Globalization Challenged: Conviction, Conflict, Community
By George Rupp and Jagdish N. Bhagwati
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In Globalization Challenged, George Rupp, president of the International Rescue Committee, outlines the steps necessary to engage the contemporary conflict between traditional religious belief and Western secularism.
According to Rupp, the key objective is to build a community that is inclusive without denying the validity of particular commitments. While he acknowledges the threat of "resurgent fundamentalism," Rupp also criticizes secularists who fail to recognize or acknowledge the role of religion and its ideological equivalents in influencing public policy. All views, he asserts, are subject to comparative appraisal. The challenge is to develop ways to evaluate different approaches responsibly, leading to a greater understanding of one's own convictions as well as the positions of others.
Rupp reinforces his critical and theoretical analysis with dramatic accounts of recent events in Afghanistan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Sudan& mdash;places where the International Rescue Committee operates. He then addresses the role of globalization in fueling instability worldwide. Inadequately regulated privatization has compromised health care, education, and social programs in many countries, whereas an inclusive community would encourage a more equitable distribution of resources.
Essays by Jagdish Bhagwati, Jeremy Waldron, and Wayne Proudfoot expand Rupp's arguments, and in a final chapter Rupp responds to the issues they raise. Essential reading for anyone who hopes to understand the roots of today's geopolitical tensions, Globalization Challenged asks that we shed our complacency, recognize the legitimate role of conviction, and take actions to shape a more just and inclusive society.
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Globalization Challenged - George Rupp
PREFACE
THIS BOOK IS EMBLEMATIC OF MY TRANSITION from a base in university settings to my current location in a humanitarian relief and development organization. When I announced my decision to conclude my time as president of Columbia University, I had no firm idea of what I would do next. In my own thinking and in my public comments, I ruled out only becoming the president of another university.
One clear alternative was to return to full-time teaching and writing. After twenty-five years of very much full-time administrative positions, that prospect certainly had its attractions. In particular, I was eagerly anticipating the opportunity to have my first academic leave in twenty-seven years! It was while I thought about the range of projects on which I would work during a year away that Bob Belknap approached me about offering the Schoff Lectures for 2002, the autumn immediately following the conclusion of my time as president. I happily accepted the invitation but allowed as how I would have more to say if the lectures came after rather than before my leave. Bob generously agreed to my becoming the Schoff Lecturer for 2003.
As it turned out, I never had that leave because instead of returning to full-time teaching and writing I accepted my current responsibilities as president of the International Rescue Committee. In the second and third lectures, I talk a little bit about the work of the IRC. But beyond the presence of the IRC in their content, my new work has shaped the form of the lectures in both their oral and written versions.
These lectures and the resultant book are quite clearly not the result of fresh, library-based research, as the absence of footnotes or other specific documentation indicates. Instead, I draw on several decades of reflection on the nature of commitment in the context of pluralism, with special attention to how convictions inform our practical actions. This set of issues has been central to much of my teaching and writing, and it has also figured prominently in my other activities as an institutional leader and a participant in the broader society.
In my current position at the International Rescue Committee, this connection of thought to action is no doubt more direct than is usual in the context of the university. In this respect, I feel that I have returned to a form of the activism that characterized my engagement in the civil rights movement in the early 1960s and the Vietnam debate in the mid 1960s. In any case, I am finding the work of the IRC both stimulating and satisfying, as I expect is evident in my references to it in the lectures.
How conviction shapes action invites special attention in our increasingly interconnected world and indeed assumes a sense of urgency in the face of terrorist attacks. It is crucial that we in the affluent and highly secularized West appreciate the extent to which the views that we take for granted generate opposition, antagonism, and even hatred in large segments of the world’s population. Only with greater awareness of such starkly different attitudes can we hope to address the deeper threats to the health of our planet of which terrorism is a superficial symptom.
This book is a study of traffic patterns at the busy intersection of conviction, conflict, and community. The traffic moves in all directions, and perhaps its most frequent pattern is that of collision. It is therefore all the more important to examine the prospects for relatively more inclusive communities as we confront fervent and divergent convictions in the context of the processes of globalization.
I am grateful to Bob Belknap and his colleagues for the invitation to deliver the Schoff Lectures, including the flexibility as to timing. I appreciate as well the commitment of Wendy Lochner of Columbia University Press to turn three brief lectures into a book. I also appreciate the careful attention that Michael Haskell has devoted to copyediting and producing this book. Finally, I thank my three faculty colleagues—Jagdish Bhagwati, Wayne Proudfoot, and Jeremy Waldron—for their astute and constructive responses to the lectures. To have the benefit of reactions from broadly engaged intellectuals who approach the issues I raise from a base in economics, philosophy of religion, and law is tremendously helpful. I trust that the concluding chapter makes clear how much I value their help in moving deliberation on the issues forward.
I dedicate this book to my grandchildren: Alex, Leo, Kai-Lin, Erika, and Kai-Shan. The issues addressed in this book will continue to challenge their generation. May they be better able to rise to the challenge than we or their parents have so far succeeded in doing!
PART I
CONVICTION, CONFLICT, COMMUNITY
1
CONVICTION IN AN AGE OF GLOBALIZATION
CONVICTION IN A PLURALISTIC WORLD
Convictions matter. At least our own convictions—the affirmations, commitments, and practices that are central to our personal and social identities—matter to us. Yet because we live in an era of unprecedented global interaction, the convictions of people everywhere also matter to all of us whether we know it or not.
We all read about—and probably know personally—people who are passionately convinced that their convictions are absolutely right and all others are unquestionably wrong. We also have friends, neighbors, and colleagues who decline to debate such convictions and call for a stance of tolerance toward them all. But in an age of globalization, neither of these positions is viable—even if both may have been serviceable in more provincial times.
The standoff between these two positions is illustrated in our everyday experience and etched into our awareness through the media. We see fervent convictions in the headlines. The perpetrators of the horrific tragedy of September 11, 2001, are an extreme example, even among extremists. But there is an ample supply of others: for instances across a range of traditions, think of recent conflicts in Ireland, Chechnya, and Sri Lanka. Over against this awful carnage, we cannot but sympathize with the call of Western secular liberalism: religious and other ideological views should be tolerated but must remain private convictions that do not shape public outcomes.
To be blunt, in this secular liberal view religion and its ideological equivalents must be kept in the closet. Individuals may decide to participate in communities based on authorities that are not generally accessible. But such individuals should not expect their private preferences to determine public policies.
This secular liberal view has been the predominant one in U.S. history. Fervent conviction has typically found expression privately or in small supportive communities. More public testimony and larger-scale evangelism have at times been prominent in our history, in particular in awakenings or revivals like those of the middle of the eighteenth century. In our own time, Protestants, Catholics, and Jews united in pressing for the civil rights of African Americans and in advocating disengagement from Vietnam. More recently, Evangelical Christians have become a core constituency of Republican electoral strategy and have thereby gained substantial leverage for advancing their positions on such issues as abortion and public expression of religious beliefs. Yet even with this growth in influence of the so-called Christian Right, the more characteristic American pattern has been one of reticence in imposing particular views on the broader public.
The words of William Butler Yeats in The Second Coming
resonate through the intervening decades and are hauntingly apt for our own troubled time:
The best lack all conviction, while the worst
Are full of passionate intensity.
For Yeats as for us, conviction
is a telling word. Its Latin stem means to overcome, to conquer, to be victorious. Conviction
is the state of being persuaded, convinced, convicted in the sense of having any doubts rebutted. Yet conviction
also refers to the act of finding someone guilty of an offense, convicted of a crime. So the word connotes confidence, certainty, corroboration of views that opponents dispute. But the word is deployed to identify perpetrators of what is taken to be evil as often as it is used to designate advocates of worthy causes.
At a time when terrorism has become so salient a threat, it is hard to argue against any attempt to keep passionate conviction under whatever control is available. Yet attractive as the plea for tolerance may be, it cannot appeal only to virtues of openness to all views and acceptance of multiple perspectives. Instead, any viable response to our current challenges must also be prepared to acknowledge, engage, and appraise the core values that animate and motivate all parties to the controversies.
This requirement is admittedly asymmetrical. It accepts the fact that more than one perspective may be worthy of attention, which means it rejects any claim to exclusive truth without further debate that allows appeal to generally accessible authorities. At the same time, this approach recognizes the extent to which personal convictions not only express private preferences but also legitimately influence public policies.
To return to Yeats’s poetic formulation, neither a lack of all conviction nor an overflow of passionate intensity is adequate. Passionate intensity alone does not settle the matter—if only because there are multiple candidates who can base their claim on this consideration. And the lack of all conviction is not only unfair as a characterization of secular liberal pleas for tolerance but also in any case incapable of holding its own against passionate intensities.
THE NEED FOR COMPARATIVE APPRAISAL
The imperative that results from this standoff calls for a more robust public appraisal of views that we in the West have relegated to the status of private preferences for too long. We all know that personal convictions have social ramifications. We can no longer afford the luxury of pretending this is not the case, even if the alternative is less comfortable than an ethos that simply tolerates any and all positions.
In an age of globalization, this need for more robust public appraisal is all the more acute. Appeals to allegedly absolute authorities somehow are less dispositive or immediately compelling in the face of competing claims that seem similarly grounded. The invocation of inerrant texts loses some of its punch when the Bible of the Fundamentalist Christian confronts the Qur’an of the Wahhabi Muslim or the Pali Canon of the Theravada Buddhist. The retreat to inaccessible private experience—you just have to know Jesus
—is less overwhelming as a strategy when it encounters the very similar maneuvers of other pietistic and mystical traditions.
The context of globalization presses us toward a comparative perspective that entails public attention to what otherwise might remain private. This comparative perspective is almost unavoidably critical—and at its best is also self-critical. As we become aware of comparability among ostensibly quite disparate communities, we also cannot help noticing the enormous variety within nominally unified traditions. This variety is evident historically: even the most stable traditions change over time.