Gems from the Top 100 Speeches: A Handy Source of Inspiration for Your Thoughts and Language

Speech 01 Martin Luther King, Jr.: I Have a Dream

Martin Luther King, Jr. was a Baptist minister, leading the fight for the equality of all men. King delivered his I Have a Dream speech on 28 August 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial, Washington D.C. It is believed that this speech was the catalyst for the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and King’s receiving of the Nobel Peace Prize.

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest…in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American…symbolic shadow we stand…This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves, who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later…still is not free…is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination…lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity…is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we’ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

When the architects of…wrote the magnificent words of…guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness…honoring this sacred obligation.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind…of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of…or to take the tranquilizing drug of…Now is the time to make real the promises of…Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of…to the sunlit path of…Now is the time to lift…from the quicksands of…to the solid rock of…Now is the time to make…a reality for all of God’s children.

It would be fatal…to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of…legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality…is not an end but a beginning. Those who hope that the…needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the…returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in…The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of…until the bright day of…emerges.

who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of…we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must ever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative…to degenerate into…Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of…with soul force.

have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny…that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back…We can never be satisfied as long as…is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of…heavy with the fatigue of…we are not satisfied and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

I am not unmindful that…out of great trials and tribulations…Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecutions and staggered by the winds of…You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to…knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends. And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal.

at the table of brotherhood. a state sweltering with the heat of…will be transformed into an oasis of…

I have a dream that…one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today!

lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.

This is our hope. This is the faith that I will go back to…With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope…to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. And this will be the day, this will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with new meaning…And if…is to be a great…this must become true.

…….so let freedom ring—from the prodigious hilltops of…, from the mighty mountains of…, from the curvaceous slopes of…, from every hill and molehill of…, from every mountainside, let freedom ring!

when we allow freedom to ring…we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children…will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual,

"Free at last, free at last. Thank God Almighty, we are free at last."

Speech 02 John F. Kennedy: Inaugural Address

The 35th President of the United States, Democrat John Fitzgerald Kennedy, took the oath of office on January 20, 1961. President Kennedy set the record for the youngest U.S. President in history at a mere 43 years of age. Kennedy was also the first Roman Catholic to ever hold the office of Presidency. This speech addressed the symbolic meaning of the grand occasion of presidential inauguration. He emphasized the importance of national unity and discussed America’s relationship with other nations. Kennedy then continued with a list of resolutions to help solve worldwide problems among nations. To conclude the speech, Kennedy invited his fellow Americans to think what they can do for their country as well as for the world.

We observe today not a victory of…….but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe—the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans—born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage— and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

This much we pledge—and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of…….shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own free- dom—and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required—not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.

If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.

And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support—to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace—before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course—both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war. So let us begin anew—remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.

Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for.. , and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah— to undo the heavy burdens…[and] let the oppressed go free.

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor—not a new balance of power, but a new world of law—where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again—not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need—not as a call to battle, though embattled we are—but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation, a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility—I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God’s work must truly be our own.

Speech 03 Franklin Delano Roosevelt: First Inaugural Address

FDR delivered this speech on March 4, 1933. Roosevelt was inaugurated during one of the worst economic periods that the United States has ever faced, The Great Depression. Roosevelt uses this speech to assure Americans that he has a plan to create a better economic system that will alleviate the strains felt by the Depression. His speech has a reassuring tone intended to reassure Americans of positive change.

This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that.. I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our People impels.

This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.

So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.

In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things……the withered leaves of…….on every side;……

And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.

……Practices of…….stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.

True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition……

……have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.

Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.

Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in……which too often has

given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on an unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.

Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.

……This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously…….treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war,……

Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to……It can be helped by……It can be helped by insistence that……There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped merely by talking about it.

We must act. We must act quickly.

Finally, in our progress toward……, we require two safeguards against……

There must be……There must be an end to……

These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon……, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of……

Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order…… I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first……but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.

The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is…… a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.

In the field of……., I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.

If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.

We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.

With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.

Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why……has proved itself the most superbly enduring……mechanism the modern world has ever seen.

……it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from (normal procedures).

I am prepared under my……duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures…… I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.

But in the event that……, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask……for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis—broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.

For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.

We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.

We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.

In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God. May He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to come.

Speech 04 Franklin D. Roosevelt: Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation

On December 7, 1941, Japan attacked the United States with surprise at Pearl Harbor. This shocked all Americans and the Japanese even made a second run at the U.S. later that morning. Casualties were many and President Roosevelt addressed Congress the next day:

Yesterday, December 7th, 1941—a date which will live in infamy—the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.

……

Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.

Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.

And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.

……

No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.

I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.

Hostilities exist. There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.

With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph—so help us God.

I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.

Speech 05 Barbara Jordan: Who Then Will Speak for the Common Good?

delivered 12 July 1976, New York, NY

In 1976, Jordan was the keynote speaker at the Democratic National Convention. She was the first African-American to give a keynote speech at such an occasion. In this speech, she elaborated and defended the principles and aspirations of the Democratic Party.

Thank you ladies and gentlemen for a very warm reception.

……And our meeting this week is a continuation of that tradition. But there is something different about tonight. There is something special about tonight. What is different? What is special?

I, Barbara Jordan, am a keynote speaker.

A lot of years passed since……, and during that time it would have been most unusual……But tonight here I am. And I feel that notwithstanding the past that my presence here is one additional bit of evidence that the American Dream need not forever be deferred.

Now that I have this grand distinction what in the world am I supposed to say? I could easily spend this time praising the accomplishments of…and attacking…—but I don’t choose to do that. I could list the many problems which Americans have. I could list the problems which cause people to feel cynical, angry, frustrated: problems which include lack of integrity in government; the feeling that the individual no longer counts; the reality of material and spiritual poverty; the feeling that the grand American experiment is failing or has failed. I could recite these problems, and then I could sit down and offer no solutions. But I don’t choose to do that either. The citizens of America expect more. They deserve and they want more than a recital of problems.

We are a people in a quandary about the present. We are a people in search of our future. We are a people in search of a national community. We are a people trying not only to solve the problems of the present,……(examples), but we are attempting on a larger scale to fulfill the promise of America. We are attempting to fulfill our national purpose, to create and sustain a society in which all of us are equal.

Throughout our history, when people have looked for new ways to solve their problems, and to uphold the principles of this nation, many times they have turned to……It is a concept deeply rooted in a set of beliefs firmly etched in the national conscience of all of us.

Now what are these beliefs? First, we believe in equality for all and privileges for none. This is a belief that each American regardless of background has equal standing in the public