. To be defeated in this way is to
realize that the other party has force of right against which there is no argu-
ment. Te one who concedes will himself be convinced that his opponent
is in the right. He will realize that it is futile for him to keep on arguing.
Hence the proverb, Mingatwo na khooto ndacookaga (He who is driven
away by justice does not return).
In litigation, especially before a Court of Elders, the arbitrators frst
concern is to discover the truth of the matter. Besides piecing together
the evidence put before them, they look for signals that might confrm the
honesty, or betray the dishonesty, of the contending parties. Te person
who gives coherent evidence is normally expected to have the force of right
(khooto). Tis is the person who can support his evidence with facts such
as dates and circumstances. He can call witnesses to support his evidence.
Moreover, he is composed because of the confdence that he is speaking the
truth. He does not stumble at questions thrown at him. Nor is he shaken by
questions and remarks meant to confuse him. On the other hand, a person
who seems ill at ease as he gives evidence is considered to lack the force
of right. Tis is the person whose heart and temples throb as he speaks.
He repeatedly stumbles over his evidence especially when he is required to
clarify points. Such a person is likely to lose the case not because he neces-
sarily lacks intelligence but because his conscience betrays him.
38
Te ability to argue out a case and to defeat depends not only on the
honesty of the contender but also on his ability to control his temper
during litigation. A litigant who loses his temper and displays impatience
towards his opponent by insulting him or using strong language is regarded
as obstructing justice. He gives people the impression that he regards
the Court of Elders as collaborators rather than arbitrators. It is as if he
is asking the court to restrain his opponent while he avenges himself. In
Gky idiom he is asking the court to Nyiitra njohe magr (Hold (the
139
Justi ce (k
~
hooto)
head) for me while I tie the legs). But justice does not know force of might
or insults. If such a person has the force of right and wins the case, he is
nevertheless admonished or fned a fee for his tendency to lose his temper
and disrupt the peace.
Te ability to listen intelligently is as important as the ability to debate. Tis
is especially true if the case is complicated and it is not easily discernible
which party has khooto. In open court, listening ability is presumed on the
part of those who are present as spokesmen for the parties concerned or as
arbitrators between the parties.
A good spokesman is able to follow and analyse every piece of evidence
produced. When his time comes to defend his party he gives his opponents
a tough time unless it is already clear to him that his client is defeated.
Such a debater is renowned for his alertness and expert listening. Tose
who listen in order to arbitrate between contending parties are interested
in arriving at a fair judgement. Teir main objective is to maintain peace
between contending parties by judging cases according to the principle
of equity. Since in traditional society the arbitrators succeeded in doing
justice to the contending parties and in maintaining peace between them,
they were regarded as peacemakers (ateithrani). Tey were also known as
those who have the ability to discern and choose (atwithania), debaters
(aciiri) and judges (athamaki a ciira).
It is worth pointing out that the court that arbitrated in disputes was con-
stituted by elders (athuuri). Age was one of the qualifcations for this ofce
but not every old man qualifed to be a court elder (mthuuri wa kama).
Some men attained old age without ever attaining the qualities that would
merit this ofce. Te title mthuuri means one who is able to choose and to
discern. It was the appropriate title given to those whose life in the commu-
nity testifed to their dignity and integrity. Signifcantly, the old informants
referred to old men who did not command respect in the diminutive: gath-
uuri (small old man).
Among elders or even among younger people a few individuals were
exceptionally intelligent and people recognized their ability to discuss and
debate. Such individuals were accorded leadership and people referred to
them as athamaki (sing. mthamaki). Whether a mthamaki was a spokes-
man for one of the contending parties or arbitrator among the elders who
listened to the case, his presence was important. It was not unusual for
people to insist that a particular person should be present because Ngania
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Chapter 4
atar ho ciira y ndngciirka (If so and so is not present, this case will be
troublesome).
From what the old people interviewed said, it would seem that anybody
who was accused of some ofence or crime remained suspect until he could
prove his innocence. Signifcantly, a suspect who argued out his case and
convinced his accusers that he was innocent was said to exonerate himself
(gwkra). He redeemed himself from open accusation and also from sus-
picion of guilt. In redeeming himself he defeated his accusers. In traditional
society, if a crime was committed and a suspect succeeded in redeeming
himself, someone else was placed under suspicion and charged with the
crime. Tis process could go on until the culprit was found. However, it
usually did not take long for the culprit to be discovered. In the close-knit
traditional society a criminal was fairly quickly discovered. Special friends
might protect a criminal for a time but sooner or later they abandoned him
because they were afraid of ruining their own reputation.
When a crime had been committed and the culprit was not known, it
became necessary to investigate the suspect. Traditionally, this was done
by spying on the person. Te suspect was investigated secretly until eventu-
ally he was directly charged. For instance, if a man suspected that it was a
particular person who had stolen his property, he made contact with one
of the suspects close friends. For instance, the investigator might brew
beer, invite the suspects friend and broach the subject at the time when
the guest was under the infuence of alcohol. He would be careful to give
the impression he was not too concerned about the matter. If the suspects
friend did not deny fatly but seemed to evade the issue, the investigator
could surmise the suspects guilt and openly accuse him.
Another method was a careful and a patient watch over a suspects move-
ments. In the recent past, if a man stole an animal he exchanged it for
money for it was foolish to keep a stolen animal. If a thef was committed
in a village the suspect would be expected to show evidence of possessing
more money than was usual for him. A friend of the suspect was appointed
to establish whether he had suddenly acquired a large sum of money. He
was likely to show this by lavish spending in the market place. If he was
found to have suddenly acquired a large sum of money he was openly
charged with stealing and selling the missing animal.
If a person was murdered, his best friend was investigated frst. His move-
ments prior to the death of the deceased were carefully reviewed. If the
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Justi ce (k
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suspect denied having been to a place where someone had seen him, then
there would be reason to accuse him of murder. In any case he was investi-
gated until he was proved to be guilty or innocent.
Tese investigations ofen led to an open dispute or a lawsuit before a Court
of Elders. In spite of prior investigation it might still be difcult to convict
a suspect. If the investigations did not seem to be producing clear evidence
one way or the other then the suspect was subjected to supernatural judge-
ment. Te litigation parties swore under oath. Te oath was believed to
have ill efects on the liar and his family.
Te oath was a strong weapon against false accusation and baseless suspi-
cion. An innocent suspect might ask his accusers, What thing can I do so
that you will know that I am not responsible? If it was suggested to him
that he should swear under oath, if he did not hesitate to do so and if the
period in which he was expected to die elapsed without ill efect on him,
the people agreed they had accused him falsely and would declare him
innocent.
As mentioned in the chapter on honesty, the elders or one of the disputing
parties could request the oath in order to shorten arguments. Te party
that requested the oath was usually the innocent party. However, some-
times an audacious culprit requested the oath in the hope that he might
escape its efects and dupe his accusers. If the elders suggested the oath but
the accused hesitated to swear, he was declared guilty and ordered to pay
compensation for the wrong he had done.
Since the efect of the oath was supposed to be serious, if the clansmen knew
that their man was guilty, they did not allow the ceremony to proceed. Tey
intervened and paid compensation on behalf of their man. In other words,
they declared conviction or defeat on behalf of their relative.
Te informants in the Old Age Group regard the method of open dispute
or lawsuit as one of the ways in which justice kept a constant check on the
things that caused disharmony in society.
Defeat in relation to a state of tension between people
Interviews with informants in the Old Age Group revealed that defeat as
defned above was also applied in situations of tension where it was deemed
wise to avoid open confict. Tis was especially true of family relationships.
Traditionally, the Gky recognized the value of indirect contention.
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Besides being an outlet for tension, it sought to appeal to a sense of fair
dealing (khooto) between people. How this was done is best demonstrated
by giving an example.
In traditional society a married woman was under the authority of her
husband. She was accountable to him if she neglected any of the duties
that daily fell on her as a mother and a wife. At the same time, she was
very much under the authority of the clanswomen by virtue of their being
her companions and workmates. If these women had a joint project they
demanded the presence of each of their members. A woman who isolated
herself on the excuse that she had too many jobs at home to attend to was
sooner or later ostracized. Tis is evidenced by one of the songs they used
to sing on their way to communal work or social gathering.
, mwaigua twakirimana
Mwaigua twarrngana
Mka r mci ti wit;
Mikie ciana mgongo
Mka r mci ti wit
When you see us converge
When you see us gather from all directions
The woman at home does not belong to us;
Throw babies on your back.
The woman at home does not belong to us.
39
Tis song was sung to summon the women from their homes. But it was
also meant for the husbands ears. Tey were telling the men that they
were united against any husband who was unduly authoritative and a hard
taskmaster. A man might naturally want to stop his wife from joining the
gathering. Her absence from home would be felt in one way or another.
Besides, the women gossiped. A man who ill-treated his wife had cause
to suspect that she would expose him. Indeed a woman whose husband
was unreasonable did not confront him directly. She waited for an occa-
sion like communal work to tell the others about his behaviour. Te very
knowledge that this would happen restrained many men from ill-treating
their wives.
40
A husband did not stop his wife from joining the women; if he did he
would make matters worse for himself. Rather, he noted what urgent job
she did not accomplish and made sure he punished her for her negligence.
143
Justi ce (k
~
hooto)
For instance, if she lef no frewood for use in her absence, she would fnd
on her return that the wooden bars she used to close the granary had been
used as fuel. Since the woman knew in advance the day fxed for the gather-
ing, she ensured that her husband had no cause to punish her. She made
sure that she lef cooked food for the family, fodder for the calves and the
stall-fed animals, frewood and water. Tese and any other accomplished
jobs were her justifcation (khooto) for going.
At the assembly of women the voice of the reasonable husband was also
heard. A woman who was aware she had been beaten for her arrogance
or disobedience told the others about it. If she did not, someone else who
knew her circumstances was sure to do so. Such a woman was advised that
usually a man did not rebuke or chastise his wife without a good reason.
Tey sang an appropriate song:
Ndreerirwo ndi kwaria -
Nanjaragria arme ngere ngere;
Mgambo wa iria ngruta k?
Njaragrie arme ngahooreria
I was told I dont know how to speak
I speak to men roughly;
Where shall I get a smooth voice?
To speak to men and pacify.
41
Similarly children were under the authority of their parents and traditional
etiquette forbade children from expressing anger and criticism towards
parents directly. During their dance, however, which parents went to watch,
the young people gave vent to their irritation. For instance, a boy who was
anticipating initiation into adulthood but whose father was dragging his
feet about making the necessary preparations could get very annoyed with
his father. During a dance he might sing something like this:
Kgotho n oorio
Ka oonaga k
Akaarrria kanua?
Let Kigotho be asked
When he sees honey
Does he open his mouth ready to swallow it?
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Chapter 4
Justice described in terms cf uprihtness (u
~
thingu)
To the question What is justice? my informants in the Old Age Group
made frequent reference to the word thingu (uprightness). Te old people
in fact tended to suggest that the words thingu, khooto and gima (matu-
rity) convey practically the same meaning as far as ethics is concerned.
Basically the old people were saying that the mature person is an upright
person and therefore possesses a keen sense of justice.
Te younger people interviewed did not mention the word thingu
during the discussions on justice. Tis is not altogether surprising. As was
explained earlier, the meaning of the word thingu has narrowed in the
course of time. However, the words which the younger people used are part
of the meaning of what old people call thingu. Te middle age informants
used the word gaacriru, which can be interpreted as probity. Te other
words used by this group were gima (maturity) and whokeku (reliability).
Te informants in the Young Age Group used the words wagrru (right-
ness) and iganania (equity).
Te moral state and conduct that the old people described as uprightness
have been repeatedly referred to in all the themes of this study. Before
describing the sense in which the traditional society conceived the just man
as upright, it will be helpful to recapitulate the way in which uprightness
has featured in the four other values described in the preceding sections.
Tis exercise should help to illuminate the kind of person who exemplifed
justice in traditional Gky society.
Under the theme of generosity the upright person was shown to be the
person whose conduct promotes peace and goodwill in the community.
His intrinsic qualities include inofensiveness (hooreri) and geniality
(kanua keega). He is regarded as wise, because with the quietness of his
character, he conducts his afairs well and causes no bitterness to anyone.
His generosity is recognised more because of his exemplary conduct than
because of his material gifs. He is not cunning like those who fatter other
people in order to extract things and favours from them.
Under the theme of courage the upright person is described as steadfast.
His wisdom is recognized in that he is forbearing and able to subdue his
anger when provoked. By the same token he is able to separate quarrelling
parties. He sufers neither from too much gentleness nor from aggressive-
ness. People fnd no occasion to embarrass him because he is not presump-
tuous. He therefore commands respect.
145
Justi ce (k
~
hooto)
Under the theme of temperance the upright person is recognised as the
person of resolution. His singleness of purpose enables him to be forbear-
ing and diligent.
With respect to the theme of honesty uprightness is shown to be the basic
deportment of the trustworthy person. Tis is the person whose conduct
demonstrates the principles of maturity (gima). Tese principles include
a sense of responsibility, diligence, generosity and courtesy. It was shown
that the main preoccupation of such a person is the desire to fulfl the just
expectations of other people and to grace his own name. Te nature of the
upright person is such that he cannot be accused of greed, covetousness,
extortion, hypocrisy or malice. Under this theme it is further stressed that
the process of bringing up children was one of inculcating the principles
of maturity. Tis was done through a combination of formal and infor-
mal methods. Te child was spontaneously encouraged to imitate adult
conduct as he carried out certain jobs and responsibilities entrusted to
him. At the same time, the practice of rites of passage impressed on the
growing child that there was a defnite direction towards which he was
developing. He was growing towards responsible adulthood characterized
by gima (maturity).
42
Ccntentment as an aspect cf justice
Within the context of justice, the informants in the Old Age Group empha-
sized that the upright person was basically the person who was concerned
to enjoy prosperity not only materially but also in the kind of mental health
he maintained. For this reason he cultivated an attitude of contentment and
serenity. Te traditional society believed that material possessions alone did
not guarantee a persons welfare or total well being. According to a Gky
proverb, Gthinga gkrte gtonga (Virtue is better than wealth). Tat is,
wealth does not make a person virtuous but virtue is essential for personal
welfare. Terefore, it is important that one should cultivate virtue.
Itotia mentions that those Gky ancestors who can be described as having
lef behind a fortune (atiga ir) nurtured themselves with foods that give
joy to the mind. From his description, it is clear that what constitutes food
for the mind was virtuous conduct. Itotia gives reasons for the proper
nurture of the mind:
People should guard mind and thoughts carefully. A person who has had
thoughts, whose heart daily has grief, sadness, stress and anxiety (cieha),
who is buried in disconsolation and solitude (gwthikra na ihooru)
146
Chapter 4
cannot have a prosperous body. He cannot achieve worthwhile jobs and
he meets early death. He might commit suicide or murder because his
heart is embittered against other people.
43
Contentment was valued as a state of mind which contributed much to the
cause of justice in society. Contentment was achieved when the individual
was able to reason with himself about his need for welfare. He took the atti-
tude that other people have a right to their fortune. Conversely, he had no
right to deprive anyone of his fortune. Tis was because he was persuaded
that whatever was dishonestly or unlawfully acquired does not prosper.
Secondly, he remembered that God (Ngai) was behind every good fortune.
Ngai is so called because he is the Great Giver. He apportions to each
person some fortune and whether that fortune prospers or not depends on
the initiative and the sustained efort of the person concerned.
Tis kind of attitude meant that the upright individual did not covet what
other people owned, nor did he feel malice towards those who had things
he did not have. At the same time, he appreciated his own fortune. Tat is,
he did not belittle whatever property he owned or whatever job he did for
his livelihood. Te people who learnt to value contentment and patient ini-
tiative were not discouraged when those who had amassed property sang
in praise of it. Tey used to sing:
Nginra no mwe
Mainra nyngi
Rng rmwe rciaraga nying

I will praise my single animal
When they praise their herds.
One gourd-plant produces many (gourds)
44
On the contrary, people who had a negative attitude regarding their for-
tunes brought trouble on themselves because they tended to be complacent
about improving their lot. According to the informants of the Old Age
Group, people who are discontented show their attitude of mind in various
ways. For instance, the covetous person is perpetually surveying what other
people possess and saying to himself tra! (I wish I could have that!).
He desires a share of what other people possess and forgets to appreciate
what he himself has. Te result of this attitude is that he sufers ill health.
45
Some covetous people end up in open confict with others. Teir desire to
possess other peoples property leads them to make false claims.
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Justi ce (k
~
hooto)
Te discontentment which brings about avarice also causes the person so
afected to behave maliciously. Malice is responsible for many injustices in
community life. Tese range from small mischief to serious crimes. Te
malicious are not necessarily interested in extortion. Rather, they like to
deprive others of the joy of ownership. A malicious person will therefore
cleverly discourage a prospective landowner from buying a piece of land.
Another will maliciously slash a neighbours cow for no apparent reason or
will encourage a wife to desert her husband. Still another will kill someone.
For instance, an old man interviewed told about a malicious woman who
had the habit of killing her co-wifes babies a few months afer they were
born. Te unsuspecting mother would leave the baby asleep in bed as she
went about her chores. Her co-wife would keep a watchful eye on her as
she went about her work. One day her opportunity arrived. She dashed into
the co-wifes house, took the sleeping baby between her knees, pressed her
knees (thus exerting pressure on the babys internal organs) and put the
baby back to bed. Ten she dashed out again. Te baby fell ill and eventually
died because the ailment could not be cured. Foul play was suspected each
time the baby died in such strange circumstances. Eventually the malicious
woman was caught red-handed by the husband. He pretended he was going
on a journey but stealthily returned and hid in the house where the baby
was sleeping. As was her habit, the woman came and put the baby between
her knees. Just as she was preparing to press, he asked her, What do you
want to do to the baby? She dropped the baby, jumped up and ran out.
Another example of malicious behaviour involved a recent accident in
another polygamous family well-known to an informant. One wife added
her excreta into the cooking pot of her co-wife and of course the food
was inedible. All the wives denied any knowledge of the mischief until
the husband threatened to invoke trial by ordeal. Te culprit confessed to
having done it. She could not give a good reason for the mischief. She was
the youngest wife and apparently nothing seemed to please her. Eventually
she committed suicide.
In the more recent past, when the Gky began to work for money, covet-
ous people exhibited another aspect of envy. When such a person sold an
item to someone else and the buyer had duly given him the money he had
asked for, he nevertheless refused to accept that the deal had been a fair
exchange. He would cast covetous eyes on the item he sold and in the end
destroyed it in order to deprive the new owner of the joy of possessing it.
Te following account by one of the informants throws light on several
traits of the discontented criminal.
14B
Chapter 4
I had a half-brother, a great scoundrel, a great thief. Once he had a court
case and he needed Ksh. 60.00 urgently. He went to another half-brother
of mine who lived there and told him, I would like you to find me Ksh.
60.00. I need the money. Then he came to me and told me his need and
how the case stood. I called my wife and told her to hand him Ksh. 60.00.
I told him, I have not given you that money for keeps. I have untied my
money for you and expect you to repay it. To that he replied, Give me a
boy to accompany me home. I gave him one of my sons. When they got
to his home he gave the boy a heifer and told him, Tell your father to
sell this heifer. Whatever its cost, tell him to take what is due to him and
give me the balance. I sold the heifer for Ksh. 120.00 to the half-brother
of the man he had approached before coming to me, but I did not know
what had gone on between them and he did not know the heifer was not
mine. I simply told him, I am selling a heifer as I need some money.
Can you buy it? He told me, I have some money which my wife gave me
after selling some potatoes, so I think I can buy it for her.
Meanwhile matters went well with the other half-brother. One day he
asked me to whom I had sold the heifer and I told him. He said, Did
he buy it and yet I have been to him and he told me he did not have
money? I replied, It was not he who bought it but his wife who pro-
duced her own money after selling her potatoes. That is well, he said
and went away. The next morning the other half-brother called urgently.
The heifers stomach was very inflated. While we were trying to examine
what the matter was it took a few steps back, collapsed and died. We said
that was just a calamity and left the matter there. That scoundrel lived
on. Eventually he came to me and told me, I said he should not possess
it. He had no money for me yet he goes and buys my heifer so that he can
exhibit it to me. What did you do to it? I asked. I went at night and
gave it poison. Both these men are dead and I have never told this story
to anyone. I have never talked about it because it is like recalling a mali-
cious spell that could bounce back on me. Yet as far as I am concerned we
only had a deal over the cow and I had no other motive. As time went on
that man had no proper house. He built a hut in the spot where that blue
gum tree stands but the hut had no thatching. He used to spend nights
in the bush, under thickets. He was very unsettled. Then he sold his land
and squandered the money. Since he had nowhere to lodge, he formed
the habit of lodging in homes. I had cleared my land of bushes and trees
and demolished my thingira (mans hut) because of him. He would come
at night and let himself in there to sleep. I was afraid he might do some
crime because he was a thorobeya (person who surveys a place with the
149
Justi ce (k
~
hooto)
purpose of committing a crime). I was afraid one night he might enter
my thingira when he was followed because of some crime he had commit-
ted. That way he would land me into unpleasant experiences not of my
doing. So I told him, This land here was bequeathed to Kabiru and me.
The land bequeathed to you was the same size as mine but yours is now
in your stomach. You came to share mine but I refuse. I do not chase you
away: the country is a great expanse. Do you see that malice has many
sides?
According to the old people interviewed, malicious deeds were done in
secret, an indication that they were unjustifed. However, people believed
that God did not allow injustice to go unpunished. A malicious person
ofen met with misfortune. In whatever way he tried to rationalize his
troubles, the truth was that he was sufering because of harbouring malice.
Generally the eventual end of such malefactors was public vengeance as the
following story illustrates.
During the big famine of 1889 known by the Gky as Ngaragu ya
Rraya a young man called Wacogo left his home in Kabete (Kiambu)
and travelled north to Metumi (Muranga) in search of refuge. He
attached himself to a wealthy man called Cege as a voluntary servant
(ndungata). He was diligent and good-natured and he endeared himself
to Ceges large family (Cege had three wives) and to the whole neigh-
bourhood. Wacogo was also an expert in piercing ears and many children
went to him to have their ears pierced. One of Ceges daughters, a small
child of about five, formed the habit of saying, I belong to Wacogo.
When the girl became older she often said that when her time came she
would marry Wacogo. Cege became envious and afraid of Wacogo. He
thought Wacogo would one day turn around and ask for payment for his
services. He decided to kill him and cast a spell on him. In the meantime,
people had begun to suspect Cege in connection with several deaths in
the neighbourhood. As Wacogo was dying from witchcraft, Ceges elder
brother went to Cege and admonished him for killing Wacogo and yet
he had been such a faithful servant to him. Cege removed the spell from
Wacogo and cast it on his brother for rebuking him. Ceges brother who
had not been ill was suddenly dying and was taken to the bush. Since
this was a clear case of death through bewitching, the elders of the
neighbourhood agreed to keep vigil at night in order to discover who
the witch was. The culprit would certainly approach the body under the
cover of night. The elders concealed themselves in pairs of two around
the body. Eventually, in the dead of the night Cege came along stealthily
150
Chapter 4
and paused twice as he approached the body because of mwoyo (soul).
Then he touched the body twice with a mthaakwa leaf (soft leaf of a
woody shrub). First he touched the feet and then the head and ordered
his brother to sit up. Curse your people, his brother told him, Why
should I curse them? What have they done to me?
You are not going to curse them?
No
Sleep then.
He touched him again on the feet and the head with the mthaakwa leaf
and he fell back dead. Cege crept back home and slept.
Early the following morning the elders went to Ceges home and called
him. They ordered him to produce the poison he had been using. He
produced it and he named several other victims he had killed through
witchcraft. His son was made to carry the poison to a certain place and
Cege was executed by burning. The poison was burnt with him.
Te above account was given by one of the oldest informants. She was a
little girl during the famine mentioned; the people involved were known
to her.
According to the old informants, the people who sufered discontentment,
jealousy, covetousness and other such vices were an easy target for decep-
tion and exploitation. Tey were vulnerable and were ofen victims of soci-
etys greedy cheats. Te latter were interested in what they could obtain
to eat. Tey ofered to help for some fee or reward those who wished to
destroy the objects of their frustrations. Such a cheat could simply wrap
up soot and deceive the purchaser that it was a very efective poison when
administered according to prescription. Of course, when the prescription
did not work the cheats victim might be steeped into even more expensive
ways of solving his problem.
To avoid the inevitable end of the covetous and the malicious, the upright
sought to cultivate contentment. Tis attitude ensured them peace of mind
as well as peace with other people.
Te upright person was also careful to be truthful. Apart from being gener-
ally honest in his dealing with other people, the upright person was par-
ticularly careful to avoid lying to close relatives and friends. To them a lie
constituted an exaggeration or a twist of fact aimed at giving a particular
impression to the hearer. According to an informant, Maheeni matir hni
(Lies have no wealth). In other words, certain exaggerations or distortion
151
Justi ce (k
~
hooto)
of facts do not contribute to the future welfare of the liar. For instance, a
man who exaggerated the extent of his property to his wife was likely to
lose her respect when years passed and the property was not in evidence.
Human feelings could cause a man to favour another woman more than his
own mother or wife. According to the Old Age Group the reasonable order
of things (khooto) is that a man should consider his frst duty to be to his
mother or to his wife (if he was married). Men who neglected this duty, and
expended themselves working for other women, were castigated by other
men in songs like the following:
Ni ndikarmra, h y h h,
Mka tar mait
Ngwac ra nene, h y h h,
N ya mbc wa mwene
I will not cultivate, h y h h,
For a woman not my mother.
The big sweet potato, h y h h,
Is for ones son.
Ni ndikarmra, h y h h,
Mka tar wakwa
Ndma ra nene, h y h h,
N ya muumi na rr
I will not cultivate, h y h h,
For a woman not my own .
The big arrowroot, h y h h,
Is for him who emerges from the (marriage) bed.
46
In the light of Gky traditional beliefs about home and the duty of every
individual, justice required that the demands of a mans family would come
frst.
According to the old people interviewed, it is evident that uprightness
is a component of justice. Upright people in traditional society were just
because they cultivated attitudes of contentment; they were truthful and
they were fair. Teir attitude and conduct ensured that they promoted
peace and goodwill in the community and especially in their homes.
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Chapter 4
Peward and punishment
People in traditional Gky society believed that retribution was an inte-
gral part of justice. Good was rewarded and in that way was promoted. Evil
was punished and therefore discouraged. From what the informants say,
good (wega) means everything that promotes peace, goodwill, harmony
and well being in the society. Evil (ru) means all that harms or disrupts
the peace and goodwill that should exist in society. Justice functions to
ensure social harmony and the welfare of each individual in society. For
this reason, evil deeds must somehow be redressed so that social harmony
and the personal welfare of individuals can prevail. Te informants in the
Old Age Group believed quite strongly that justice did not fail to do its
work. Retribution was constantly carried out through both human and
super-human agencies.
Although reward and punishment are closely connected, they will be
described separately.
Reward
Te informants in the Old Age Group defned reward as the return of moral
rectitude. Te morally upright individual was the source of his own reward,
for the kind of life he led generated its own benefts. For example, coura-
geous people (those who were diligent in seeking their wherewithal) could
rightly expect the rewards of cow, wife and land and the personal welfare
these rewards provided. Tose who lacked courage (the cowardly and the
lazy) were denied these rewards. However, they had mostly themselves to
blame. A song to encourage people to be brave and diligent says this:
Mwanake r guoya
Na ithe n ar guoya
H h
Mekria iria tkaarnyua k?
A cowardly young man
And a cowardly father
They ask, where shall we ever drink milk?
47
So the virtuous life is the source of its own reward.
Reward also comes to the morally upright from outside. In this connection,
the old people distinguished two agencies of reward, the human and the
superhuman.
153
Justi ce (k
~
hooto)
Reward through human agency
Reward through human agency comes to the deserving individual in the
form of gratitude (ngaatho). People showed gratitude to others for two
main reasons. First, gratitude was shown in appreciation of a good deed
that someone had done but even more for the kind of character one exhib-
ited. Secondly, gratitude was shown to a person in anticipation of the fact
that the same character would continue to be exhibited. Tis second reason
made reward a kind of inducement for good conduct. As an old woman
put it, reward is a debt felt in the heart to return good to someone who
has performed a good deed. Essentially, the good that was returned to
such a person was not only gratitude but also respect (gto).
48
Gratitude
and respect were expressed in a number of ways. One way in which people
expressed their gratitude and respect to the deserving was the readiness
with which they accorded him or her hospitality. People would readily
open their homes to a person who exemplifed justice, such as a man who
was trustworthy and straightforward and was mature in his conduct.
Generally, anybody seen to do justice (gwka khooto) was rewarded
through verbal gratitude and appreciation. Such a person might expose a
malefactor who intended to do harm to another person. In exposing the
malefactor, he arrested the evil that might have been done.
Te most common way of expressing gratitude and respect was to give
tokens of appreciation. Today a person would be given a bought article,
some foodstuf or some money. Sometimes domestic animals were given.
In traditional Gky society, at times a deep friendship developed as a
result of the mutual trust, respect and dependence existing between two
elders. Tis was a relationship based on justice. In due course one elder
would give the other a goat of companionship (mbri ya wathiomo). Tis
was a token of appreciation.
Traditionally, an upright girl was rewarded by her father when she attained
the age of marriage. He provided her with coiled wire ornaments (mrnga)
and copper wire ornaments (icango) to adorn her neck, arms and legs.
Tese were tokens of appreciation for the conduct that had won her respect
and graced her name. Besides adornment, the father was interested in pro-
viding his daughter with some security for her future family. In case of
famine she could remove some of the ornaments and exchange them for
food. Terefore, her fathers reward to her was some kind of investment.
49
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Chapter 4
Reward through superhuman agency
Concerning reward through superhuman agency, the commonest idea held
by the Old Age Group was that long life is Gods reward for a virtuous
life. Without exception, the informants in the Old Age Group afrmed that
part of the fortune which God bestows on the virtuous man and woman is
long life. When a bad person died early in life that was taken as deserved
punishment. When a good person died untimely, people said that it was
fate (ndir) for afer all, Gods ways are difcult to discern.
50
As a general rule, therefore, the upright are blessed with long life. In life
they are supernaturally protected from many an accident or event which
claimed the lives of their contemporaries. A proverb was quoted in this
connection. It says, Gath kiega no ka Ngai. (Te only good appointment
is that which is determined by God).
51
Tis proverb summarizes Gky
belief in the natural and in the supernatural reward of a virtuous life. Blessed
is he who meets death leaning upon his staf. Te words of an informant
[Meshak Mrage] can be appropriately quoted:
A good man has nine legs. He has crawled on four, walked on two and
spent his ripe old age on three, the third being the staff upon which he
supports his weakened limbs. Hoary hair and the staff are the terminal
reward of the man and woman who has produced children, and who is
variously called mtugi (the hospitable one), mwendwo n ir (the one
favoured by property), muuma and (the generous one) and mthingu
(the upright one). So they are the rewards of a mthamaki (ruler/king).
52
To the traditional Gky, Gods ways may sometimes be difcult to discern.
But God is regarded as just to the extent that he does not embarrass him
who makes an efort to lead a life of moral rectitude.
Signifcantly, the Gky regarded the staf not merely as a handy tool for
physical support and for purposes of grazing: it was also regarded as a
symbol of virtue. Whether the individual actually realized it or not, the staf
was handled in anticipation of the fact that eventually the person would
use it for support in old age. A small child was given a small wand (gath-
anju) to hold when taking animals out to graze. Girls and relatively young
married women did not normally hold sticks when walking unless they
were grazing animals. But a girl must hold a wand (rthanju) when on a
mission to invite her relatives to the initiation ceremony which marked her
entry into adulthood. A bride was presented with a special staf referred to
as mithiya as soon as she entered her new home as a married woman. She
155
Justi ce (k
~
hooto)
held this staf when she made the ceremonial visit to her mother (gcokia
makinya) soon afer marriage. Te staf became one of her precious posses-
sions; she would lean upon it for support in her old age.
53
Symbolically then, the individual accustomed him- or herself to handling
the staf. On a deeper and moral level he or she was meant to cultivate the
character that would make it possible to lean upon it eventually. Te Gky
believed that virtue could not be acquired in latter years if it was to be
genuine and enduring. Hence the proverb, Njgma njega yumaga ikrro
(A good club is got from the source). Terefore, a child was encouraged to
cultivate uprightness (thingu) as he grew up.
54
Leading a virtuous life was not seen as being necessarily easy or lucra-
tive. Nevertheless, Gods reward of the blessings which were believed to
accompany a fulflled life made it worthwhile to strive for virtue. Hence the
proverb, Njra ndaya kinyia (Te long but sure way takes someone to his
destination).
Te grasp the informants in the Young Age Group have of reward through
supernatural agency is not as well stated, though it is close to the Old
Age Groups understanding. Several informants say that when old people
bless young people and pronounce words to the efect May you live long
(rotra) such blessings are not in vain. People who are thus blessed are
usually those who exhibit conduct the old people approve of. Te other
idea of this group is that an upright person enjoys peace. A person who has
wronged nobody and who does his best to lead an upright life can rightly
expect that God approves of him. Tis is partly why he feels at peace.
Punishment
Tis section on punishment as an integral part of justice is dominated by
the ideas of the Old Age Group since the younger generations are not very
conversant with this tradition. Te Middle and Young Age groups are not
able to explain why punishment is part of the reasonable order of things
(khooto) as well as the Old Age Group.
Te Old Age Group regards punishment in two main senses. First, the
wrongdoer deserves his punishment. Te person who is punished must
himself agree that his punishment is deserved since it is a consequence
of his wrongdoing. In traditional society a man could not deny it because
he had been proved guilty, he became resigned and accepted punishment.
Before a notoriously mischievous person was given one of the prescribed
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punishments he was told that he had brought it upon himself. In this con-
nection the Gky have a saying, Kheragio whereetie (People mortify
him who mortifes himself).
Secondly, punishment served to encourage good and discourage evil. Tra-
ditional punishment, therefore, fell into two categories. Tere was reforma-
tive punishment and punishment aimed at purging society of notorious
criminals. Since punishment had a defnite purpose to serve, the traditional
Gky considered it a mistake to ignore any wrongdoing, however small.
Several informants in the Old Age Group repeated the saying that, Gtir
ru na karu (Tere is no such thing as a little wrong). To be overlooked,
an ofence would have to be considered very trivial indeed. Te reason is
that once an ofence has been overlooked, the course of justice is weakened
because an ofender could make a habit of ofences. However, an ofender
might be admonished instead of being punished. In fact, punishment ofen
followed repeated admonitions. Te ofender might even be forgiven. But
as will be demonstrated later, forgiveness was traditionally granted either
on condition or at some cost to the ofender.
According to the informants in the Old Age Group, it was difcult for
society to maintain absolute vigilance against ofenders. Much crime was
done in secret and so the wrongdoers escaped apprehension. Other crimes
and ofences were done under such subtle circumstances that it was dif-
fcult for people to discover and punish them. It was believed, however,
that the supernatural forces co-operated with society to bring about the
deserved punishment to ofenders. Misfortunes were generally believed
to be consequences of some ofence or other committed by the victim or
by some close relative. But even apart from this superhuman surveillance
against wrongdoing, God was believed to approve every just punishment
that people administered to their fellows.
In what follows, it will be noted that what was punished was not so much
the misdeed as the disregard by the ofender of some moral principle.
Accordingly, neglect of duty was punished. A husband could justifably beat
his wife for neglecting her duty to feed him. Apart from the fact that she
should have understood that to be part of her duties as a married woman,
it was unfair to expect other peoples wives to fulfl that duty. Extra-marital
afairs could easily develop if other women were to feed him.A wife could
also be punished by her husband for taking snuf. Te problem was not
so much the actual snifng of tobacco but the common habit of going to
157
Justi ce (k
~
hooto)
beg for a little tobacco while the food is cooking. Tobacco was regarded
as the start of gossip (krutia ka horo/njuuk).
55
People did not beg
tobacco simply because they were short of it. Te habit was ofen an excuse
to engage in gossip or in extra-marital afairs. A mother might leave her
young children round the hearth in the evening, with a pot cooking and
a fre burning. In her absence accidents could happen. More ofen than
not she overstayed her visit and things went wrong at home. For the same
reason that a man should not beg food, a woman should not beg tobacco.
A child who took goats out to graze and allowed them to feed on peoples
crops was whipped by his father and also by the owner of the crops. He
would probably have been sleeping or playing. But he needed to learn to
respect other peoples property and not to destroy it, either through negli-
gence or wantonly.
Disobedience was also punished. It was punished because of the implied
defance of authority vested in the parent, the husband, the clan or the
age group of the individual, as the case might be. Disobedience was also
punished because there was usually a good reason (khooto) in forbidding
certain things and in demanding compliance in others. As a rule, a son did
not start drinking beer until his father gave him permission to do so.
56
A
father who found his son drinking prior to obtaining permission stopped
drinking beer himself to express his anger. A fathers anger was enough
punishment to a son. If he wanted his father to drink again he would have
to placate him by giving him a he-goat or a ram. Tis was a token of repen-
tance. He would also promise to stop drinking. As a rule, a son would be
anxious to see his father drink again. Many family ceremonies involved
beer and if the father stopped drinking the ceremonies could not be held.
Irresponsible behaviour which resulted in pregnancy outside marriage was
also punished. Te man was ordered to pay compensation to the girls father.
Both partners to the misdeed sufered disrepute but the girl especially
was subjected to a good deal of humiliation as her value at marriage was
lowered. Te matter was considered especially serious if the two belonged
to clans which did not intermarry. Tey were seen as having defed family
authority on the matter. Punishment was exercised in a bid to discourage
birth of children outside legally constituted family circles. A childs proper
welfare in terms of rights and privileges was only guaranteed in a home
where both parents were legally married.
Assault was regarded as a crime and was punished. A person who assaulted
another, damaging any part of his body, was ordered to pay compensa-
15B
Chapter 4
tion to his victim. In punishing assault the society was trying to discourage
wanton aggressiveness. If a person had a grievance against another, the
right procedure was to seek redress or reconciliation through the arbitra-
tion of a third party.
Traditional society also punished ungenerous tendencies. Tese included
stinginess, selfshness and self-isolation. Tese tendencies were interpreted
as undermining the unity that should ideally exist between clansmen and
age-mates. If an elder, for instance, proved to be stingy and did not ofer
other elders proper hospitality on being visited, his age-mates punished
him. He was ordered to slaughter a ram (ngoima) or a bull (ndeegwa).
57
It was considered a more serious matter when an elder did not call clans-
men to share in the meat of the sacrifcial ram (ngoima) that sealed his
daughters marriage. Tis was like saying that he wished to conduct his
afairs alone. He was therefore ostracised. Invariably an ostracised indi-
vidual found he could not exist alone. Such an elder would soon plead
with his clansmen to re-establish association with him. Before they could
do so he was ordered to slaughter a bull and a sacrifcial ram (ndeegwa na
ndrme ya horio) for them.
If a young man was at variance with his father he could not expect his
father to marry him of without raising the issue with him. When his time
for marriage came, his father would order him to give him a he-goat and a
measure of honey. Tese were propitiatory gif (thnjo) to show the young
mans repentance and his wish for unity with his father. If he defed this
order his father would take no part in his marriage negotiations. In efect,
this meant he could not get married because the fathers part was vital. Te
young men of the warrior class also discouraged selfshness in their age
mates. During a meat feast, if any warrior hid a piece of meat in order to eat
it later privately, he was punished by the other warriors.
58
Among the crimes which the Old Age Group enumerated were those to
do with attempts by some people to deprive others of what was rightfully
theirs. Tese included thef, malicious destruction of property and murder.
In traditional society a thief was punished because he took without being
given. Punishment for thef was heavy. Among acts of destruction, arson
was a serious crime because when a hut had been burned down it took time
to replace the stock which had been destroyed. It was especially considered
unreasonable for a man to set a hut on fre simply because he had quar-
relled with his wife or son.
59
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Justi ce (k
~
hooto)
Murder was a serious crime because it deprived a person of his or her life
in an irreversible manner. To ambush a victim was especially condemned
because it gave him no chance to defend himself. Murder was also heavily
compensated. Some people killed by administering poison or by bewitch-
ing. Criminals who destroyed life in such a callous manner were themselves
purged from society; they were ritually killed. Of the crimes of murder, the
killing of family members was considered the most terrible. Killing a man,
his wife and his child was regarded as destruction of a seed (mbeu) or of a
species (kruka).
60
Habitual thieves, dealers in witchcraf and other malefactors were com-
pletely removed from society through public killing or through disowning
(gte/gikia na kano). Te quick death of a person formally outlawed was
caused by the combined efect of loneliness and the ill will focused on him
by society. High on the list of malefactors were those who were known to
sufer from covetousness (riitho rraya). Teir kind of envy (ritho) was
believed to bring baneful infuence (gtheetha) on their targets. Tese were
the people known to cause destruction of other peoples property. Tey
were also largely responsible for malicious disruption of happy marital
relationships. In peoples estimation, the covetous were worse than profes-
sional dealers in black magic (arogi). Sooner or later they were accused of
witchcraf and killed.
61
Regarding superhuman agency in punishment, the Gky believed that
just punishment had the approval of God. God was believed to be on the
side of justice and against evil. Terefore, God could be expected not only
to approve of punishments but also to aid in the fght against evil. His
involvement with the people was on a daily basis. If people were disobe-
dient his punishment came sooner or later, ofen sooner than later. Te
Gky did not believe in a future judgement or retribution. Rather, they
believed that people experienced the fruits of their conduct in their earthly
life. Te fruits of misconduct were particularly bitter because Gods punish-
ments were directed at life. Tey came in the form of a drought that caused
famine, human disease and pestilence, loss of livestock through disease, or
defeat in a battle against the Maasai. When these things happened people
interpreted them as Gods chastisements (mahra). Tis realization always
drove people to seek Gods forgiveness through sacrifces and prayers.
Tere were a number of points to indicate that God was believed to approve
just punishment. First, punishment was not to be administered as revenge.
It might be heavy and deterrent but it was not revenge. Tat is why murder,
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for instance, was compensated in terms of goats rather than in the death of
the killer. Te reasonable action was to avoid causing another death. Te
Gky said, Ttikhe hiti keer (We shall not give to the hyena twice).
62
Secondly, the council elders, who constituted a tribunal for the purpose of
administering justice, pledged under solemn oath that they would carry
out their duty with integrity. Te oath subjected them to supernatural pun-
ishment if they failed to do justice. Tirdly, in the instances of disputes
and crimes where there was no convicting evidence, the people resorted
to supernatural means of detection. Tey might administer the oath to the
disputing parties or to a suspect. If an ofence had been committed and
nobody had admitted guilt, the unnamed culprit was ritually cursed in the
belief that this curse would cause supernatural punishment and elicit his
confession. Te Gky believed that even if people should fail to punish
ofenders, God or supernatural powers would surely punish. Tus such
misfortunes as accidental or violent death, illness, and loss of livestock
from disease were ofen interpreted as supernatural means of punishment
for an ofence.
63
Untimely death was the most common way in which God was believed to
punish ofenders. Te kind of conduct that more or less guaranteed long life
has already been described. Tose who led immoral lives could be expected
to meet untimely and ofen violent death. For instance, malicious people
did their evil activities under cover. But, in the words of an informant, a
malicious secret deed begets the doer a bad death.
64
Some of the informants in the Old Age Group believe that many deaths
today are a result of injustices of which people are guilty. Other deaths are
occurring because people have become sceptical that their evil ways will
result in ill efect. According to these informants, people do not repent
and seek cleansing when they do evil and so they become defled. Teir
deflement has a baneful efect on them. To explain how this is the case,
an informant recalls that during the Mau Mau oathing ceremonies, when
many people took the oath, those people who had taken the oath went
home to their families and in this way defled their homes. Tis was con-
trary to tradition, for traditionally an oath was a serious matter and anyone
who took an oath was frst cleansed before mixing with his family.
65
Regarding the baneful efect of scepticism, informants in the Old Age Group
believe that people are increasingly disregarding the fact that evil deeds
have the potential to destroy society. People rationalize malpractices, such
as bribery, which are contrary to the reasonable order of things (khooto).
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Justi ce (k
~
hooto)
Supernatural punishment is also visited upon people because they have
neglected the death-bed pronouncements (kgau) of their departed
forefathers. Some of the pronouncements were enshrined in customs that
people used to follow meticulously. For instance, the traditional marriage
procedure contained certain elements that were like an unbroken chain of
promises from father to son, right down the line of ancestry. Tis chain has
been broken because marriage procedure has become a haphazard afair.
Lastly, this group believes that supernatural baneful efects are being felt
because people have neglected customary family religious ceremonies that
formerly served to give a family vital unity.
66
Te Middle and Young Age groups display little knowledge of the tradi-
tional principles of punishment. But both groups agree with the Old Age
Group that punishment acted as a deterrent in traditional society. Tese
groups also mention some of the deeds that are punished today such as
thef, assault or even verbal rudeness. Regarding murder, both groups say
that the convicted murderer was traditionally killed. Te Middle Age Group
is aware that in traditional Gky society a murder was compensated and
the murderer spared so long as he was not a habitual criminal. As far as
these groups are concerned therefore, it is not clear how far back tradition
goes. Te two groups hold that there is an element of retaliation in punish-
ment so that killing a murderer is justifable.
67
Forgiveness, atonement and restoration
Justice functions to promote peace, unity and goodwill in the local com-
munity. Punishment and reward are part of justice. But forgiveness and
atonement are also part of khooto (the reasonable order of things). Justice
allows for forgiveness even when punishment is deserved. Te traditional
belief was that social peace and community welfare can never be disturbed
beyond repair because there is a remedy for every ill. Te traditional prac-
tice of eliminating habitual criminals was part of the remedy.
Te Old Age Group believes that forgiveness and reconciliation are neces-
sary and right for one reason: to save life. In a closely-knit society, like that
of the traditional Gky, the bonds that tied people together were strong.
An individuals ofence afected vital relationships. In many cases, the fact
that a relationship had been injured was of greater signifcance than the
ofence itself and the punishment prescribed. It was therefore reasonable
that forgiveness and reconciliation should be available.
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Chapter 4
When a mature child ofended a parent, the parents anger was greater
punishment to the child than anything else: the strained relationship was
difcult to endure. Te son or daughter would most likely produce a token
of repentance and plead with the parent for forgiveness. Forgiveness would
almost certainly be granted as the parent argued that: I did not bear you
to cause your death.
68
In traditional society, when someone, for example a warrior, became a
habitual ofender, his age mates ostracized him because his conduct gave
them a bad reputation. Ostracism involved cursing the victim (kroga) as
well as completely isolating him. Such a person became a pitiable recluse
and could easily die from the isolation imposed upon him. However, that
was usually not allowed to happen because his father or another close rela-
tive would plead for his redemption. Te age mates were persuaded into
agreeing that in the death of the ofender they would be the losers. Tey
agreed that they would not spill [their] own honey
69
but remove the
curse they had put on him.
A person destined to be ritually outlawed (gteeo) could also be redeemed
before that actually happened. A relative or age mate could suddenly decide
to act on his behalf and rescue him. He would ofer to pay whatever the
community demanded in order to avert the ritual outlawing. His reason
for so doing would be that there was more to be gained in the persons life
than in his death. Moreover, a man thus rescued was likely to feel indebted
to his rescuer and to mend his ways.
Nevertheless, the Gky did not believe in forgiveness just like that (o ro
guo), that is, without some cost to the ofender. Forgiveness was dependent
on acceptance of responsibility by the ofender. If the ofender was hesitant
to accept responsibility he was pursued until he did accept it. Having done
so, he must at least be admonished (gkaanio). Also, it was not enough to
simply ask for forgiveness: the ofender must ofer something to the person
ofended as a token of his repentance. He must show that no disrespect was
meant in the ofence.
Te conclusion of any afair of wrongdoing was some form of atonement
(horohio). Te reasonable order of things appears to have been that the
individual should not sufer from evil that was not confessed. Hence,
the family cleansing ceremonies (ndahkanio) that were performed from
time to time. During the ceremonies each family member was supposed
to vomit what you know and what you do not know. Te formula used,
163
Justi ce (k
~
hooto)
Tahka wariga ra riganire indicated that each person was cleansed from
the evil he openly confessed, the evil he dared not mention and those he
might not be aware of.
Tere were two other occasions mentioned by the Old Age Group as pro-
viding general forgiveness and atonement for un-confessed guilt. One
was the conclusion of the initiation ceremonies when the newly initiated
young people emerged as adults. During the ceremony of kuumithio, when
a sacrifcial lamb was slaughtered, the young adults were blessed with these
words:
Horohio
Na igue thooguo na nykwa
Na wendwo n and.
Be atoned for
Obey your father and mother
And find favour with people.
70
Te other occasion was during the sealing of marriage negotiations. During
the ceremony of ngurario, the time of the slaughtering of the sacrifcial
ram served the double purpose of blessing the married couple as well as
of gthaahra (removing guilt) which either of the couple might be suf-
fering from. Tis seems to have been necessary because there was always a
possibility that the betrothed couple might have violated a rule governing
sexual conduct that they dared not reveal.
In view of the traditional concern to spare the life of an ofender rather
than to snuf it out, there had to be a sufcient reason for a habitual crimi-
nal to be given up as incorrigible and consequently to be executed. Te
decision to eliminate such a criminal was made by his family but with the
full agreement of his age mates. Tis agreement was necessary and would
be a guarantee to prevent rashness in such an extreme punishment. Prior to
arriving at this decision, his family would have pleaded and reasoned with
him. In spite of their eforts, he would have persisted in committing crimes,
thus causing strife at home. Te family would have grown tired of paying
compensation to the various people who had claimed loss or injury occa-
sioned by his crimes; they therefore would have disowned him, saying that,
afer all, they did not cultivate their felds for him alone.
71
Tey therefore
turned him over to the society for public execution.
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Chapter 4
Tough they participated in his execution, they were not blamed, either for
his evil ways or for his death. A ritual execution song makes this clear:
Warema-!
Waremire ithe
Na akrema nyina,
Na akrema mhrga;
Ndangrema brri.
Warema-!
Nnyonererio
Mci wa kremek-!
The incorrigible!
Who defied father,
And defied mother,
And defied the clan.
He cannot defy the country.
The incorrigible!
Direct me to the home of the obstinate!
72
Te public execution was carried out in one of the three recognized
methods: burning alive, rolling the person down a precipice in a beehive,
or drowning. Tis public purge of a criminal served to reform many a
would-be habitual rogue.
Younger generations' understanding oI |ustice
Interviews with the Middle Age and Young Age groups revealed that the
younger generations have a basic traditional understanding of khooto.
However, their interpretations of it are modifed by the changes in their
social environment, changes brought about by various modernizing infu-
ences. For instance, practically every informant quoted and explained the
proverb, Khooto kiunaga ta mgeete (A convincing answer breaks a bow
set ready to shoot), thus demonstrating their understanding and respect
for reasonableness and resolving of disputes through deliberation and dis-
cussion. On the other hand, some of the concepts and the vocabulary used
by the old people were unfamiliar to the younger people. Te illustrations
they used to explain justice were also drawn from modern Gky society.
Te words commonly used by the middle-aged informants to describe
justice were gaacrru (probity), gima (maturity) and whoheku (honesty).
In their use of these words the informants were basically saying that justice
165
Justi ce (k
~
hooto)
was exemplifed in conduct that was right and well-balanced. In the words
of an informant, Khooto is doing the true and right thing so that nobody
is wronged. In general terms, this means that a person does to others that
which he would wish them to do to him. A person of probity is therefore
generous to other people in the widest sense; he is cordial, helpful and
inofensive.
In their turn, the informants in the Young Age Group use the word wagrru
(rightness). To the young informants, rightness is the basic attitude of those
who have a sense of justice. Such people are honest and fair; their desire
is to do what is right. Tey have a sense of equity. People with a sense of
equity may insist on their rights but they equally respect other peoples
rights.
Both groups provided examples of the kind of conduct found in people
who have a sense of justice. According to the Middle Age Group, a person
who has a sense of justice is not only law-abiding but all his dealings with
other people are straightforward. He has a sense of fairness and avoids
cheating other people. For instance, if he has employees he pays them fair
wages and pays them promptly. A judge who respects justice judges cases
without favouritism, according to the strict demands of justice. Similarly,
local counsellors and elders who make up local tribunals are expected to be
people who do not take bribes.
According to the informants in the Young Age Group, a sense of equity is
especially necessary in those who mediate between disputing or quarrel-
ling parties. Land disputes are common and the elders who settle them are
required to do so in a manner that causes no complaints. Tis they can only
do by being fair to all parties concerned.
Te young people interviewed were of the opinion that upright people are
the ones who combine in themselves a keen sense of self-respect as well as
sympathy with other peoples conditions and situations. A husband like that
may punish his wife but he will not persecute her. Similarly, a teacher like
that will punish disobedient pupils but will not torture them. A polygamist
may have a wife who spreads rumours that he favours one wife over the
others. If he is able to sort out the cause of complaint and to restore peace
at home without beating his wife, he is said to have employed justice.
Regarding reward and punishment as integral parts of justice, informants
in the Middle Age and Young Age groups were in remarkable agreement
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Chapter 4
with the old people. For instance, the Middle Age Group explained that the
principle behind reward is summarized in the proverb, Wega rhagwo na
wega (Good is repaid with good). Alternatively, Wega ndrhagwo na ru
(Good is not repaid with evil). Tis group stressed that reward is not a
bribe. An informant in the young age group says: Reward is like increasing
to a person his strength to go on doing good.
73
Tus people openly declare their respect for the person who is upright. Tis
is the person who is known to respect justice and to be trustworthy and
generally at peace with other people.
Te younger generations also believe in supernatural retribution, although
their ideas are not as clear as those of the older people. For instance,
according to the Middle Age Group, when a person becomes corrupt and
disregards the principles of fair play, he may become rich quickly. Should
his afairs begin to go wrong, people say that his misfortune serves him
right. Tey make reference to the proverb, Mgath wa kuoya teeaga wa
mwene (If you pick up a (lost) string of beads, it will be the loss of your
own). Tis means that ill-begotten goods do not bring a person prosperity.
In the same vein, several informants in the Young Age Group say that when
old people bless the young and say, rotra (May you live long) a blessing
like this is not idle words. People usually receive such a blessing when they
are of good conduct. Te other idea by this group is that an upright person
enjoys peace. A person who has wronged nobody and who does his best to
live an upright life can expect that God will approve of him. Tis is why he
feels at peace.
Equally important, the young people recognize that the Gky believed
in the value of forgiveness. Tere are two main reasons why this was so.
Te frst is that they were more ready to take account of the future. It was
more sensible to forgive. Tis was especially true of mischief and wrongs
committed by children. Children were apt to allow animals to feed on
other peoples crops. Tey were also apt to fght and cause injury to each
other. Tese and other matters always involved parents because it was
their responsibility to make amends for their childrens misdeeds. A parent
afected by the conduct of these children might not ask his neighbour for
compensation because his own child might become involved in the same
mischief on a future occasion. However, the children were not spared
instant caning by the parents as well as by the neighbours whom they had
wronged. Of course, the parent would promise to keep a closer watch on
his children.
167
Justi ce (k
~
hooto)
Te other reason for a leaning towards forgiveness is that the Gky took
into consideration who it was that had done wrong. Te relationship did
not right the wrong but it tempered the seriousness with which it was
taken. To give an example, this group observes that at present men have
been known to kill others because of having extra-marital afairs with their
wives. Traditionally, this would not happen: no man would kill another
(who might even be his friend) for this ofence. Te reason: he might on
a future day be guilty of the same misdeed. What he would do is either to
stop the afair privately or expose the person to the Council of Elders. Te
elders would demand that he slaughter an ox as punishment; they would
also admonish him.
Te informants in the Middle Age Group believe that the very fact that
Gky society always made provision for arbitration is an indication of
the value attached to forgiveness and reconciliation. In former times when
elders separated disputing parties through discussion, the guilty party was
admonished while the wronged party promised to end the matter, in efect,
he forgave the misdeed.
To some extent, arbitration still goes on today. It serves to elicit forgiveness
between people and to bring about reconciliation. Even when there are no
elders near, people will normally look for a third party to help bring about
reconciliation. In a case where there is a feud between two families, the fact
that parents will still sometimes allow their children to befriend each other
is an indication of a desire for reconciliation.
According to the Young Age Group, there is value in forgiveness. Tere is
no justifcation in punishing a wrong that has been done unintentionally
or out of ignorance. If the wrongdoer does not normally do wrong, then he
should be forgiven and warned not to repeat the ofence.
Since there is an element of retaliation in punishment, there are people who
forgive in order to avoid adding up wrongs. Tere are others who forgive
because they have been forgiven. If the wronged person is merciful he will
also forgive easily.
Tere are certain considerations that elicit forgiveness even when it may
be easier to retaliate. For instance, a person might decide not to expose a
close relative and will forgive him instead since failure to forgive may cause
additional problems. A brother may wrong another brother and that one
may take him to court, resulting in a jail term. It may well happen then
16B
Chapter 4
that the brother who accused him will fnd himself having to support the
jailed brothers wife and children. Wrongs between wives and husbands are
also more satisfactorily handled by forgiveness rather than punishment. In
the same way, a child will hardly have another alternative than to forgive
a father.
Te Young Age Group believes that to forgive is to show pity on someone
because he has repented. When a person shows repentance and thus
indicates that no disrespect was meant, forgiveness is forthcoming. Also,
sometimes a person neutralizes a wrong by doing something commend-
able immediately afer the wrong. Tis is how children will at times escape
parental punishment.
Justice in modern times
Te preceding section has illustrated that the contemporary Gky
society, the majority of which is relatively young, has a fair understanding
of khooto. Tis is to be expected since cultural values are to a large extent
handed down from generation to generation. However, the social changes
afecting the society are also afecting the way in which contemporary
Gky society is living up to its ideal of the reasonable order of things.
Te following section attempts to summarize some of the ways in which
the informants, both old and young, see justice and injustice at work in the
modern Gky society.
Te informants agreed that Gky society has always had upright people
who are exemplary in matters of justice. It has also had examples of impro-
bity. Tese fall into several categories: those who engage in direct criminal
acts, such as thef and robbery, murder, extortion and witchcraf, and those
who are deceitful but pretend to be honest and innocent. When the latter
enter into litigation they stubbornly insist that they are innocent. Tey are
the ones who make it necessary for people to resort to swearing under oath
because they will not readily accept guilt.
Tere is a third category of people who lack probity: these are people who
disdain others. Tey overestimate themselves and by the same token under-
estimate others. An example of this type is the man who wrongs another
and waits to be taken to court. When he is in court, the magistrate fnds him
guilty and orders him to compensate the plaintif. Ten he appeals against
the magistrates ruling, not because he is genuinely convinced he is in the
right, but because he wants to punish the plaintif. Both, of course, will
spend time and money in connection with the case. Te plaintif will spend
169
Justi ce (k
~
hooto)
money on the petition, on transport, on food and on accommodation (if
his home is far away from the courts). He will necessarily neglect the work
he could have been doing. By the time the fnal judgement is given, he will
have been thoroughly punished. In comparison he may be awarded little
or nothing. Te defender will have subjected him to much injustice and
will have demonstrated how much he disdains him. For this reason, some
people may these days hesitate to seek redress for injustice done to them
for fear of sufering even more when the matter goes to court.
People who give and receive bribes provide a fourth example of improbity.
Tose who give bribes expect people in infuential positions to disregard
the principles of fair play in order to favour them. Some of the people who
are in positions of leadership or infuence use their positions to allocate
themselves property as well as benefts which should rightly go to more
deserving people. According to the informants, this corruption makes
those involved insensitive to the demands of justice.
When contempt and rapacity combine in one individual he is bound to seize
every opportunity to gratify himself at the expense of others. One informant
says that her late father was a headman during the earlier period of British
rule in Kenya.
73
He had eight wives, none of whom he had married accord-
ing to Gky custom. Each of them was his loot by virtue of elevation.
His family did not lack meat though he hardly ever slaughtered his own
sheep. Tis headman is an example of a class of civil servants who subjected
people to many injustices during the colonial period. Tese were chiefs and
headmen who were appointed by the then government to administrative
positions. Having suddenly assumed high political status they overempha-
sized their importance. By virtue of the fact that they were agents of a strong
foreign power they intimidated and instilled fear in the local community.
Some of them were in the habit of sending retainers (njaama) out with
instructions to bring so and sos daughter to me. Te girl would simply
be ambushed and abducted. Tus she would be forcibly married without
proper courtship and marriage negotiations.
74
Tis was great injury to the
girl and her parents.
75
Te retainers were at other times sent to fetch, by
force of might, stall-fed rams, freshly brewed beer, sugarcane or anything
else the headman coveted in the homestead or garden of an elder he did not
fear. Te stall-fed ram would have been fattened for a particular purpose,
perhaps to meet a debt or to be slaughtered during a family ceremony. To
deprive a person of such an animal was therefore to disregard his needs and
his wifes labours. Similarly, beer would have been brewed for some special
or ceremonial occasion. When the retainers suddenly carried it away this
170
Chapter 4
meant that the occasion was ruined. However, in the new circumstances of
the colonial government, the people thus disdained were considered small
men and were unable to seek redress against such injustice. One chief bor-
rowed a hyrax skin cloak from an elders house saying that he wanted to
parade in it for an important government occasion. Te elder was not at
home when the chief took it and he was both upset and apprehensive that
he might never see his cloak again. Indeed, it was never returned.
Finally, according to the Middle Age Group, foolish people provide another
example of improbity. Tese are people who lack maturity in the moral
sense discussed earlier. Tey lack a sense of responsibility and a desire for
personal dignity; they seem to live for the day. Such is the man who sells
his land in order that he may have cash to spend on himself. In spite of
the fact that his family may have nowhere else to go he will sell the land
and leave the new owner to evict the family at the latters convenience.
Te foolish also include the loafer (njangiri/ mkora) and the prostitute
(maraya). Tese are regarded by the Middle Age Group as people who take
little thought about settling down in life.
Conclusion
From the descriptions of justice given by the three age groups, it can be
concluded that the idea of justice is central to the Gky moral system.
Tere was a lot of consistency between the three age groups on this matter,
though the Old Age Group had the most to contribute on the subject and
was able to provide illustrations not known to the other two groups. Justice
was a vital component of the Gky moral system. In Gky concep-
tion to say that a person has a sense of justice is to say that the person
is convinced that there is a reasonable order of doing things and that he
subscribes to that order.
171
270?C4A $
CCUPACE (U
~
CAMBA)
Te Gky have always valued courage. In traditional society, courage
(camba) was one of the characteristics that helped them to safeguard their
territory from warlike neighbours such as the Maasai and the Galla. Teir
value for courage also helped them to sustain the productivity of their
gardens and to maintain self-sufciency in food. Tis chapter describes the
traditional Gky concept of courage which is with certain changes an
important aspect of Gky life also in modern times.
Views oI early writers
Some early European writers described the Gky as brave while others
denied that they possessed this virtue. Among those who said the Gky
were not brave was J.R.L. MacDonald, who took part in punitive expe-
ditions in South Gky for the Imperial British East African Company.
Describing the Gky war tactics, he says that the warriors merely mas-
queraded in their war paint and achieved no deeds of bravery. Accord-
ing to him, the Gky never ventured to meet the Maasai in the open.
Instead, having fortifed their bravery with copious draughts of pombe
(beer) and breathing gore and destruction against the Maasai, they were
content to attack the nearest elderly Maasai who might have gone to the
forest to collect frewood. However, from his experience of the primitive
expeditions, MacDonald admits that the Gky caused more trouble
than their numbers and fghting power should warrant. Describing them
as turbulent he points out that they were not likely to keep quiet until
the colonial military power was reinforced by the building of more forts.
1
Richard Meinertzhagen, who was engaged in the pacifcation of Northern
172
Gky, describes them as a stubborn tribe and says that the task of sub-
duing them was not easy.
2
Both Cagnolo and Routledge point out that since the Gky were agri-
culturalists, they were not warlike as compared with the pastoral Maasai
and the Galla. Cagnolo makes the claim that the Gky owed their sur-
vival to the British who arrived in time providentially to prevent these two
lions from annihilating them.
3
Routledge says that the Gky did not
give bravery in fghting a very high place in their scale of moral values,
4
He
observes: As a nation they are devoid of the military instinct; as individu-
als, they do not cultivate profciency in arms.
5
However, he concedes that the Gky were a force to be reckoned with
in their own territory. Teir war tactics and defence measures were such
that they were able to imprint a lesson on raiders that was not forgotten.
He describes them as very good at defence:
Their method of defense might strike terror into the hearts of
the boldest, for at the shortest notice they had war pits ready that
rendered any track or path almost impassable either to advance or to
retreat by.
6
Routledge also commends their boldness in negotiating rivers during
Maasai raids. He describes them as good swimmers even though they
swam afer the manner of the dog!
7
Te Gky made two types of bridges where necessary. Near the moun-
tains where rivers fowed along narrow precipitous gorges, a bridge would
be made by felling a huge tree across the river. Elsewhere, the Gky made
suspension bridges with split tree trunks, sticks and strong creepers, pro-
viding foot planks to walk along and hand rails to hold. Tese bridges were
evidently safe to use but formidable to look at. According to Sir Charles
Eliot,
These constructions present great terror to ordinary Europeans; but it
is surprising to see how a native with a heavy load on his head will step
across the loose and swaying cords, hardly touching the side-strings, and
with no more sign of nervousness than a bird on a thin branch.
8
In his book, Te Southern Kikuyu before 1903, Louis Leakey devotes a
chapter to warfare and raiding. From his account it is apparent that the
Chapter 5
173
Gky esteemed bravery greatly and did some very daring things. From
time to time, Gky warriors raided Maasai territorial country and fought
Maasai warriors on their own territory. Leakey points out that in theory
there was no compulsory military service and individual warriors could
refrain from participating in a raid if they chose to. A few warriors did in
fact remain behind for one reason or another. However, most of them chose
to participate in raids. Indeed, it was difcult to restrain them from partici-
pating because their reputation and their future were at stake. Leakey says:
A warrior who never went raiding soon acquired the reputation of being a
coward, and had great difculty in getting a wife.
9
He describes two types of raiding. One was a major raid involving many
warriors. Te spoils resulting from such a raid were shared according to
merit so that the braver the warrior, the greater his share: Some warriors
would get ten animals, others fve, some only one or even a bare half share in
a cow or heifer.
10
A warrior was obliged to actually be brave and not merely
to masquerade. Otherwise he gained neither wealth nor reputation.
Te other type of raiding involved only a few warriors. It was planned
during the dry season when Maasai cattle were far away by Lake Naivasha
or at the Narok River. Raiding those cattle involved several days journey
and was highly risky. But the warriors were not deterred.
11
Sometimes, if a girl was captured during a raid, it was possible for the
Maasai warriors to redeem her immediately. In that case, the warriors
on both sides agreed on a duel between two champions, one from each
side. Whether the Gky warriors took away the raided cattle and the girl
or returned the lot to the Maasai depended on the outcome of the duel.
Bravery in physical combat against the Maasai had other rewards. Only a
warrior who had killed a Maasai warrior in person to person combat was
entitled to sing victory songs (kaari).
12
According to Leakey, Gky warriors exercised a lot and in the process
gained boldness. Exercise ofen took the form of inter-clan fghts which
however did not cause ill-feeling in spite of the fact that the warriors were
fghting over real issues, such as disputes over boundaries and livestock.
At any rate, such disputes were never resolved by warriors fghting but by
the discussion and the deliberation of elders.
13
Leakey says further that
cowardly men of the warrior class were in fact punished by the regimental
council of warriors.
14
Courage (u
~
camba)
174
Chapter 5
Tere was another type of bravery that did not involve physical fghting.
Tis was the ability to litigate and thus help the cause of justice. Early Euro-
pean writers made comments about it. Bravery in litigation was tradition-
ally conceived of as a combination of the ability to reason and to debate.
Tis ability was interpreted as evidence that a person was intelligent and
wise and had therefore the necessary qualities of leadership. In this con-
nection Lambert observes that leadership (thamaki) was essentially a
quality, not a rank. People who became athamaki (leaders) were recog-
nized for their intelligence and their ability to reason and argue. Cavicchi
describes the Gky as being, extremely good at grasping the strong
and the weak point in every argument especially law and justice.
15
And
Routledge says that Lengthy debate on every possible occasion is second
nature to the Agky.
16
Observing that intelligence and eloquence is much prized by the Gky,
Routledge comments: Te Bantu genius for words is seen at its best when
a court case proves to be complicated.
17
In 1890, Lugard wrote in his diary, I was especially struck with the
vast extent of the cultivation in comparison to the few villages I see. Tis
seems to mark the Kikuyu as an industrious race.
18
Before entering Gky
country, Lugard had heard reports that food was extraordinarily abundant
and cheap there.
19
Such reports would possibly have come from Tomson
and von Hhnel. Tomson describes how the Gky women frequently
disposed of their abundance to his porters, and von Hhnel describes the
people as industrious natives and zealous agriculturalists.
20
Von Hhnel was a member of Count Telekis expedition that was the frst
party to actually traverse Gky country from south to north on its way
to Lake Rudolf. Von Hhnel writes: During our march here we had passed
through districts so carefully and systematically cultivated that we might
have been in Europe.
21
Describing their traditional means of livelihood Cagnolo (a missionary)
says that the Gky consider the feld and the goat as the two basic pillars
on which the whole of the Gky stands, yet they do nothing to improve
their agriculture which remains in its infant stage. According to Cagnolo,
what works is nature, human industry concurs very little.
22
Te Gky
seem to have struck the European settlers and the colonial administrator as
grossly ignorant of the dignity of labour. Dundas (an administrator) says
that the European farmers in Kiambu expected administrative ofcers both
175
Courage (u
~
camba)
to recruit native labour and to teach farm labourers dedication to labour.
He complains that there was much futile talk about teaching Africans the
dignity of labour but that this was hardly exemplifed in practice.
23
Te European writers refer to another example of courage, namely endur-
ance. For instance, Cagnolo describes the stoical undergoing of pain by cir-
cumcision candidates. During the operation: Te candidate faces him [the
circumciser] without finching: no one must show dismay. Every onlooker
stares inquisitively at the patients face to see if he shows any sign of pain,
or if he is enduring the process stoically.
24
Cagnolo says that a few candidates succumbed to pain in spite of their
determination to exhibit no signs of weakness to the great amusement of
onlookers. But the majority do not blink, but stand the pain as frm as a
rock and on the following day they ostentatiously make light of all they
have been through as they go out to hunt small animals.
25
Although some European writers found it difcult to admit, there is clearly
enough evidence to show that the early Europeans who came into contact
with the Gky found them to be a courageous people. Finally, we could
end this section by citing Cavicchi, a Roman Catholic missionary. He gives
an account of the Gky as he knew them before 1953 and describes them
as never surrendering in the face of difculties.
26
Who is a courageous person?
Te word camba can be defned as the quality of being a njamba (hero).
Te Gky use the word njamba in a variety of contexts to describe people
who accomplish or succeed in any of the things approved by society. Te
key word is ability (hoti). Njamba is therefore used for many diferent
actions, such as: a person who plunges into a river and rescues a drowning
victim; one who manages to rescue a child or property from a burning
house; a diligent farmer who succeeds in growing plenty of foodstufs; a
person who puts up a strong legal defence and receives his claim. Te word
njamba is also extended to describe those who manage to pass examina-
tions. And again, in sport those who compete well and go on to win are
described as njamba. A warrior renowned for his bravery in fghting the
Maasai was called njamba. So was a person who tracked down and killed
an animal that had been terrorizing the local community.
All such champions are said to have ability (hoti) or perhaps more cor-
rectly, they are said to exercise their ability. People who have qualities such
176
Chapter 5
as boldness, determination and diligence qualify to be regarded as able and
therefore can be described as njamba. In short, the term njamba was a
confrmed title given to those who excelled in one way or another, in con-
formity with the values of the society.
Te question, of what value is this ability? was more important than the
ability itself. Some people were able fghters but because of their aggres-
siveness they were never called njamba except in derision to mean bully.
Te consideration as to how the society benefted from a persons courage
explains why among the people described as njamba were those who were
able to control their temper and thus displayed patience in their dealings
with other people. Among njamba were also people who could heal pain
and other forms of illnesses. Again, those who exhibited patience in bearing
insults or pain were called njamba since it proved them tough enough to
face the various tests of everyday life. Generous people were also said to be
njamba. Te Gky have a saying, taana nguo camba (Generosity is
courage). Tis need not be puzzling when we consider that, in actual fact,
generosity was essential in everything that promoted the societys welfare.
In general, the informants described the courageous person as brave,
diligent, persevering and forbearing. Tese qualities are described in this
chapter.
Ccurae as bravery (u
~
ru
~
me)
Te Gky word for bravery is rme. Tere is an etymological similar-
ity between the word rme and the word for men, arme (sing. Mnd
mrme). Bravery clearly had something to do with masculinity. Men par-
ticularly were required to demonstrate the quality of bravery because of
their traditional military duties.
Although the informants did not emphasize the idea of masculinity (they
said that bravery was expected of everyone) exceptionally militant women,
who could fght of cattle raiders or other thieves, were looked on by their
fathers as sons and by their husbands as brothers.
All the informants described bravery in terms of the ability to fght (kra).
A further distinction was made between physical combat and litigation.
Traditionally, in both types of fghting bravery is only valued as an asset if
it is controlled by a sense of right or good reason. Te informants believed
in the ability of right or convincing reason (khooto) to vindicate itself
177
Courage (u
~
camba)
against obstacles and opposition. Te conviction therefore that one was
fghting for a good reason (krra khooto) induced one to be brave.
Bravery in physical fighting
Physical fghting was approved in cases of territorial and personal defence,
protection of property and challenging of an enemy. Te old people inter-
viewed spoke approvingly of the former fghts against the Maasai. Regi-
mental battles against the Maasai provided many a redoubtable warrior
the opportunity to test and prove his boldness. When the opposing forces
were closing in on each other, it was usual for a champion to declare that he
wished to tackle his match on the Maasai side single-handedly, saying Reke
ngue na njamba no (If I must die, let me die over that njamba). Te war-
riors who fought boldly and killed their Maasai opponents were entitled to
sing kaari (victory songs) in which they graphically recounted their combat
tactics and also taunted cowardly warriors.
Raids against the Maasai were supposed to result in wealth in the form of
cattle taken from them. Ofen the raids involved only a small band of war-
riors and every warrior had to play his part if he was to get a share of the
cattle. Warriors were therefore urged to think brave and to translate their
brave thoughts into action.
Kbic ka nga ndir guoya
Guoya ntindktwo n thna
Ngaathiga njoya
Aanake moige,One!
Ngiri-ri-ri-ri.
Nggwa nja r ngombe!
Son of a poor man, I have no fear
Fear has been dislodged by poverty.
I shall flutter my feathers
And warriors will point out, There!
Ngiri-ri-ri-ri.
*
As I land in a homestead full of cattle!
27
Tese fghts also prevented the Maasai from overrunning Gky territory.
Te warriors who brought spoils from Maasailand were seen to beneft their
families. Tey were also the buttresses of Gky country against Maasai
raids. In fact, every warrior took it upon himself to protect his fathers live-
stock from wild animals and Maasai raiders. For this reason, every young
17B
Chapter 5
man carried weapons when he took animals to graze in the grasslands or to
the salt licks. At times it was necessary for him to kill marauding animals
and to fght against raiders. A young man therefore expected his father to
provide him with weapons. On his part, he pledged to fght bravely when-
ever the need arose.
According to all the informants, since every individual has a right to prop-
erty, he or she should be ready to protect or rescue it from thieves and
other malefactors. Tis may involve physical fghting and people should
not shrink from it if it is the only alternative. Traditional society believed
that fghting in a bid to protect ones property was in essence resistance
against evil people who sought to destroy people by snatching what one had
earned through hard labour. Several of the old people stated that struggling
or fghting against criminals does not necessarily mean that a person actu-
ally becomes locked in physical combat with the criminal. Rather, fghting
criminals includes crying out and making noise in order to attract the help
of neighbours. Crying out for help in such circumstances is therefore an act
of courage. It is in fact foolish to try and struggle alone with a criminal who
may be stronger or better prepared for a fght. Some of the informants also
said that it was unwise to follow stolen cattle immediately because thieves
could lay an ambush and kill the pursuers. Traditionally, pursuers took a
detour and sped ahead in order to meet the stolen cattle in front. Tat way
they avoided being killed in an ambush. Te informants in the Old Age
Group believe that the efcacy of justice is such that a person who is fght-
ing within the context of resisting evil somehow escapes death. However,
if he should die protecting his property, the cause is not lost because other
people will most likely ensure that his property is restored to the family.
Te protection of livestock from dangerous animals and raiders was there-
fore a strong motive for bravery. Herdsmen who took their animals into
the grasslands bordering Maasailand had to be prepared to face danger.
Relatively small boys who accompanied their grown up brothers to graze
animals learnt early to carry weapons. Teir big brothers gave them practi-
cal lessons on how to handle danger. According to Githui wa Kariithi, one
of the important lessons a boy learnt early was that it was an honour to die
while protecting property and so a man should not run away and abandon
his property merely because he was threatened.
28
Interviews with younger people revealed that their ideas about bravery were
remarkably similar to those of the old people. Te middle age informants
stressed that a person ought to protect his property because he will have
179
Courage (u
~
camba)
expended his energy acquiring it. In resisting thieves and other criminals
a person needs boldness as well as some knowledge of defence tactics. He
must not allow his things to go without an attempt to rescue them; at the
same time he must not foolishly expose himself to danger. To this group,
physical strength is an asset but people who cannot boast of great strength
are also capable of resisting criminals. Since neighbours will ofen respond
to cries for help a person ought to raise the alarm even as he struggles with
his assailant.
Te informants in the Young Age Group believe that a young man should
defend his fathers home from outside interference. Tis may involve
having to fght physically. According to the young people, physical strength
was not necessarily an indication of a persons bravery. Nevertheless, it was
an asset in physical combat. Several people quoted the proverb, Njamba
ti ikere (Te champion is not determined by the calves of the legs). Tey
believe that bravery is the will to stand up to a challenge rather than the
strength of muscle one can boast of. Tis will is transformed into boldness
to defy bullying peers. Tus a relatively small boy could suddenly turn and
beat of a bully who had made a habit of intimidating him. When boys
are looking afer cattle sometimes bigger boys monopolize the ford where
cattle are taken to drink water. Tey may intimidate the small boys so that
the cattle brought by the latter either drink very late or go without water.
Te only way the small boys can resolve the problem is to fght the bullies.
Tey may feel a sudden compulsion to stand their ground because their
cattle have as much right to drink as anybody elses. Similarly, this sense of
moral right can cause a child to intervene if his father has made a habit of
beating his mother. Te child may suddenly jump on his father and shout,
Dont touch her!
29
Bravery in litigation
In traditional Gky society the ability to litigate was highly valued. When
disputes arose between people over property or other rights, the preferred
method of resolving them was by litigation rather than by physical fghting.
Litigation was preferred because physical fghting almost always aggravated
matters. If the fghts resulted in injuries or death, the original dispute might
have to be shelved while the matter of assault or killing was dealt with.
Besides, there was hardly any matter that was conclusively resolved through
physical fghting. Even afer fghting it out, some sort of reconciliation had
to be sought through the mediation of elders. In other words, the force
of might was not conclusive. In litigation, however, the party in the right
won through force of right (khooto). And if there should be no winner, the
1B0
Chapter 5
matter would have been discussed and exhausted through peaceful means.
Te readiness and willingness of ad hoc courts of elders to adjudicate cases
was a great incentive for people to take recourse to litigation.
To give an illustration, one of the old informants related that in his extended
family a dispute arose over land ownership. One day he returned home to
fnd his mother and wife crying because the sons of his stepbrother had
entered his land and had erected new boundaries with the help of some
members of the Local Native Council. A section of his land had been trans-
ferred to his stepbrother. His frst impulse was to kill somebody just to
register his anger. He, in fact, intended to kill his stepbrother for instigat-
ing his sons to carry out this act. So in fury he dashed into his house and
emerged with his sword. As he hurried to his stepbrothers house bent on
slashing him, he suddenly thought, Why does a reasonable man need to
kill? Having thus reasoned with himself, he found he was calm enough to
speak to his stepbrother and the elders who had demarcated the land for
they had not yet dispersed. He told them he objected to their uncustom-
ary action of dividing property in the absence of the interested parties.
Te outcome of this case was that the family lands were ofcially surveyed,
consolidated and demarcated to the great satisfaction of my informant for
he ended up with a larger parcel of land.
Tis example demonstrates the diference between physical fghting and
verbal deliberation. Whereas the former is ofensive, aggressive, violent, and
painful that is, all the things associated with virility the latter expresses
itself in cool, patient persistence so that the matter causing dispute or con-
fict is resolved through face-to-face discussion.
In litigation, bravery was seen in the party that did not give up fghting until
justice had been established. An old informant said that ability to litigate
established a person as having camba wa ihooto (reasoning ability). Liti-
gation brought about a kind of defeat that resulted from the employment
of the principle of justice (khooto). When a dispute arose, the courageous
person was the one who did not allow the matter to drop, especially when
he considered himself to be in the right and had enough evidence to prove
it.
Te ability to litigate, therefore, demonstrated the type of courage that
resisted crafy and greedy people. Such people were ofen full of schemes
meant to deprive others of their property. Te ways of crafy people were
subtle and devious. Teir major weakness was that they lacked good reason
1B1
Courage (u
~
camba)
or justice (khooto) to support or justify their dealings with other people.
Tey dealt unreasonably with their relatives and neighbours. When that
happened disputes and litigations were bound to result. Tis was because a
strong sense of justice prevented the wronged party from resigning himself
to injustice. Usually a person who was in the right had facts to support
his claims. But in litigation much more was called for than simple state-
ments of facts. Te courageous person showed his bravery by producing his
facts without allowing himself to be confused by those who were interested
in confusing issues in order to obstruct justice. Such a person was at the
same time bold, enduring and patient. He was not easily provoked to anger,
however much he might be contradicted or insulted during litigation. Nor
did he become excited and loud. He remained consistently frm and calm.
In their belief that courage results from a keen sense of justice, informants
described the ability to litigate as camba wa gthikria khooto (courage
which exhumes justice). Courageous litigants were concerned that facts of
a matter were brought into the open so that the truth might become evident
and thus allow justice to prevail. In the course of litigation the courageous
were seen to have the upper hand. Tey were seen to be constantly expos-
ing what dishonest people were burying. An informant recalled that at one
time he and his brother jointly bought a cow. Te informant undertook
its custody. Afer the cow had produced several ofspring, the two broth-
ers decided to divide the herd between them. On several occasions they
had discussed how to divide the animals and on each occasion they failed
to agree. One of them wanted more animals because he argued that his
brother had been benefting from the milk. Te other argued that whatever
milk he had drunk was merely a reward for his labour as the custodian. It
was not until they both agreed to face facts honestly that the cattle were
divided to their satisfaction.
Te ideal litigant described above has four main opposites.
Te frst is the person who is both bold and alert but who considers it in
his interest to bury justice (gthika khooto). During litigation, this person
understands the issues at stake perfectly but he concentrates on shifing
emphasis from the main issue in an attempt to conceal what really matters.
He tends to out-talk other contestants in his attempt to steer the discussion
to a nebulous level.
Te second is the person who is initially interested to see justice prevail
but he is not morally consistent. Sooner or later he succumbs to those who
work at confusing issues with the aim to conceal the truth. Tey prevail
over him by way of threats or bribes.
1B2
Chapter 5
Te third opposite is the person who is easily excitable. Such a person is not
open to discussion when a dispute arises. He resorts to physical fghting or
stirs up other people to foolish fghts. Or he may resort to altercation in the
course of a dispute. Tis type of person is not able to litigate. Whether he
assaults other people physically or verbally he hinders amicable solution to
disputes. He mistakes his aggressiveness for bravery.
Te fourth opposite is the person who is too quiet (mkiri). Although he
is unobtrusive, his silence does not help the course of justice. He does not
ofer help when facts are sought. His silence aids to impede a matter and for
that reason he is considered a coward.
Bravery was therefore interpreted in terms of both physical and verbal
combat. For bravery to qualify as a moral value, it has to be prompted by a
sense of right or what the Gky broadly call khooto (justice).
Te traditional Gky distinguished types of conduct which were either
direct opposites of bravery or which have a semblance of bravery but could
not be said to be examples of courage. One type of conduct which exempli-
fes this is what the informants referred to as rme mnene mru (bad
or excessive bravery).
30
In a sense, all acts of bravery result from a defnite
resolve to put away fear and to face the odds. However, true bravery is
always controlled, while excessive bravery is not bridled. Uncontrolled
bravery was seen in the person who became easily excited and tended to
fght or insult other people when provoked. Such people also incited others
to fght. Tey were foolhardy and foolishly plunged themselves into danger,
which sometimes resulted in death. Mistaking their physical strength and
aggressiveness for bravery, they bullied and intimidated other people. Since
they caused resentment in the people they intimidated, they were resisted.
From time to time, such aggressors were harmed or even killed by the very
people they intimidated.
Ccurae as diIience (k
~
yo)
In traditional Gky society, the diligent or industrious person was
described as courageous. Diligence (kyo) was described as courage
(camba) because it depended on certain moral qualities and because it
rewarded those who had it.
In their description of courage as diligence, the old people interviewed
emphasized two things. Te frst thing is that diligent people possess
certain qualities that are the essence of courage. Tese qualities include
strong willpower or resolution, stamina and perseverance. Tese qualities
1B3
Courage (u
~
camba)
are summarized as endurance (mrru). Te individual who is said to
have the ability (hoti) to accomplish what he sets out to do is the one who
exercises these qualities. He is characterized by determination and persis-
tent efort, rather than by special talents. For instance, he is the one who
takes the initiative to clear a piece of virgin land in order to plant crops. In
former days, industrious people endured the long and hazardous journey
to Maasai country when they went on trading expeditions.
Te second thing stressed is that the reward of diligence is material well
being. What really gives people the incentive to work diligently is the threat
of poverty. When a person realizes that his material well being is dependent
on his diligence, he adopts a positive attitude to manual work and does not
shrink from obstacles. Traditionally, while a young man tackled a difcult
task, he encouraged himself by singing:
Kbc ka nga ndir guoya.
Guoya ntindiktwo n thna.
Son of a poor man, I have no fear;
Fear has been dislodged by poverty.
31
A Gky proverb says, Tna ndraga no mbatha raga (Poverty does
not kill, but pride kills). In other words, a poor man sooner or later improves
his lot through diligence but a proud man sooner or later brings himself
misfortunes and eventually poverty. Another proverb urges the individual
to learn from nature, Ngari ndiragwo n wra (Te ant-eater does not die
of work.) In other words, heavy work and sweat do not kill a person. A
third proverb admonishes: Mwana wa nga ndar maithori (A poor mans
child has no tears). But in citing this proverb, people normally add a rider,
no ko ar (but he has diligence).
Gky society was generally happy with persons who showed initiative
and right ambition: such people were helped along by those who had
already succeeded.
Diligence, however, is not confned to manual work. Rather, the diligent
person is the one who attends to all his afairs so that none of his con-
cerns are neglected. Te afairs of an industrious person are said to prosper
(kgaacra).
1B4
Chapter 5
Informants in the Old Age Group remember well how the people in Gky
society discouraged laziness and despondency among its members. Such
vices were certain to bring about poverty and destitution. Te evidence of
how society fought laziness is contained in traditional songs which some of
the informants could remember. For example, those who prepared to go on
long expeditions discouraged their members from entertaining thoughts of
defeat about the journey:
Muugi n kraya,
Arokua ategate
Atar nguo ya mwr.
Whoever says it is far,
May he die before making his will
without a garment on his body.
32
Te main idea expressed in this song is that the despondent person deserves
to die destitute, having no property to bequeath to others, nor garments to
cover his nakedness. Destitution was seen as a result of despondency. In
another song, a young man going on such a journey encouraged his mother
to be confdent of his return because a few days of hunger and exhaustion
could not possibly kill him.
Nyina mir,
Tiga kndrra
Ndigaakua no gthonda mwr.
Black mother,
Do not cry for me
I will not die, just grow thin.
33
Young men were impatient with idlers among them. A loafer was rebuked
by his own age mates, especially when his conduct was known not to match
his words. Even the mothers of such idlers, and of the procrastinators who
never went for a raid into Maasai country, were urged not to feed them.
Such people did not deserve to beneft from other peoples labours, not
even their mothers cooking!
Nyina wa ndiir igr,
Na ng ya ithat
Akhanda nyng kruga!
1B5
Courage (u
~
camba)
The mother of two procrastinators,
And a third one to boot,
Puts a pot on the fire to cook!
34
It is clear that Gky society tended to despise the poor because even
though they were given the same opportunity as other people, they did not
exert themselves. Tere was hardly any excuse, for instance, for a man not
to own sheep and goats since there were several facilities to enable the poor
to start their own herds. Some people took custody of rich mens animals
and in return for their services they were given a few animals. Given proper
care, these animals could produce and increase so that eventually a poor
man could became relatively rich. Other people obtained livestock through
barter of foodstufs they had grown on their plot of land.
Among the Gky, some elders were the owners of large herds of cattle,
goats and sheep. At their age and with their wealth they could aford to live
at ease. Anyone observing their comfort and relatively relaxed pace of life
might form the impression that the rich were not industrious. Rich elders
were keen to correct this impression in case the poor should imitate them
and slacken in their work. At beer parties, when they openly gloried in
their riches, they were also quick to point out that they had had their time
of industry; their wealth was not obtained through idleness. Tey would
sing:
Njir ici mkuona gwa itonga-
Ti cia itonga,
N cia mramki,
Huragia mthanga
Gatagat ka ngware ikgamba-
ngware,
ngware mr wa iya,
Ndgagre mwana-,
Na ni ndgagre mthiori.
These black (sheep and goats) you see in the
Homes of the wealthy,
Do not belong to the rich, but to the early risers,
They belong to the one,
Who scratches sand
Between the crowings of the partridge.
Partridge, my beloved brother,
1B6
Chapter 5
Give your young one breakfast,
While I go hungry.
35
As this song shows, diligence required zeal and resolution. To obtain prop-
erty was a hard task, requiring much labour and determined efort. It is
like scratching the sand for the earthworm. But he who starts early and is
persistent cannot fail to obtain something. Failure to obtain a meal does
not deter him from work. He ties a belt tightly round his waist to reduce
hunger pangs.
Tose who hope to obtain property must be impatient to get going, for an
early start is an advantage. Teir impatience makes them determined to
overcome the obstacles that hinder their progress. Tis kind of zeal was
much in evidence among warriors. For instance, there were occasions
when they were called aanake a ngur (ngur dancers). On these occasions
they donned womens dress, contrary to custom. Small boys that accom-
panied them were called njimbr cia ngur and were dressed like small
girls.
36
Amid meat eating, they danced and sang words to the efect that
they longed for the strength, the vitality, the unity and the zeal that would
enable them to obtain property. For instance, they sang that no time of day
or season was too early for them to venture out:
Tene, tene, tene, tenange
Mky tanaitka mathang.
Early, early, early, still earlier
Before the fig tree sheds its leaves.
37
Te Tana, as well as other big rivers were obstacles because they hindered
free movement for those wishing to travel far in search of property. Te
warriors longing to subdue such obstacles is expressed in the following
verse:
nguru r hinya ngrutro k?
Ya gkunda Thagana ngk mwe
Aanake maringe na maa ma ndu
Ndeeherwo mky na mwar.
Where will a strong tortoise be found?
To swallow the Tana waters in one gulp,
1B7
Courage (u
~
camba)
So that warriors may cross knee-deep water,
To fetch me the brown (sheep) and its daughter (ewe).
38
From the evidence of informants, big rivers such as Tana, Mathioya, Chania
and Marewa, did not deter trading expeditions from crossing. Brave and
strong young men got into the river frst and positioned themselves across
its width ready to rescue any person who might lose balance and fall. Te
rest of the expedition joined hands or supported each other in other ways
as they helped each other cross the river. Te strong young men who had
gone in frst crossed afer everybody else had landed safely on the other
side.
Traditionally the Gky were agriculturalists. Tey described themselves
as nymba ya mro (the house of the digging stick).
39
Te most valuable
inheritance that parents could bequeath to their children was their love
for land tillage. Parents started educating their children early about tilling
the land with zeal. In their teaching and example they were helping their
descendants to receive a heritage as agriculturalists. Girls learnt from their
mothers and other womenfolk as they accompanied them to the garden.
Besides learning gardening skills, they learnt that there were njamba cia
wra (excellent workers) who were distinct from ordinary women. Tese
njamba were the women who excelled in keeping their gardens well cul-
tivated and always worked fast and efciently. Teir granaries had plenty
of food. During famine these women managed to continue having food. A
young girl should therefore aspire to become a njamba cia wra.
In traditional society, an elder had his own gardens where he cultivated
irio cia mnd mrme (a mans crop). Tese were perennial and root
crops, also known as tuberous crops (irio cia menja) since they involved
much digging in planting and harvesting. Tese crops included coco yams,
bananas, sugarcane and sweet potatoes. A man taught his sons how to cul-
tivate these crops. He also gave them gardens where they could grow their
own crops as they practiced the skills he taught them. Te crops belonged
to the sons to do with them as they liked.
40
One of the lessons a young man
learnt was that a man must keep herds and focks and at the same time
cultivate food crops. Tese pursuits required good management of time, as
well as diligence. A son learnt from his father that even for young people
diligence was an asset. People were always ready to assist a diligent person
should he suddenly fall into trouble or have an urgent need. Terefore
when a young man worked in his garden he might sing:
1BB
Chapter 5
Ndeeriruo n Kgotho, ti baba, h- y- h- h
Ndrmagre kagnda
Mwana r kyo, h- y- h- h
Ndaagaga mthambia.
I was told by Kgotho, my father
To always cultivate a small garden for myself.
A diligent child
Does not lack someone to wash him.
41
A father also taught his son that a persons land did not produce unless
efort was put into it. Some weeds, like couch grass, unless it was controlled
could render a plot of land completely unproductive. A diligent person
should never abandon a garden simply because of the amount of labour
required to control the weeds. Terefore a young man as he dug up the
couch grass might sing:
Mwaroka mgnda wa Kgotho mrakorire k?
Trakorire, h-y-h-h, thangari gthaama
gth thangari, h-y-h-h, n thaamaga
O ta mnd!
When you went early in the morning to
Kigothos land.
What did you find?
We found couch grass migrating.
So couch grass migrates just like a person!
42
Ofen a man migrated in search of better fortunes elsewhere. Metaphori-
cally speaking the couch grass had to migrate in search of better fortune in
a lazy mans garden!
As far as the moral value of courage was concerned, there was one way in
which the idlers (ndiir) could clear their disrepute as cowards (iguoya). If
they became diligent cultivators, they too could be referred to as njamba.
Tis is because they would then have plenty of perennial food crops with
which they could feed their families and buy livestock. In fact, they were in
a somehow enviable position. Fighting and raiding the Maasai, as well as
travelling to distant places for trade, were necessary but time consuming.
Tese were also risky activities, particularly raiding, as some of the warriors
might get killed in the process. Also, the animals brought home, either
1B9
Courage (u
~
camba)
from raiding or trading, might die of diseases or might be unhealthy. In
contrast, land tillage was a peaceful pursuit and defnitely rewarding. Little
went wrong with perennial crops. Te man with plenty of food crops and
no animals to boast of was better of than the man with plenty of livestock
and no crops. If famine should strike due to the failure of seasonal rains
it was the owners of perennial crops who sustained the population. Even
in normal circumstances, diligent cultivators acquired livestock through
barter of their crops. Brave warriors might boast of their exploits and chide
the procrastinators, but they also recognized the courage of those who
utilized[took advantage of] their absence from raiding by tending their
gardens:
Ndiir, mwangria k?
Thn nene?
Na mgnda mnyuthe ta njua?
Idler, what more have you than I?
Big buttocks?
And gardens softened like skins.
43
Even those who brought back sheep and goats afer the trading expeditions
were rather sensitive to the critical remarks of the cultivators whom they
lef behind:
Ndkanjtire ngondu nyaknyuko
Ndaatigire knyuka mgnda.
Do not call my sheep a weakling
I left you labouring in your garden.
44
Te other thing that the informants in the Old Age Group emphasized was
that the diligent are optimistic: they have initiative. By their very nature
they do not sit back in resignation when circumstances are hard. Rather,
they look ahead and visualize a better future when their welfare will have
improved. In traditional society, a man who started of poor but was dili-
gent was always able to improve his lot.
Lastly, the informants in the Old Age Group observed that the opposite
of diligence is indolence or laziness (gta). Te society has always con-
tained lazy people though some might not seem to be lazy. Te lazy are not
only idlers but also those who lack the will to accomplish much. Tose who
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Chapter 5
talk of jobs they plan to accomplish but have no evidence of jobs completed
are said to have merely boasted of courage (camba wa kanua).
45
Te desire for wealth was a strong motive for courage. To state the obvious,
without property, one was poor. Te Gky said that poverty did not kill
because they recognized that poverty was not an illness. On the other hand,
they said, Tna ciaraga gkua (Poverty breeds death) because on an
explicit level lack of property resulted in hunger and bad health.
Te fear of being poverty stricken and being despised was a strong incen-
tive to diligence and self-reliance and this required courage. Te realization
that ones well being and honour are dependent on ones initiative was a
sure antidote for apathy and cowardice. Routledge observed that among
the Gky: Te poor man is looked upon with that pity which is akin to
contempt.
46
Even though Gky society encouraged its members to be generous and
to help each other, it equally discouraged the parasitic existence of an indi-
vidual. Not even a son should expect to live of his fathers labours without
showing evidence of diligence on his part. Te Gky aptly said, Tigira
ndragwo (Te placenta is not eaten) meaning that personal welfare is not
a birthright but an achievement.
In traditional society, the people who remained poor were generally lazy.
Tose who were known to have been responsible for their own poverty
were despised for their lack of courage. Tey were of no help, either to
themselves or to other people. Te Gky say that the only sympathy the
poor can show to a person in dire need is the moan of the helpless, the
hopeless and the non-resourceful: (O dear, O dear). Hence the
proverb, ndir kguni (O dear, o dear, has no beneft). What has
beneft is diligence. Another proverb says, Tna ndr garire; tonga
r garire (Poverty cannot be managed, wealth can be managed). Te
courageous, that is, the diligent have the will to manage wealth as it is futile
to try to manage poverty.
47
Since poverty cannot be managed, the poor become victims, from which-
ever angle they are viewed. Tey are not able to manage their lives or to
give themselves a sense of direction. Personal welfare becomes an illusion.
A poor person merely exists without a sense of well being and so one is as
good as dead.
191
Courage (u
~
camba)
Cavicchi recalls challenging a man who (out of character) had been rude
to an old man. Te man had explained that the Gky do not respect the
poor because A man with no property of his own is evidently unable to
acquire some because he is stupid.
48
Since no normal person prefers to be poor, the Gky also said, Krma
n kwenda (To till the land is to love oneself). In other words, there is no
shortcut to personal welfare: people must work diligently.
Ccurae as endurance (u
~
kir
~
r
~
ria)
Te informants further described courage as the ability to endure pain,
hardships and discomfort. Endurance (kirrria, wtiirrria) was a highly
valued quality in Gky society. Te informants explained that the Gky
practice of giving children an experience of pain during the rites of passage
was meant to toughen them. Te emergent adult was expected to be perse-
vering and patient in the face of the pain, discomfort and hardship that he
or she was bound to face in life.
Stoical endurance of pain and discomfort was therefore one of the qualities
taught to children from an early age. Te power to endure was tested from
time to time during childrens play, or at certain stages in a childs develop-
ment. For example, a boy was not supposed to cry if a calf stepped on him
when he was learning to milk its mother. When a boy was away from home
herding animals, he might have to walk over thorny ground or he might
have no other food to eat except wild fruit and berries. He was not expected
to complain since this was good training for the hardships that he would
experience sooner or later. Girls were also encouraged to practice carrying
quite heavy loads.
Te need to bear pain with a stoical indiference was taken so seriously
that initiates were thoroughly conditioned to persevere without finching
during circumcision. Tis conditioning was done during the ceremonies
that preceded the circumcision. Singing and dancing took a prominent
part and through songs as well as by means of direct advice the initiates
were exhorted and encouraged to be stoical. Tose who showed no signs of
pain were highly praised.
Mmra kahi
Ndangra mbri
No arire ndeegwa!
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Chapter 5
He who endures the knife,
Should not eat a goat,
He is fit to eat a bull!
49
Endurance is in fact always present in brave and diligent people. It has been
demonstrated in examples that brave people must have the ability to persist
in order to win. Te warriors who went to raid the Maasai country had
to endure difcult terrain as well as difcult weather conditions. Cowards
were neither able to face the cold on the mountains nor the combat with
the Maasai warriors.
Iguoya no ruku, ruku
Ciorere mrangiin n heho
Na tthiaka tir ta rr.
These cowards,
May they rot from cold in the bamboo forest
With (their) quivers as black as soot.
50
Gky warriors kept their quivers in their mothers huts, where they were
hung on pegs. A cowards quiver was black from soot because it was rarely
removed from the peg. A brave warriors quiver was red because it con-
stantly rubbed against his shoulder blades which were smeared with red
ochre. Similarly, hunger, thirst, and exhaustion did not deter the diligent
from working long hours or from walking far. Tese were the necessary
discomforts they had to endure if they were to obtain anything.
Traditional society encouraged its members to exert themselves and to
endure discomfort. People were encouraged to work long hours in the
felds. Te Gky distinguished between lazy people, those who started
their midday rest at about 11 a.m. and the excellent workers who worked
for a further hour before resting, in order to see evidence of a days work
(mhonia). In the long run the latter achieved much more.
Gky women used to carry extremely heavy loads on their backs and
they took pride in this ability. According to the old people interviewed,
much of the singing the people did was meant to make the work seem less,
the loads lighter and the distances shorter. And so people encouraged each
other in song to work a little longer, carry a little more and walk a little
farther. For example, it was the job of young women and grown up girls to
go far into the forest from time to time in order to get good frewood. On
193
Courage (u
~
camba)
those occasions they tended to carry extra heavy loads partly because these
expeditions were not a daily afair. Not only the frewood must be sufcient
to last some days but on coming home it also had to be shared with one or
two other women. So on top of the main load (which was quite heavy in
terms of size and weight) there was a smaller load (njoherera). Terefore, as
they carried the heavy loads homeward, they sang that they were satisfed
that they had the best frewood and also that their loads would gladden
several people in the village:
Mt mir, mt wa itim
Mt tar ndoogo
Mt mir.
Black wood, (fit to be) a spear handle
Wood without smoke,
Black wood.
Ikundi no igr
Hatu no igr
Har ka yai
Na ka mthagaani
No njoherera n
Ya nyina wa Ruhaco
No ndagakene!
The piles are but two
Only two
There is one for dear mother.
And one for the one who meets me
And the extra one
For Ruhacos mother
But she shouldnt rejoice!
When one womans load began to lean more on to one side, because she
was beginning to feel tired and to lose control, the others would comment
in song so that she would prop it up and would summon up some more
energy to carry on:
Ndrerirwo-i mrigo n ini
Wa mka ra- twarutire ngongo
Mt mir.
194
Chapter 5
I heard that the load was lopsided,
Of the wife we married from far.
Black wood.
Some of the women would have made arrangements for their friends to
meet them at a rendezvous in order for them to be relieved of the heavy
loads. But even those who, for one reason or another, could not fnd relief
were not deterred from carrying on. When the ones who had been relieved
and who were now less tired carried their loads into the courtyards, the
exhausted woman was confdent that she would be able to carry her load
up to the granaries.
Ngwtwaranra na r mthagaani
Akrekia nja-
Ndekie makmbin
Mt mir.
I will go with the one who has a relief
As she (the relieved one) drops (her load) in the courtyard
I will drop (mine) by the granaries
Black wood.
Similarly, since the trading expeditions to Maasai country were long and
hazardous, the men and women sang as they trekked. Te threat of poverty
forbade anyone of thinking the distance too long.
Crossing big rivers was particularly hazardous because the Gky traders
were carrying goods to sell to the Maasai. Rivers did not deter them: frst
they sang as if in prayer and then used the most appropriate method of
crossing in the circumstances:
Marewa ndagthaitha
Ndkandwarre mbak
Na mkuui wayo
Marewa, I plead with you
Do not carry away my tobacco
And its bearer.
51
Tis aspect of courage, fortitude, was also a great help towards the stability
of marriages in traditional society. No man or woman had the illusion that
195
Courage (u
~
camba)
married life was an easy matter. A man had to look afer his wife (or wives
if he was a polygamist) and his children. He had to provide them with ade-
quate clothing, adornments and provisions for food and feasts during the
numerous religious and social ceremonies. Te needs of his family forced a
man to be tough and to work constantly. It was a great embarrassment for a
man if his wife returned to her fathers home because he had not provided
for her. Children could also cause their father embarrassment if he failed to
make provisions for their initiation and delayed it.
A married woman had to combine the qualities of fortitude, diligence and
patience. Married life as both wife and mother was demanding. A girl was
advised that she did not get married to be waited upon. A wife had her
own garden where she grew food. She had several stall-fed rams that she
tended, and of course it was her duty to feed her husband and children.
She had numerous other household chores. If the relationship between the
husband and the wife became strained for one reason or another, the wife
was advised not to run away from the situation. Running away meant that
she forfeited the prospect of a settled life and possibly the welfare of her
children. Te Gky have a saying, Gtir kwa arme kwega (No mans
home is good). Tis saying originated from a story about a woman who
thought that her husband was harsh because she had a lot of work in his
home. She ran away and joined herself to another man to whom she com-
plained that her frst husband was a hard taskmaster. Te man told her she
was welcome to live with him, adding that his home was not without work.
Soon the man was preparing to brew sugarcane beer and so he took the
woman to his sugarcane garden and proceeded to cut down the sugarcane
for her to carry. She could hardly walk under the weight of the sugarcane
load he had made her carry. Under its weight she cried out, Ka gtir kwa
arme kwega- (Now I know that no mans home is good!). She realized
her naivety in thinking that afer several trials she would eventually get an
ideal husband.
Te middle age informants interpreted courage as the ability to face hard
times (mathna). Tese could be times of distress, as when a supportive
member of the family died, when there was scarcity of food or when a whole
herd was wiped out by some disease. Poverty, sufering and other hard-
ships were likely to follow. In such circumstances, a person was expected
to endure whatever sufering might accompany these circumstances and to
resolve to expect an improvement in his lot.
Te informants in the Young Age Group believe that times of emotional
196
Chapter 5
stress call for endurance. Besides the ability to withstand pain and discom-
fort, a person is expected to overcome stress.
Te young people were of the opinion that the traditional training in
endurance, with experience like piercing the ears and circumcision, was
worthwhile. Today, circumcision is done in hospitals and any pain felt is
negligible. But some of the informants believe that religious teaching about
trusting God in all distressing circumstances helps a person to endure
them. Tis is because the person does not feel destitute.
Te young informants interpreted the Gky word mirru to mean
boldness. Tey talked of the boldness that people in positions of responsi-
bility need in order to take a frm stand on certain issues. According to the
informants, just as we can talk of the courage to make decisions, this group
felt that since parents, teachers and leaders are in positions of supervision
(krgamrra), they should carry out their responsibilities without fear.
In the view of this group, proper understanding of ones role as a parent
or a teacher gives boldness. Tus a parent will know that he has a right to
discipline his children, and a teacher that he has a right to punish pupils.
Some heads of schools fail to administer schools in the right way, possibly
because they lack courage.
Te young people interviewed were of the opinion that older people are
generally confdent in what they are doing. In contrast, many young people
do certain things in fear because they feel that older people dont approve
of them. Tey mentioned such things as having boyfriends or girlfriends,
and going to watch flms. Young people do not want their parents to know
what they are doing so they fnd themselves telling lies. Consequently, they
do not lead confdent lives.
Ccurae as entIeness (u
~
hooreri)
Steadfastness was another aspect of courage described by the informants
(the Old Age Group). It was also mentioned by the two other groups. Te
informants in the Old Age Group used the word hooreri, which ordinarily
means humility. In the context of courage, hooreri means the the quiet
confdence of the person who has control of his emotions.
According to the Old Age Group, the person who combines the qualities of
frmness, gentleness and cordiality is considered courageous. Tese quali-
ties can be summarized as wisdom (g). Te truly courageous man is the
wise man. Tis is demonstrated in several ways.
197
Courage (u
~
camba)
A wise man prefers to be forbearing (gkirrria) when provoked. He
avoids fghting and getting into strife with people because he discerns the
unpleasant and sometimes regrettable consequence of such conduct. When
provoked, he is more preoccupied with calming himself than with taking
up the challenge. Consider two people who have argued over a matter. One
of them calls people to mediate between them to stop the imminent fght.
Tis may look cowardly but he is the wiser of the two and is therefore
considered to be the courageous one. He is said to possess gentleness (or
inofensiveness) and patience. Such people prefer to wait for a matter to
be investigated rather than to jump to conclusions and act unadvisedly.
A man may lose a goat and someone may tell him that a third party has
stolen it. Te third party is approached and denies it. Te courageous man
will wait patiently for investigations to be carried out. He will not ofend
the suspect in any way. But he will be frm in demanding his compensation
should the third party be found guilty of stealing.
Te informants in the Old Age Group pointed out, however, that too much
gentleness (khoorera) is not a virtue. A person who is too gentle can in
fact be described as a moron. He remains inert or quiet when he could act
to defend his rights. Such a person is despised. He is also the kind of person
who will be exploited.
Some of the middle age informants said that people who strike a balance
between aggressiveness and gentleness exemplify courage. Tis was referred
to as gentle frmness. Tey also spoke about conduct between husbands
and wives as requiring courage. To give an example of what they meant
by gentle frmness, they mentioned that a prudent wife exhibits a careful
balance of the ideals of give and take. She makes no outright demands on
her husband for money, clothes and other provisions. Nevertheless, she
obtains her rights. She manages to do so through her diligence, fdelity
and cordiality. She gives her husband no cause to seek comfort outside the
home he provides for her.
52
Another example of gentle frmness is shown
by a wife who, although she knows that she is the one who in fact controls
matters in the household (having the ideas and the initiative) she will nev-
ertheless be careful never to cause her husband embarrassment. Besides
showing him respect, she is careful when his friends and age mates visit
him at home to show that she respects and obeys him. She communicates
this to them in the way she accords his guests hospitality and by watching
how she speaks to her husband in their presence.
19B
Chapter 5
A third example concerns men. A stupid man tries to show that he is the
boss of his home by being aggressive and thus compelling obedience from
his wife and children. But a wise man knows that his courage as a husband
and father should serve to consolidate (gcokanrria) his home. He will
therefore behave with maturity (gima) towards his family. In Gky
idiom, when people say that a person aathaga gwake na thiar (rules his
house with a club) it is because they disapprove of his rashness and his
foolish quarrels with his wife.
53
Te middle age informants agreed with the older informants that the
marital situation takes a special kind of courage for each partner to live
with the other. In other words, it takes wisdom.
Te young people interviewed were similarly of the view that meekness
is an aspect of courage. According to informants in this group, a person
should be able to control himself and to show meekness when such conduct
is called for. For instance, when a boy is visiting a diferent neighbourhood,
he could be bullied by other boys. Since he is sure to be outnumbered, he
would be wise not to respond to their bullying in order that they might
leave him alone. He does not have to fght to prove that he is courageous.
Te old people talked about a related aspect of courage which is seen
also in the person who is usually able to calm strained relationships and
emotive situations. Such a person is ofen separating contending parties by
throwing reason (gikia ihooto) at the contending parties, like a person
who throws water onto a faming fre. Such people are ofen informally
asked to mediate between neighbours and to give them advice (krra).
Tey are regarded as njamba because, through this type of generosity, they
win people over. People respect them because they are not presumptuous.
Incentives to courage
When asked the question why courage was valued, the responses showed
that the Gky had defnite incentives to courage. Tey included material
gain, a good reputation, a sense of confdence and security, and justice.
MateriaI ain
Te image of a brave warrior who went on a raid to Maasailand, brought
home spoils, gained a high reputation and eventually settled down to a
relatively comfortable life with a family, with land and with livestock was
highly attractive. Equally attractive was the image of a young man who
more than compensated for his lack of bravery in raiding by diligence
199
Courage (u
~
camba)
in tilling the land. In fact, the diligent cultivator was envied because he
managed to acquire all the domestic animals he needed by trading with his
food crops. Te more peaceful but very challenging pursuits of land tillage,
animal husbandry and trade were in fact regarded as more rewarding.
Courage was therefore an asset to anyone who wanted to acquire property
and to improve his lot materially. When the spoils from Maasailand were
divided among warriors, those who had distinguished themselves fghting
received greater rewards. If a brave warrior selected an animal for himself
no one felt called to challenge him.
Te Gky feared poverty very much. One of their proverbs states, Kaba
gkua gkira gthna (It is better to die than to be poverty-stricken). Te
need to acquire property was a strong motive for courage. In the traditional
setting of a subsistence economy and polygamous families, where each son
received a share of his fathers possessions, nobody could rely entirely on
inheritance. If one wished to acquire wealth he had to work hard. Tis
fact was ofen stressed by wealthy old men when they admonished young
people, encouraging them to be diligent.
54
Personal ownership of property was one way of catering for personal welfare.
Te society made it clear to the individual that it was obliged to carry him,
but not the whole way. Trough direct counsel and through experience
the individual was urged to aim at material self-sufciency and honour.
Existential wisdom had shown that, Knya kr itna n ko kgaga (A gourd
with a fat bottom stands frm on its own). Te individual was persuaded
on a number of scores to seek self-sufciency. Bata ndrutanagwo (A per-
sons need cannot be fully met by other people). Tere are certain needs the
society is not willing to shoulder for the individual. Mnd ndagragro
mka na akagemerio (A man does not have a wife married and adorned
for him). People may be willing to give but they can never give sufciently.
Cia hooyo ityuragia ikmb (Tat which comes from charity is never suf-
fcient to fll a granary).
Well-wishers may happen not to have anything to spare in spite of a beg-
gars dire need. hooi raragria mwana (Habitual begging makes ones
child sleep hungry). Above all, the individual who had made a habit of
begging earned disrespect for himself. Also, the state of dependence on
others undermined the individuals self-esteem and confdence. He had
to swallow some humiliation and insults from his benefactors. Hence the
proverb, Gthmbi gtire ngoro (A beggar (who works for other people
for small rewards of food) has no self-respect). Terefore, for the sake of
200
Chapter 5
independence and respectability the individual had to be concerned about
personal property. It was even better if he could own more than average.
When western education was frst introduced into Gky country, it was
the courageous people who were not afraid of its challenges. Tese coura-
geous pioneers were at a material advantage in the new social order result-
ing from the introduction of western culture. Characteristically, in this new
social and economic order, the Gky youth began to clamour for the
kind of weapons that would enable them to survive in the new world.
Koruo n ndemi na mathaathi
Baba ndagwtia kruug
Njoke ngwtie itimu na ngo.
Baba, ru nggwtia gthoomo
If it were ndemi and mathaathi
*
Father, I would ask you for a meat feast.
Then ask you for a spear and a shield
But Father, I now ask you for an education.
Te middle age informants were also of the opinion that a good educa-
tion and a diligent search for property will reward a person materially.
According to them, a good education and material benefts are both fruits
of labour. Tis group observes that trouble, necessity and desperation are
all inducements to courage. When a person is threatened by imminent
poverty there is nothing lef for him to do but to take courage. Today in
Kenya, it is not usual to fnd that a person who at one time was destitute
is now the owner of property. Te major reason for this change of fortune
would be his determination to be courageous and improve his lot.
Te middle age informants, as well as the young people were aware that in
traditional society people did not become rich without either the courage
to raid the Maasai or to till the land. Te young people observed that today
a diligent farmer who amasses property together with a good education will
get good results. A courageous person becomes rich quickly because he is
able to do things of which other people are afraid. However, misdirected
efort brings poor results. Some of the young people mentioned that they
had been advised by their parents and grandparents to aim high.
Cccd reputaticn
In traditional society, a good reputation was a highly valued non-material
201
Courage (u
~
camba)
reward for courage. Te word njamba (which was applied to the brave, the
diligent and the enduring alike) was a conferred title. Only those persons
who excelled in the eyes of society were referred to as njamba: they had won
the respect of the public. Such were the initiates who did not fear the circum-
cisers knife. In adult life they were expected not to finch at difculties.
Ofen people expressed their respect and honour to the courageous people
by way of material gifs. Sometimes these gifs were quite small tokens
of respect as when people holding a meat feast saw a man of reputation
passing by and invited him to share because a man like you should not
pass by without being given something. People regarded it as a privilege
to give such a person something. Hence the proverb Kr hinya kragra
mwar wene (A strong man is invited to eat (in a feast) for a maiden though
he is no relative of hers!) A Gky song says:
Nyama njer
Itaheeagwo
Ndamheirwo
Ndaiyka gathiaka.
The prime white meat
I used not to be given
I began to be given it
When I took up the quiver.
55
Public appreciation was therefore an incentive to courage. By the same
token, brave warriors who had killed Maasai warriors and therefore had
qualifed to sing the special warrior song known as kaari collected many
sheep and goats from their relatives.
Although the middle age informants did not talk about reputation, they
were of the opinion that a desire for respect is an incentive to courage. Tose
who lack courage are despised and are sometimes ill-treated as well. Tere-
fore, a strong motive for courage is a desire to put a stop to any tendency
by other people to despise one. Some of the informants quoted the Gky
proverb that says Mumenwo arutagwo mbaki inir (Te despised person
gets his snuf removed from his nostril). But people do not take advantage
of the courageous. Hence the saying, Wa njamba wtigagrwo r thiaka
(Te arrow of the heroic warrior is feared while still in the quiver). Besides,
a courageous person is exemplary and people will not only remember him
but will also emulate him.
202
Chapter 5
Te young people also commented that courage is worthwhile because the
courageous have a good reputation and are respected. Such people are nor-
mally given leadership. Te names of courageous men, such as Wangombe
wa Ihura and Dedan Kimathi, live on long afer their death. Younger gener-
ations who hear of them may emulate them and become heroic themselves.
Te proverb Kaba gkua ngumo tre (Better to die and your reputation
lives on) was repeated by several informants. Te informants said they have
grown to value courage because people do not like cowards.
Ccnfidence
Another incentive to courage was confdence. Te courageous person had
to have confdence in the frst place but an act of courage confrmed the
confdence one had and induced more confdence. Te traditional Gky
society encouraged its members to meditate on mental ideas that would
foster confdence. Expressions such as gtr nd traga (nothing lasts)
and itikuuagwo igr (people do not die twice) encouraged people to face up
to any ordeal or challenge. Te accomplishment of any kind of feat helped
to give people confdence, so that they were prepared to repeat it and to
improve on their performance the next time. Te old people interviewed
stressed that self-pity did not beneft a person and that it was always good
policy to face up to things and leave it to God to pity one if one deserved
pity. In this connection, the Gky have a saying, Njamba ihoyaga Ngai
(He who has courage prays to God). Tis proverb means that the coura-
geous person is sustained by the thought that God helps in every genuine,
reasonable efort. Another proverb says, Kaba krrwo n Ngai gkra
kwrrra (Better to be pitied by God than to nurse self-pity). Tis proverb
is told with the conviction that God deals compassionately with those who
show him not the tears of despondency and despair but evidence of real
efort to combat problems. Hence the proverb, Ngai ateithagia wteithtie
(God helps those who help themselves.)
Te middle age people interviewed agreed with the old people that since
nothing lasts, an attitude of confdence helps people to meet any crisis. Te
informants pointed out that even when there is no material gain, a person
enjoys a sense of achievement from a courageous deed.
On the same issue, the young people said that courage makes a person
secure: people do not play the fool with him. It also gives a person conf-
dence in whatever he is doing. If a person is holding a position of respon-
sibility, confdence makes him feel up to it.
203
Courage (u
~
camba)
Tere is a necessary relationship between courage and optimism or con-
fdence. Optimism is part of confdence so that courageous people gener-
ally are keen to try something new. Optimism induces courage and the
results of courage keep optimism alive. Traditional society encouraged its
members to cultivate optimism so that they could conduct themselves with
confdence. With optimism, they faced the reality of hard work. Nothing
short of courage brought the welfare of one and all. Proverbially they said,
Gtir khonia kega (No cure is nice). Tat is, all things that bring about
the peoples welfare are acquired through sweat. Terefore, people should
honour work and apply themselves diligently.
Justice
Justice was an incentive to courage in two ways. First, it was considered
just that every individual should acquire personal property and to have the
right to such property. Justice also required that a man should safeguard
his property and this required courage. Secondly, the duty to uphold justice
as it afected every area of life was a reason for courage.
Te Gky understanding of justice (khooto) as the reasonable way of
things, meant that courage was essential for the protection of the family.
According to the young informants, any behaviour that is not reasonable
should be resisted. Tis includes standing up against outsiders who inter-
fere with ones home, resisting thieves, and intervening if parents are quar-
relling unreasonably. Tese are instances when justice demands courage.
Justice therefore becomes a motive for courage.
Tere is a strong relationship between courage and justice. Good reason
must motivate courageous acts; otherwise courage is not a virtue. Fighting
without a sense of right merely provokes strife and only achieves discord.
Physical fghting is a foolish approach to disputes; peaceful means, such as
litigation and discussion, bring more satisfying solutions.
Conclusion
Te various aspects of courage described in this chapter have demonstrated
that courage was traditionally a high moral value. At the individual level, it
was reasonable that a person should be courageous. Te courageous person
acquired wealth that not only met his material needs but also gave him a
measure of independence; it also helped to earn him an honoured place in
society.
204
Chapter 5
Tus, bravery was valued but too much bravery became foolhardiness. Te
foolhardy over-reached himself in his aggressiveness, and this resulted in
foolish fghts or insults. Te foolhardy only succeeded in souring relation-
ships and creating enemies.
Certain traditional values on courage still hold among the younger genera-
tions, as shown by the responses of the younger informants.
205
270?C4A %
TEMPEPANCE (WI
~
KINDI
~
RIA)
Views oI Early Writers
One aspect of temperance which traditional society valued highly was
self-control, especially under strong provocation. To work oneself into
a rage was regarded as foolish and a threat to peace in the home and in
the community.
1
Instead, people were encouraged to address each other
calmly, even cheerfully, even if they might have grievances against each
other and in spite of the fact that their inner feelings might be the com-
plete opposite of being peaceful and cheerful. Mistaking self-control for
cheerfulness, Routledge and Cagnolo thought that the Gky were quick
to forget their troubles, or that they managed to be cheerful in spite of their
circumstances. According to Routledge, In disposition the Akikuyu are
naturally cheerful, merry, loquacious, and laughter-loving, soon forgetting
their troubles and lacking the spirit of vindictiveness.
2
Traditional society expected people to be temperate in their eating and in
their sexual behaviour; self-control was valued. In this connection, Rout-
ledge observes that the Gky, though they were shrewd in matters of
business, were wanting in . greediness.
3
Children and young people
were taught not to be greedy. Senior warriors sometimes took consider-
able trouble to organize an object lesson in order to teach newly initiated
young men never to disgrace themselves by over-eating or eating greed-
ily.
4
Lugard, the pioneer empire builder in East Africa, noted in his diary
a marvellous sight he had witnessed of some hungry Gky men eating
meat. Contrary to his expectation they ate not gluttonously or wolfshly
but with good manners, giving each other some.
5
206
Regarding the drinking of beer, the written sources are generally agreed
that the Gky exercised moderation. Young men abstained in order to
devote themselves to military duties.
6
Commenting on the drinking habits
of elders, Leakey says that the elders did not drink beer only for pleasure.
He says: Te vast majority of occasions when beer was consumed were
connected with religious rites and ceremonies.
7
Te literature has quite a lot to say about temperance in the context of
sexual behaviour. Te other writers do not support Cagnolos views about
Gky sexual morality. He says, for instance, that parents did not concern
themselves about the sexual behaviour of their children since children
cannot beget before puberty. He describes Gky dances as occasions of
great corruption, bringing men to the level of beast.
8
But Leakey observes
that although Gky children had considerable freedom, they received a
great deal of instruction from their parents and were subjected to a good
deal of discipline. He goes on to say that at puberty children were allowed
to play at having sexual intercourse but parents constantly warned them
against actual sexual intercourse. Mothers examined their daughters from
time to time and the knowledge that this would happen was usually enough
to make girls obey the rules laid down for them. Kenyatta and Leakey both
say that childrens dances were attended by grown-ups in order to ensure
good conduct. According to Kabetu, the familiarity achieved at dances did
not lead to promiscuity.
From what the literature says, it seems that two methods were used to help
people exercise self-control with regard to sexual behaviour. First, people
were taught to treat the opposite sex with great respect. According to Bar-
lows informant, during the fnal preparations for initiation, both girls and
boys were accommodated in the same facilities in order to be instructed.
Tey were specifcally instructed to regard each other as brothers and
sisters, not as lovers.
9
Te same attitude was required of the warriors when
they raided the Maasai. Any warrior who captured a Maasai girl was to
treat her as if he were her brother or guardian; on no account was he to
have sexual intercourse with her.
10
Secondly, people were taught to prize
a good reputation highly. Intemperate behaviour earned a person a bad
reputation. During nguko, for instance, the question of reputation was at
stake.
11
According to Kenyatta, behaviour leading to conception was abso-
lutely against the tribal law and Te law punishes it by imposing social
stigma upon the ofenders.
12
Chapter 6
207
If conception should result from the behaviour of two young people, the
man paid a heavy fne and in addition he was made a social outcast ... by
all the young men and girls of his own age group.
13
Te girl was punished
by being made to provide a feast for the men and for her age-mates. She
was also liable for ridicule.
14
If a man tried to remove a girls garments
during nguko he ran the risk of being avoided by girls as they would not
trust or have confdence in him.
15
Whereas the society did not limit the individual freedom to pursue plea-
sure, people were encouraged to exercise moderation. For instance, when
there was a dance that might go on for many days, people commended as
wise the people who danced for a short period, say eight days, and then
turned their minds to other things, like trade or cultivation.
16
Temperance as abstention (kw
~
hinga)
A temperate person exercised abstention (kwima). According to the infor-
mants, to abstain is to avoid doing something that is within ones power
to do because of some reason important to the person concerned. For
instance, married people might avoid sexual intercourse for a period of
time because of certain ceremonies taking place in the home.
Te old people interviewed distinguished between a public ban (mhingo)
and a self-imposed ban (kwhinga) in order to emphasize the element of
personal decision involved in abstention. In traditional society both types
of prohibition were observed and although they served similar purposes
they were quite distinct. In mhingo some organized group in society
imposed the ban and the individuals concerned were required to comply.
For example, the council might decide that in order to enhance the strength
and discipline of the regiments for defence, certain age groups must not
drink beer for a certain number of seasons. Tis meant that all warriors in
the afected age groups, including those married with children who had a
right to drink, must abstain from it. If a particular warrior had a ceremony
in his home that required him to drink beer he sipped a little and instead
of swallowing it, he spat it on his chest. No afected warrior was allowed to
drink until the ban was lifed.
Te practice of public bans helped people in their self-imposed ban to a
large extent. Since public opinion was strongly against contravening the
ban, it was not difcult for an individual to abstain, say, from beer. However,
to prohibit oneself (kwhinga) was quite distinct from to comply with
a prohibition which was what mhingo required. In kwhinga, a person
Temperance (w
~
ki nd
~
ra)
20B
Chapter 6
had to be personally persuaded or convinced that to abstain from certain
things and habits was the best course for him or her. Tere was always a
minority of intemperate people who were unable to abstain. Tese earned
for themselves the notorious title mischievous or wicked (imaramari)
because they did not abstain from sexual intercourse when it was advisable
to do so. Also, whereas young men were required to assist in the brewing of
beer but were not allowed to drink it, there were a few who drank a little
(gkunda kanini). Such people became addicted to alcohol to the extent
that they were perpetually helping other people to brew beer so that they
could drink a little at each place. Although warriors and young women were
prohibited from drinking beer, during festivities such as marriages, the
festive mood was such that few did abstain. Tey had to ensure, however,
that their fathers did not see them either drinking or being drunk. It was
taken for granted that a son was prohibited from drinking beer until his
father formally gave him permission. Tis normally happened when the
sons frst-born child was ready for initiation into adulthood. Ceremonial
drinking was part of the important rituals associated with initiation and
the youths father had to participate in the drinking. But, as was pointed out
before, if he was still engaged in military service and his child was being
initiated when he was compelled to abstain by public ban, he sipped a bit
and spat the beer on his chest.
Traditionally, the Gky associated abstention with sexual morality and
the drinking of intoxicants, and to some extent with the taking of snuf
by women. Many women abstained from taking snuf because the habit of
khooya mbak (going to beg for snuf) from other people usually led to
gossip and loss of time that should have been spent on more useful activi-
ties. Also a woman could be visiting a man-friend under the pretext of
begging for snuf.
Abstenticn frcm sexuaI interccurse
Regarding traditional sexual behaviour among the Gky, the informants
made a distinction between nguko and sexual intercourse. Tese were two
diferent forms of sexual behaviour and they served diferent purposes.
Nguko belonged properly to the post-initiation period, prior to settled
married life. Te essential purpose of nguko was the mutual nurture
(krerana) of the young adults of both sexes. It was also referred to as kria
wanake na irtu (to enjoy youthfulness). Te informants emphasized that
the initiated young people were only interested in each others nyondo na
njoya (breasts and warmth). Tat is, nguko involved limited sex play. Te
atmosphere of mutual attraction and bodily warmth of the opposite sexes
209
Temperance (w
~
ki nd
~
ra)
were believed to efect vigorous development of the whole person.
17
Te
practice of nguko was strictly controlled, with defnite rules to be observed.
Te couples engaging in nguko were forbidden from behaving as if they
were married to each other. Sexual intercourse belonged properly to the
married state where the married couple engaged in it for procreation, for
various ceremonial purposes centred in the home, or for mutual pleasure.
With that distinction between nguko and sexual intercourse in mind,
when the older informants talked about abstention they referred to the
latter practice. In traditional Gky society unmarried young people were
required by customary law and morality to abstain from sexual intercourse.
Before initiation, boys and girls were children so they did not even prac-
tice nguko.
18
While nguko was considered proper for initiated young men
and women they were under public ban from sexual intercourse.
A large majority of the unmarried young people succeeded in abstain-
ing from sexual intercourse. Tey succeeded because they were taught to
regard sexual intercourse between unmarried people as taboo (mgiro).
19
In practical terms, they respected themselves and each other and there-
fore it was easy to abstain. A young man of the warrior class was generally
regarded as a chip of God (kenyu ka Ngai). Any behaviour by him or
by his girl friends that might afect his fortune was to be avoided. Te girl
attracted to him had a responsibility to help him avoid engaging in illicit
sexual behaviour. A virgin was regarded as gathirange (pure); her parents
had brought her up properly. Her integrity and the authority of her parents
protected her from being violated. So any young man who might unlaw-
fully be practicing nguko with her had to remember that she belonged
to her parents until by good fortune a particular man would claim her as
wife.
20
Tis lesson was impressed on young men from early boyhood when
they began to attend dances with age mates of the opposite sex. When boys
and girls performed the ngcu dance, for instance, a boy would sing:
Ni nyinte na kara
Keeragwo n ithe,
Ndookera.
I am dancing with the special little (girl).
To whom her father says,
Call on me early in the morning.
To that another boy would respond:
210
Chapter 6
O na wainwo,
Ndgaakene.
No mgrani r Ngai.
Though she dances with you
Dont be happy.
Ones spouse is chosen by God.
21
Terefore, young people learned from an early age to associate with each
other in dance and later in nguko, but they did not preoccupy their minds
with sex.
Te informants gave two reasons why young people were strongly advised
to abstain from sexual intercourse. Te frst reason concerned the proper
development of the whole person. Te habit of engaging in sexual inter-
course could easily lead to conception before the young people concerned
were ready for the heavy responsibilities of setting up a home and bringing
up children. Traditional society considered it very important that afer ini-
tiation young people should spend some time in the state of maidenhood
and warriorhood before entering upon the responsibilities of married life.
Te period of life between initiation and married life was expected to be a
period of physical and moral maturing. In the words of an informant, they
were supposed to become solid (kmata). In the belief that like produces
like, the young people were expected to have developed into physically and
morally strong people before they began to produce ofspring.
Te second reason concerned the integrity of the individual and his or her
reputation. Te majority of people aspired to a dignifed life. A pregnancy
outside of marriage did not contribute towards what people aspired to. An
unmarried girl who became pregnant was considered impatient and lacking
in foresight. It was an accident that damaged her reputation and which
might lead to general disorder on her part. Her age mates despised and
ostracized her; her parents were embarrassed and her prospective spouse
rejected her. If the man responsible for the pregnancy did not marry her
she faced the prospect of eventually marrying a man not of her choice. A
young man who caused a pregnancy was suddenly faced with expenses, as
he was required to pay compensation for the pregnancy. If the girl should
die in childbirth before he had paid compensation for the pregnancy, he
had to pay compensation for the pregnancy and pay compensation for
manslaughter. Like the girl, he too sufered disrepute.
211
Temperance (w
~
ki nd
~
ra)
However, a small minority of young people indulged in mischief
(maramari). A young man might persuade a girl to have sexual intercourse
with him secretly. He would give her a verbal oath (muuma wa kanua)
never to tell anyone about his action. But if the girl fell ill and the diviner/
medicine man discerned that her illness was due to deflement (thaahu),
she had to confess before treatment was prescribed. Tere was also the
occasional young man who frequented the home of an elder in the latters
absence and visited one of his wives. Such an illicit afair was bound to be
discovered by his age mates. When that happened, he would be punished
secretly by being commanded to provide them with an animal for slaugh-
ter (ngoima). Te age mates made sure that the matter was kept secret for
two reasons. First, such behaviour put the whole age set into disrepute.
Secondly, if the matter became publicized, relationships in the home of the
wronged elder would be strained. Tere was also the occasional girl who
made the habit of visiting her man friend alone in his hut. Such conduct
was bound to lead to pregnancy.
Within the married state, abstention from sexual intercourse was observed
at specifc periods in the life of the woman concerned. Tis was mainly
because of the need to space children and thus to ensure the future health
of the children she conceived and bore. Here the responsibility lay mostly
on the wife. She abstained from sexual intercourse from the third month
of pregnancy until the time when she had weaned the baby. To indicate
the proper time when another child should be born, the informants used
expressions such as, Te child should be able to run on his own in case of
danger, Te child should be able to tell his mother let me hold the baby
for you.
22
During the period when the woman could legitimately conceive
another child she abstained from sex for the seven days of her menses.
According to my informants, if a man had only one wife, he was obliged to
abstain from sexual intercourse when his wife did. If he had no hut (thin-
gira), he also could seek food and accommodation among his male age
mates in the neighbourhood.
Abstenticn frcm beer drinkin
Besides the ban imposed on certain warrior classes for military purposes,
there were other reasons why young men abstained from beer. One reason,
according to informants in the Old Age Group was the respect sons had
for their fathers. Whether a son was married or unmarried he abstained
from beer drinking until his father gave him permission to drink. Part of
the reason for this was that much of the beer brewed in a home was for cer-
212
Chapter 6
emonial purposes, and it was the father who performed these ceremonies
for the family. Terefore, the beer belonged to the father and his sons could
not drink it without his permission. At the time when it became necessary
for a married son to perform ceremonies for his own wife and children, his
father formally gave him permission to drink.
Another consideration that made people abstain from alcohol was material
welfare. In traditional society only the wealthy old men had the right to
drink for pleasure. Having worked diligently during their younger days in
order to ensure their welfare in old age, they could aford to relax. In the
words of an informant, Wealthy old men have wives, grown-up male and
female children, cattle, goats and gardens. Since you (poor man) do not
have these things, what right have you to drink?
23
Temperance as selIcontrol (gw
~
thima)
Te old people interviewed described temperance also as self-control.
Traditionally, gwthima was practiced in connection with the drinking
of beer, the eating of food in public and in sexual intercourse. Te ability
or inability of individuals to exercise moderation in these matters distin-
guished the temperate from the intemperate person. Te temperate person
was decorous, mainly because he or she was mindful of his or her personal
esteem and welfare. On the contrary, the intemperate person was greedy.
Te informants interpreted greed as love of self, a behaviour that does not
take other peoples needs into account. Te intemperate person basically
has lost the proper perspective regarding personal esteem and welfare.
Terefore, the conduct of such a person lacks decorum.
Self-control was especially exhibited in a persons behaviour with respect
to eating and drinking.
SeIf-ccntrcI in beer drinkin
In traditional society, beer drinking was the privilege of elders in their later
years. It was brewed in homes for various ceremonial purposes. Te par-
ticipation of the elder was essential so that for him there was no question of
abstention. What the temperate elder did was to drink in moderation.
Drinking in moderation was regarded as important because, although
people did not dislike beer, they found faults with it. Excess with respect to
drink caused a person to lose the sense of himself (kwrigwo). In that state
he might act indecently. For instance, he might fall along a path where chil-
dren or his in-laws might see him lying immodestly. He might fall down
in his courtyard and this was taboo.
24
He might stagger and fall on a tree
213
Temperance (w
~
ki nd
~
ra)
stump and hurt himself. A drunkard was also vulnerable to wild animals
such as leopards or even hyenas because he was too weak to fght them or
run for cover. Quarrels and serious fghts could result from drinking exces-
sively. Also, while an elder spent his time in a drunken stupor, his duties of
tending domestic animals would be neglected.
In traditional society, only disrespectable, greedy people drank excessively.
Such people were referred to as and a nda (people of the stomach). Tey
went around homes, helping to brew beer. Since they were entitled to drink
some of it for their services, they soon got drunk. Decent people drank in
only one home and decided they had had enough.
A self-respecting elder maintained his sobriety in spite of drinking beer.
Tis he did by drinking up to a self-imposed level referred to as gkinyia
njano (up to the mark). Tis was not so much a question of the quantity
of beer he drank. In fact, his attitude to beer and his manner of drinking
determined how much he drank. Also, the environment in which he drank
determined the amount he would take. Since beer was brewed in homes for
a particular purpose the elder was either the host or an invited guest. Te
atmosphere was genial and respectful: Gky convention demanded that
he observed decorum. He would therefore determine that he was not going
to lose his sense. Ordinarily, the beer was part of a complete meal so that
the elder associated it closely with whatever else there was to eat. He could
say he had had enough beer in the same way he could say he had eaten to
satisfaction.
Normally, an elder invited another elder to his home when he wished to
give him beer. Te latter brought along with him his small drinking horn.
According to convention, an invited guest like that was given porridge,
food and meat before beer was produced. During the conversation, the
elder would be holding his horn of beer, taking occasional sips. By the end
of the visit he would have drunk four or fve small hornfuls. He did not
gulp down his beer because that manner of drinking would not only make
him drunk, but would cause him to be regarded as greedy.
SeIf-ccntrcI in eatin
In traditional Gky society, a person could cause permanent damage to
his reputation by the manner in which he conducted himself when eating
in public. If a person who made a casual visit to a home was ofered a half-
calabash of porridge, emptied it and asked for more, it suggested that he
was greedy. If he emptied several half-calabashes his hostess would decide
214
Chapter 6
that he did not deserve to be ofered any food unless there was plenty to
spare. When eating food in public, the temperate individual preferred to
behave decorously even if this might mean he did not eat enough.
According to the informants, what was wrong with the greedy person
was that he rated himself as more important than other people. He was
someone who exalted himself (mwkrri) and behaved as if he deserved
preferential treatment. People said of him, Mwkrri ndatigagia mcr
(He who serves himself does not overlook the handle of the calabash).
25
Tis means that when a greedy person serves himself, he flls the container
completely, leaving nowhere to hold it. Tis was regarded as foolish behav-
iour because this intemperance served only to scandalize him while it did
not afect the welfare of other people. Hence another saying, Mkoroku
atharaga maa (Te greedy person grabs water). In other words, he who is
greedy will make a spectacle of himself over a commodity as plentiful as
water merely to quench his thirst. In contrast, the temperate person would
patiently wait his turn. If he takes food in public, he will serve himself a
moderate amount.
When sealing a marriage deal, at the time when the stall-fed ram (ngoima)
was slaughtered for the clan, clansmen reputed as temperate would be
selected to divide the meat. On account of the many people participating
in the feast, each could only receive a small portion. Failure to serve each
participant might cause some people to grumble. At meat feasts connected
with lawsuits, the elder requested to divide the meat for the three categories
of elders present, was particularly careful not to earn himself the disrespect
of young elders (kamatim) on account of greed.
26
At home, a mother might not consider herself to be in the public eye but
in fact she was. Tis was particularly true during famine. Since her family
looked up to her for food, she ofen preferred to eat less herself so that she
might give her husband and her children a little more. When the children
continued to thrive in spite of the famine, they appreciated their mother for
the importance she attached to their well being.
Temperance as caution (w
~
menyereri)
Temperance was also described as caution (wmenyereri). Wmenyereri is
derived from the verb kwmenyerera which means to take care of oneself
or to guard oneself. It is commonly used in connection with any situation
or circumstance that involves risk to one-self. It is also the word used in
connection with sexual relationships.
215
Temperance (w
~
ki nd
~
ra)
According to the old people interviewed, in traditional society, a mother
normally warned her daughter to wmenyerere (take care of yourself) as
she played and danced with boys. Te girl was warned that to engage in
careless play or in illicit sexual intercourse was tantamount to kwananga
(destroying yourself). Tat is, such conduct could afect her reputation and
the prospects of a properly settled life.
Te informants emphasized that the responsibility to observe caution rested
primarily with the individual. When a girl was sexually assaulted, the term
used was knyitwo (to be forced/raped) or gthkio (to be destroyed),
indicating that the circumstances were beyond her control.
27
Growing girls
were encouraged by their parents to report to them any man who made
indecent advances to them; such men were severely dealt with. Terefore,
girls knew that when they refused to yield sexually to a man they had the
support and approval of their families. One of the informants recounted
how a man she knew quite well one day approached her as she was drawing
water at a spring. He told her to let him touch her genitalia and she inno-
cently told him that she must frst ask her father whether she should allow
anybody to touch her. Te man thought she was joking, but she hurried
home and went straight to her fathers hut where she found him conversing
with another elder. She took the courage to interrupt them and reported the
matter. Te following day, her father sent for the man and for a few elders
from the neighbourhood. Te man was fned six goats for his misconduct.
When the girl was eventually initiated, her age group was given the name,
huutia ngoige (touch me and I will report you!). Traditional society did not
take chances with small beginnings that might lead to sexual violation. Te
society protected small girls as well as women. But they had to play their
part in discouraging behaviour that could lead to sexual assault. Hence,
wmenyereri.
In connection with sexual caution then, the informants said that women,
being more vulnerable, have greater responsibility. Te informants further
quoted the maxim, Njgma njega yumaga krro (A good club comes
from its source). In other words, a child becomes an upright adult only if he
or she has been trained to be upright from early childhood. In this connec-
tion, the informants emphasized that girls were constantly warned to take
care of themselves. Instruction on how to conduct themselves accompanied
the warning; proper conduct included not exposing the genitalia.
Accordingly, a small girl was dressed in a small skin made up of several
sof skin strips. As the little girl played with small boys in the uninhibited
216
Chapter 6
manner of small children, her genitalia were on the whole out of sight. A
small girl was also taught to sit properly because she was not a boy. Before
initiation, she was ofen warned that, if she engaged in sexual intercourse,
this action would come to be known during her circumcision. She would
be ridiculed and would not heal quickly. Afer initiation she was warned
that if she engaged in sexual activities, other than the approved mutual
fondling (nguko), the matter would be known at the time of her marriage
and she would be ridiculed by her husband and ostracized by the women.
When a girl was approaching adolescence she was provided with three
garments. Henceforth, she continued to wear these three garments. Tey
included a pubic apron (mweng), a fork-tailed half skirt which overlapped
the apron some way, and a long cloak. Te practical function of these gar-
ments was to cover her nakedness. Te two inner garments were also used
for protection during nguko. A girl learnt the technique and the habit of
overlapping and tucking in her apron and skirt every time she sat down
and every time she engaged in nguko.
28
To guard against illicit sex among the young, other measures were also
employed. Adults regarded young peoples dances seriously and they were
therefore carefully organized. Dances involving uninitiated boys and
girls were held in homesteads and adults watched and cheered the young
dancers. Under indirect adult supervision, the children were being exposed
to each other in order to acquire the habit of association without indulging
in mischief (maramari). As far as initiated young people were concerned,
a girl did not attend a dance unless accompanied by a young man whom
she and her parents trusted to take good care of her. Tis was usually a
relative or a neighbour. Te dances themselves had appointed supervisors
who ensured discipline.
Afer young girls were initiated they joined the company of older girls (afer
paying them some inducement). Te older girls instructed them regarding
the correct relationship between girls and young men. Tis was practical
education regarding prohibitions, rights and privileges. For instance, the
girls were told how to secure their garments when visiting mens huts.
Tey were instructed always to visit a mans hut as a group. Girls were advised
not to be committed to any man until there was a formal engagement to a
particular person. Afer this, she had to stop any further nguko until afer
marriage when the couple would legitimately have sexual intercourse. Te
girl was instructed on ways of alerting the others if in the course of nguko
217
Temperance (w
~
ki nd
~
ra)
a man made extra-ordinary advances to her. In such circumstances she and
her companions had a right to express their anger by beating the ofending
man, demolishing his bed and henceforth boycotting his hut.
Parents kept a close watch on their daughters physical development. She
was instructed to report to her mother the commencement of her frst
menses so that they could perform the rite of koerwo for her.
29
Afer this
ceremony, the girl was regarded as a mature person (mnd mgima). For
a girl to hide her frst menses would be considered a very serious matter.
Should she become pregnant without koerwo having been done she would
be referred to as mirtu wa monjo (a crippled maiden) and it would be
difcult for her to fnd a husband.
A married woman took care of herself by ensuring that she did not conceive
too ofen because she was likely to sufer ill health and overwork. Besides,
she would be ridiculed by other women.
Although a young man did not need to observe stringent measures in
regard to sex, he was nevertheless required to behave responsibly towards
his female acquaintances. If a man made a girl pregnant his father would
usually prevail upon him to marry the girl. A young man was keen to marry
out of love; he was therefore careful not to make such a mistake.
Tere was one important issue that the initiated young man himself had to
take care of, particularly if he was handsome and attracted many girls. Girls
would pamper such a person with attention, taking food to his hut, engag-
ing him in conversation and nguko and favouring him during dances. As a
result, he might spend a lot of time grooming himself. He would then have
little time to engage in economic pursuits that would enable him to obtain
wealth with which to marry a wife. Meantime, his less handsome age mates
would be concentrating on activities that rewarded them with prosperity.
Since girls were not obliged to marry those they enjoyed their youth with,
they would eventually abandon the handsome man and marry men with
property. Girls preferred such men because their diligence was an insur-
ance against poverty. Tey were also more settled as marriage partners. A
handsome man who was wise would therefore limit the time he spent with
his girl admirers so that he might concern himself with pursuits that would
enable him to obtain property.
Temperance as steadIastness (u
~
kir
~
r
~
ria)
Te old people interviewed also described temperance as steadfastness
21B
Chapter 6
(kirrria). Steadfastness appeared to be an essential characteristic of the
temperate person. Among the qualities evident in the temperate person,
patience and wisdom ranked high. Such a person was reasonable and did
not allow emotions to control him. He was also steadfast when he set his
mind on something.
Te informants in the Old Age Group said that the temperate person has
patience or forbearance (kirrria mraya). He is able to quell his anger
when provoked, to restrain his hand from hitting someone and to refrain
his tongue from decrying another. A person like that does not engage in
fghts even when other people challenge him and suggest he is a coward.
Te temperate person prefers peace because he knows the damaging efect
of strife in the community. For this reason he is careful of what he says
about anybody to people who might report his words. He considers there
is nothing to be gained from disparaging others.
In connection with land tillage and marriage relationships, another related
quality that the temperate people had was single-mindedness. An infor-
mant had this to say:
It is a great error for a people to fail to grasp the things that ensure
their preservation. Other nations do not allow foreigners to teach their
children because they want to give their own children a way of life. The
Gky are the house of the digging stick and a child was given a garden
of his own so that he may learn to cultivate.
30
According to this informant, the experience of land tillage taught people
to believe in the purpose of efort and of human relationships. Regarding
tillage, a child learnt early that a diligent person does not give up on a
piece of land merely because it is difcult to make it produce a high yield.
Instead, he accepted the necessity of patient efort in crop husbandry and
eventually acquired livestock through the sale of his crops.
Te lesson from land tillage was applicable to the marriage relationship.
Te same informant said that a marriage was contracted in the traditional
society so that a home might be established. A home was considered to be
the security of every man, woman and child, the place where every indi-
vidual had his basic roots. Tis understanding made each party to a mar-
riage determined to honour it, however difcult the marriage relationship
might be.
219
Temperance (w
~
ki nd
~
ra)
In practical terms, this meant that the married couple cultivated patience
and sympathy with each other. Even if there might be reasons to behave dif-
ferently, each partner to the marriage was advised to be diligent in making
the home because this was their security. Marriage partners resolved to
honour their marriage because children needed to be reared well; they
needed to grow up in an atmosphere of friendship, goodwill and stabil-
ity. Tere were two main reasons for this. First, children needed to have a
special attachment to their home. If they lef home they should be happy to
return. Tis would include their willingness to assist their aging or ailing
parents. Secondly, children needed to recognize their parents as such and
to accept their authority.
Upon marriage, a girl was obliged to respect her husbands authority
(watho). Tis meant that she stopped showing interest in any of her previ-
ous male associates. She was advised that in marriage there was no room
for fecklessness. She had to resolve that her marriage to this particular
man was fnal and had to stop thinking that somebody else might have
made a better husband. She was obliged to settle down to a life of harmony
with her husband; this entailed agreeing with him and feeding him well
(kmmenya nda).
31
On his part, a man was advised that husbands should not rule their home
in a despotic manner. A man won his authority over his wife precisely by
winning her respect and this was best accomplished by demonstrating his
own respect for her. For instance, he would show his preference for her by
treating her kindly.
Te informants also mentioned an aspect of steadfastness (kirrria) that
concerns restraint from stealing. Tey maintained that the traditional
Gky believed that there was no sure way to riches except through
diligence in tilling the land. Te results of good husbandry were slow but
certain. Raiding the Maasai for cattle was risky as a warrior might be killed
in the process. Stealing other peoples property did not pay as it was heavily
punished. Some of the informants in the Middle Age Group observed
that when a person had been placed in charge of a public store with com-
modities like sugar and cooking oils, it would take steadfastness to leave
the provisions alone and go to the shops to buy the same commodities
for himself. Te informants in the Young Age Group also referred to such
a circumstance to point out that it takes a strong character to forego the
temptation to steal.
220
Chapter 6
Temperance in modern times
Without exception, informants expressed their concern at the change that
has taken place in relation to the virtue of temperance: change has been
fast, bewildering and disconcerting. Te indications that it is continuing
are disheartening to the majority of the informants. Te prevailing conduct
in relation to sex and alcohol is viewed as a threat to strength for existence
as concerns the individual, as well as with respect to Gky society.
Older informants displayed a strong sense of gloom and despondency
while recounting their observations of change. Change to them has been
total and devastating:
There is no Gky-ness left. Gky laws, customs and traditions have
been erased . Uprightness is gone. The upright parent is dying sooner
rather than later from grief. When he steps out of his homestead he sees
things he does not want to see.
32
Among the sights that dishearten the old are the number of staggering
drunkards, single girls who are pregnant and loitering youths. Tese persons
strike the old people as unconcerned about their plight and disdainful of
the ignorant old people. In this connection another informant is more
personal: Tese days, things have come to us in a very bad way I
see some things and experience nausea In fact, the reason I found
it difcult to continue drinking beer was because of seeing nauseous
things
33
Te older informants represent the section of Gky society that has expe-
rienced most fully the impact and shock of the encounter between western
and indigenous cultures. Tese people have had to make quick and drastic
adjustments right from that time until the present day.
Interviews with these people reveal that they have hardly had an oppor-
tunity to refect and determine what really has been happening. Tey are
reduced to generalizing about a world that has bewildered them. An infor-
mant who is trying to explain the phenomenon of pregnancies of single
girls says: Since the white man (comba) came things changed a lot. Vice
became rampant; chastity became scarce Te idea of uprightness was
steadily blotted until it was obliterated Tat is why there are many preg-
nancies among unmarried girls today.
34
221
Temperance (w
~
ki nd
~
ra)
Not long ago people frowned on unmarried mothers. Such pregnancies
were not many. Ten suddenly there was a change of attitude and pregnan-
cies are not being regarded as faults.
35
According to the informants, some
young men now prefer to marry girls who are pregnant. Tis complete
reversal of Gky moral attitude is difcult to explain. An informant says
that it is a contradiction of every efort and desire of the Gky people and
of the missionaries who have evangelised them. When the missionaries
taught us things of God and about the way to live they wanted chastity to
prevail. What went wrong puzzles me. It puzzles me because they taught
chastity.
36
Tis informant suggests that there is a phenomenon called `modernism
(kru) which is difcult to explain. Te efect of modernism is that people
behave contrary to their will. Another informant explains that what has
come to the Gky is civilization. He observes: Yet a civilized man will
deceive his wife, a civilized man will deceive his mother. Why does a full-
grown man tell lies to a woman? Let a husband speak truth to his wife.
37
Another informant expresses the general attitude held by the older people
that the civilized modern Gky are a people devoid both of physical
strength and of willpower. He compares the past generations with the
present one and says that formerly, children were born by redoubtable
men and women who used to drink healthful herbal brews. Todays chil-
dren are born of parents who exist on tea. Interestingly, this imagery of the
non-nourishing stimulant is repeated by another informant. Explaining
that formerly married women had enough strength or will to abstain from
sex for long periods, she says, Long ago babies were reared long enough.
Today it seems like the soil is hot; I dont know whether it is the drinking of
tea that has made people impulsive.
38
Still another informant confrms the bewilderment of the older people by
saying that God has allowed the phenomenon of the pregnancies among
unmarried girls. In former days did not young men and maidens live side
by side? Did such things happen?
39
According to the older informants, until recently, fathers used to be com-
pensated for their daughters pregnancies. Today, most parents are no
longer able to pursue the issue of pregnancies. Te tendency has been for
parents to leave children to go where they want and to do as they please. Te
parents take the attitude that children belong to the country or to the gov-
ernment. Tis group observes further that today young people are refusing
222
Chapter 6
to commit themselves to marriage on a permanent basis. Tey prefer to live
together (mikaranio), both partners having a good measure of freedom
to leave the other at will. In these circumstances neither is able to establish
a home. Neither belongs to the other, each belongs to the country. Teir
children belong to the country. Te children walk away as soon as they can
and have no mind to return where they were born. Tese children do not
learn to honour their parents, let alone to recognize parental authority. An
informant foresees a time in the near future when many people will belong
to no particular family, only to the government. Te majority will become
vagabonds (njangiri). Devoid of the sense of kinship, which is the basis of
all proper home life, they will have a difcult old age and will most likely
waste away.
40
Older people believe that today people are disregarding the rules that enable
people to lead a satisfying, stable life. Here is a summary of the views of
the middle-aged informants regarding temperance in the modern period,
Everybody is bewildered. It looks like moral brakes no longer function
and things are just accelerating.
41
Tis group believes that the moral constraints that controlled the use of
alcohol in the past as well as sexual behaviour are now on the whole disre-
garded. Te idea and practice of temperance has sufered because people
have lost respect for themselves and for each other:
An elder will neglect his home. A young man will beat his father over
land because he is greedy and wants it. Today even children and women
are drinking. Many homes have become impoverished and have run dry
of respect.
42
According to this group, women are the greater losers. Some girls have
made sex their business, for lack of other jobs. Others have become care-
free but they end up disillusioned and miserable.
Today girls are dont cares and yet they are disillusioned. When a girl
discovers she is pregnant, she becomes afraid and runs away from home
for fear of the parents. Sometimes she runs after the boy who does not
want her. Some of them end up dying while trying to abort
43
When the parent therefore introduces his unmarried daughter to family
planning methods it is out of concern for her life rather than his conviction
that she should be planning a family prior to marriage. Another informant
223
Temperance (w
~
ki nd
~
ra)
in this group laments: Te way we want our children to live is not the way
they will live.
44
Te majority of the informants in this group would gladly welcome revival
of the practice of nguko if it would teach young people to exercise restraint
in sexual relations while learning about each other at the same time.
Te Young Age Group has its own past to refer to. Tese young people are
also bewildered for they have seen rapid changes within their own life-
time:
When I was small I rarely saw young men drinking. Bars were built at an
amazing speed and soon young men began to frequent them. In former
days beer was not considered so important. People took fermented gruel.
I do not know why there has been such rapid change.
45
Regarding sexual behaviour, the informants in the Young Age Group see
the current state of afairs in the same way as the other two groups. Tey
observe much promiscuity in spite of peoples wishes to the contrary:
Sexual immorality was not accepted, but now things are changing. Some
time ago, an unmarried girl getting pregnant was something to cause a lot
of embarrassment in her home
46
Te opinion of the Young Age Group is that Gky society has become
confused about sexual morality. Peoples attitudes are contradictory and
the young people do not know what is expected of them. Te following
three quotations describe the situation further. According to a young man:
Every time a boy moves with a girl it is assumed that there must be some-
thing immoral going on.
47
A girl informant remarked this: Te situation
is so confused that in fact the girl who becomes pregnant is regarded as
better morally.
48
Te above observations can be compared to one by another young man:
Some of the men have lost confdence in the fertility of girls. A friend told
me that he cannot marry a girl until he has made her pregnant, because the
girl might have led a very loose life.
49
Te general opinion of this group is that in the current confusion regarding
proper sexual morality the girls sufer because they are unable to discern
the attitudes and motives of the men who befriend them. In this connec-
tion, a male informant says that young men are not bothered to behave
224
Chapter 6
responsibly towards girls because they do not have to pay dowry. Tey will
therefore encourage girls to have sexual relations with them and yet they
do not intend to marry them.
50
Te three age groups are all of the opinion that Gky morality has changed
a lot as far as temperance is concerned. Te informants in the three age
groups also feel that the situation may be irredeemable since change con-
tinues at a fast rate. A majority of the informants, however, state that there
still are some individuals who have not fallen victim to the forces of change.
Tese are said to belong to strong families. Strong families are identifed as
those that have maintained traditional Gky beliefs to a large extent, as
well as those who hold strong Christian beliefs.
Factors inIluencing ideas about temperance
All informants recognized three main factors that have contributed towards
the change in attitude towards temperance. Tese include a changing atti-
tude to authority, lack of moral teaching and moral example, and compro-
mising moral standards.
Chanin attitude tc authcrity
Te three age groups believe that respect for authority was important in
the past. Tis respect helped to foster temperate behaviour. However, there
is some diference of opinion within the three groups about what consti-
tutes authority. Te Young Age Group associates authority with parents. A
minority also mention God, saying that people who believe God punishes
evil will avoid doing wrong. Te Middle Age Group has a similar concep-
tion of authority. Some informants also include civil powers. Tis group
believes that respect for vows and fear of taboos was a restraint against
intemperance. According to the Old Age Group, authority includes the
authority of parents over children, the authority of a husband over his wife
and the authority of a peer group over its members. In traditional society,
the younger members of society were also controlled by the warrior police
force. Te elders were a restraining authority as well. Te Old Age Group
also includes supernatural authority. Te importance of the latter authority
is indicated by the fear formerly attached to taboos and respect for vows
made under oath.
From the contributions of the three groups, it can be concluded that among
the signifcant diferences between the traditional and the modern Gky
society is its attitude towards authority. Tree things stand out regard-
ing traditional society. First, for any single individual there were several
225
Temperance (w
~
ki nd
~
ra)
agents of control that exerted pressure on the person throughout his life.
Secondly, the individuals grew to respect these agents so that their attitude
to authority was one of respect and even fear. Tirdly, there were certain
strong convictions compelling the individual to either exert authority or
to submit to authority, as the case might be. Modern Gky society, on
the other hand, is characterized by a general scepticism and this afects its
attitude to authority. Tis scepticism is a trend whose beginnings can be
traced to the beginning of the 20th century, that is to say when the genera-
tion represented by the Old Age Group was young. Te informants in the
Old Age Group agree that it was their generation that began to regard some
traditional means of behaviour control as irrelevant. Tey are the people
who began to get disinterested in the reasons behind the traditional tenets
of morality.
For our purposes it will sufce to focus on three main areas illustrating
the changing attitude towards authority as the society moves from the tra-
ditional to the modern way of life. Tese areas are: parental authority, the
authority of the peer group and attitude towards taboos.
With respect to parental authority in traditional society, parents regarded it
as their moral duty to gwatha ciana (command, discipline and control their
children). Tey exercised authority over their children through counsel,
commands, prohibitions and sanctions. Te area of temperance received
particular attention because it was considered that misconduct in matters
of sex and alcohol robbed people of vitality.
On their part, children were obliged to gwathkra aciari (obey their
parents). Te obedient child had his rewards but the disobedient child
was termed mbra mat (one who has no ears).
51
Sanctions against such
children were unpleasant and might include isolation and open ostracism.
Parents warned their children to avoid the company of mbra mat in
order that they would not be corrupted by them. Te age of the child did
not make a diference as far as the authority of the parent was concerned.
An adult man, even though he had his own wife and children, was never-
theless his fathers son and was therefore under his authority. Informants
in the Old Age Group give the example of an angered parent rebuking or
chastising an adult son or daughter without the latter retaliating. No son or
daughter was too old to be counselled.
However, parental authority was not tyrannical. Parents were normally
careful not to lord it over their children. Parental authority was governed
by a combination of persuasion and frmness. Trough casual talk and
226
Chapter 6
formal counsel parents were constantly instilling in their children the
values they adhered to, including the moral value of temperance. An obe-
dient child heard and guarded him or herself against the pitfalls the parent
had pointed out. Even if a child disregarded warnings, he or she could not
claim to be ignorant. Parental discipline in such a case was heavy but on
principle had to be deterrent. Particularly in reference to temperance, the
child had to learn that actions had consequences and that every individual
was largely the author of his own welfare.
Te informants in the three age groups point out that parents today do
not control their children as they ought to. Peoples circumstances have
changed and the informants mention the factors that make parental control
difcult. Tese include the mobility of modern society, as well as difer-
ences in education and income between the old and young. However, the
most signifcant change has been the attitude that obedience to parents is
no longer considered a moral obligation. Te Old Age Group believes that
moral obligations are being diluted by the growing inability of people to
maintain a proper home life, a place where children can become accus-
tomed to parental authority. Te Middle Age Group says that there has
been a change of attitude about the relevance of moral discipline, especially
with respect to sex and alcohol. Te efect is that parents feel helpless to
control their children. Te Young Age Group generally are of the opinion
that parents are afraid to command their children. On the other hand,
children are also generally unwilling to submit to the authority of their
parents.
In traditional society the local community exercised authority over the
individual. An individuals misconduct did not pass unnoticed. Te com-
munity sanctioned morality mainly through gossip and ridicule. However,
it was the peer group that the individual feared most. Age mates of the same
sex formed a compact group with considerable power over its members.
Concerned about their reputation, the age group exerted pressure on its
members to observe proper morality. Among the initiated but unmarried,
the age set sanctioned the moral conduct of its members. Tis occurred not
only through gossip and ridicule but also through corporal punishment
and ostracism of ofenders. Supernatural sanctions were employed as well.
Newly initiated male age sets used to take a solemn oath (kringa thenge),
promising to observe strict personal and public morality. Among other
things, they vowed to abstain from alcohol and to avoid sexual mischief.
Initiated girls made similar vows. Tey invoked a curse on any age mate
who contravened the rules.
227
Temperance (w
~
ki nd
~
ra)
Modern Gky society does not recognise authority of peers over an
individual. Organised peer groups do not even exist today. Some of the
informants in the Old Age and Middle Age groups believe that sexual
misconduct among the young began when young men and girls began to
meet as couples in secret. Tere was no efective group to belong to since
the idea of age set began to lose its relevance. Te authority of the age set
in sex conduct was undermined when converts to Christianity began to
wage war against the sins of adultery, fornication and firtation (tharia
na mbani). Converts believed that these sins were associated with the
practice of nguko and traditional dances.
52
Tose converted to Christianity when the faith was frst brought to the
country substituted Christian vows for the traditional vows under oath.
Under the new authority they swore or made vows that, among other things,
they would abstain from alcohol, adultery and fornication. However, the
authority behind the new vows seemed remote. Punishment, either by
human agent or through supernatural power, did not follow upon disre-
gard of such vows. As a result of the same scepticism that caused people
began to break taboos, they also began to break the new vows. Morality
associated with temperance has thus inevitably changed. An informant in
the Middle Age Group summarized the modern situation:
There used to be taboos but now people dont fear taboos I believe
one reason why things are going from bad to worse is because people no
longer fear anything. They dont fear oaths, they dont fear civil authority
and they dont fear God.
53
Lack cf mcraI teachin and cf ccd exampIe
Lack of moral teaching and of good examples for people to follow is seen
as another factor that has brought about rapid changes in the area of tem-
perance. Traditional teaching on moral conduct has become impracticable
and so there is no public opinion to restrain people. Modern education
concentrates on academic subjects.
In traditional society, teaching and specifc instructions on moral conduct
were given to children by parents, sponsors at initiations and by older
people in general. Te Old Age Group says that with the introduction of
the modern type of education and of western culture, parents began to fnd
it difcult to teach their children. Tose who became Christians trusted
that their children would read the Bible and receive the necessary instruc-
tion.
54
22B
Chapter 6
Interviews with the Old and Middle age groups indicate that people in
Gky society generally hold the attitude that the printed word is both
informative and instructive. Moreover, what is contained in a book is
regarded as superior to what a parent may say to a young student. Some
of the informants in the Middle Age Group say that parents have started
to feel incompetent to instruct their children in the principles of moral
conduct.
Te majority of parents in the old and middle age categories are hardly
literate. Tey cannot verify the soundness of the literature their children
read. Tose parents who make an attempt to counsel their children are dis-
couraged by the young peoples lack of interest. Tere is a general tendency
in the young to look down on old fashioned matters. So the parent fnds
his counsel is dismissed as irrelevant and he loses his audience.
Interviews with the Young Age Group indicate that the young people sufer
mainly from three problems as far as teaching is concerned. First, the
majority of parents are busy in employment and do not have time to sit
down and talk with their children. Some also travel from place to place.
New environments tend to make them forget what they have been taught at
home. Second, much of what they know about traditional moral conduct,
especially in relation to sex and alcohol, has been mostly hearsay. What-
ever vital information the older generations have ofered has been ofered
casually as if it was incidental; it has not been systematic. Te reasons why
people should behave in certain ways were not made clear. For instance,
some young people have heard that unmarried young people used not to
engage in sex. Some of the informants do not know the reason why young
people were not drinking in the past, at a time when beer did not cost any
money.
55
Tirdly, what teaching young people are receiving is on the whole
confusing. Tey hear that to engage in sexual intercourse is wrong and they
also hear that what is wrong is not sexual intercourse but conception. Tey
hear that drinking is evil and they also hear that what is wrong is to behave
in a disorderly manner. Tey are told that certain conduct is indecent but
they are also shown flms that demonstrate such conduct on the screen.
Tey do not know how to resolve these contradictions.
Connected with the problem of teaching proper moral conduct, there are
no models to emulate. Some of the informants in the Old and Middle Age
groups trace this problem to the time when isolated individuals began to
disregard taboos and vows. In due course the small beginnings led to a big
problem.
229
Temperance (w
~
ki nd
~
ra)
Tis private disregard for moral tenets is coupled with the phenomenon of
double standards and this makes teaching and counsel difcult to accept.
From the early days some converts to Christianity, who had vowed to
remain monogamists, were known to have loosened their vows (kuohora
mhtwa) and to have secretly kept other women or to have become polyg-
amous secretly. Yet they continued to preach against the practice. Tere are
parents who are known to disapprove behaviour in their children in which
they themselves engage, including illicit sexual relations. Hypocrisy is also
found in young people. According to an informant in the Old Age Group,
young people are forcing elders to leave bars by showing disapproval at
seeing them there. Te reason they do this is that they do not want elders
to see their misbehaviour there.
56
Ccmprcmisin mcraI standards
Te constant adjustment of moral standards is both a cause and a con-
sequence of a change in attitude towards temperance. Te tendency is
prevalent in modern society and clearly started when confusion began to
be evident with respect to sexual morality. Contrary to traditional practice,
parents and society at large found it increasingly difcult to apply efec-
tive sanctions against children who contravened approved sexual conduct.
Since misconduct was not punished there was little to deter others from
following suit. Parents used to rebuke and chastise their children who
misbehaved sexually. Today, few children need worry about premarital sex
and pregnancies because parents no longer rebuke their children. Instead,
when pregnant girls wed, their parents lavish them with gifs for the new
baby.
57
Tey do this in spite of their conviction that such open approval
only worsens the state of afairs. Te older people in society have compro-
mised a lot, in spite of their better judgement. According to an informant
in the Old Age Group, old people are behaving contrary to the maxim
Yenda mno yakra rrra (When it (the cow) loves (the calf) too much,
it dislodges its navel (by constant licking)).
58
Te same efect is brought about by an opposite attitude assumed by some
Christian parents. According to an informant in the Young Age Group,
these parents refuse to ask for compensation if their daughters become
pregnant before marriage. Others refuse to attend their childrens weddings
if the girls are pregnant. Tis attitude is encouraging young men to misbe-
have sexually because there are no sanctions against misconduct.
59
However, the majority of Christian parents have no option but to wink at
what they see. Whereas a few years ago it was possible for parents to say
230
Chapter 6
they would not allow illegitimate children into their home, today they are
hesitant to be adamant since this attitude serves no purpose.
60
Conclusion
Te descriptions of temperance by the three age groups indicate that the
three groups understand the moral value of temperance in basically similar
terms. Nevertheless the experiences of the groups are diferent. For all
practical purposes, the Old Age and the Young Age groups can hardly be
said to belong to the same society.
Morality associated with temperance has seen drastic changes. Te situa-
tion seems to be out of control and Gky society is genuinely bewildered
and despondent. Temperance has tended to be regarded as the sum total
of morality. Tis is one reason the informants have had so much to say. It
is evident that the widespread abuse of sex and alcohol robs individuals,
homes and society as a whole of their vitality. Tat being so, it is hardly
surprising that the three age groups are equally concerned about the future
prospects of a society where moral standards have degenerated to a very
large extent.
231
CENEPAL CCNCLU5ICN
Te following points emerge from the foregoing study of Gky tradi-
tional morality:
First, with respect to the conceptual basis of morality, what has become
clear is that:
Te Gky conceived of morality as an integrated whole. Tis is evident
from the fact that many informants described a moral ideal in terms of
other ideals. For instance, the honest man was described as one who
could be relied upon because he was truthful, generous, and coura-
geous and had a sense of justice. Similarly, the informants defnition of
courage included diligence and temperance. Tis concept of morality
implies that a good person was one who possessed all the virtues, not
just a few of them and moreover, that no distinction was made between
private and public morality.
Te Gky conceived of morality as the reasonable order of things.
Tey understood the function of morality in life and obeyed moral rules
because they made sense.
Te Gky understood morally good conduct as the mean between
two extremes. For instance, generosity which was valued highly was
understood as the balance between stinginess and prodigality. People
were taught to be moderate in every area of life.
Te concepts of wealth (which included not just property but also wives
and children) and honour were strong incentives for a life of discipline
and integrity since they were the rewards of moral integrity.
Second, the Gky had a highly organized system of sanctions for main-
taining morality. Tis system consisted frst of human agents (parents, peer
232
groups, warriors, elders, kinsmen and the local community) and second,
of supernatural agents (God and ancestral spirits). Te whole system was
an integrated one: the human agents worked together harmoniously and
assisted the individual in their diferent ways to conform to the moral code.
Reward and punishment played an essential role in maintaining morality.
Taboos also served an important function.
Tird, there was a clear connection between religion and morality. Reli-
gion played a central role in Gky society; God was seen as the ultimate
authority in morality. His laws were inbuilt in his creation and in the way of
life he gave to the Gky people. God was seen as a God of justice, which
implied that he was involved with peoples daily lives, blessing the good
and punishing those who broke moral rules. Judgement was experienced
in the present life and it therefore mattered how the community and the
individuals conducted their daily lives. Te Gky believed that the spirits
of the departed were also concerned about the conduct of the living. Te
blessings of wealth and honour resulted from the approval of God and of
the ancestral spirits as much as from human efort. People believed they
were accountable to God and so they could not ignore or discard the moral
code.
Fourth, the younger generations have considerable knowledge of tradi-
tional Gky morality and approve of it.
*
But there is a great discrepancy
between what people know and what they practice today.
It is evident from this study that because of the changed social, economic
and political circumstances it is impossible to revert to traditional African
morality. However, it should be possible to adapt it to the changed circum-
stances. Based on the study, two suggestions can be made.
In order to maintain high moral standards the whole society must not
only understand the importance of morality but must actively partici-
pate in sanctioning it. In modern Kenya churches and other religious
communities, as well as schools and parents have a crucial role to play in
teaching moral values and in setting high moral standards.
Religious belief and morality are inseparable because morality ultimately
derives its authority from God. To be efective, the teaching of moral-
ity should be done as part of religious instruction in schools, homes,
churches and other religious establishments.
Ceneral concl usi on
235
NCTE5 AND PEFEPENCE5
Introduction
1. Te idea of a Jeanes teacher was imported from the southern United Sates where Negro
education was especially developed. A Jeanes teacher was supposed to be a constant
source of inspiration and encouragement to the school community, diferent from the
Government Inspector whose presence was intimidating. See C.P. Groves. Te planting of
Christianity in Africa, Vol. IV, p. 114-117.
2. See J. Murray-Brown. Kenyatta, p. 191.
3. Ibid.
4. L.S.B. Leakey. Te Southern Kikuyu before 1903, p. xi.
5. Ibid.
Chapter !
1. L.S.B. Leakey. Te Southern Kikuyu before 1903, Vol. 1 p. 1.
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid. (Muriuki substitutes the term nymba for mci. Apart from this, he agrees with
Leakey. See G. Muriuki. A history of the Kikuyu, 1500-1900. p. 35-36.)
4. Leakey, loc. cit.
5. S. K. Gathigira. Mikarre ya Agiky, p. 1-3.
6. Ibid., op. cit., p. 5.
7. An elders highest ambition was to become a council elder. It was a status of great honour
but also of heavy responsibility. Gathigira, op. cit., p. 6. For an account of the four grades
of council elders, see Leakey, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 994-998.
8. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 1279-1281; Gathigira, op. cit., p. 33.
9. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 7-8, 157-159.
10. Failure to do so was believed to make God angry and to cause disunity.
11. Gathigira, op. cit., p. 5-6.
236
12. Barra, 1000 Kikuyu proverbs, p. 64.
13. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 708-732.
14. L. Githui wa Kariithi. hindri wa mtaarire ya Agky. (Unpublished manuscript), p.
42.
15. Ibid. p. 13.
16. Ibid., p. 2-5, 30-32; Justin Itotia. Endwo n ir na irri. Tis book is devoted giving advice
on how children and young people can cultivate the kind of conduct that earns them the
blessing of wealth (ir) and honour (irri).
17. Itotia. Mtiga ir na irri aromaama kuuraga, p. 37-45.
18. Ibid. p. 41.
19. Ibid.
20. Ibid. p. 43.
21. Ibid. p. 37-39.
22. Ibid. p. 39; Leakey, op. cit. Vol. II, p. 732-737.
23. Itotia. Mtiga ir na irri aromaama kuuraga, p. 39-40.
24. Ibid. p. 45.
25. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 16-17.
26. Ibid; Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 251.
27. For descriptions of Gky beliefs about God, see Leakey, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 1074-1078;
J. Kenyatta. Facing Mount Kenya, p. 231-263; W.S. and K.P Routledge. With a prehistoric
people: the Akikuyu of British East Africa, p. 225-228; Itotia. Mtiga ir na irri aromaama
kuuraga, p. 76-79; Gathigira, op. cit., p. 29-33.
28. Itotia. Mtiga ir na irri, p. 77.
29. For the myth about God the distributor, see Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 3-5.
30. Cf. E. Cavicchi. Problems of change in Kikuyu tribal society, p. 15. For the myth that
explains why the Gky are agriculturalists, see Muriuki, op. cit., p. 46-47.
31. Routledge, op. cit., p. 245.
32. Itotia, op. cit., p. 77.
33. Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 234.
34. Itotia. Mtiga ir na irri, p. 77.
35. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 17; see also Vol. II, p. 901-902.
36. Ibid.
37. Kenyatta, op. cit. p. 237.
38. Cavicchi, op. cit. p. 6.
39. S.G. Kibicho. Te Kikuyu conception of God: its continuity into the Christian era, and
the question it raises for the Christian idea of revelation. (Ph.D. thesis), p. 40.
40. Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 238.
41. Itotia. Mtiga ir na irri, p. 77.
42. H.E. Lambert. Kikuyu social and political institutions, p. 121.
43. For the discussion of why the Gky bought land from the Ndorobo instead of possess-
ing it by force, see Leakey, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 90. A particular misconduct supposed to anger
Notes and reIerences
237
God was extortion (tuunyani). See Itotia. Mtiga ir na irri, p. 77.
44. Barra, op. cit. p. 54. Tis proverb is quoted several times by the informants.
45. Itotia. Mtiga ir na irri, p. 60.
46. Lambert, op. cit., p. 117; Kibicho, op. cit., p. 55; Cavicchi, op. cit., p. 17.
47. A Gky elder (mthuuri) was expected to live up to these qualities even in his private
life with his family. Cf. C. Cagnolo. Te Akikuyu: their customs, traditions, and folklore, p.
50, where he says that an elder was not a tyrant but a moderator.
48. Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 219.
49. Ibid. p. 223-225; Leakey, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 1006-1013; Routledge, op. cit., p. 213; Cagnolo,
op. cit., p. 151-154.
50. Kibicho, op. cit., p. 54.
51. Routledge, op. cit., p. 220.
52. Although opinion is divided regarding the real nature of the Mau Mau movement, there is
clear evidence that it made reference to traditional Gky belief in Gods justice. See D.L.
Barnett and K. Njama, Mau Mau from within, p. 198-203; F. Ochieng and K. Janmoham-
med, eds. Some perspectives on the Mau Mau movement. Kenya historical review, Vol. 5,
no. 2, 1977.
53. F. D. Corfeld, Te origins and growth of Mau Mau: an historical survey. Sessional paper
no. 5 of 1959/60, Colony and Protectorate of Kenya. p. 11.
54. Kenyatta, as cited by Corfeld, op. cit., p. 302.
55. Gakaara Wanjau. Nyimbo cia gkngira wathi, p. 1.
56. Tis seems to be an alternative to the proverb, Njamba ihoyaga na Ngai (Tis hero prays
to God.)
57. Te Gky year (mwaka) had two seasons determined by the long and short rains. With
two rainy seasons in the year, the agricultural activities varied between planting, weeding,
scaring of animals and birds from crops, harvesting, and preparing the ground for the
next planting. Te day was divided into ffeen periods regulating the daily routine with
varied tempo. Disciplined people reaped more benefts from the land than those who
were lax with time. See Leakey, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 173-174; Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 195-196;
Gathigira, op. cit., p. 68-70; Itotia. Mtiga ir na irri, p. 33-34; Itotia. Endwo n ir na
irri. p. 66-69; B.M.Gecaga. Kariuki na Muthoni: a study of childhood among the Kikuyu,
p. 11-15; K.R. Dundas, Kikuyu calendar, Man, No. 9, 1909.
58. Itotia. Endwo n ir na irri, p. 81.
59. Itotia. Mtiga ir na irri, p. 88.
60. Ibid., p. 78-79, Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 263-268; Leakey, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 1103-1117.
61. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 108.
62. Ibid., Vol. III, p. 1108.
63. Itotia. Mtiga ir na irri, p. 79.
64. Gathigira, op. cit., p. 33.
65. Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 285-286.
66. Ibid., 266-267.
Notes and reIerences
23B
Notes and reIerences
67. Itotia. Mtiga ir na irri, p. 78.
68. Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 266-267.
69. Itotia. Mtiga ir na irri, p. 73.
70. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 1122, 1147.
71. Ibid., Vol. I, p. 90.
72. G. Kershaw. Te land is the people: a study of Kikuyu social organization in historical
perspective. Ph.D. thesis, p. 118-20.
73. Itotia says that material possessions alone did not guarantee an individuals welfare. For
total welfare, other supports were necessary. He goes on to say that the blessed departed
(atiga ir) nurtured themselves with foods that give joy to life. Itotia. Mtiga ir na irri,
p. 80.
74. Itotia. Endwo n ir na irri, p. 6.
75. Ibid., p. 7.
76. Ibid. p. 81.
77. Kenyatta seems to suggest that it was possible to have some measure of ir and that it was
more difcult to earn honour. Tus, a man could have a home and children, and yet be a
rascal. See Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 9.
78. Itotia. Endwo n ir na irri, p. 7.
79. Ibid; J.M. Fisher. Te anatomy of Kikuyu domesticity and husbandry, p. 4; Leakey, op.
cit., Vol. III, p. 960-963.
80. It was a serious matter to a Gky not to have descendants who would keep his name
remembered (through the Gky system of naming children).
81. Itotia. Mtiga ir na irri, p. 15.
82. Ibid.; Gathigira, op. cit., p. 30-31.
83. Itotia. Mtiga ir na irri, p. 1. Te deceased is said to leave behind both his ir (children)
and other ir, that is, all matter of substance, including plants, animals, etc.
84. Itotia. Endwo n ir na irri, p. 7.
85. Ibid.
86. For a full account of the Gky pre-colonial history, see Muriuki, A history of the Kikuyu,
1500-1900.
87. Ibid., p. 37-40; G. Muriuki. Te problem of the Gumba and the Athi in Kikuyu history.;
G. St. J. Orde-Browne. Te vanishing tribes of Kenya, p. 20-22; Leakey, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 51,
89.
88. Muriuki. A history of the Kikuyu, 1500-1900, p. 66; Routledge, op. cit., p. 15, 30.
89. Muriuki, op. cit., p. 79; Kenyatta, op, cit., p. 25-40; Leakey, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 92-105.
90. Routledge, op. cit., p. xviii.
91. Gathigira, op. cit., p. ii; Itotia. Endwo n ir na irri, p. ii.
92. Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 251.
93. Ibid.
94. A.R. Barlow. Kikuyu: 1898-1923: Semi-Jubilee book of the Church of Scotland Mission,
p. 29.
239
Notes and reIerences
95. Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 9, 258.
96. Ibid., p. 263.
97. Ibid. According to Cagnolo, this was especially true of the Gky who were merely
emancipated from barbarous customs but not necessarily Christianised. See p. 258.
98. LAMB/1/6, University of Nairobi Archives.
99. Ibid.; C.G. Rosberg and J. Nottingham also observed that rapid changes occurred among
the Gky because they had no marginal land to cushion them of from the Europeans.
See Te myth of Mau Mau: nationalism in Kenya, p. 23.
100. R.L. Tignor, Te colonial transformation of Kenya: the Kamba, Kikuyu and Maasai from
1900 to 1939, p. 15; Leakey, op. cit., p. 80-85.
101. Tignor, op. cit., p. 4.
102. Muriuki, op. cit., p. 157-159; J. Boyes, John Boyes, king of Wakikuyu, p. 284.
103. Routledge, op. cit., p. ix-xi; Muriuki, op. cit., p. 162-166.
104. Muriuki, op. cit., p. 167; Norman Leys rationalizes that it was necessary to make hurried
political arrangements to create chiefs who would recruit the much needed labour force
to clear an 800 miles route to Uganda and to carry loads. Punitive expeditions were sup-
posed to subdue people enough for them to submit to the authority of the chiefs. See N.
M. Leys, Kenya, p. 171-172.
105. Muriuki, op. cit., p. 167.
106. Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 119.
107. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 993.
108. Tignor, op. cit., p. 53.
109. Ibid. p. 32-59; Muriuki, op. cit., p. 167-169; Kenyatta op. cit., p. 225-226; Anthony Kahindi,
Rahab Waiyigo, oral interviews.
110. Tignor, op. cit., p. 44.
111. C.W. Hobley, Bantu beliefs and magic, with particular reference to the Kikuyu and Kamba
tribes of Kenya Colony, p. 306.
112. Tignor, op. cit., p. 44.
113. Hobley, op. cit., p. 308.
114. LAMB/1/6 University of Nairobi Archives
115. Tignor, op. cit., p. 44.
116. Hobley, op. cit., p. 311.
117. Ibid.
118. Ibid., p. 313.
119. G. Bennett. Kenya, a political history: the colonial period, p. 10.
120. See Rosberg and Nottingham, op. cit., p. 19; Tignor, op. cit., p. 4; F.B. Welbourn, East
African rebels, p. 116; W.D.A. Ross, Kenya from within, p. 57.
121. See Leys, op. cit., p. 78; Bennett, op. cit., p. 9.
122. As quoted by W.D.A. Ross, op. cit., p. 41.
123. Ibid.
124. Ibid., p. 64-66.
240
Notes and reIerences
125. Rosberg and Nottingham, op. cit., p. 19.
126. Ross, op. cit., p. 62.
127. Bennett, op. cit., p. 10.
128. Ibid., p. 23. But cf. ibid., p. 14, 15; See also Sir Charles Eliot. East Africa Protectorate, p.
104; cf. p. 174.
129. Ross, op. cit., p. 65.
130. Ibid.
131. Ibid. p. 87, Civil case 626 of 1922.
132. Welbourn, op. cit., p. 118.
133. Ibid.
134. Ibid., p. 119.
135. Ibid.
136. Ibid. According to a memorandum presented to the Parliamentary Commission in 1924
by the Kikuyu (Native) Association, many Gky who had lost land had become wan-
derers, moving from one estate to another. See Ross, op. cit., p. 56.
137. Leys, op. cit., p. 81.
138. Muriuki, op. cit., p. 167-169; Tignor, op. cit., p. 42-59; Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 225-.226.
139. Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 21.
140. Ibid., p. 21-40; Itotia. Endwo n ir na irri, p. 30-31.
141. Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 25-26.
142. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 89-95; Muriuki, op. cit., p. 39.
143. Harry Tuku has a short paragraph to illustrate this; he quotes the case of Koinanges land,
which was split in the middle. A European occupied the section containing the graves of
Koinanges father and grandfather. Koinange had to exhume his fathers bones from the
alienated land. Harry Tuku: an autobiography. p. 16.
144. LAMB/1/6 Kiambu District annual report, 1942. University of Nairobi Archives.
145. Ibid.
146. Leys, op. cit., p. 184.
147. Ibid.
148. Ibid., p. 298.
149. Ibid., p. 185. Reduction of the reserves was another solution to the problem of tribal
self-sufciency.
150. Ross, op. cit., p. 99.
151. A circular issued by the District Commissioner of Kiambu in 1919 to estate owners
referred to the additional labour required to harvest cofee. In part, the D.C. said, I intend
to arrange for temporary supply of child labour from the Reserves. Te D. C. instructed
those who intended to do this to indicate so, stating the number required, the time for
which they may be most needed. See Ross, p. 105-106, 225-226.
152. Leys, op. cit., p. 298.
153. Now Central Province.
154. Ibid., p. 189-190. Such outcries as Barlows seem to have gone unheeded. In 1921, the
241
Notes and reIerences
bishop of Zanzibar was urging the Government to stop encouraging men to come out of
the reserves. His argument was that Te ruler is morally bound to remain as empire of
the conficting claims of capital and labour. See Ross, op. cit., p. 89.
155. Muriuki, op. cit., p. 167-169, 177; Ross, op. cit., p. 104-105, 225-227; Leys, op. cit., p. 172,
203, 277-278.
156. Leys, op. cit., p. 61, 188-9; Ross, op. cit., p. 89; Westermann, Te African today, p. 40; C.W.
Hobley, Kenya: from chartered company to Crown Colony, p. 180-183.
157. A. Hastings, African Christianity, p. 37-38, 42; M. Fortes and G. Dieterlen. African systems
of thought, p. 31; L.G. Cowan, J. OConwell, D.G. Scanlon, eds. Education and nation
building in Africa, p. 4-5.
158. A.R.Vidler, Te church in an age of revolution, p. 252.
159. Barlow, op. cit., p. 29; Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 266.
160. Cagnolo, citing Filippo Perlo, op. cit., p. 257.
161. Ibid.
162. Ibid. p. 254.
163. V. Blakeslee. Beyond the Kikuyu curtain, p. 7.
164. Ibid.
165. A.R. Barlow, op. cit., p. 29.
166. Knapp was quoting another source. For details on this conference see G.H. Mungeam,
Kenya: select historical documents, 1884-1923, p. 166-203.
167. Ibid., p. 167.
168. For an explanation of this sexual practice, see Chapter 2.
169. Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 258.
Chapter 2
1. Routledge, op. cit., p. 245.
2. Ibid, p. 246. Beecher describes the Gky as independent, but possessed of a marvel-
lous gif of friendship when once it is established. See L.J. Beecher, Te Kikuyu, p. ii.
3. Hobley, Kenya: from chartered company to Crown Colony, p. 78.
4. Ibid. p. 160.
5. Ibid.
6. Ibid.
7. Ibid.
8. Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 73.
9. L. von Hhnel. Discovery of Lakes Rudolf and Stefanie, p. 294.
10. Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 73-74.
11. E.M. Crawford. By the equators snowy peak: a record of medical missionary work, p. 54.
12. Ibid., p. 61.
13. Ibid.
14. Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 112, 115.
15. Githui wa Kariithi, op. cit., p. 4-5.
242
Notes and reIerences
16. Leakey says that friendship was valued to the extent that a man sometimes publicly
showed he had a special friend by brewing beer of companionship for him. Op. cit., Vol.
I, p. 287-289.
17. Itotia. Endwo n ir na irri, p. 23.
18. Ibid., p. 22-23.
19. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 214.
20. In this connection, the Gky have a proverb: Mrmi mwe ndaiyragia ikmb (One
cultivator cannot fll the granary) meaning that one mans efort cannot meet all the needs.
S.K. Gathigira, Ngano na thimo cia gky, p. 33.
21. Kabetu, Kirira kia gky; Leakey, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 726.
22. Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 244.
23. Ibid., p. 242, 281, 295; Leakey, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 1120-1121, 1124, 1150-1151, 1152.
24. Routledge, op. cit., p. 320.
25. Itotia. Mtiga ir na irri, p. 64-66, 83.
26. Te meaning of the word thingu has obviously changed over the years. Today the word
is commonly used to refer to piety in the Christian sense. Te Young Age Group would
be familiar with the word in this sense. However, from their descriptions of honesty it is
evident that informants in the Young Age Group are not ignorant of the conduct that the
Old Age Group describes as thingu.
27. Arthur Waciira interview. Te full implication of these expressions is best understood in
the context of the Gky idea of wealth (ir) and honour (irri) that was described in
Chapter 1. thingu is the essential quality of the person able to live long and enjoy wealth
and honour. People who are not upright might as well be regarded as non-persons.
28. Ibid.; Rahab Waiyigo interview.
29. Leakey confrms that before the introduction of British rule, boys were not initiated
before they were 17 or 19 years old. Tose who formed the frst set of a new regiment were
at least 22 years old. Tey had to be grown up before initiation as they took up military
duties soon afer this ceremony. Lambert explains that the age was reduced during the
British rule because boys were also required to pay tax. To the Gky it was unethical to
require young people to take on adult responsibilities before they had been initiated into
adulthood. See Leakey, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 587-588; Lambert, op. cit., p. 12: Gathigira, op.
cit., p. 42.
30. Ngur boys took this opportunity also to punish stingy women and elders. An informant,
Reuben Gathii, arranged with other ngur boys to punish his own mother because she
was stingy. On a day she had invited women for communal work the boys turned up to
dance and in the course of dancing added soot to the large quantity of porridge she had
prepared for the women. Te porridge had to be thrown away to his mothers great embar-
rassment.
31. Rahab Waiyigo interview.
32. Ruth Wanjiru Gathii interview. Tis informant speaks from personal experience.
Gtirithio may be a local variation of the ceremonies described by Gathigira and Leakey.
243
Notes and reIerences
Gathigira describes a ceremony known as kuumithio or gtherio (to be cleansed) during
which the initiates were given specifc instructions on the subject of modesty (thoni).
Leakey describes the ceremony of krutwo rim (to have foolishness removed) that was
performed on the day afer the operation when the initiates were still weak from loss of
blood. Te rituals performed symbolized removal of the foolishness that was an attribute
of childhood. See Gathigira, op. cit., p. 51-53; Leakey, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 633.
33. Ruth Wanjiru Gathii interview.
34. Arthur Waciira and Meshak Murage interviews.
35. Te words of this curse were provided by Gathii Mwathi. For a similar ceremony at the
beginning of a new regimental rule, see Leakey, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 734-736.
36. Samueli Gitau interview.
37. Arthur Waciira interview.
38. Ibid.
39. Priscilla Nyeri Makumi interview. Iganjo is an abandoned homestead. Future generations
remember the spot where a good man or woman once lived.
40. Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru interview.
41. Gathii Mwathi interview.
42. Arthur Waciira and Meshak Murage interviews.
43. Gathii Mwathi and Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru interviews.
44. Rahab Waiyigo and Simon Muteru interviews. For more about nguko and other aspects
of sexual behaviour, see Chapter 6.
45. Duncan Munyiri interview.
46. Joseph Maingi Kubai interview.
47. Gathii Mwathi interview.
48. Chapter 3 is devoted to the theme of generosity. Here generosity is only described as one
of the qualities of an honest person.
49. Te majority of informants in the Old Age Group cited this practice as an example of
honesty.
50. Meshak Murage interview.
51. Ibid.
52. Ruth Wanjiru Gathii interview.
53. Meshak Murage interview.
54. Priscilla Njeri Makumi interview.
55. Gathii Mwathi interview.
56. Arthur Waciira and Ruth Wanjiru Gathii interviews.
57. Sung by Meshak Murage.
58. Ibid.
59. Ibid.
60. Arthur Waciira interview.
61. Meshak Murage interview.
62. Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru interview.
244
Notes and reIerences
63. Ibid.
64. Joseph Maingi Kubai and Gathimbu Mbugua interviews. Both of these Young Age Group
informants maintain that some of their friends can be completely trusted to treat girls with
respect. Tere are other friends to whom Mbugua would not introduce his girl friend.
65. Priscilla Njeri Makumi interview. Te expression I cant show my heels ... means that
she would not return home from the felds in daylight. In traditional public opinion, the
woman who was too industrious and worked until she could no longer distinguish weeds
from crops in the dark was unwise. She tended to neglect her other duties, such as having
a meal for the family ready in time; her children were bound to sleep hungry. Also, it was
not safe for her to walk home afer dusk. Some of the women who lingered on in the felds
were the dishonest ones who stole food from other peoples felds.
66. Tis song as well as the next one were sung by Meshak Murage.
67. Sung by Meshak Murage.
68. Sung by diferent informants: Gathii Mwathi, Meshak Murage, Ruth Wanjiru Gathii,
Reuben Gathii, Lydia Murugi.
69. Sung by Gathi Mwathi.
70. Sung by Meshak Murage.
71. Sung by Gathii Mwathi.
72. Song provided by Ruth Wanjiru Gathii and Lydia Murugi.
73. Priscilla Njeri Makumi. Tis informant mentioned three pioneer converts to Christianity
who were believed to have died early in life because they failed to honour their Christian
vows to remain monogamous. Although this claim may be received with scepticism, it
comes from a member of an age group that believes strongly that a person who breaks a
solemn oath (as Christian vows were regarded by early converts) could die as a result.
74. Ruth Wanjiru Gathii and Arthur Waciira interviews. Te informants in the Old Age
Group have more to say about the phenomenon modern under the theme of temperance
in Chapter 6.
75. Samueli Gitau interview.
76. Tis quotation from the Bible (Philippians 2:12) was quoted by Karanja Kageca.
77. Meshak Murage interview.
78. Sung by Salome Wakonyo. It was widely sung in the mid 1950s and early 1960s
79. Meshak Murage interview.
80. Duncan Munyiri interview.
81. Beth Gathoni interview.
82. Gathii Mwathi interview.
Chapter 3
1. Routledge, op. cit., p. 246.
2. Ibid.
3. J.M. Fisher. Te anatomy of Kikuyu domesticity and husbandry. p. 87-88.
4. Ibid.
245
Notes and reIerences
5. Te Gky society distinguished between two kinds of poor people. One kind was virtu-
ous, had initiative and was able to improve its lot, given the opportunity. Te society made
provision for such people through the practice of granting cultivation and building rights
to ahooi, athaami and athoni (beggars, immigrants and in-laws). A relatively poor man
could also provide custody to a rich neighbours animals for which he received returns.
Te second kind of poor people brought poverty on themselves due to laziness, vanity
or self-depreciation. Te former kind were respected and helped while the latter kind
were admonished. If they did not improve, they were despised. See Kenyatta, op. cit. p.
32-35; Leakey, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 114-119, 210-11; Itotia. Mtiga ir na irri. p. 13-14; Itotia.
Endwo n ir na irri, p. 95; Cavicchi, op. cit., p. 88-89; E.N. Wanyoike, An African pastor,
p. 8-9.
6. Routledge, op. cit. p. 248; Crawford, op. cit., p. 58.
7. Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 22.
8. Ibid. 205-206.
9. Ibid., p. 30.
10. Barra, op. cit., p. 27; Itotia. Mtiga ir na irri, p. 63; N. Njururi. Gky proverbs, p. 80.
11. Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 56.
12. See note 5 above.
13. Leakey, op. cit. Vol. I, p. 114.
14. Ibid., p. 106.
15. Examples of mutual help and reciprocity of generous deeds included: mutual hospitality,
communal or joint ventures in cultivation (ngwatanio), herding (nduuanro ya ndru),
hut-building and putting out fres. See Leakey, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 131, 137, 157, 169, 170,
210; Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 78; Itotia. Endwo n ir na irri, p. 23-24; Routledge, op. cit., p.
246-247.
16. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 131.
17. Ibid., p. 157; Itotia. Mtiga ir na irri, p. 40-41.
18. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 157.
19. D.K. Mugia. Urathi wa Cege wa Kibiru, p. 33, 38-40.
20. Itotia. Mtiga ir na irri, p. 59. Apparently, people were constantly sharing ideas on how
or where to seek fortune. See R. Gatheru. A child of two worlds, p. 9.
21. Te dictionary gives the meaning of tha as tender feelings, feelings of compassion, mercy,
pity, sympathy.
22. Priscilla Njeri Makumi interview.
23. Gathii Mwathi and Antony Kahindi Mbiiru interviews.
24. Gathii Mwathi interview.
25. Madalina Wambui interview.
26. Simon Muteru interview.
27. Gathii Mwathi interview. According to this informant this was possible because the war-
riors with whom girls associated for purposes of nguko and dancing were not necessarily
their suitors for marriage. Some of the less handsome men depended on their handsome
246
Notes and reIerences
age mates to help them court the girls they wished to marry.
28. Ruth Wanjiru Gathi interview.
29. Sung by Gathii Mwathi.
30. Gathii Mwathi interview.
31. thingu is an essential quality of the virtuous person.
32. Gathii Mwathi interview.
33. Arthur Waciira and Gathii Mwathi interviews.
34. Priscilla Njeri Makumi interview.
35. Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru interview.
36. Ibid.
37. Ruth Wanjiru Gathii interview.
38. Meshak Murage and Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru interviews. See Leakey, op. cit., Vol. II,
p. 517-518. Leakey does not say from which garden the food was fetched but he says
the foodstufs were the traditional mens crops (bananas, sugarcane, yams) and that the
husband was showing symbolically that he was responsible for her provisions when she
was confned.
39. Tis belief is generally held by the informants in this group.
40. Ruth Wanjiru Gathii interview.
41. Simon Muteru interview.
42. Jackson Githaiga interview.
43. Gathii Mwathi interview.
44. Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru interview.
45. Ibid; Gathii Mwathi interview.
46. Anthony Kahindi interview.
47. As is shown in the next chapter that describes the Gky idea of justice. Although people
might expect generosity from others, they were not encouraged to depend on it but to be
as self-sufcient as possible.
48. An open hand is light in colour, while a closed fst is dark. Mgiro is derived from the verb
gira which means to impose taboo or to bring bad luck. It refers to the person to whom
it is taboo to do something bad, because the deed might result in misfortune.
49. Ruth Wanjiru Gathii and Rahab Waiyigo interviews. Both of these informants played
mischief against stingy women.
50. Joseph Maingi Kubai interview.
51. Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru interview. Tis informant says that if a wealthy person refused
to be generous to a poor person, the latter interpreted that as contempt. If the poor man
decided to show the rich man contempt, he would express this by harming either the rich
man or his property.
52. Meshak Murage interview.
53. Ruth Wanjiru Gathii interview.
54. Gathii Mwathi interview.
247
Notes and reIerences
Chapter 4
1. Harold E. Lambert, Kikuyu social and political institutions, p. 115.
2. Ibid.
3. Routledge, op. cit., p. 220.
4. Cavicchi, op. cit., p.10.
5. Gathigira, op. cit., p. 67; Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 220.
6. Cagnolo, op. cit., p.149; Routledge, op. cit., p. 205-6. Ross observed the same suppressed
temper at the memorable Harry Tuku Meeting. See Ross, op. cit., p. 225.
7. Lambert, op. cit. p. 117.
8. Routledge, op. cit., p. 218, also p. 208-209.
9. Ibid, p. 218.
10. Routledge, op. cit., p. 23, 219.
11. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 1014-1015; Lambert, op. cit., p. 222.
12. Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 222.
13. Routledge, op. cit., p. 216. For full accounts of the Gky system of fnes and compensa-
tion see Leakey, Vol. III, Chapter 23; H.R. Tate, Native law of the Southern Kikuyu,
Journal of the African Society, 1910, p. 238-241.
14. 30 goats was the marriage insurance (rraacio) paid to a girls father or guardian by in-laws
during the girls marriage.
15. L.J. Beecher. Te Kikuyu, p. 11.
16. Ibid.
17. Lambert, op. cit., p. 118.
18. Ibid., p. 114-115.
19. L.S.B. Leakey, Mau Mau and the Kikuyu, p. 98.
20. Routledge, op. cit., p. 216.
21. Ibid., p. 218.
22. Lambert, op. cit., p. 117; Cavicchi, op. cit., p. 17.
23. C. Dundas, Africa crossroads, p. 61.
24. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 993-994.
25. Lambert, op. cit., p. 101; Tuku, op. cit., p. 26-27.
26. Lambert, op. cit., p. 117.
27. Routledge, op. cit., p. 124-125.
28. Te Gky conception of khooto is wide. Te Kikuyu-English dictionary renders the word
khooto as that which convinces, an unanswerable argument, a powerful plea; proof, right
reason, justice; equity, fairness.
29. Tese ideas about justice are strongly held by the Old Age Group.
30. Meshak Murage interview.
31. Practically the whole of the girls clan participated in this feast by eating ngoima.
32. Meshak Murage interview.
33. Meshak Murage and Gathii Mwathi interviews.
34. Meshak Murage interview.
24B
Notes and reIerences
35. Nguko was some form of sexual practice between initiated young men and girls. For more
information on this practice, see Chapter 6.
36. Meshak Murage interview.
37. Arthur Waciira interview.
38. Gathii Mwathi interview.
39. Sung by Meshak Murage.
40. Ibid.; Rahab Waiyigo has witnessed such occasions.
41. Tis song, as well as the next one, was sung by Meshak Murage.
42. See chapter 2, Honesty.
43. Itotia. Endwo n ir na irri, cf. p. 95-97.
44. Sung by Meshak Murage.
45. Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru interview.
46. Sung by Meshak Murage.
47. Ibid.
48. Ruth Wanjiru Gathii interview.
49. Priscilla Njeri Makumi interview. If a woman was caught stealing produce from peoples
gardens, these ornaments were removed by force as payment for what she had stolen.
50. Ndir means misfortune, calamity. Cagnolo says that the Gky believed God to be
good per se and they did not blame him for misfortunes. Rather with all compliance,
they said, it is Gods will. See Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 27.
51. Gky philosophy and laws were preserved in the form of proverbs. Cagnolo describes
these as a true codex for wisdom. In this connection, Cagnolo observed that the Gky
language is rich enough to express any concrete or abstract idea. Cagnolo, op. cit., p.
23.
52. Meshak Murage interview.
53. Ibid.
54. Ibid. In Chapter 2 a description is given of how a child was taught to cultivate uprightness
or maturity.
55. Arthur Waciira interview. Routledge observes that snuf taking was confned to middle
age and old age males. A warrior took a pinch occasionally but he did not carry a snuf
container. Ofering snuf to anyone was regarded as courteous and a request for a pinch
between travellers who met on the way was never directly refused. See Routledge, op.
cit., p. 24.
56. Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru and Wanjiku Gicinga interviews.
57. Meshak Murage interview.
58. Gathii Mwathi and Arthur Waciira interviews.
59. Gathii Mwathi interview.
60. Ibid. A man, his wife and child were regarded as the potential beginning of a new
lineage.
61. In traditional times, the Gky did not bury their dead (unless they were rich) but lef
them in the forest to be eaten by wild animals. Hyenas were the most numerous of these.
249
Notes and reIerences
(Editors note)
62. Gathii Mwathi interview. Covetous people lacked contentment. Tey were therefore a
potential danger to peace, goodwill and harmony in society. For this reason they were
ofen suspected of witchcraf.
63. Ibid.
64. Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru interview.
65. Gathii Mwathi interview.
66. Informants in the Old Age Group regarded the many deaths of relatively young people, as
well as frequent drought and famine, as supernatural baneful efects.
67. Tis view is contrary to the traditional Gky attitude to punishment.
68. Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru interview.
69. Gathii Mwathi interview. Te expression refers to the beer (made from honey) that the
age mates might brew later in life since elders had the custom to invite each other to their
homes for social drinking.
70. Meshak Murage interview.
71. Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru interview.
72. Sung by Meshak Murage.
73. Leah Maranga interview.
74. Rahab Waiyigo interview.
75. Ibid. Sometimes the parents of the abducted girl arranged for clanswomen to confscate
the headmans sheep and goats as compensation for the loss of their daughter.
Chapter 5
1. J.R.L. MacDonald. Soldiering and surveying in British East Africa, 1891-1894, p. 109.
2. Richard Meinertzhagen. Editors note: Cf. Robert B. Edgerton. Mau Mau: an African cru-
cible. (New York: Ballantyne Books, 1991) p. 8. Te Kikuyu fought so bravely against
British rifes and machine guns in ensuing battles that Meinertzhagen was greatly
impressed by their courage.
3. Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 18
4. Routledge, op. cit.
5. Ibid., p. 16.
6. Ibid., p. 13.
7. Ibid.
8. Sir Charles Eliot. Te East African Protectorate, p. 71-72.
9. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 1049.
10. Ibid.
11. Ibid.
12. Ibid.
13. Ibid.
14. Ibid.
15. Cavicchi, op. cit., p. 21.
250
Notes and reIerences
16. Routledge, op. cit., p. 205-206; See also Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 213.
17. Ibid.
18. Lugard, op. cit., p. 328; cf. Routledge, p. 330.
19. Ibid., p. 323.
20. von Hhnel, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 353.
21. Ibid. p. 332.
22. Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 32.
23. Dundas, op. cit., p. 61.
24. Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 89.
25. Ibid., p. 92.
26. Cavicchi, op. cit., p. 21.
27. Sung by Meshak Murage.
28. L. Githui wa Kariithi, op. cit.
29. Leah Maranga interview.
30. Te informants say that generally even good qualities cease to be good if they are exces-
sive.
31. Sung by Meshak Murage.
32. Ibid.
33. Sung by Gathii Mwathi.
34. Ibid.
35. Sung by Meshak Murage.
36. Meshak Murage interview.
37. Sung by Meshak Murage.
38. Ibid.
39. Arthur Waciira interview.
40. Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru and Meshak Murage interviews.
41. Sung by Meshak Murage.
42. Ibid.
43. Ibid.
44. Gathii Mwathi and Ruth Wanjiru Gathii interviews.
45. Interviews with Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru, Gathii Mwathi and Ruth Wanjiru Gathii.
46. Routledge, op. cit., p. 142
47. Priscilla Njeru Makumi interview.
48. Cavicchi, op. cit., p. 889.
49. Meshak Murage sang this song, also the following four.
50. Sung by Meshak Murage..
51. Ibid. Marewa. Here denotes the river (personifed).
52. Madalina Wambui interview.
53. Simon Muteru interview.
54. Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru and Meshak Murage interviews.
55. Sung by Gathii Mwathi and Meshak Murage.
251
Notes and reIerences
Chapter 6
1. Temperamce is a key-concept of Giky moral thought.
2. Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 149; Kenyatta op. cit., p. 9.
3. Routledge, op. cit., p. 23.
4. Ibid.
5. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 692-693.
6. Marjorie Perham, ed. Te diaries of Lord Lugard, Vol. I, p. 344.
7. Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 104.
8. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 11.
9. Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 74, 162, 173.
10. Barlow papers. File 1/2/2, University of Nairobi Archives.
11. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 1068.
12. Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 159-160. Leakey and Benson describe nguko as simulated sexual
intercourse between young men and girls. Te traditional practice involved no direct
contact of the genitalia as the girl protected herself with her pubic apron. It was referred
to as nguko ya nyondo (sex of the breast) to distinguish it from sexual intercourse and
also because it involved contact of the chests and therefore of rubbing and fondling of the
breast (gthigana). Rules governing nguko were strict and newly initiated girls and young
men were instructed by older girls. From what Leakey and Githui say, it would seem that
in traditional society nguko was practised in the girls bed (krr) inside the mothers
house. Tis arrangement stopped during the early colonial rule when young men began to
hide from colonial chiefs to avoid conscription. Subsequently, the disarmed warriors built
themselves huts where the girls began to visit them. See Leakey, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 703, 705,
706, 738, 739-740; Githui, op. cit., p. 7-8; Lambert, op. cit., p. 128.
13. Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 159.
14. Ibid.
15. Ibid.
16. Ibid.
17. Itotia, op. cit.
18. Te word nguko is derived from the verb guka which means to dress, clothe or cover over
with a cloak or garment. Another associated word is thigo meaning rubbing of the breasts.
From what informants say it seems that the main idea behind nguko was the pleasure of
fondling breasts and the warmth derived from bodily contact and from the girls cloak
which served as a blanket. Te young people also used this practice to learn about each
other. A man who had no self-control was avoided by girls and might fnd it difcult to get
a girl to marry him. Interviews with Arthur Wachiira, Anthony Kahindi, Rahab Waiyigo,
Gathii Mwathi and Wanjiku Gicinga. See also Kabetu, op. cit., p. 36-39.
19. Perhaps this was the ideal rather than the practice. Parents were constantly warning their
bigger children against sexual intercourse and seem not to have been very particular
about nguko. See Leakey, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 584-585.
20. Meshak Murage interview.
252
Notes and reIerences
21. Ibid.
22. Ibid. Call on me early in the morning refers to the Gky belief in the bird of good
fortune (nyoni ya mnyaka). Certain children (and adults) were regarded as harbingers
of good fortune. Tey were believed to be especially good-natured. Parents or neighbours
would request children like these to call them or visit them early in the morning so that the
adults would speak to them before they spoke to anybody else. Adults somehow wished
to share in the nature of these children. An adult conversed with such a child in the hope
that the child might say a word he could meditate upon the whole day. Itotia. Endwo n ir
na irri, p. 17-19.
23. Leakey says that although the Gky desired children, their laws and customs were such
that no woman was allowed to give birth to as many as she was capable of producing
naturally, since much greater importance was attached to having healthy children than
to having many children Kikuyu babies were spaced out to about one in every third
year. Op. cit., Vol. II, p. 511. Wanjiku Gicinga said that her mother conceived while her
child was relatively small and she sufered much ridicule. She therefore asked her husband
permission to abort. He did not agree and she had to bear the embarrassment.
24. Meshak Murage interview.
25. Ruth Wanjiru Gathii interview
26. Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru interview.
27. Ibid.
28. Ibid., Ruth Wanjiru Gathii interview.
29. Meshak Murage interview.
30. Wanjiku Gichinga interview. For a description of the ceremonies of koera mwana
(picking up (the menses) for ones child), see Leakey, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 742-746.
31. Meshak Murage interview.
32. Gathii Mwathi interview.
33. Samueli Gitau interview.
34. Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru interview.
35. Ruth Wanjiru Gathii interview.
36. Ibid.
37. Ibid.
38. Meshak Murage interview.
39. Wanjiku Gicinga interview.
40. Gathii Mwathi interview.
41. Ibid.
42. Jackson Githaiga interview.
43. Patrick Migui interview.
44. Simon Mutero interview.
45. Beth Gathoni Guandaru interview.
46. Karanja Kagecha interview.
47. Leah Maranga interview.
253
Notes and reIerences
48. Patrick Kagwanja interview.
49. Janet Wambui Muchiri interview.
50. Karanja Kagecha interview. Several informants confrmed that there is a general belief
among the rural Gky people that oral contraceptives (ndawa) destroy the eggs in the
uterus so that a woman who takes pills may become infertile. A girl who led a loose life
was believed to have taken enough pills to render herself infertile. Some girls therefore
deliberately sought to become pregnant in order to clear themselves from the suspicion
that they destroyed their eggs with pills. Young men were also anxious to be blessed with
children when they got married. To ensure this, some of them insisted on pre-marital
sexual union with their girlfriends. Many girls who were anxious to get married readily
complied with that condition. Sometimes it was the girl who took the initiative so that her
boyfriend might become obliged to marry her. (Sources: Interviews with Ruth Wanjiru
Gathii, Arthur Waciira, Madalina Wambui and Wanjiku Gicinga.)
51. Evanson Ndirangu interview.
52. Wanjiku Gicinga interview.
53. Interviews with Ruth Wanjiru Gathii, Rahab Waiyigo, Madalina Wambui and Priscilla
Njeri Makumi. Te breakdown of the regimental age-grade system when colonial rule
was introduced meant that young men were no longer organised for purposes of imposing
discipline on the society. In time, other peer groupings either lost meaning or died out.
54. Simon Muteru interview.
55. Priscilla Njeri Makumi represents a section of people who sincerely believed that they
did not need to teach their children. Tis informant said that many old people, includ-
ing herself, blame themselves for thinking that their children would automatically grow
upright since they had learned to read the Bible.
56. Patrick Kagwanja and Evanson Ndirangu interviews.
57. Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru interviews.
58. Priscilla Njeri Makumi interviews.
59. Ibid.
60. Joseph Maingi Kubai interview. Tis informant is referring to some Christians who are too
preoccupied with the next world. Other Christians believe that African customs, such as
seeking compensation for pregnancy, are not Christian and therefore should be avoided.
255
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APCHIVAL MATEPIAL
UNIVERSITY OF NAIROBI ARCHIVES:
File BAR/l/2/2. Barlow Papers.
File LAMB/l/2/9. Lambert Papers.
File LAMB/1/6. Lambert Papers.
PROFESSOR G. MURIUKIS PRIVATE COLLECTION:
Githui, Leonard wa Kariithi. hinduri wa mtaarire ya Agky.
Unpublished Ms., 1933. Handwritten.
KENYA NATIONAL ARCHIVES:
File KNA/DC/NYI/3/1. Political Record, Nyeri 1916-2.
File KNA/NYI/3/6. Native Afairs, 1921-1923.
263
INDEX
abortion, abort, 222, 252
abstention, 207
from beer drinking, 211, 212
from intercourse, 208,209, 211
accommodation (sleeping place), 105, 169, 211
accusation(s), accuser(s), 75, 126, 140, 141
adjudication, adjudicate, 125, 128, 180
admonition(s) 64, 132, 139, 149, 156, 162, 167, 199, 245
adultery, 66, 68, 92, 94, 227
age-group (riika, mariika), 22, 23, 26
age-mates, 81
agents of control. See also behaviour control, sanctions, 225
agreement(s), 41, 47, 52, 78, 127, 134, 163, 165
agreement, mutual. See mutual agreement
aggressiveness, aggressive, 144, 158, 176, 182, 197, 204
ailments: diagnosis of, 60
alarm(s), 24, 26, 37, 117, 118, 132, 179
ancestor(s), 16, 28, 33, 134, 145, 161
anger, angering, 48, 60, 97, 120, 126, 144, 180, 181, 217, 218, 225, 236
of ancestral spirits or God, 28, 29, 32, 33, 232
of parents, 33, 143, 157, 162
animals, domestic. See also goats, rams, 67, 84, 104, 114, 116, 120, 130-132, 134, 136, 140,
143, 169, 188, 211
as form of wealth, 36, 59, 146, 173, 181,183, 189,199, 238, 245
as gifs, 134, 135, 153
herding of, 59, 64, 83, 86, 119, 120, 154, 178, 191
payment of (as punishment), 120, 211
placing in custody of, 59, 77-79, 85, 111, 116, 130, 131, 136, 185
264
animals, wild, 175, 178, 213, 237, 248
protection against, 83, 177, 178
annoyance, 33, 119, 120, 143
appointments, 93, 154
keeping of, 74, 78, 98
appreciation, 109, 133
apron, pubic, 216, 251
Arab traders, 40
arbitration, arbitrator(s), arbitrate, 30, 126, 133, 138, 139, 158, 167
arrogance, arrogant, 143
arrow(s), 57, 111, 201
arson, 132, 158
askari, 40
assault, 74, 157, 158, 161, 179, 182, 215
athamaki, mthamaki. See also leader(s) 41, 126, 128, 139, 154, 174
Athi. See Ndorobo
attach, attachment, 37, 87, 107, 238, 258
authority, 23, 25, 27, 40-42, 51, 52, 54, 57, 128, 142, 143, 157, 209, 219, 224-226, 232, 239
change in attitude towards, 107, 222, 224-227
supernatural, 224
avarice, 147
baby, 147, 211
birth of a, 108, 113, 131
babysitter, 69, 179
ban, public, 26, 63, 81, 207-209
ban: self-imposed, 207, 211
banning, 133
Barlow, A.R., 18, 38, 51, 54, 206
barter: of food crops. See also trading, 122, 185, 189
bed: demolishing of, 217
beer, 54, 61, 65, 86, 104, 111, 116, 140, 157, 169, 171, 185, 195, 206, 212, 213, 220, 223, 228,
242, 249
beer drinking: ceremonies involving, 206, 211
beer drinking: permission to, 211
beg, begging, 63, 100, 104, 112, 157, 199, 208
behaviour. See also conduct, sexual behaviour
courteous, good, 25, 26, 29, 65
bad, illicit, 41, 58, 63, 64, 66, 86, 142, 147, 157, 203
behaviour control. See also agents of control, sanctions, 225
benefts, material, 200. See also riches, wealth
I ndex
265
benevolence, 76
benevolent person. See muuma and
bewitching. See also witchcraf, 76, 149, 159
Blakeslee, Virginia, 53, 54
blessings: by old people, 35, 155
blessings: of God, 32, 155, 232
blood: drawing of, 111
blood: shedding of, 92
blood relationship. See also clansmen, clanswomen, kinship, family relationship, 108
boldness. See bravery
boundary marks, 32, 48, 133, 134, 137, 180
Boyes, John (King of the Wakikuyu), 40
bravery, 81, 115, 171, 172, 173-177, 179-182, 196 204
bravery: excessive, 182
breakfast: giving of, 104, 186
bribe(s), 77, 93, 166
bride-wealth, 135, 224
British administration See also Colonial Government, 38, 40, 42, 43, 45, 169, 172
building sites, 109
bullying, bully, 70, 176, 179, 198
bury, burial, 36, 248
Cagnolo, C., 18, 39, 41, 54, 58, 100, 126, 172, 174, 175, 205, 206
calamities. See also famine, 40, 55
capital punishment, See also punishment, 42
carcass, 111
cash economy, See also wages, 91, 94, 122
castor oil, 131
cattle, 29, 31, 83, 85, 107, 112, 117, 134, 173, 177-179, 181, 185, 212, 219
caution, 214, 215
Cavicchi, Edmondo, 18, 125, 174,175, 191
celebration(s), 119
ceremonial drinking, 208
ceremony(ies). See also religious ceremonies, rituals, 21-24, 34, 54, 81, 86, 122, 157, 160-163,
191, 195, 206, 207, 212, 242, 252
charity, 76, 77, 102, 111, 123, 199
chastity, 66, 220, 221
cheating, 98, 165
cheerfulness, cheerful, 102, 205
chiefs, 40-42, 239
chiefs: oppression by, 47, 52, 169, 251
I ndex
266
child labour, 51
children, 21, 23, 25, 31, 33, 71, 80, 84-86, 98, 114, 119, 122, 123, 129, 143, 149, 157, 166-168,
195, 199, 205, 207, 209, 212, 214, 216, 219, 221, 222, 244, 252
as evidence of welfare and blessing, 29, 34-36, 154, 231, 238, 253
as proof of marriage, 134
education and guidance of, 15, 17, 21, 26, 52, 58, 59, 62, 64, 120, 145, 166, 187, 191,
196, 206, 210, 218, 219, 223-229, 236, 251, 253
dishonesty, honesty among, 58, 72-73, 80, 84, 85-87
illegitimate, 157, 230
spacing of, 211, 252
Christan demands/vows: vs. demands/vows in Gky culture, 91-93, 224, 226-229, 244
Church of Scotland Mission, 51, 54
circumcision. See also female circumcision, 22, 62-64, 83, 119, 175, 191, 196
civilization, western, 38, 39, 49-51, 53, 54, 91, 100, 221
civilize, 18, 54, 55, 221
clan(s), 21, 22, 24, 26, 32, 33, 36, 42, 46, 48, 49, 134, 135, 164, 173, 214, 247
clan forefathers/spirits, 32, 134
clansmen, clanswomen. See also blood relationship, kinship, family relationship, 22, 26, 99,
106, 107, 122, 127, 131, 141, 142, 157, 158, 214, 249
cleansing: afer a misdeed, 54, 160, 162
code of behaviour. See moral code
Colonial Government, 41, 45, 86, 170
combat, physical, 173, 176, 177-179, 182, 192
communal work, 109, 142, 242
community life, 130, 147
compassion, compassionate, 82, 88, 102, 103, 106, 202
compensation, 22, 44, 75, 83, 84, 120, 125-127, 132, 141, 157, 163, 166, 197, 210, 229, 247,
249, 253
compromise, 138, 229
compulsory labour, 52, 53
conduct: modes of. See moral code
conduct, exemplary, 144
confession, confess, 126, 147, 160, 162, 163, 211
confdence. See also self-confdence, 60, 69, 138, 196, 198, 199, 202, 203, 207, 223
conscience, 49, 74, 75, 138
consequence(s), 39, 43, 53, 68, 71, 74, 94, 114, 137, 155, 156, 197, 226, 229
Consolata Mission, 53
contemptuousness, contempt, 44, 89, 118, 122, 169, 190, 246
contentment, content, 36, 50, 75, 145, 146, 150, 249
cooperation, cooperate, 42, 59, 88
cordial, cordially, 103, 105, 110, 124, 165, 196, 197, 213
I ndex
267
Council of Elders. See also elders, 23, 24, 26, 27, 42, 48, 125-127, 138, 141, 167
counsel, counselling, 32, 74, 76, 77, 81, 102, 106, 108, 113, 126, 134, 199, 225, 226, 228, 229
counsellor(s), 126, 165
courage, courageous, See also njamba, 10, 11, 32, 72, 81, 115, 144, 152, 171, 175, 176, 178,
180-182, 188, 189-191, 194-204, 215, 231, 249
court(s), 41, 42, 45, 48, 49, 138, 139, 141, 148, 167-169, 174
court fees, 126
Courts Ordinance (1897), 41
courtesy, courteous, 17, 25, 26, 54, 61, 145, 248
covetousness, covetous. See also jeaslousy, 60, 68, 92, 145-147, 150, 159, 249
coward(s), cowardice, cowardly, 26, 81, 152, 173, 177, 182, 188, 190, 192, 197, 202
cow(s), 87, 95, 130, 147, 148, 152, 181, 229
cow(s): as gifs, 106, 173
crafy. See cunning
crime(s). See ofence(s)
criminal(s). See also malefactors, ofenders, wrongdoers, 140, 147, 178
criminal(s), habitual, 26, 136, 161,
criminal(s), habitual: killing of, 163, 164
criticism, 30, 51
of parents, 143
crop husbandry, 218
crown lands, 43, 45
Crown Lands ordinance
- 1902, 43
- 1915, 43
cultivate, cultivation, 44, 45, 48, 107, 117, 163, 174, 187, 188, 207, 218
cultivation: assistance in. See also Mutual help, 24, 87, 88, 133, 151
cultivation rights, 22, 46, 47-49, 245
cunning, 110, 144, 180
curse(s), 32, 76, 94, 243
curse: invoking of, 65, 115, 150, 160, 226
curse: of a dying person, 104, 113
customary law, 41, 46-48, 79, 103, 138, 209
damage, 44, 132
to reputation, 210, 213
dances(s), dancing. See also kibaata dances, 61, 66, 81, 86, 134, 143, 186, 206, 207, 209, 210,
215-217, 227, 242
danger, 72, 101, 178, 211, 249
exposure to, 178,179, 182
day of judgement, 55. See also fnal judgement, second coming, supernatural judgement
I ndex
26B
death, 33, 36, 65, 76, 92, 110, 113, 126-128, 140, 146, 149, 154, 159, 160, 162, 164, 178, 179,
182, 190, 202
immanent: saving people from, 106, 107
untimely: as punishment, 160, 249
death-bed pronouncements, 161
debate(r), 125, 138, 139, 174
deception, 58, 133, 150
defeat, 28, 72, 128, 129, 137, 141, 159, 184
in litigation, 137-141, 180
defence, 22, 24, 43, 1001, 172, 175, 177, 179, 207
defendant, 126
deflement, defling, 100, 160, 211
deliberation(s), 29, 125, 126, 134, 164, 173, 180
demand(s), 27, 37, 38, 43, 50, 79, 91, 93, 100, 135, 136, 142, 151, 157, 162, 167, 169, 195, 197
desperate, desperation, 36, 74, 200
despondent, despondency, 184, 202, 220, 230
destitution, destitute, 36, 109, 118,119, 184, 196, 200
determination, 31, 40, 175, 176, 183, 200
dignity, 139, 170, 174, 175
diligence, diligent, 17, 30, 32, 35, 36, 52, 60, 64, 80, 86-88, 90, 98, 101, 114, 115, 145, 149, 152,
175, 176, 182, 183, 186, 187-192, 197-201, 203, 212, 217-219, 231
disagreement(s), 95, 133
disapproval, 99, 127, 229
discipline, 15, 26, 32, 69, 70, 81, 120, 196, 206, 207, 216, 225, 226, 237, 253
discontentment, discontent, 146, 147, 150
disdain, disdainful, 79, 168-170, 220
dishonesty, 58, 89, 138
disinheritance, disinherit, 127, 128
disobedience, 58, 64, 83, 143, 157, 159, 165, 225
dispute(s). See also tension, 26, 42, 45, 48, 49, 72, 75, 79, 125, 129, 133, 136, 137-139, 160,
164, 165, 173, 179-182, 203
open. See also tension, state of, 137, 141
disregard, 11, 30, 44, 65, 83, 91, 111, 129, 156, 160, 166, 169, 222, 226, 227-229
distortion, 150
District Commissioner, 39, 42, 240
divination, diviners, 28, 33, 80, 107, 211
divorce. See also wife; throw away, 135
dowry. See bride-wealth
drunkenness, drunkards, drunkenness, 208, 213
increase in, 220
duel, 173
I ndex
269
duty, 23, 39, 49, 59, 64, 70, 84, 86, 87, 90, 99, 101, 151, 156, 160, 195, 203, 205, 225
dying, 100, 104, 113, 149, 220, 222
ears, piercing of, 62, 149, 196
eat, eating, 84, 90, 97, 99, 100, 103-105, 119, 121, 122, 132, 150, 158, 186, 191, 192, 201, 212,
213, 214, 247
education, 15, 16, 21, 38, 39, 42, 54, 58, 91, 123, 200, 216, 227, 235
as inculcating maturity, 60
educational disparity: between parents and children, 226
elders. See also Council of elders, 23, 24, 26, 27, 30, 31, 57, 61, 63, 65, 72, 79, 84, 95, 96, 104,
125, 128, 133, 134, 139, 141, 149, 150, 153, 158, 165, 173, 179, 180, 185, 206, 212, 214, 215,
224, 229, 232, 242, 249
as intercessors in prayer, 29
loss of authority of, 15, 16, 25, 41-43
eldership, 23
elections, local, 85
Eliot, Sir Charles, 44, 45, 172
eloquence, 174
embarrass, embarrassment, 71, 72, 74, 83, 119, 120, 144, 154, 195, 197, 210, 223, 242, 252
embezzle, 75
Emergency, State of (1952-1960), 86, 97
emulate, 93, 201, 202, 228
encouragement, moral, 81, 235
endurance. See also perseverance, steadfastness, 62, 175, 183, 191, 192, 196
envious, envy See also covetousness, 30, 68, 102, 147, 149, 159
equilibrium (in society), 30, 42
equilibrium (in society), restoring of, 39, 126, 128
equity, 30, 127, 136, 139, 144, 165, 247
esteem, 82, 98, 173, 212
European farmers, 40, 174
evidence, 27, 28, 29-31, 38, 51, 66, 100-102, 126, 130, 131, 133-142, 151, 174, 175, 180, 184,
186, 187, 190, 192, 202, 237
evidence, convicting, 160
evidence, factual, 133
examinations, 73, 175
excellent, excellence, excel. See also njamba, 105, 128, 176, 187, 192, 201
exhaustion, 36, 184, 192, 194
expectation: fulflment of, 59, 60, 70, 77-80, 85, 145
expedition(s), 26, 42, 81, 82, 89, 183, 184, 187, 193, 194
expedition, Count Telekis, 174
expedition(s), punitive, 40, 171, 239
I ndex
270
exploitation, exploit, 11, 41, 49, 79, 81, 94, 96, 101, 150, 197
extort, extortion, 60, 67, 79, 145, 147, 168, 237
facts, 17, 71, 126, 136, 151, 181, 182
distortion of, 71, 136
fairness, 30, 128, 165, 247
falsehood, 58, 129, 133
family relationships. See also blood relationship, clansmen, clanswomen, kinship, 141
famine, 24, 28, 40, 44, 80, 90, 107, 109, 132, 149, 150, 153, 159, 187, 189, 214, 249
father-in-law. See in-laws
favouritism, favourite, 72, 82, 86, 87, 165
feasts, 195, 201, 207
of meat, 126, 131, 132, 158, 200, 201, 214, 247
female circumcision, 216, 258
fdelity, 81, 98, 197
fdelity, sexual, 61, 66, 68
fnal judgement (Christian doctrine), 169. See also day of judgement, second coming, super-
natural judgement
fnancial aid, 69
fnancial matters, 72, 73
fnancial gain/prosperity, 49, 52, 97
fne(s): as punishment, 27, 120, 127, 207, 247
frewood, 25, 90, 106, 143, 171, 192, 193
frmness, 196, 197, 225
fatter, 110, 144
fondling (rubbing breasts) See nguko
food, 34, 51, 63, 78, 80-82, 87-89, 93, 97, 99, 100, 103-109, 113, 117, 119, 121, 122, 131, 132,
143, 145, 147, 153, 157, 169, 171, 174, 185, 187-189, 191, 195, 199, 211, 213, 214, 217, 238,
244, 246
foolishness, fools, foolish, 33, 123, 124, 126, 140, 170, 178, 179, 182, 198, 203, 202, 204, 205,
214, 243
forbearance, forbear, 144, 145, 176, 197, 218
force of might, force of right, 128, 129, 135, 136, 139, 169, 179
forced labour. See compulsory labour
forefathers. See ancestors
forgive, forgiveness, 94, 129, 136, 156, 159, 161-163, 166-168
Fort Hall. See Muranga
freedom, 31, 206, 207
of choice, 128
of speech, 125, 128
friendship, 59, 67, 78, 117, 241, 242
I ndex
271
gain, material, 75, 198, 202
generosity, generous 10, 11, 16, 46, 60, 64, 67, 76-78, 80, 87, 98, 99-103, 106-123, 144, 145,
154, 165, 176, 190, 198, 231, 245, 246
genial. See cordial
gentleness, 110, 144, 196, 197
Gichugu, 37
gif(s): given in courtship, 134, 135
gif of food See itega
gif: propitiatory. See also ram of propitiation, 158
Gky
as the house of the digging stick, 28, 187, 218
changes in way of life of, 11, 17, 38, 93, 225
encounter with western culture, 38, 53, 200, 220, 227
loss of land. See land alienation
migration, 37, 51, 188
mobility, 37, 226
Gky agriculture, 28, 174
Gky culture, 37, 38, 53, 54, 93
Gky morality. See also sexual morality, 30, 32, 38, 43, 48, 53-55, 61, 91, 92, 224, 225-227,
230-232
Gky religion, 27-33, 54, 55, 232
Gky religion: infuence of missionaries on, 15, 53-55
Gky reserve
Githui, Leonard, 17, 178
giving: as a spontaneous act, 103
goat: of companionship, 153
goat(s), 28, 65, 72, 79, 87, 96, 107, 111, 114, 119-122, 127, 131, 132, 134, 157, 158, 160, 174,
185, 189, 192, 197, 201, 212, 215, 247, 249
God
as creator and upholder of life, 27-30
as dispenser of justice, 27, 28, 30, 31, 54, 55, 57, 113, 149, 154-156, 159, 160, 209,
210, 224, 232
as forgiving wrongs, 94
as giver of good gifs, 28, 32, 60, 75, 79, 146, 166, 196, 202, 210
conversion to, 54
disregard of, 227
goodwill, 67, 90, 102, 110, 113-115, 125, 130, 132, 144, 151, 152, 161, 219, 249
gossips, gossiping, 26, 69, 76, 142, 157, 208, 226
gratitude, 26, 35, 79, 80, 82, 113, 116, 117, 121, 133, 153
greed, greedy, 48, 58, 67, 68, 75, 84, 92, 96-98, 145, 150, 180, 205, 212-214, 222
grievance(s), 17, 31, 45, 135, 158, 205
I ndex
272
guest(s), 100, 103-105, 108, 111, 112, 140, 197, 213
status of, 99
guilt(y), 72, 126, 136, 140, 141, 155, 160, 163, 167, 168, 197
Gumba, 37, 238
handing over ceremony. See ituka
hardships. See also sufering, 191, 195
harmony, 29, 30, 33, 34, 69, 70, 76, 77, 98, 130, 132, 152, 219, 249
headman, 73, 169, 249
help, non-material, See also cultivation: assistance in, mutual help, 83, 101, 102, 106, 108,
109-111, 117, 123, 178
home life: loss of, 51, 52, 97, 222, 226
homeless, 87
honesty, 11, 16, 30, 57-61, 66, 67-73, 75-82, 84-86, 90, 91, 94, 96,
98, 138, 141, 145, 164, 242, 243
honey, 84, 107, 108, 131, 143, 158, 162, 249
hospitality, 22, 27, 66, 69, 78, 88, 99, 100, 102, 103-106, 111-113, 115, 117, 121, 122, 153, 158,
197, 245
house of the digging stick. See under Gky
human relationships, 47, 94, 96, 98, 218
humiliation, 157, 199
humility, 26, 65, 196
hunger, hungry, 36, 105, 107, 113, 122, 184, 186, 190, 192
hypocrisy, 133, 145. 229
identifcation, 130
of animals, 133
idler(s). See also indolence, laziness, loiterers, 132, 184, 188, 189
ill efects. See also misfortune, 141
immorality, immoral, 15, 83, 160, 223
impatience, 138, 186
Imperial British East Africa Company, 40
improve, improvement, 102, 174, 183, 189, 195, 199, 200, 202, 245
incompetent, 101, 228
indecent, 27, 212, 215, 228
indisputable, 129
individualism, 39, 122, 123
indolence. See also idlers, laziness, loiterers, 89, 90, 189
inducement, 53, 153, 200, 216
industrious, 61, 75, 86, 88, 174, 182, 183, 185, 244
initiation(s). See also rites of passage, 22, 23, 63, 80-82, 86, 92, 108, 143, 154, 163, 195, 206,
I ndex
273
208-210, 216, 227, 242
initiative, 30, 43, 48, 87, 90, 101, 102, 146, 183, 189, 190, 197, 245, 253
injustice, 31. 49, 52, 147, 149, 160, 168-170, 181
in-law(s), 25, 66, 69, 72, 108, 135, 212, 245, 247
innocence, innocent, 75, 126, 136, 140, 141, 168
insult(s), 66, 69, 110, 138, 139, 176, 181, 182, 199, 204
integrity, 17, 22, 23, 24, 30, 32, 33, 42, 59-61, 67, 68, 86, 139, 160, 209, 210, 231
intelligence, intelligent, 57, 58, 62, 81, 138, 139, 174
intemperance, intemperate, 206, 208, 212, 214, 224
interpretation, 136, 164
investigation(s), 30, 71, 141, 197
ir and irri ( wealth, honour, prosperity, good fortune), 34-36, 237
irresponsible, irresponsibility, 15, 157
itega, 80, 108, 116, 122, 123
Itotia, J., 28, 35, 59, 60, 102, 145
ituka (handing over ceremony), 23
jealousy. See also covetousness, envy, 75, 150
joint ventures, 59, 245
judgement, See also fnal judgement, supernatural judgement, second coming, 72, 126, 127,
136, 137, 139, 141, 159, 169, 229, 232
judicial procedure, 125
justice. See also kihooto, 24, 27, 29-32, 42, 45,72, 76, 78, 79, 111, 112, 118, 124, 125-127, 129-
139, 141, 144-146, 151-153, 155, 156, 159-161, 164- 166, 168-170, 174, 178, 180-182, 198,
203, 231, 232, 237, 246, 247
justice: concept of, 125, 128, 129
justice: obstruction of, 138, 181,
justice: triumph of, 129
justice: undermining of, 132
justice: upholding of, 30
Karuri, 40
Kenya Colony, 45
Kenya Land Commission (1934), 45, 46
Kenyatta, Jomo, 17, 27-29, 31, 38, 47, 48, 58, 60, 101, 206
Kiambu, 13, 24, 37, 39, 49, 149, 174, 240
kibaata dances. See also dances, 23
khooto, 76, 78, 84, 111, 112, 118, 128-130, 132-139, 142-144, 151, 153, 155, 157, 160, 161,
163, 164, 168, 176, 177, 179-183, 203, 247
killing(s), 40, 120, 133, 147, 149, 159, 179
ritual, 159
I ndex
274
kindness, 32, 67, 103, 111, 115, 123
kinship. See also blood relationship, family relationship, clansmen, clanswomen, 21, 25, 59,
222
kinsmen, 127, 232
labour policy, 49, 51
Lambert, Harold E., 30, 39, 42, 49, 125-128, 174, 242
land: as a gif of God to the Gky, 31
land alienation, 31, 40, 43, 44, 46, 47-49, 51, 240
land dispute(s), 26, 48, 49, 133, 165,
land ownership, 45, 48, 130, 180,
land tenure, traditional, 46-48
land tillage, 32, 87, 114, 121, 187, 189, 191, 199, 200, 218, 219,
law-abiding, 165
lawsuit (s), 72, 86, 137, 141
laziness, lazy. See also idlers, indolence, loiterers, 27, 52, 86, 88-90, 99, 101, 112, 152, 184,
188-190, 192, 245
leaders, leadership. See also athamaki, 16, 23, 40, 43, 70, 71, 77, 85, 93, 128, 139, 169, 174,
196, 202
Leakey, Louis S.B., 17, 18, 21, 27, 28, 34, 37, 41, 48, 58-60, 101, 127, 128, 172, 173, 206,
liberality, 100, 102, 112, 123
life: safeguarding of, 28, 106, 113,
listen: ability to, 139
litigation, litigate, litigant, 30, 31, 42, 49, 72, 126, 136-138, 141, 168, 174, 176, 179-182, 203
livelihood, 28, 37, 146, 174
livestock, 34, 41, 173, 177, 178, 185, 189, 198, 218
loss of, 40, 113, 159, 160,
local community, 23, 51, 64, 161, 169, 175
as agents of control, 226, 232
loiterers. See also idlers, indolence, laziness, 69, 89
long life: as blessing of God, 154, 160,
loyal, loyalty, 86
Lugard, F.D., 44, 174, 205
lying, 60, 73, 150
lynch law, 128
Maasai, 24, 28, 29, 34, 37, 40, 81, 82, 159, 171-173, 175, 177, 183, 184, 188, 192, 194, 200,
201, 206, 219
MacDonald, J.R.L., 171
magistrate(s), 137, 136, 168
malefactor(s). See also criminal(s), ofenders, wrongdoers, 149, 153, 159, 178
I ndex
275
malice, malicious, 30, 60, 75, 78, 80, 81, 115, 129, 137, 145, 147, 149, 150, 158-160
mans hut (thingira), 83, 148, 149, 216
marriage, 22, 23, 36, 38, 47, 48, 55, 61, 66, 92, 93, 107, 122, 128, 134, 135, 151, 153, 155, 157,
158, 161, 163, 169, 194, 208, 210, 214, 216-219, 222, 229, 245, 247
masculinity, 176
matatu driver, 73
maturity, mature, 60, 61-64, 68-70, 76, 77, 94, 98, 136, 144, 145, 162, 164, 170, 198, 210, 217
Mau Mau, 31, 37, 86, 160, 237
meanness. See also stinginess, 112, 118, 120
meat: division of, 77, 214
mediation, mediate, 165, 197, 198
mediation: by elders, 179
medicine man, 58, 60, 75, 211
meekness. See also humility, 198
Meinertzhagen, Richard, 171, 249
men, 22, 23, 38, 41, 51, 60, 66, 68, 80, 84, 88-90, 100, 101, 107, 120, 135, 142, 143, 148, 151,
167, 170, 173, 176, 194, 198, 202, 217, 241, 245,
old, 96, 139, 199, 212,
young, 26, 43, 50, 51, 68, 69, 81, 83, 86-88, 96, 103, 133, 134, 158, 184, 187, 205, 206,
208, 209, 211, 216, 221, 223, 227, 229, 248, 251, 253
menses, 62, 211, 217
ceremony connected with, 252
mental health, 145
mischief, 40, 63, 113, 119, 120, 132, 147, 166, 211, 216, 226, 246
misfortune. See also ill efects, 49, 67, 75, 91, 102, 113, 149, 156, 160, 166, 183, 246, 248
moderation, 111, 207, 212, 231
in drinking, 204, 212
in eating, 214
in giving, 124
in speech, 72
modern, modernity, modern way of life, 39, 55, 92, 97, 121, 122, 164, 168, 221, 222, 224-227,
229, 232
modest, modesty. See also shame, thoni, 25, 60, 64-66, 212, 243
money, 41, 50, 53, 69, 73, 74, 77, 85, 92, 94-98, 121-123, 140, 147, 148, 153, 168, 197, 228,
curse of, 94,
public, 96
money economy. See cash economy
monogamy, monogamist, 93, 229, 244
moral code, 29, 32, 55, 65, 85, 91, 130, 226, 232
moral constraints, 222
moral misconduct, 55
I ndex
276
moral obligations, 226
moral rectitude. See also uprightness, 152, 154
moral standards, 15, 39, 98,
compromise in, 224, 229, 230, 232
moral teaching: lack of, 224, 227
morality, sexual. See sexual behaviour
mother-in-law. See in-laws
Muranga, 24, 37, 40
murder, murderer(s), 22, 28, 30, 42, 58, 68, 95, 120, 127, 128, 132, 140, 141, 146, 158, 159, 161
Muriuki, Godfrey, 101, 235, 236
mutual agreement, 47, 127
mutual confdence, 69
mutual defence, 101
mutual help. See also cultivation, assistance in; help, non-material, reciprocation: of a favour,
52, 101, 245
mutual indebtedness, 122
mutual respect. See also respect, 59, 69, 108
mutual trust, 69, 79, 153
muuma and, 76, 77, 111, 154
names, Christian, 93
naughtiness, naughty. See also mischief, 58, 133
Native Councils, 41, 42, 180
Native tribunals, 41, 42, 49
natural justice, 30
Ndia, 37
Ndorobo, 34, 37, 48, 236, 238
neutralizing: a wrong committed, 168
Ngai. See God
Nguko. See also sexual intercourse, relations, 54, 61, 68, 206, 207-210, 216, 217, 223, 227,
245, 248, 251
ngurario, 134, 135, 163
njamba. See also excellence, 81, 115, 175-177, 179, 187, 188, 198, 201, 202
Nottingham, John, 44, 239
Nyeri, 24, 37, 40, 48
nyumba, 21, 22, 26, 81, 135
oathing, oaths, 65, 74, 75, 141, 160, 168, 211, 224, 226, 227, 244
oathing: as an appeal to supernatural judgement, 42, 75, 160
obedience, obedient, 35, 58, 59, 64, 198, 225, 226
obligation(s), 22, 58, 59, 79, 80, 82, 83, 93, 99, 108, 109, 113, 115, 226,
I ndex
277
ofence(s), ofend, ofender. See also crime, criminal, malefactors, wrongdoers, 30, 35, 74, 75,
97, 110, 118, 120, 127, 132, 133, 140, 156, 160-163, 167, 197, 206, 217, 226
oil, body, 63, 79, 133
old age, 139, 154, 155, 212, 222, 248
ornament(s), 66, 100, 132, 153, 248
ostracise, ostracism, 133, 158, 162, 225, 226
outcast: from society, 127, 207
ownership: joy of, 147
of people, land, property, 45, 47, 131, 180
ownership, personal, 48, 130, 131
ownership: proof of, 133, 199
right of, 48
opposite sex: respect for, 204
optimism, 189, 203
pain, 62-64, 92, 175, 176, 191, 196
parasitic existence, 190
parasitic tendencies, 100
parental authority, 222, 224-226,
parent(s), 15, 26, 28, 32, 35, 54, 57, 58, 64, 69, 72-74, 81, 83, 85, 86, 92, 97, 98, 131, 134, 135,
143, 157, 162, 166, 167-169, 187, 196, 200, 203, 206, 209, 210, 215-217, 219- 222, 226-229,
231, 232, 249, 251, 252
respect for, 28, 33, 71
patience, patient(ly), 30, 97, 123, 138, 140, 146, 176, 180, 181, 191, 195, 197, 218
payment: of a good deed, 116
peace, 24, 29, 30, 33, 37, 40, 75, 77, 93, 98, 110, 123, 128, 130, 132, 139, 144, 151, 152, 155,
161, 165, 166, 205, 218, 249
peace of mind, 75, 150
peaceful, 47, 130, 180, 189, 199, 203, 205
peacemaker, 130, 139
peelings: of food consumed, 131
peers, peer groups, 25, 98, 120, 179, 224, 226, 227, 231, 253
perjury, 30, 132
Perlo, Filippo, 53
perseverance. See also endurance, steadfastness, 182
philanthropic, philanthropy, 47, 101, 111
plaintif, 126, 127, 168
pledge(s). See also vows, 65, 91-93, 160, 178
poison, poisoning, 100, 148, 150, 159
polygamy, polygamous, 54, 86, 105, 147, 165, 195, 199, 229
poverty, 45, 46, 86, 99, 177, 183, 184, 190, 194, 195, 199, 200, 217, 245
I ndex
27B
praise, 26, 67, 115, 116, 146, 191
prayer(s), 23, 29, 31, 159, 194
for rain, 29, 60
pregnancy(ies), 15, 75, 210, 211, 217, 221-223, 229, 253
outside marriage: compensation for, 157, 210, 220, 221, 253
presumptuous, 144, 198
privilege(s), 23, 130, 157, 201, 212, 216
probity, 144, 164, 165, 168
prodigal, prodigality, 100, 111, 112, 123, 231
prohibition(s), 28, 58, 91, 127, 207, 216, 225
promiscuity, 15, 206, 223
promise(s), 72, 78, 79, 91-93, 96, 98, 107, 133, 157, 161, 166, 167
proof. See also evidence, factual, 133, 134
property, 26, 30, 34, 40, 47, 58, 59, 61, 75, 76, 84, 98, 100, 118, 119, 127. 129-132, 140, 146,
151, 154, 158, 159, 169, 179, 180, 184, 186, 190, 191, 199, 200, 203, 217, 219, 231, 246
division of, 77, 180
protection of, 78, 84, 117, 130, 175, 177, 178, 203
respect for, 67, 157
right to, 178, 203
prosper, prosperity, prosperous, See also welfare, 29-36, 48-50, 52, 69, 102, 113, 128, 130, 132,
145, 146, 166, 183, 217
prostitute, 66, 170
Protectorate (Kenya Colony), 44, 50
puberty, 206
punish, punishment. See also capital punishment, 23, 25-28, 30, 32, 33, 40-42, 55, 75, 91, 92,
101, 114, 120, 129, 131, 132, 136, 142, 143, 152, 154, 156-162, 165, 167-169, 173, 196, 206,
207, 211, 219, 224, 227, 229, 232, 242, 249
as encouragement for good behaviour, 29, 30, 55, 120, 152, 155-157
as means of ridding society of habitual criminals, 56, 163
corporal, 226
fear of, 74, 127
reformative, 156
quarrelling, quarrels, 69, 86, 144, 158, 165, 198, 203, 213
raiding, raids, 26, 29, 40, 81, 117, 119, 172, 173, 176-178, 184, 188, 189, 192, 198, 200,
206, 219
ram,
as compensation, 84
as punishment or sign of repentance, 120, 157. 158
fatted: as gif to future in-laws, 131, 134, 135, 163, 214
I ndex
279
of propitiation, 66. See also gif: propitiatory, sacrifcial lamb
to conclude a divorce, 135
reason: ability to, 174
use of: in litigation, 198, 203
reason, convincing, 176
reasonableness, 76, 128, 164
reciprocation: of a favour. See also mutual help, 101
reconciliation, 158, 161, 167, 179
reliability, 57, 64, 68, 84, 86, 90, 144
religious ceremonies, rituals, 23, 48, 54, 161
repentance, 157, 158, 162, 168
reputation, 22, 34, 35, 67, 68, 71, 73, 112, 115, 116, 120, 140, 162, 173, 198, 200-202, 206,
210, 213, 215, 226
respect. See also mutual respect, 15, 26, 33, 52, 59, 64-68, 70, 71, 74, 81-83, 99, 116, 128, 131,
133, 139, 144, 151, 153, 164, 166, 197, 201, 211, 219, 222, 224, 225, 244
being worthy of, 71, 84
responsibility, 21-23, 26, 43, 61, 64, 70, 74, 83-85, 95, 113, 127, 145, 162, 166, 170, 196, 202,
209, 211, 215, 235
restoration, 129, 161
retainers, 41, 169
retaliation, 125, 126, 161, 167
retribution, 152, 159, 166
revenge, 126, 159
reward, 32, 129, 150, 152-155, 161, 165, 166, 181, 183, 200, 232
rich people: lack of generosity of, 123
riches, 185, 219. See also wealth
ridicule, 74, 118, 132, 207, 216, 217, 226, 252
public, 71
rites of passage. See also initiation, 21, 64, 98, 145, 191
rogue, 66, 164
role models: lack of, 93
Rosberg, C.J., 44
Ross, W.D.A., 44, 50
Routledge, Katherine, 28, 38, 57, 58, 60, 99, 126, 128, 172, 174, 190, 205
rgongo, 24
rraacio. See also bride-wealth, 107, 134, 135, 247
sacrifcial lamb. See also ram of propitiation, 60, 163
sanctions. See also agents of control, behaviour control, 16, 30, 33, 38, 43, 48, 59, 121, 132,
133, 225, 226, 229, 231, 232
sanctions, traditional: vs. absence of in Christianity, 91
I ndex
2B0
sanctity of marriage, 66
second coming: of Christ. See also day of judgement, 91
self-confdence. See also confdence, 67
self-control, 68, 205, 206, 212, 213, 251
self-esteem, 71, 83, 199
self-help projects, 70, 109, 114
self-pity: discouragement of, 202
self-sufciency, self-sufcient, 32, 50, 59, 86, 100, 112, 114, 122, 124, 130, 171, 199
selfshness, 76, 158
serenity, 148
service(s), 35, 36, 58, 60, 69, 70, 76, 79, 80, 82, 90, 97, 149, 173, 185, 208, 213
quick: as a sign of hospitality, 104
sexual behaviour/morality. See also Gky morality, 15, 61, 163, 205, 206, 208, 209, 214-216,
222-224, 226, 229, 251, 253
sexual fdelity. See fdelity, sexual
sexual intercourse/relations. See also nguko, 68, 80, 97, 206-212, 214, 216, 226, 228
shame. See also modesty, thoni, 25, 83, 96
shaving: of heads, 63
single-mindedness, 218
smuggling, 97
snuf. See also tobacco, 119, 156, 201, 208, 248
songs, 31, 87, 142, 151, 173, 177, 184, 191
spending, 73
lavishly, 140
sponsor(s): for circumcision, initiation, 83, 227
spying, 140
stages of cutting: as a means of inculcating maturity, 62
staf: as symbol of virtue, old age, 154, 155
steadfastness, steadfast. See also endurance, perseverance, 144, 196, 217-219
steal, stealing. See also thef, thieves, 28, 58, 60, 63, 67, 68, 73-75, 78, 83-86, 92, 95-97, 107,
127, 131, 132, 140, 197, 219, 248
stinginess, stingy. See also meanness, 26, 27, 64, 76, 103-105, 111-114, 117-124, 158, 231,
242, 246
stoic, stoical, 175, 191
stranger(s), 58, 99, 106
strength, 34, 35, 59, 166, 179, 182, 186, 207, 220, 221
stress, 145, 196
stubborn, 168, 172
sufering. See also hardships, 149, 163, 169, 195
sugar, 121, 123, 219
sugarcane, 64, 83, 120, 131, 133, 169, 187, 195, 246
I ndex
2B1
suicide, 146, 147
few cases of, 60
suitor(s), 65, 66, 135, 245
supernatural forces/powers, 32, 33, 47, 75, 154-156, 160, 224, 227, 232
supernatural judgement, 75, 91, 92, 126, 160, 161, 166
surveillance, superhuman, 156
suspect(s), 72, 140, 141, 160, 197
suspicion, 30, 140, 141, 253
sweet potatoes, 106, 187
sympathy, 81, 101, 102, 106, 109, 110, 113, 131, 165, 190, 219
taboo(s), 53, 118, 209, 212, 224, 225, 227, 228, 232, 246
tax, taxation, 41, 50-52, 75, 242
tea, 105, 121, 221
temper, 126, 128, 139, 176
temperance, temperate, 16, 70, 145, 205-207, 212, 214, 217-220, 222, 224-227, 229-231
tenant(s), 46, 101
tenants-at-will, 45, 100
tension, 93, 137, 141, 142
thef. See also steal, 23. 30, 113, 115, 119, 127, 131, 132, 140, 158, 161, 168
thief, thieves, 26, 58, 67, 76, 83, 114, 128, 131, 132, 148, 158, 159, 176, 178, 179, 203
thoni. See also shame, modesty, 24, 25, 64, 65, 243
title, 139, 208
of honour. See also njamba, 176, 201
tobacco: See also snuf, 156, 157, 194
torture, 42, 165
touch, touching, avoiding (i.e. stealing), 67, 73, 84
trade, trading. See also barter, 40, 50, 87, 89, 188, 189, 199, 207
tradition, 23, 41, 43, 47, 49, 91, 131, 155, 160, 161
traditional morality. See Gky morality
trial by ordeal, 30, 31, 126, 147
trust, 65, 71, 73, 82, 84, 95, 96, 98, 115, 207
trust, mutual. See mutual trust
trustworthy, trustworthiness. See also reliability, 60, 64, 66, 67, 70, 71, 76, 78-80, 84, 86, 87,
90, 91, 94, 98, 130, 136, 145, 153, 166
truth, 58, 74, 129, 130, 133, 136-138, 149, 181, 221
truth: concealing of, 129
truthful, truthfulness, 57, 60, 64, 71, 72, 74, 77, 133, 137, 150, 151, 231
United Missionary Conference (Nairobi, 1901), 54
unreasonableness, unreasonable, 64, 122, 142, 158
I ndex
2B2
upright, uprightness, 30, 36, 55, 60, 61, 63-65, 67, 68, 76, 77, 82, 98, 102, 110, 111, 129, 130,
144-146, 150-155, 165, 166, 215, 220, 242, 253
victory songs, 173, 177
vigilance, 156
virgin(s), 209
virtue(s), virtuous, 17, 35, 100, 145, 152, 154, 155, 169, 197, 203, 231, 245
vitality, 29, 186, 225, 230
vow(s) See also pledges, 91-94, 224, 226-229, 244
wages. See also cash economy, 50, 53, 121, 165
war tactics, 171, 172
warrior(s), 22-27, 37, 40, 43, 52, 58, 65, 81, 82, 103, 111, 120, 158, 162, 171, 173, 175, 177,
186-189, 192, 198, 199, 201, 205-211, 219, 224, 232, 245, 248, 251
wealth. See also benefts, material; riches, 31, 34, 36, 41, 97, 98, 101, 113, 118, 145, 150, 173,
177, 185, 190, 199, 203, 217, 231, 232, 236, 242
weapons, 178, 200
well being. 29, 32, 98, 123, 145, 152, 183, 190, 214
welfare. See also prosperity, 21, 22, 35, 52, 54, 86, 90, 111, 113, 114, 123, 146, 151, 157, 161,
176, 195, 212, 214
welfare, personal, 60, 145, 152, 189-191, 199, 203, 226, 238
wife: throw away. See also divorce, 135
willpower, 182, 221
wisdom, 23, 29, 32, 61, 76, 81, 89, 123, 124, 128, 136, 138, 144, 196, 198, 218, 248
witchcraf. See also bewitching, 23, 26, 42, 115, 132, 149, 150, 159, 168, 249
witness, witnesses, 135
wife: beating of, 165
women, militant, 176
womans hut: demolishing of, 135
work: honour of, 203
wrongdoer(s). See also criminals, malefactors, ofenders, 32, 155, 156, 167
youthfulness: enjoying, 208
I ndex
2B5
ABCUT THE AUTHCP
Hannah Wangeci Kinoti was born in the middle of the Second World War,
the last of the six children of Ruben and Ruth Gathii. Her parents were
among the frst converts to Christianity in central Kenya. She imbibed from
them Gky cultural and moral values; at the same time she learned the
Christian faith from them and from their Scottish Presbyterian Church.
At Kahuhia Primary School and Alliance Girls High School she learned
western culture from her teachers, most of whom were European mission-
2B6
aries. At Makerere University College (then a constituent college of the
University of East Africa) she read English and Religious Studies, learn-
ing African religion under the distinguished scholar, Professor John Mbiti.
For her doctoral thesis she decided to do research into Gky traditional
morality, which is the subject of this book.
Hannah Kinotis research and teaching interests took her to many foreign
institutions, such as Regent College, Vancouver, Canada and the Depart-
ment of Social Medicine, Harvard Medical School, Boston, USA. She wrote
and spoke widely on ethics and religion, always concerned about the spiri-
tual, moral and social well being of the African people. She herself was, as
a friend once observed, an authentic African Christian woman. She was
an Associate Professor in the Department of Philosophy and Religious
Studies, University of Nairobi when she died suddenly in 2001. Hannah
and her husband, Professor George Kinoti, had fve children.
About the author